The Sun.
London, England, 1829-04-09 00:00:00

RIMARLI.

It is expected that Neal will this day make his
appearance at his benefit, which takes place at three
o'clock, at the Tennis Court, Windmill-street, Hay-
market, where no doubt all the lovers of sport will
be anxious to sympathise with a brave, though un-
fortunate man, who in a moment of overweening
confidence suffered himself to be persuaded to an
injudicions match against one of the most accom-
plished prize-fighters of the day, and upon terms
which common prudence ought to have instantly re-
jected. We hope he may be well enough to bear
the removal in his present state, but fear that his
condition, on account of the severe punishment ha
received, may not permit any such hazardous experi-
ment. It is confidently asserted that he is again to
be matched with Sam without any limitation as to
weight. We can easily conceive that a man ac-
customed to a long series of success cannot well
brook such a disappointment, and sincerely trust
that the effects of his reducing himself on the late oc-
casion may not prove a permanent injury to his con-
stitution. His resent disaster is deeply deplored by
his numerous friends, all of whom were so confident at
success that, we understand, ow the evening of the
fight, he was backed in London at the enormous
odds of three and four to one. We cannot close
this account without paying a just tribute to the
great skill and extraordinary pugilistic accomplish-
ments displayed by Sam in this (to him) most
glorious battle. He is an excellent hitter, an ex-
ceeding good judge of distances and generalship,
cool, collected, brave, and elegant as a tighter; and
if he does not wantonly trifle with his constitution,
but suffers his bodily powers to attain their full per-
fection, he will, no doubt, at no very distant period,
reach the top of the tree, and be a match to any
hero of the fist. He should be particularly cautious
not to sacrifice his energies to the attractive dissipa-
tions of a life in London; and as he has never been
beaten yet, not prematurely to overmatch himself, a
rock on which many a good man has split before.
A second fight was to take place in the same ring
at Ludlow, between Stockman and some West-
country pugilist ; but being anxious to return im-
mediately after the decision of Sam and Neal's battle
with all expedition to London, we could not stay a
moment,but hastened away straight from the ground,
without returning even to the town of Ludlow. But
having given already a very voluminous and detailed
account of that battle, we must defer our further ob-
servations to a future occasion.

At the Assizes, at Bury St. Edmunds, or,
Tuesday, Thomas CnuttcnvAitn was charged with felo-
niously killing ELIZABETH Squirtase, This case, from
the mysterious circumstances under which the death of
the unfortunate woman occurred, and the fact of a knife
being discovered buried in her side after death; of which the
surgeons bad no suspicion, and of which she herself appeir-
ed to be ignorant while alive, excited general and deep
interest, and caused the Court to be extremely crowded.
The prisoner was a middle-aged man, rather tall, with
fresh complexion, but exceedingly hard-favoured counte-
nance. His look was, cold and sinister—such as is sup-
posed to indicate an absence of the kindlier inst'fics of our
nature. The Grand Jury having thrown out the bid fur
murder, the prisoner was arraigned only for tlie-Jnan-
slaughter, both on the indictnwnt and the Carenor'e
quisition. After an unusual ',lengthened trial, lie wge
found Not Cuilty.
•

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~i

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.

It will be seen by our Parliamentary report, that
the great measure for Catholic relief passed through
another stage last night. The Bill has been consi•
dered in committee, its clauses have been discussed
at length, and, after various amendments had been
proposed and rejected; it was reported to the House,
and is to be read a third time cn Friday. It ma)
be woth observing that poor Lord Eldon seems
completely silenced : first of all, his lorg-promised
proof of his various assertions and insinuations
against the great measure was postponed, from the
preliminary discussions on petitions to the second
reading of the Bill : then the Noble Lord found out
that it would be better to defer his proof till the,

committee. When the Bill is in committee, a most
convenient flying brigade of gout comes to rein-
force him, and he is induced to postpone the
proof until the third reading. We suspect we
shall never have it at all. We should not be
surprised if he were to be a close prisoner w ith
a fit of the gout, no longer " flying" when
the third reading comes on. The fact
he feels himself overmatched. The Lord Chan-
cellor and Lord Plunkett are too much for hint,
and he quails before them. The old lawyer
might be an object of compassion, if we did not
know the paltry underhand expedients he has had,
and still has,recourse to, in order to foil this great and
beneficent measure. The ex-Chancellor's gout, and
his consequent inability to perform his mighty me-
naces, reminds us of a clever bidet quoted in the
Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz respecting a gallant
leader in the war of the Fronde,—the- Duke de
Bouillon,—who, it seem; was always unfortunately
checked when about to execute his great intentions,
by au unlucky fit of the gout.
" Le Brave Monsieur de Bouillon
" Est fort travaine de Is goutte :
Le Brave Monsieur de Bouillon
" II tst vaillant comme un Lion :
" Mais s'il faut rornpre one bataillon,
Ou inettre un armee en deroute,
" Le Brave Monsieur de Bouillon
" Est fort travaiile de Li goutte, " Times.
We observe by an advertisement, which it is dis-
graceful in any public journal to admit, that it is still
attempted to get up a riot on pretence of the Bill
now in progress through Parliament. The front cif
Apsley House is the place chosen for assembling, on
account of there being plenty of stones there at
present to commit mischief; and we observe the
name of a clergyman of some denomination or other,
—the Reverend Henry Isaacson,—as well as that of
Halcomb, in the advtrtisernent. We recollect a
rase in France about six years ago, in which a doc-
tor was convicted of two atrocious murders. The
crimes were perpetrated by a subtle poison, of which
no one at that time knew but the doctor himself;
and yet was it attested by the evidence of the pro-
fessors under whom he had studied, that he was
much behind all his fellow-students in honourable
medical skill and science. So may it appear, if
pains are not taken to prevent such an issue, that
this parson and lawyer, though utterly unable to
distinguish themselves in their respective professions,
may yet be great adepts in the mystery of mob-
roistng and riot-making: though even here they
are but copyists (they are not the first who dis-
covered the poison)—they are taking the very
steps which were taken by Lord George Gor-
don in 1780, who at that day assembled hi;
followers on pretence of accompanying their peti-
tion. We trust, however, that Messrs. Halcomb and
Isaacson will meet with a more active Government
than that which it fell to the lot of Lord George
Gordon to insult with his mob. The Duke of Wel-

lington is a very different person from Alderman
Kennet, Lord Mayor of London in 1780, who told
the Privy Council, when asked by them why he did
not arrest the progress of the mob in the city, that
" he was seized with an unaccountable fit of teme-
rity." We take it for granted, however, it will not
be necessary, in consequence of what may occur, to
institute any thing like- a Government prosecution,
the celebrity of which is doubtless all that the
parties want. " The holy and miraculous" tread-
mill, as the French once called the guillotine, will
do the work. The parish beadles clear the streets
of the city when any obstruction happens, and it is
totally incredible that a loose rabble of vagabonds
should be suffered to block up the road from Hyde-
park-corner to Windsor, on account of an address
which they pretend that they have induced others
(more respectable, though hot wiser than themselves)
to present.—lbid.

We have given elsewhere an account of the cere•
mony of presenting. Mr. Peel with the freedom o
the city, and of the dinner which followed that ce.
remony. All the proceedings must have been gra,
tifying both to those who bestowed and to him who
received the honour. It is honourable to the city
of London to be foremost. in setting an example to
the nation of that liberality of thinking which should
be the great characteristic of a state of freedom : it
is honourable to Mr. Peel to prize the reward con-
ferred by the disinterested votes of his fellow-citizens
beyond all the acclamations of party, and even the
gratifications of private friendship. Mr. Peel gave
an useful hint, at the conclusion of his speech, which
we have no doubt the city of London will remember
in due season: they will, as the Right Hon. Secre-
tary suggested, show, when the proper occasion
shall arrive, that they are ready to execute that law
whose spirit they have so cordially approved.—
Next to Mr. Peel, the speeches of the Lord Mayor
P.M Sir George Murray attracted and deserved the
attention of the large assembly. The dinner was
attended by all the Ministers who are Members of
the House of Commons ; and we have reason to
believe, that the Duke of Wellington and his col-
league 9, Members of the Upper House, deeply re-
gretted that they were prevented by their duty in
Parliament from witnessing the well-earned triumph
of their friend and fellow-minister.—lbid.
The silk question—and it is a pity that any such
question should now remain—will come before the
House of Commons * this day, on the motion for a
Committee, to be made by Mr. Fyler, of Coventry.
Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald is expected to take the occa-
sion thus afforded, of stating the intentions of his
Majesty's Government with regard to the British
. and foreign silk trade ; and indeed we trust that the
sum-total of these intentions may he comprised in
the phrase of " letting well alone," or, in other
words, that Government will do nothing to embar-
rass the operation of Mr. Huskisson's principle, so
far as than, principle had a tendency favourable to
free trade, but that the King's Ministers uiil en-
deavour strenuously to reinforce the principle where
its beneficial effects has proved feeble, and, by lower-
ing duties and stimulating consumption, increase the
enjoyments of society. It appears, that instead of
30 per cent., which was at first announced by Mr.
Huskisson as an ample protection to the English
manufacturer against the foreigner, the taxes on im-
portation were afterwards regulated in conformity
with a certain schedule introduced by the Mi-
nister, partly on weight, partly on piece, vary-
ing from 30 to 48 per cent., but averaging nearly
40. Now this was in the face of admissions
made by advocates for the protecting duty in 1828,
that the disadvantages affecting the English manu-
facturer, in comparison with the French, were not
more than, at the highest, 24f per cent,; while other
calculators stated them at 20, 15, and latterly 14 per
cent. The excess, therefore, above that duty which
would just suffice to keep out the foreign merchant,is
a direc:. bounty upon the foreign smuggler, and so far
an absolute defeasance of all the protecting power 4,
or rather professions, of the bill. A question of great
metnent then arises,—viz. what amount of duty will
answer the double purpose of excluding at once the
lawful importations of the French manufacturer, and
the unlawful ones of the contraband trader ? In
other words, what is the highest duty that it would
be possible for the State to collect ? " The cost and
risk of smuggling silk goods," according to a well-
informed paper which we publish on this subject,
"are known to be from 25 to 28 per cent.,—viz. 15
• Sinoe this was written, we find that the debate is not
to come on till to.tuorrow.

to IS per cent. for conveyance, and 10 per cent. for I
insurance." It is probable, therefore, that with
adequate encouragement to the seizing officers,
a gross duty to the amount of 28 or 30 per
cent. might be collected ; though why so large
a tax should be imposed we know not, if
the superiority of French over English silks be
not such as to tempt the importation of the former
in the teeth of it. It has been acknowledged,
we find, by those who prepared the schedule
above.mentioned, that the " effect" of the duties
does not correspond with the " intentions" of Par-
liament. Certainly it does not, nor with the pro-
mises and preliminary declarations of Mr. Huskisson
to the consumer, when he stated that 30 per cent.
would be the amount of ere protecting duty. The
tax must obviously be reduced. Manufacturers may
go on fending and proving until doomsday, as to the
degree and manner in which their several interests
are consulted or overlooked, but any and every
scheme which casts aside the consideration of what
will moat contribute to the public interest is grossly
defective, and most ridiculously talked of as belong-
ing to a system of " free" trade. If a reduction of
duties be resolved upon, the first change called for
by the wants both of the manufacturer and the con-
sumer is in the duty on thrown silk. The present
tax is still no less than ss.'per lb., red. -ed succes-
sive•ly in the years 1824 and 1825 fro:a 14s. 71d.
to 7s. 6d., and thence to ss. Now the foreign thrown
silks, being necessary to the English manufacturers
for certain branches of their business, towards
enabling them to maintain a successful competition
with the foreign manufacture, it is reasonable that
they should be permitted to procure that article on
moderate terms. Our readers are aware, that what
are called thrown silks have just advanced a single
stage between the raw material and the manufac-
tured piece. If silk in that state be not accessible
at such a price that the manufacturer can use t, he
suffers in the same way as if the raw material itself
were too dear. The silk of Piedmont is of a supe-
rior quality, and therefore costs a higher price, tied
vet i 3 indispensable to the best class of goods. The
yet i 3 indispensable to the best class of goods. The
Piedmontese Government will not allow the expert
of this article in a raw condition. The English
high duty on this silk, when thrown, keeps it out
of the British market, and leaves it in Italy, or
sends it to Lyons ; thus degrading the quality of
the supply which reaches England by confining it
to the inferior• qualities. Thus English silk manu-
facture becomes less of a delicate and difficult art,
in comparison with the foreigh fancy trade,
which enjoys a monopoly of the most pre-
cious materials, and the standard of our trade is
lowered. It is strongly contended for by competent
judges, that the foreign thrown silk should be duty
free, which, by the exertion it would communicate
to the manufacture generally, would increase the
business of the British throwster, whose prosperity
must always be in proportion to that of the manu-
facture as a whole. Government, however, it is
feared, will not be decided enough to act on broad
princ pies, but will recommend a reduction, instead
of an abolition of the duty. On this point we shall
' merely say, that the lower they establish the point
' of reduction the better, and not merely with re-
spect to thrown, but manufactured silks. The ma-
nufacturers, failing in their clamour fer prohibition,
are now vociferous for a diminution of tax. They
would have made the public their prey—they are
satisfied to feed upon the smuge.;ler. We publish
two papers upon the subject, which we have read
with more than common Interest, and from which
we have drawn the bulk of the preceding observe-
' tions. These statements will ensure the reader's
notice, without further commentary from us.—lbid.

SECOND EDITION.
SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clod

M PE MA. L PARLIAMENI

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat at Five

o'clock.

Mr. DENNIS and others brought up a private Bill.
Mr. C. PALMER arid others brought up another
private Bill.
Colonel ARBUTHNOT and others brought up a pri-
vate Bill. Also the River Tee Bridge Bill.
Sir W. HEATHCOTE and others brought up the
Tunbridge Road Bill, and three other private Bills.
Several Bills went through various stages.
Lord CLAscARTv gave notice that Ile should move
to-morrow for certain papers respecting the impri-
sonment of L. M‘Donnell in Ireland.

Lord HARROWBY objected to the interference
in the progress of the most important measure that
had ever come before the House, If it were neces-
sary that this person's case should come before Par-
liament, it was quite evident that this was the worst
time that could be chosen.
Lord CLANCARTY should not press it, if it
interfered with any thing at present before the

House.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said the Noble
Lord had intimated his intention to him, and he had
said he would give every opportunity to the Noble
Lord to make his motion. The Noble Lord then
stated to him he was quite sure it would not take up
much time. It was his (the Duke of Wellington's)
intention to give what he considered satisfactory
reasons for the refusal of these papers.
Lord CLANCARTY would make the motion
immediately if such grounds existed. He under-
stood there was a certificate of a physician, stating
that this person's life would be in danger if he were
kept longer in prison.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it im-
possible, after what the Noble had said, to hesitate
going into a discussion on this, if it were moved to-
morrow. And the Noble Marquis (Anglesea), now
absent, would probably be inclined to state what he
had to say on the subject. Under these circum-
stances, he (Lord Lansdowne) thought it advisable.
The Duke of RICHMOND most decidedly ob-
jects to the production of these papers.
The Noble Marquis (ANGLESEA) was pre-
vented attending at the House to-day from illness.
He (the Duke) knew nothing of the Noble Mar-
quis's conduct in Ireland, but certainly it was
one of the great prerogatives which he then
enjoyed, as representing the Crown to grant mercy
as he pleased, without giving his reasons for so doing
to any body.
Lord CLANCARTY considered that he ought
to make the motion now, and have it disposed of.
The Duke of RICHMOND complained of this
He thought it unjust to the Noble Marquis, who was
absent. If the Noble Lord made his motion now,
he (the Duke) should move that it stand over till
Monday, on the ground
,of fair play.
Lord FARNHAM considered it perfectly in the
power of the Noble Earl who spoke last to give
what notice, or make what motion he pleased, at any
time he thought proper.
- - - -

- -
Lord GODERICH considered it would be better
to defer it until Monday.
Lord CLANCARTY had been informed that he
should be breaki.tg in on the proceedings of the
House by moving this motion to-morrow. It was
only on the ground of economising their Lordships'
time that he proposed making it now. If the
Noble Marquis were ill, he was the last person in
the world who would not show every possible cour-
tesy. The Noble Lord then gave notice that he
should make the motion on Monday next.
Lord FALMOUTH observed' that the name of a
Noble Earl (Eldon) had been put upon the list to
day for the purpose of presenting a petition from
Liverpool. We had received a note from that Noble
and Learned Lord, to say that he should not be here
in time to present it ; but begged, through the
medium of him (Lord F.) to ask permission of the
House to presejit it to-morrow. Observing at the same
time, that he should occupy but a few minutes of

their Lordshive time.—(Hear, from the Duke of
Wellington.)
The Duke of RICHMOND presented a peti-
tion from a borough in Westmorland, against further

concession.
Lord GODERICH had a petition to present
from the same place (Liverpool) that his Noble and
Learned Friend had given notice that he should pre-
sent to-day. That Noble Lord having been prevent-
ed from presenting his petition to-day, he thought
he should act with more fairness to him if he
were to abstain presenting the counter-petition from
the same place. But lest it should delay the House
going immediately to the discussion of the third
reading of the Relief Bill, he should retain this pe-
tition in his hands until the Noble and Learned Lord
was in the House.
Lord LIMERICK presented petitions from the
Catholics of Carlow and other places in Ireland,
praying for the removal of Catholic disabilities.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a pe-
tition from Bridport, praying their Lordships to
carry through the Bill for the removal of Catholic
disabilities.
Lord MANSFIELD presented two petitions
against the Catholics.
Lord WINCHILSEA presented petitions from
Protestant Dissenters of different parts, praying
their Lordships not to grant further concession.
One of the petions presented was, from a Mr.
Stockdale, praying that officers might be appointed
to present petitions from some informality, it was
withdrawn.
The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a pe-
tition from the colleges of Ossory and Dublin against
certain clauses in the Relief Bill.
Lord KING presented a petition against the Dis-
franchising Bill.
The Duke of SUSSEX presented a petition
from the Rev. George Armstrong, Cross John,
County Down, in favour of the passing of the pro-
posed measure for the relief of the Catholics. The
terms of the petition entirely accorded with the sen-
timents of the Royal Duke, and therefore it bad his
hearty support.
Lord BEXLEY presented a petition from a place
near to Renfrew, Scotland, signed by one
thousand of the most respectable individuals,
against the proposed measure. 'Whatever
might be done with respect to other parts of the
united Empire, the petitioners prayed that their
Lordships would protect Scotland against the
admission of Roman Catholics to legislate upon
motions affecting Scotland, which they contended
would be in direct violation of the Act of Union.
Lord CLIFDEN presented a petition from Wa-
terford against the clauses affecting the monastic in-
stitutions.
Lord TEYNHAM presented two petitions
against the Disfranchising Bill.
Lord KENYON presented four petitions fiom
parishes in Carmarthenshire against further con-
cessions.

(LEFT SITTING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Mr. JOHNSON presented certain Papers from the
Chief Secretary of Ireland, which had been ordered
by the House.
Mr. DANVERS presented, from the East India
House, certain Returns of sales of Raw Sill:, which
had been ordered by the House.