The Sun.
London, England, 1827-05-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THZ tittttc JOURNALS.

There were two subjects under discussion in
the House of Commons on Monday last, which
at a less critical moment than this, we should
bay pressed hard for more serious considera-
tion than has ever yet been bestowed upon them,
at least within the walls of Parliament. The
first of these was the relation in which we stand
to our North American dominions. It is noto-
rious, and indeed was but recently proclaimed to
the world, by the governor of one of our most
important possessions in that quarter, that a spi-
rit of ill-will and insubordination prevailed so
extensively among the higher classes of the colo-
nists, constituting the legislative assembly of the
province, as to render him altogether hopeless of
persuading them to an adoption of the measures
which he was instructed by his Majesty to re-
commend. We are aware, from other sources,
how large an intermixture of citizens of the
United Stsktes is to be found among the inhabit-
ants of the upper province especially, and by
what surly and refractoiy dispositions towards
Greet Britain they are at all times animated. A
test of their character as British subjects has
been lately applied to these emigrants from the
neighbouring republic, by making it imperative
on, those who hold lands within the territory
of the King of Great Britain, to take an oath
of allegiance to his Majesty (such, at least, is
the understanding of the measure as conveyed to
us). This rule is absolutely according to the na-
ture and principles of the law of England, which
prohibit any but British subjects to be proprietors
of British soil. Much ill blood, however, has
resulted from the application of the above maxim
of English law to the colonies, where, neverthe-
less, it is, all things considered, even more es-
sential as a political security, than in the parent
kingdom. But, regarded as a stimulus to colo-
nial discontent, the demand of this new test of
fidelity, must be held as part of that great body
of circumstances which go to deepen the for-
midable aspect of the question—" How far is it
prudent to invest the political and financial re-
sources of Great Britain in speculative under-
takings, which nave either the defence or im-
provement of the Canadas for their final object ?"
If we can render Canada an impregnable position
against foreign war and internal treason, and if,
when secured, the cost be not beyond the value
of the article protected, common sense will say,
execute your works of defence. But if, after
all that can be accomplished, the security sought
be still a problem in the minds of the most com-
petent judges, why, then we may be permitted to
remark, that every shilling devoted to so doubt-
ful a purpose is no better than gambled away. It
is not our inclination to run riot in the abuse or
contempt of distant colonies ; they may contri-
bute something to the national commerce,—
something, though less than has often been as-
sumed, to the maintainance of a military ma-
rine,—something to substantial power, and
more to the appearance of it ; but it is not un-
reasonable to acknowledge that they may he too
dearly purchased. We pay a million sterling
per annum to the shipping interest in the shape of
a bounty on Canadian timber, as compared with the
far more valuable growth of Norway; and we are
forced to pay, bestdea, the military establishment of
the country, which yields that inferior and much
encouraged article, There are many intelligent per-
sona who esndemn both payments as unwise. How-
ever--s-not to follow up this question of the Canadas
'coo curiously,—let us ask, with respect to the
second subject of Monday night's discussion, what
benefit has England ever yet extracted from the pes-
tilential posts which she occupies on the western
coast of Africa ? and what real advantage has she
yet conferred through them upon the Negro people
The annual expense of these garrisons and holdings
is enormous—the loss of British life is altogether
frightful—and the havoc inflicted by the execrable
slave trade on the people of Africa, as that trade is
carried on by nations over vrtigh England has no
political or lawful controul, has become more exten-

sive, more cruel and irremediable than ever. Bene-
ficence exercised towards suffering humanity is, of
course, beyond all price, and almost forbids the cal-
culation of cost or obstruction ; but here is obstruc-
tion which cannot in its nature be overcome—cost
which can never be compensated—and, we must
add, the extremity of mortal suffering, not removed
from the Negro, nor merely transferred to the
white, but extended and generalized over both .di-
visions of the great human family. We trust Mi-
nisters will have boldness and wisdom to look this
matter steadily in the face.—Times.
It is a matter of some satisfaction, that Lord
Redesdale and his resolutions-26 mortal reso-
lusions I—on the Corn Laws, which the Learned
Lord dragged forward last night in the Upper
House, were got rid of without a division. In-
deed, had his Lordship but insisted on dividing,
we can hardly say what might have been the re-
sult ; we fear he might have carried his resolu-
tions (and, Lord have mercy on us, what a
weight would he then - have carried !); for, some-
how or other, during his speech, all who might have
opposed his Lordship, fled before him, resigning to
the Noble Lord the empty benches for an audience,
and insuring him a majority of one, had he called on
Lord Lyndhurst to put the question. The fact is,
that in the " march of intellect," like other rapid
marches, it is customary to leave the heavy baggage
behind: a certain class, therefore, of our ancient
sages are sure to be found in the rear of the legisla-
tive army.—lbid.
Lord Redesdale belaboured himself and the
House to some purpose last night. Of all the
jumbles of false and true, true facts and false in-
ferences from them, misapprehensions, contra-
diction of what existed only in the speaker's brain,
&c. &c. we never heard any thing to equal this
effort of his Lordship. That one head should
have carried such an incongruous mass of mate-
rials, is to us a sort of miracle. His Lordship
does not know when he differs and when he
agrees with the Political Economists of the New
School ; and he does not know wherein the lat-
ter differs from their predecessors.—Morning
Chronicle.

A subject of the utmost importance, whether
viewed with reference to the people of these
Islands, or to the population of our extensive
possessions in Asia, was brought last night be-
fore the House of Commons, by Mr. W. Whit-
more. India, and the Islands in the Indian
Seas, have hitherto been locked up by monopoly
from British enterprise. The partial opening of
trade, which has taken place since 1814, has led
to an extension of trade, which was not contem-
plated, even by the most sanguine, in the dis-
cussions on the last renewal of the Charter.

The average yearly value of woollen goo4S-I;ei
risen in a few years five-fold. Cotton was still
more wonderful. Though the cotton manufac-
ture had its origin in India, and even the term
calico be derived from the capital of an Indian
empire, though labour was even seven times
cheaper than in England, though we draw from
that part of the world a part of the raw material,
yet such was the effect of our skill and machi-
nery, that since the opening of the trade, a large
and increasing exportation of wrought cottons
actually took place from this country to Hindos-
tan. But though Hindostan is not, as for-

merly, closed to English enterprise, still a private
trader is in most parts of Hindostan exceed-
ingly hampered by the East India Com-
pany. A duty too on sugar, exposes that com-
modity to an unequal competition in the market.
Mr. Huskisson, in an interesting speech, expressed
his concurrence with much of what fell from Mr.
Whitmore, and particularly as to what he had said
respecting free ports. " The effects of the system
which had been introduced (he said), as far as it
could at present be judged of, was most satisfactory;
and what might be its ultimate results on the trade
with China and with the immense population in
other parts of the Indian Seas, no one could antici-
pate. For his own part he confessed, that he was
exceedingly sanguine on the subject; and that he
looked forward to the most extensive commercial in-
tercourse under the British flag between the Wes-
tern parts of America and the Eastern parts of
Asia." Mr. Huskisson observed, that inquiry could
he conducted to more advantage when the results
of the experiments now making could be known.
At present the appointment of a Committee might
create alarm and excite exasperation; and therefore,
however reluctantly, he felt himself obliged to op-
pose the motion. The motion has served to put
the public in possession of the views entertained by
Government respecting the trade with the East;
and therefore it may be said to have been success-
ful.—lbid.

It is supposed among the City politicians, in
consequence of Lord Dudley and Ward's reply
to a question asked him as Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, that our troops will, in a short time, be
withdrawn from Portugal. It is generally un-
derstood, that there is some sort .of treaty pen-
ding between this country and France on this
subject, stipulating that we shall withdraw our
troops from Portugal, and that the French army,
at the same time, shall evacuate Spain. Our
belief is, that we shall withdraw our troops from
Portugal, but we cannot bring ourselves to be-
lieve that the French will withdraw their's from
Spain. It is not likely that the French, after
having got possession of so large and conve-
.niently situated a territory as Spain, and such
fortresses as Cadiz, Barcelona, St. Sebastian,
especially whilst we retain possession of Gibral-
tar, should withdraw their troops. We think
there will be a treaty something like this between
the two countries--that both Governments shall
withdraw certain portions of troops at stated
times. We, for instance, have about 5,000
men in Portugal, whilst the French forces in
Spain probably amount to 50,000 men. We
think the convention will be to this effect—that
we shall undertake, for five years to come, to
withdraw every year 1,000 men, and the French
will undertake to withdraw 10,000 men annually.
But our firm belief is, supposing such a treaty to
be entered into, that we shall fulfil our part of
the treaty, whilst the French will not perform
their part of the treaty. It is very likely that, as
has been done in the case of Austria, France
would withdraw certain portions of her troops
annually, for perhaps, three or four years, but
not to the extent stipulated for, though we be-
lieve that the French newspapers would mention
that the contract bad been faithfully fulfilled to
the utmost extent. The last year or two would
be the trying time, but when that arrived, the French
would play the very same game over again, which
Austria has been playing at Naples—namely, by
making use of one pretence or another, keep a suffi-
cient force to insure possession of the country under
almost any circumstances. However, we shall be
glad to hear of our forces leaving Portugal; for to
keep there so small a force as 5,000 men is, in our
opinion, not sufficient to keep military possession,
under revolutionary circumstances, and to send a
force of 10 or 20,000 men, would cost more than
the country would be worth to us, even as a pro-
vince of England. Mr. Canning led us into this
mess for the sake of giving Portugal a Constitution,
which, it is clear, that the people of Portugal care
sot one farthing for, and, in fact, about which, in
general, they know nothing. The same person
being now Prime Minister, has an opportunity of
getting us out of this mess, and the sooner perhaps
the better, for our present revenue will not bear so
enormous an extra charge.—Morning Herald.