Star.
London, England, 1830-03-11 00:00:00

UWE

•.I~

• anjust persecution of somoindivklitals wheats eansfieig etched their
reluctant sympathy. That frivolo:lZ We eon* nillebtain by our
influence, it was said had .46.--, • though 'eolter:7been peo-
:4,
cured through the more leyittence of 81taht as otalse-
half. The noble lord call *a glidelY ORewe" Frbeg:
which, it appeared, iliticaldnet of 1826, with
which had directed the condo % of.the British government .in
1829 ; and contended that the latter had, unlike that of 31r. Psi. '
ning, betrayed its trust, shrunk from the performance of its ,ms
solemn engagements with an hitherto faithlld ay. (Portugal), 'and'
thereby lost our influetwe with that Palll, and,. thrown them into
the counsels of Spain. If the house or the country were to demand
why all this had been done, or what was the price of that line se
conduct which had tarnished our character, and hazarded the per-
manence of that peace which was so essential for the true interests
of this country, he would answer in one short sentence—which
might he the motto of his majesty's ministers In respect to that ill-
fated country—that the constitution of Portugal might more Are-
tunny be condemned and destroyed. The noble lord concluded his
speech, amid loud cheering, by moving for extracts of the instruc-
tions given to Major-Oen. Sir W. Clinton, in the month of Dee.
1826, relating to the interference of that officer, and the troops under
his command, in preventing disturbances likelf3t:nriLe in Portugal
and protecting the royal family of the house of ; also copies
of instructions to Sir Wm. &Court ; and despatches to and horn Sir
F. lamb; with the instructions sent out from Lord Strangford, and
a copy of the armament entered into between the different branches
of the house of Braganza.

Mr. HERMES, on the motion being put, rose and claimed the
indulgence of the house while he stated a few objections to the mo.
don of his noble Mend, and a few reasons why the house should not
comply with the motion. He would not pretend to determine the
decision of the house, knowing, as he did, that several of his right
hon. friends were ready, and better able than he was to answer the
noble lord ; lie would only enforce some points the noble lord had
slurred over, and explain the incorrect view be had taken of others.
The noble had had already made as serious an attack as he could make
if he had all the papers he moved for, and they corresponded entirely
to the supposed view of their contents. The only object, indeed,
for which the speech of the noble lord was made, was to attack the
administration now in existence, though most of the actions the noble
iced complained of were begun under the administration of which
he was a member, and which must share the blame, if blame were
due to them, with the present administration. He should object
to the production of papers during the progreas of negotiations,
and which might frustrate their object. The noble lord did not
directly assert that the government had advised the giving, and had
supported the constitution, but he said that which implied it.—
(Hear, hear.) He had no documents to establish such an asser-
tion ; but he wished to insinuate a sort of moral connection.
He would first of all refer to the documents of the period aIH
luded to, in order to show that we we were not committed to sup '
that Constitution.i The noble lord had implied this, not as it;
but there were documents to show not only that this government had
no connection with the giving of that Constitution, but also to show
that it was under no obligation to support it. The best stokes*
on this subject was that of the statesman whose address to the bones
on that subject could not be forgotten. The speeches of Mr. Canning
had been collected and edited with no ordinary care, and
might be considered as the correct records of his sentiments.
Nothing could be stronger than Mr. Canning's declaration, in
his speech of December 12th—" It has been surmised (he said) that
this measure, as well as the abdication which it accompanied, tar
the offspring of our advice. No such thing. Great Britain did nit
empit this measure. It is not her duty nor her practice toegillo
saggestiana for the internal regulation of foreign states." Apia,
Mr. Canning stated—" I am neither the champion nor the critic of
the Portuguese constitution." The right honourable gendeman
quoted several other short passages from Mr. Canning', speech
to show that Great Britain had neither influenced the giving of the
constitution to Portugal, nor was bound to support it. He did wit
agree with the noble lord that the lima was yet arrived
aswhets
pap could be laid before the house, though the • t
lord thought the time was arrived when they might be, and Whim he
might obtain the objects he had in view. The noble lord had al.
gued his case on the strength of a number of documents which were
piled on the seat behind him, and from which he made frequent'
quotations. (Hear.) He (Mr. Henries) did not know what ad*
be the degree of authenticity which those documents puma*
but this he would say, that if any one called on him is pg..
duce those documents which might be an answer to them, and which
might prove the noble lord's statements were not authendet
he would reply, that these documents were in a course of
preparation, and that when laid on the able of the hones,
they would prove that the noble lord's arguments were not
quite so well founded, and that the imputations which he threw out
avian the government could not be supported. The noble lord
had alluded often to the question of the propriety of interference.
Now, he would not enter into that question at the present moment:
he would merely beg the house to observe, that when the pa-
pers were laid on the table, they would show that strict atten-
tion had been paid to the principle laid down in the oft-re.
peated declaration of Mr. Canning, that it was not the feeling
of this country to interfere with the external affairs of Portugal
(h car, hear.) It seemed, however, to be the object of the noble
Imd, by this motion, to procure a premature production of a
portion of these papers in order to find a cause of censure on the
conduct of the government. Against this it was the duty of his ma-
jesty's ministers to guard; and, inasmuch as it appeared to him
to be prejudicial to the great interests that were at stake. and
likely to throw an impediment in the way of the successful and
prosperous conclusion of the negociations which might be pond.
mg, he on this, as it had been the practice on all former occa-
sions, felt that the government should not produce a portion of
the documents, nor give the information required until these ne-
gociations were brought to a termination. The noble lord had
accused the government, in no unsparing language, of a base
and unworthy subserviency to the views of other courts on the
continent. To that accusation it was only left to him to give a
positive and peremptory denial. (Hear.) The government had,
throughout the whole course of these transactions with Portugal,
looked solely to the maintenance of the honour and dignity of this
country. The noble lord had himself been very lately a party
to these transactions ; and what, he would uk, did the noble lord
see in the conduct or principles of the government now, which
would justify him in supposing there had been so great a de-
parture from that honourable course of conduct pursued during
the time the noble lord formed a part of the administration ?
He could assure the noble lord that its principles were as pure
and as honourable as at any time they had been during the
knowledge of the noble lord, and that the production of the
papers would prove them to have been so. The noble lord had
blamed the government for not withdrawing the English troops be.
fore the usurpation of Don Miguel. He could assure the noble
lord that it was the intention of the government, in furtherance of
their principle of non-interference, to withdraw the troops before
even the arrival of Don Miguel at Lisbon, and that they were per-
mitted to remain in consequence of an express and earnest appli.
cation that they should do so until Miguel took possession of the
government. The right hon. gentleman concluded by asserting that
the papers connected with the negociations would, when produced,
prove an ample vindication of the conduct of. the government; but
that be was so deeply impressed with the injury to the public ser-
vice which must result from the premature production of a part al
them, that he must give the motion of the Noble Lord a decided
negative.
On the question being put, strangers were ordered to withdraw,
but
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose, and said he could 'not allow
the question to go to a division, without stating his Masons
for supporting the motion of the noble lord, when the speech
from the throne stated, " that the numerous embarrassments
arising from the interruption of our diplomatic relations with
Portugal, increased his majesty's desire to effect the ter-
minauon of the evil ;" and when they were told that the recog-
nition of Don Miguel was not far distant, he thought there was no
time so proper for the production of the papers connected with
the negociations as the present. in order that the house
might be able to judge of the propriety of the course of con-
duct pursued by his majesty's ministers.—(hear, hear, hear.)
If the papers were not to be produced now, he did not know when
they would be. (Hear.) It was now more than two years since
the usurpation took place. It was more than one since a motion of
aright bon. gentleman (Sir J. Mackintosh) obtained a portion of the
papers connected with the negociations which ensued; although it
was now contended that to produce part of the correspondence would
be premature and unjust. (Hear, hear!) Premature information
was given twelve months ago, but further information was withheld
now, because it was not mature enough fot production. This was
the argument of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear.) The right hon.
gentleman. feeling himself unable to answer the noble lord, had
shown a discretion much to be commended by passing over in
Ince all the most important topics of his speech. He agreed with
the right hon. gentleman, however, that the government of this
country did not give the constitution to Portugal ; but, If it did not
give it, the ambassador of this country, Lord Stuart, had concurred
in its propriety, and been instrumental in its transmission from Bra.
ail; and Mr. Canning, when it arrived, declared distinctly in one of
his dispatches to the Portuguese regency, recommending them to
put in operation that constitution—" that any other course than the
adoption of the constitution would be full of danger, not only to
the safety of the crown of Portugal, but the monarchy of Brazil."
(Hear, hear.) Now, he would ask. what better recognition of
the constitution could be required ? What stronger reason esitM
be demanded for its adoption by the people of Portugal ? flat me&
try was the Weaker power, looking to England ibr defence and
assistance ; and although the constitution was mid not to be given
by England, there is no doubt that the people of Portugal ac'
cepted it at the recommendation of Englapdunder the opinion
that England would assist them-to tnuintain t; and 'it wis under
that impression that the Duke de Cadoval was sent to Brazil

to ratan Den Tedsre.-thanks for the boon be had Koehn
the people. (Hear.) Could it be said, after this, that
govemineet were not mantels of the Conedtudon ? If
expected to held any moral influence over ether countries, or se be
'fwd,
by any of the feelings mid principles which she
11,
it could not be contended that the goveenment did net
it s moral influence and sipport to the Constitution thus given to
hrtugaL Those persons who are celled the Mends of that Gvonstips.
who have suffered grievously for their adherence to it, woe
to become parties at any time to a rebellion against the
, .
, • government. They accepted the Consdtudon because it came
~ guaranteed by the credit of England ; and they afterwards'
r,dned
in support of it because they considered themselves to he sup.
porting a legitimate authority, which would receive the aid and
countenance of:tbe English Government. It was crud to think
to what a fate anise unhappy persons had been subjected, and
to feel that their chains and the dungeons to which they had
'been dragged, and the scaffolds on which they had perished, he
their support of the constitution, were the work of the English G0.,1
vonment, and the result of that course sicooduct which had proved 1
it se Inconsistent with itself (hear, hear.) If Mr. Canning had
bet lived, that constitution would have been protected by the
seed faith, and supported by the alliance, of England (boir.)
in the beautiful language of that statesman. It was declared,
that " where the British flag waves, foreign dominion must not
mono" He would have added, that where that flag waves, perfidy
sued disloyalty must not be allowed to prosper. After observing that
the Brithih ambassador should have had power to interfere, through
the means of the British troops for the protection of the constitution.
1 the noble lord proceeded to say, that he knew an application had
been made by a Portuguese of rank to an officer high in command
of the British troops, to know what course would be pursued in the
event of an attempt to remove those who were hostile to the coned-
swim front Lisbon ; and he was told that the British troops had
1 ammands to protect the royal family, and that they must resist such
• attempt with force. (Hear.) This was the consequence of
the instructions sent to the Bridal, troops; and the result was,
, that they did not confine themselves merely to the pr section of the
esysi family, but they supported the power of Don Miguel, until be
lad, by removing the colonels of the regiments, obtained the means
of overthrowing the constitution. The noble lord then referred
to that part of the negotiations which had been published on
Idm Continent, and commented on the singular course which it
I Erwas pursued by the British government in sending
Strangford as a special ambassador to Brasil to procure
Doe Pedro's consent to all the wishes of Miguel, at the very
moment when he was heaping the od insults end indignities
on British subjects and on the Bri governments these pro. '
positions being to place a crown on the bead of Miguel, and to
deliver into his hands, sa a wife, the Princess Maria—the only
who could maintain with him a successful rivalry. The
ge Marquess Barbacena, who appears to have carried on the correspon-
dence on the subject with the Earl of Aberdeen, states one curious
fact as forming a point in these negotiations, which Lord Aberdeen
considered indispensable to the support of the Princess and the es-
tablishment of her right, and that was, that she must make a jour.
ney to Vienna. Whether It was supposed that the Princess would
succeed better in her claim on the throne by going to Vienna,
because Miguel, who had succeeded in his usurpation, had been
them before her, be could not tell; but Lord Aberdeen con.
sidered the journey to be quite indispensable. The question
of an Amnesty for the unhappy persons who had lost their
all in defame of the constitution, and who had been driven into
exile, was, according to this British minister, only important ; but
the journey, to Vienna was quite indispensible to the success of
Maria's claims. If Miguel should be recognised, although he
hoped that time would never come, some amnesty, of a peculiar kind,
guarantied by the power of England, must be exacted from a sera.
reign who, according to the secretary for foreign affairs, is Wu,
cruel, cowardly, and tyrannical. He knew the difficulty of securing
such an amnesty ; but he thought it was not impossible to the power
of England, if it did not yield a subserviency to the views of Por-
tupl or Spain. The conduct of Don Pedro, when required to give
his consent to the marriage of his daughter with Don Miguel, exhi-
bited a magnanimity which demanded admiration. He declared
" that his paternal tenderness would not permit him to give his
daughter to the usurper of his Throne; and he thought the and.
meat would sot fail to be appreciated by the Sovereign of Great
Britain." However it might be appreciated by the Sovereign, it
did not seem to be understood by his Majesty's Minister who had
prepared it -(hear.)—tide was rejoiced that the plan of those Mi.
Mates had failed; he was rejoiced that Doane Maria had not been
sacrificed to their views of settlement; and that she had been saved
from the pollution of a marriage with a relation, the usurper of her
rights.—(hear.)
"Pies victor* Teri tetigit raptiert crape" (hear, hear !)

He rejoiced that Miguel had not another crime to answer for in his
conduct to his niece; (hear.) and if he had not to answer for that
other, it was not to be attributed to any sense of honour, good feel-
ing, or policy, displayed by the members of his majesty's govern-
ment. (Hear.) The noble lord concluded by expressing his deter-
mination to vote for the production of the papers ; and obserial
that he regretted much to be compelled to say that die ptomain
had, in these transactions, displayed a love of arbitrary power, ant
a tendency to despotism, and to compliance with the wishes of
despotic ministers, instead of showing, as they were bound to do,
and as they profaned, a disposition to interfere in the cause of
loyalty, In the cause of freedom, and in the cause of justice.
(Hear, hear, hear.)
Mr. CALCRAFT was not surprised at the natural V-
lion which had been expressed by the noble lord against y
and treachery. But they whose duty it was to mesh bit.
nour and true interests of the country, must not alb, dimenffietti
to be induced to swerve from the direct path of theft duty by ate;
considerations having reference to the personal character of the
Princes with whom they had to treat. Unless this were the case,
the cry would still be, War ! war ! war ! and that without any
adequate reason, without any of the motives of honour or interest
by which, and by which alone, any government ought to be ac-
tuated. As to the question of interference in the affairs of foreign
countries, they who bad heed so long in the world as he had done
knew the evils of such interference, and the manner in which it had
brought us into the condition In which we now were. Whatever per-
sonal indignation, therefore, any hon. member might feel at the foul
conduct of the prtnee in question, that had nothing to do with
political considerations. There was no one thing which Mr.
Canning more distinctly disclaimed than the right of this coun-
try to interfere in the internal affairs of any othet. (Hear, hear.)
He (Mr. Gloat) most completely concurred in the principles
of Mr. Canning on that point. The noble lord wished for
further information oa the subject. That wish bad been re-
plied to by his right honourable friend, who had said that when
the pending negociations were at an end, that information
should be furnished; but that any communication at the present mo-
ment would, probably, interfere with the negoctatlons in progress.
No fact had been stated by the noble lord to 'how that any thing
short of actual hostility on the part of his hisjesty,s government
could have prevented what had taken place in Portugal. Unless the
perfidy of Don Miguel towards Portugal were to be considered a
sufficient cause for a different course, he could not conceive a
'course more specifically pointed out to his Majesty's government
than that which they had adopted. It had been said, that if
Mr. Canning were living, lie would have protected the lives and
property of the unfortunate Portuguese refugees; but unless hli
sentiments had =noisily changed (a laugh), Mr. Canning would
have abstained from the interference recommended by the noble
lord. It had also been said that we ought to behave like good
hours to Portugal. True; but that behaviour consisted in
good offices to a neighbour, and not in interfering in his
matters. His right lion friend had, however, so completely seaward
all the noble lad's arguments, that he felt it to be quite unneassony
to trespame any further on the attention of tbe house.
Lord 111ORPETH was of opinion, that his noble friend had mum
pletely establishedlis case, and a painful case it was. Enough had
ban proved to justify his noble friend in deploring the fallen credit it
this country, and arraigning the conduct pursued by her government.
That government ought not to have permitted the publication of the
correspondence of Lord Bererford, boasting of the friendship of the
party of Don Miguel ; it ought not to have acknowledged the
blockade of Oporto ; it ought not to have allowed the occupation
of Portugal by our arty to appear as the proiimate cause of the
downfall of the Portuguese Constitution. The right honourable
member for Wareham deprecated any interference in domestic
affairs : but how could we interfere more effectually in the do.
mestic affairs of any man than by recommending 'him a wife?
I The right honourabk gentleman also talked of the evils of war.
Thrice he repeated the words brlia, horrida balk! He (Lord
Alorpeth) always rejoiced to heir the invaluable, and he feared
in the present state of the country, the necessary word, peace;
but, as a right hon. gent. had observed hi the discussion on the navy
estimates, the best way to avert war was to shots a readiness for h
if required. In his opinion, however, the polity which our govern..
ment had pursued was most calculated to lead us into Star. The
Continent might be divided into two great parties s—The military
panel of Russia, and the great liberal powers in the west of hu.•
rope. Three years ago the former was disposed to admit the as-
cendancy of -England. It was not so at present. 14 ith marvellous
ingenuity we had contrived to irritate those whom we could not res-
train. As to the liberal powers, a few days *Odd probably *Coed
us further informational that subject. He should cordially vote
for his noble friend's modem

Ott BEREBFOI%D ttsdd dist his noble relation had shown the
eessoopendence to which the noble lota referred to the noble duke at
doithlMl of his Majestrs Ooliniment, who had tit d it a• his
that that correspondence was not calcu to compromise
Majesty's Government. •
Mr: E. DAVENPOit r trusted that, after the drgradation which
the national honour had already undtrgone by the total cheese in
our foreign policy within the last two years, and especially by the
share we had in the establishment of despotism in Poetupi, the
house would express its decided sense against our incurring tht

further disgrace of confirming the week of our own bands by
any further recognition of the usurper's- title. It was near two
years since he (Mr. Davenport) had first endeavoured so excite the
attention of the house to the mischief then brewing in Portugal,
and which had since covered that unhappy country with dens-
lakes and mourning; and he believed there was =rea pe-
riod 10 our history when ouch appeal to the generous feelings of
Englishmen, or to the high spirit of a British House of Commons,
would not have been more effectual. At that time, however, that
which he would call the police of Parliament was in the midst of a
sort of speechless trance, owing, first, to the promise, and then to
the concession, of a finance committee. Afterwards the lease of their
silence was again renewed in favour of the Catholic question, and
then again indefinitely continued for having carried it into execution;
and for these reasons they had not only neglected our internal inter.
rests, but been unmindful of the national honour abroad, and in no
respect more so than in this Portuguese tragedy, concerning which
we had literally no information except those meagre and garbled
papers laid upon the table at the very end of the last Session.—
It was then manifest, to all who did not choose to shut their eyes to
the facts, that a detestable tyranny, bottomed upon treachery and
perjury, was establishing itself under the connivance, if not under
the actual instrumentality, of the British government. Besides the
inauspicious fact of the genius of Metternich getting enshrined in
our Foreign Office, three fees were then known—first, the with-
drawing the British' force, after it had just staid long enough to
enable the usurper to lay his plans, and just at the critical
moment when its longer continuance constituted the only guaran-
tee against the completion of his treasons—secondly the surrender
of the forts on the Tagus, one of which, called the Buzio, is a
rock in the middle of a river, and completely commands the
passage, and might have been held against any force by 50 artillery.
men t they were all surrendered unconditionally into the hands of
the vay individual who had usurped the throne of the lawful sore.
reign, from whom we received them—and, lastly, the correspondence
of a ?ea and privy counsellor of the king with the ministers and
chiefs of the intrusive government. What satisfactory answer had
the government ever given to those charges ? Lord Beresford's
correspondence—though ignored in that house—had been acknow.
ledged by the Duke of Wellington, and put a stop to. But
who had ever seen the Noble Lord's letters ? Instead, moreover,
of being dismissed, he had been promoted to a higher office, in
which, no doubt, his counsels and advice had not been thrown
away ; and it is in such men and Lord Aberdeen that we were some-
times invited to confide. What excuse had they made for with-
drawing the troops at the critical moment when their stay was most
desirable ? The answer of the Secretary of State was that it was
time to withdraw them. Who is the judge of this. The time for
recalling an army is whenever its work is done—why, then, were
they not recalled twelve motths sooner ? for the Spanish invasion
was quelled, and the troops disarmed, above a year before. Did
not Sir F. Lamb take on Linuelf to retain the troops till the peremp-
tory order for their recall ? Why were the forts given up ? Be-
cause, says the secretary of state, we had no right to retain them.
Why, then, did we ever accept the deposit ? Suppose the right
honourable pm to leave his purse or his pocket-book in charge with
any friend, and that friend were to give it up to some enthuse of
the right honourable gentleman, upon the plea that he had no right
to retain it, would he not justly charge such a person with breach
of trust? After such indications a man must be sanguine indeed
who could entertain much hopes of the conduct the government
were likely to pursue ; and accordingly lord Aberdeen had justified
all the anticipations he (Mr. D.) had formed of him. All his
acts had been in conflinnity, and by his paper blockades, and his
gratuitous recognition of the title of Regent, he had done all in
his power to favour the cause of tyranny. That celebrated ncgo.
tiator, who, at Chatillon, could not prevail upon himself to pro.
nounee the very name of the French Emperor with atom he was sc.
Melly negotiating, and with whom it was an object to conciliate,
went out of his way to recognise a usurper with whom he had ac.
totally broken off all connection on account of his wagon. And what
was the pitiful apology of the two right hon. gentlemen for this
wretched course of policy ? The fear of war ! With whom ? With
the magnanimous mouse in all her panoply. But even had this
been the alternative, which lie denied, he would ask the military
members of the government, and who knew the country, whether
either of them would have hesitated to march from one end of the
country to the other, at the head of the two brigades of English
troops then at Lisbon ? But it neither was, is, or ever was, the
question in this ease. The only thing at first required (and this
be would beg to impress on those who measure all national
honour by a scale of pounds, shillings, and pence,) was to re-
tain our troops till the emperor of Brazil's pleasure should be
known,—a term of three months, and at an outlay of a very
few thousand pounds ; and all that was since wanted was a
bens fide interference on the cause of freedom to as great an extent
as we had hitherto interfered against her. He called on the
house of conunons to bear in mind its ancient character as the
shield and advocate of foreign liberty, and to attend more than it
bad of late done to the national honour, compromised, as it had
lately been, by our foreign policy. He desired gentlemen to bear in
mind that the same men were now in office who had connived at or
approved the Austrian seizure of Naples, and the French invasion
of Spin. The Secretary of State lad justified the former outrage,
on the ground that a nation was justified in suppressing a contiguous
nuimace. He viewed the free institutions of Italy as a sort of steam-
engine ee gas-work, which its virtuous neighbour was justified in
stimunig, lest the pestilential effluvia should infect its pure at-
But if this crest-fallen nation had no feeling or strength
te justify foreign sympathies, he trusted the ministers would them.
ashes want the courage to affix on their own names, and on that
of diiir country, the indelible stigma of any further recognition of
the tyrant. (Hear, hear.)
• Sir F. BURDETT, after complimenting the noble lord (Pel-
agian) upon the eloquent and argumentative marner in which he
hri introduced this motion to the house, proceeded to say that he
Mt that this was a subject in which the character of this country
was at stake, and for that reason he wished, as an Englishman
deeply concerned for the national honour of his country, to declare
his opinions upon the question. The national character of this
country, he knew from experience, was at present at a very low
estimate amongst the people on the continent of Europe, and that
was entirely attributable to the foreign policy which had been lat.
terly pursued by our government. The motion of the noble lord,
if acceded to, was calculated in scene degree to raise our charac-
ter amongst foreign nations, and to prove in the face of I. urope
that the House of Commons at last was nut indifferent to the na-
tional honour. All the most important portions of the documents
bearing upon this question were still withheld by government, and
it was absolutely necessary that documents called for by the noble
lord should be laid before the house before it could possibly pro-
nounce its opinionas to the transactions to which those documents
had reference. It was absolutely niceesary, he would repeat, that all
those papers should be laid before the house. The right honourable
gentleman, who had attempted to answer the able speech of the
noble lord, had offered a most flimsy pretence for refusing to
' give those documents and the information which the noble lord
required. The right honourable gentleman said that that would be
Merfaing with pending negotiations. Why, a mere reference to the
dates of thaw papers would show that there was not one of them,
or at must, not above one of them, the production of which could
posedbly interfere with any pending negotiations.—(hear, hear.)—
Is the result of that negotiation, the character of this country was
lowly involved it was plain im Ministers were not very chary
OS le the maintenance of that character ; indeed, it was impossible
Re amide in them in that respect, after what had already occurred,
ad miss' such circumignoces he conceived that that House
inlet span the reduction of every species of intomm.
Son wed •to the meaner in which those negotiations
balky ii dimpegbeil IttugiEdurowpebeto tambe c
thhaeractai esme sticor
berty sad cherish the feelings of patriotism
and love of restrain the strong—to assist the week
.—to resist the enemodunents of de:modem—and to afford a refuge
to the destitute and oppressed. But the present character of her
system of foreign policy was quite the reverie. (hear.) He did
not know but the time would soon come when many persons would
speak of that calumniated personage, Don Miguel. He was far
from knowing how long it might be before such language might be
used in reference to Don Miguel by his best friend, Lord Aberdeen
—(a laugh, and ales of " hear, heir,") who had so lately andio.
justly depicted him to the people of Europe, as " cruel." " base,'
" cowardly," " false," and f' treacherous." lie (nir F. Butdett)
did not know how long that Noble Lord would continue to say that
Don Miguel deserves! the application of such terms, and he was
net sure but slut person might well say
ram si ego dignus hie contumelli
" Sum msxume, at to indiguus qui flume tamers "—((.'peers.)
He was of opinion that the whole of these transactions should be fully
detailed to the house and the country. Don Miguel was first con-
firmed by England in the possession of power in Portugal ; and
then, when there, he acted a part so different from that which we
had sanctioned, and to which he had bound himself, when here, to
perform, and for the performance of which this country was in some
measure a guarantee, that his conduct was a disgrace and insult to
the crown of this country. lie Don
was convinced that but
for the death of Mr. Canning Don Miguel would never have played
such a part (hear.) He would have known if Mr. Canning were
living that he could not enact such a part with impunity, and he
,'pull not have bad the countenance or supposed understanding of
the English tiovernnient to support him in his doings in Portugal.
To what extent or amount that countenance went, and how far it
nes maintained by the correspondence of Lord Beresford, it was not
•' posh le iEo my, unless the house had the whole of the documents be-
fore It Ifs ddferent line of policy, if the policy of Mr. Llinninithad
hien pUtsued in reference to PortugaLit would have prevented all those
difficulties in which we now found ourselves placed. He should seaZ
Itoththoas to the propriety of whet had been done at Vienneseoeshousu
be say whether it devolved upon an English anthessaine to return
frau Brazil with a conuitution in his pocket for Portugal ; but lie
was sure that Mr. C.uming, seeing the necessity of some inter.

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