The Sun.
London, England, 1829-10-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUIILIC JOURNALS.

The object of our Irish correspondent is to
explain what, if not quite inexplicable, has sel-
dom, if ever, been fully accounted for, at least
to au English understanding,—we mean the state
of perennial war which seems to prevail throughout
many of the rural districts of Ireland, and in
which the upper and lower classes of Irishmen
appear to be the parties belligerent. There is
one thing especially satisfactory and comfortable
in the present condition of that strange country,
viz. that beyond all question there is no longer a
religious bone of discord,—that the Catholics
are no longer badged and regimented as " an
army of the faith" for purposes hostile to any
other religious body ;—that the force, dispersed
by emancipation, has been broken up into di-
versified fragments, already disposed to form
new combinations, and to serve under colours
bearing no analogy or assignable relation to the
old one ;—in short, that the Mufti has as much
to do with the existing disorders as the Priest.
We differ, on some minor points, with our cor-
respondent, who, in his elaborate and able expts-
sition of the causes now operating .to the post-
ponement of a state of peace, has taken a view
more exclusively adverse to those provisions of
the law which tend to restrain the lower orders
than it is probable he could make out by an im-
partial recurrence to facts. But on the outline of.
his theory (and with very few and slight exceptions
on the details of it) there will be no shadow of
question raised by well-informed men,—namely,
that the great mass of mischief now resolves itself
into the relations between landlord and tenant.
Awful as may be the consequences of such a
form of trouble, and grievous indeed they had
been, it is a great blessing that the debateable
field has been so much narrowed by the legisla-
ture, and that the question of rights and reme-
dies need not henceforth involve the excitement
of any passions but those, the power of which
may be pretty surely measured by a reference to
the definite and ordinary interests of mankind.
It would appear that the landlords of the south
of Ireland and the peasants are in each other's
eyes the traditional representatives of the
race which invaded Ireland, and of that
by which the island had been previously
possessed and inhabited. It is moreover cer-
tain, we apprehend, as it is deplorable, that the
laws which have been enacted in Ireland for cen-
turies by the landlords, have smelt of the origi-
nal spirit of alienation, being more like a code
of rules laid down for the security of an insu-
lated garrison against surrounding hordes of
savages, than for the common use and benefit of
subjects of the same realm, and brethren of the
same blood. The difference or rather enmity of
religion, did undoubtedly much aggravate thieu-,
causes of animosity, but it did not produce
them, and their results are visible, independent
of it. Our correspondent admits the wisdom
of the Irish Government in refusing the Insur-
rection Act to the prayers of the Tipperary
landlord. We had originally doubts whether
the magistrates might not have reason en their
side, but experience has proved our error. Some
astonishment has been expressed that Tipperary,
where there are so many of the gentry resident,
should exhibit more of the warfare between
poverty aid property than other counties, where
the resident proprietors are but few. The cir-
cumstance appears to us not difficult to ac-
count for. Where there is hardly one gentleman
in 20 or 30 miles, there are not materials [win
which to form a landlord faction: the few scat-
tered individuals have no support from the fel-
low-feeling of any considerable corps of neigh-
bours: they are the weaker party, and are com-
pelled to adopt the policy characteristic of weak-
ness, by conciliating the people, instead of
making head against them. In Tipperary, the
landlords constitute a formidable body. They
encourage each other in the maintenance—or,
possibly, in the extension—of their claims
against the common enemy : so that here the
elements of war are completed by the existence
of two opposite forces—one strong in the habit
of arbitrary power—the other in vengeance and
despair. We are happy to find that justice is at
length done to the inestimable value of the Tithe
Composition Act, which seems to have spread
almost like lightning over the country, and by ex-
tinguishing the trade and even the name of tithe-
proctor, to have given fair play to emancipation
itself, which, without that act, would have re-
mained a dead letter as to any good effect upon
the peasantry. We allude more particularly to
this act, because it enables us to correct an Im-
portant mistake of our correspondent, who as-
cribes the praise of that wise measure to Lard
Plunkett, and adds that Mr. Goulburn had got
the credit of it. Our correspondent is wrong as
to both these facts—the Bill was Lord Welles-
ley's. Ilis Lordship it was who conceived and
suggested, and pushed it with the Cabinet, and
negociated on it with the Bishops, and would
have made it compulsory on the Clergy. Lord
Plunkett zealously and powerfully assisted the
Lord Lieutenant. As for Mr. Goulburn, his
only reputation is that of having done his best to
spoil the Bill by a large adulteration of his own
peculiar sort of wisdom. Lord Wellesley now
takes no part in politics, but it belongs to history
to restore to every Statesman his own. Our
correspondent blames Sir John Newport's Eject-
ment Bill as one which has worked « more
misery upon the Irish tenantry, and caused
more disturbance than Captain Rock himself."
Thus it is when we only see one side of a ques-
tion. Sir John Newport's Bill was for the pro-
tection of the landlord against the frightful frauds
and spoliations which dishonest tenants inflicted
on him. The complaint was, that landlords
could neither get their rent nor get possession of
their land, without delays and difficulties which
enabled the slippery tenant to leave it Isst worth,
perhaps, a shilling an acre. That law which fa-
cilitates and expedites ejectments may have made
itself felt severely by those who, until that law
passed, had been beyond the reach of all solid
redress to their landlords, is extremely probable ;
otherwise it would have been good for nothing ;
but it is only on insolvent tenants that such -an
action can have any direct operation, and we
know that such tenants in former times had the
owners of the land at their mercy.— Times.
The Quotidienne assures us that Don Miguel
has been acknowledged by his uncle Ferdinand,
as legitimate King of Portugal. The fact might
easily have lseen believed without any strong as-
severation on the subject. It was, indeed, either
a farcical, piece of court hypocrisy, or an tin-
meaning compliance with diplomatic fashion, in
the Spanish Monarch to withdraw his Ambas-
s
d to
xcommunicate the Portuguese
aatsDGltgil deoor
throneer%ol
.:c
Government,
imegeet
uel, in abolishing the constitutional
acknowledgedtenant, to maintain, and in seizing
the legiti-
macy
of his niece's title, had committed acts of
perfidy and usurpation %dish reflected discredit
on those who had become guarantees to his

brother for his conduct, and which, therefore,
they had a right to resent as an insult. In this
predicament were the Courts of Austria, France,
and England. Before the representatives of
these Courts at Vienna, the Portuguese Prince
had repeatedly sworn,in the most solemn manner,
to govern the kingdom of his ancestors accord -
ing to the charter given, and the succession fixed,
by his brother ; and it was only on the interces-
sion of the Allied Sovereigns, who became
as it were sureties for his good behaviour,
that he was escorted to the Tagus by a
British squadron like a sovereign Prince, in-
stead of being transported to Brazil like a
suspected rebel. Even after he reached Lis-
bon he again repeated his oaths before the
diplomatic representation of Europe, as well as
in the presence of the assembled Portuguese les
islature, and thus, in doubling his perjury,
aaggravated the insult. But the Spanish Court
had made no such solemn engagement, nor had
it been invited to come under any public engage-
ments for him. If any secret compact existed
between the parties, it must have been entirely
of another character ; it must have included a
stipulation to violate his oath, and to abolish the
charter as soon as possible. The year before his
arrival the Spanish Government had supported
i Silveira rebels, who had proclaimed him
King, though against the menaces of England,
and at the risk of kindling a war in Europe--
This same Government had protested against
the charter which Don Pedro had given to his
people, and which Don Miguel had pledged his
sacred honour to maintain. In assuming the
title of King, and in abolishing the constitution,
therefiire, this perfidious Prince was only acting
in conformity with the desires of Spain, and the
Spanish Ambassador must have thought him-
self in strange company when he signed time
diplomatic round-robin by which his Royal
Highness was excommunicated for his defe-
rence to Spanish policy. It is true that Fer-
dinand might have thought the precedent of
successful usurpation.dangerous so near home,
as the contagion of faithless ambition might
extend to the members of his own family ; but
it was not more dangerous in the end of 1826
than in the 'beginning of 1828. It is likewise true
that his alarms and efforts at the former period
were directed more against the Portuguese order
of succession ; but in this case, again, he must
have acted inconsistently or hypocritically in lat- I
terly disavowing his nephew, NN hom he formerly
supported. If the rights of Donna Maria had
not been usurped, the Charter must have been •
preserved. The succession of the young Queen
and the new institutions were bound up together.
The brave and loyal men who are now in exile—
whose property has been confiscated, and on
whose head a price is set, for endeavouring un-
successfully to defend the cause cf their sove-
reign and their country—would not have strug-
gled for the rights of an infant female, in oppo-
sition to those of a full-grown Prince, had not
tiifferent systems of government been connected
with their names. eparated from the Charter
the title of die young Queen must have appeared
in their eyes as it does in ours, of no more value
than the seal of a contract or a deed torn from
the parchment. The desires of Ferdinand have
been fulfilled in destroying both, and the wonder
ie., that he should have worn the mask of dis-
pleasure against his nephew so long, rather than
that he shout ave now thrown it away.—lbid.
We are not officially acquainted with French I
affairs to be entitled to pronounce an opinion as
t-0 the charges of corruption brought by some of
our contemporaries against the Parisian Jour-
nalists, it does certainly, we own, sound strange
to our ears, that the writers in papers exclusively
circulated among
.the French—a proud and
ssunctilious nation—should be guided in their
?,,,petcliikltions, not by what they conceive calcu-
fated to i:romote the interests or humour the in-
elinaiions o 4 that nation, but by the instructions
of 2t foreign Minister, to whom their services are
bold. Setting aside the baseness of such prosti-
tution, when we consider the number of literary
men attached to each of the Liberal Journals,
the value of the property at stake, the jealousy
'rivals interested in exposing corruption, and
eiimickness of perception of the cultivated part
el the Feench public, we are unable to reconcile
the ssitsmsissi venality with the possession of even
nt,iderate isortion of judgment. We should
eager be disposed to attribute the conduct of
Dur LZeral contemporaries of Paris to a disposi-
tion but too common with the journalists of all
eonntries, to flatter time passions and prejudices
oft cir ready s. It is certainly Most absurd in
the Parisian Journalists to suppose that the
English Government conspired with the Prince
Polignac to dismiss their Liberal Administration.
It is equally absurd in them to foment a jealousy
against England, from which they can have no-
!bing to apprehend in the' way of aggression.
Eng:'end can only injure France through the in-
strumentjity of Continental Allies ; and it
*less in her, borne down as she is
with debt, to co:.'
would be maw with any state against
France, the existence
z,t which, as a power of
time first order, she 'bas
as so .trong an interest in
upholding. If, indeed, France Should seek to
aggrandize herself at the expense of neighbour-
ing states, England might, iwtivithstanding the
inconvenience, feel herself bound from a regard
to her future safety to exert herself to prevent
such aggrandisement, But why should France
look to any increase of power from schemes
which would involve all Europ4 in war and con-
fusion ? We would fain hope 0,4, though
something like a regret sometimes esciipia pur
neighbours that they no longer have the Blimp ,
for their boundary, there is too much good sense
in the country to allow them to think of in-
creasing their power by means which would
kindle the flames of war from One end
of Europe to the other. But though we
cannot believe in the existence of any serious
design for extending the territory of France, we
are inclined to believe that the French have not
yet forgiven us for the part we acted in thy war,
which ended in giving to trance her ancient
limits. Of this jealousy the Journalists have
sought to avail themselves.
o against the Ultra-
Ministers. A good cause ought not 1:4, be sup-
ported by unjustifiable means ; and as it tan
answer no good purpose to foment a jealousy of
England, we are far from defending the conduct
of the Parisian Journalist'g. We are inclined,
however, to believe, that the eceking to make
an unpopular Ministry more unpopular by attri-
buting to them a connection with England,
which they know to have no existence, is the
extent of their sin. The English and French
have, in reality, the same interests ; and though
we do not see that Russia ought to be an object
of alarm to either of the two countries, yet it
became both to watch over the proceedings in
Turkey, not with a view to oppose themselves
to Russia, which bad an undoubted cause of
war, but in order to show that the Governments
of Europe wish to discountenance all ambitious
projects, and are ever ready' to arbitrate between

belligerents. As much stress hag been laid by
some of our contemporaries on the Treaty in
favour of Russian subjects, we may refer to an
extract from the Scotsman, in which it is shown
that the withdrawing the subjects of nations
trading with Turkey from Turkish tribunals has
always been customary.—Morning Chronicle.

(From the Scotsman.)

The full Treaty between Russia and Turkey, in
all respects, bears out the comments we made on
Wednesday. ludeed, it will be seen from the
articles subjoirnsd, that we pretty correctly antici-
pated the view and language of the metropolitan
prints. One tl,ing, however, in the remarks of the
Courier, Thee; and Globe, excites our surprise.
The 7th Article of the Treaty declares, that " Rus-
sian subjects (in Turkey), shall live under the ex-
clusive jurisdiction and police of the Ministers and
Consuls of Ressia." We are amused to find all
these three well informed Journals exclaiming against
this as a dangerous innovation, which annihilates
the Sultan's authority in his own dominion, when,
in point of fact, it is no innovation at all, but merely
a new sanction given to a practice which is one or two
centuries old. At Constantinople, Smyrna, Sa
lonichi, and, we believe, every considerable town in
Turkey, the rule has long been, that the English
and French subjects residing in the place for trade
have lived tinder the jurisdiction of their respective
Ambassadors or Consuls ; and we have no doubt
that other nations have the same privileges. We
know this is stated by many travellers ; but at pre-
sent we can only lay our hands on the old and accu-
rate Tcurneforte. This writer tells us that the pri-
vilege in question was conceded to the French so
far back as the reign of Henry IV. in 1604. "11
fut arrete," says he, " que les ambassadeurs et les
consuls de mitre nation, rendroient justice aux mar-
chands et negocians sujets de sa Majeste selon leer
loix et coutumes, sans qu'aucuri officier Turc en put
connoitre." (Letter 12, vol. 2d). The practice
arose from the nature of the Turkish Code, which
is so barbarous, that without exemption from its
jurisdiction, no Frank merchant possessing, any ca-
pital would live in the country. The blame im-
puted to Russia on this account is therefore entirely
groundless.

We published, a few days since, a statement
of what we then understood to be the causes of
the unusual excitement—we will not call it dis-
content—which now exists in the Bengal army.
We have since had an opportunity of ascertain-
ing further particulars connected with the alleged
grievance; and we believe we may mention the
following with every reliance on their accuracy.
The officers in India receive the same pay as
officers serving in England. They also receive
sal allowance denominated batta, which is in-
tended to provide for the peculiar personal ex-
peaces attendant on service in a tropical climate.
Boisides, they receive, when rot in the field,
quarters free of expence, or an equivalent house
rent ; and tent allowance for keeping up tents,
and cattle for carrying tents, in case of being
called upon to move suddenly against an enemy.
The principle of the service, ever since the Com-
pany established a regular military force, has, it
appears, with one exception, been to give their
officers a larger allowance when on actual service
in the field than when sitting clown quietly in
cantonments or garrisons. This difference has
been made under the head of batta—full batta
being granted in the field, and half batta with
houses, or house-rent, in garrison. The exception
bass been in the case of a portion of the Bengal
army, who, in consequence of an erroneous mea-
sure adopted many years ago, Were granted the same
allowances when in quarters as when in the field.
The error was this. On making up their ac-
counts of the expense of maintaining quarters
for their officers in garrison, it was found that,
from some mismanagement, the expence had
been greater than was anticipated ; and it even
appeared that if the officers had been granted
field allowances without quarters, instead of gar-
rison allowances with quarters, the Government
would have been gainers. The natural and pro-
per arrangement to have been adopted under
these circumstances would have been to give the
officers house. rent, and to leave them to provide
their own quarters, which they could always do
at less expense than the Government ; but instead
of pursuing this course, the Bengal Government,
acting on their arithmetical comparison, whilst
leaving the officers to provide their own quarters,
gave them field allowances as a compensation.
By this arrangement the Bengal Officers received
the same allowances when cantoned as when en-
gaged in a campaign. In reviewing, some years
afterwards, the military establishments of India,
this discrepancy was observed and ordered to
be corrected. The established principle of
the service has, accordingly, hut after much de-
lay, been applied to the Officers serving at
those stations of the Bengal Army at which
Officers were originally supplied w;th pub-
lic quarters. These stations rvere, we find,
only four in number out of nearly fifty, and the
number of officers affected by it was about 270
out of nearly 2,000. The loss* sustained va-
ried from 200 to 20 rupees per month, accord-
ing to rank ; and was, of course, temporary
only, ceasing when the officers were moved to
other stati:ms in the ordinary arrangements of
relief. This is the measure which has produced
the feeling now existing in the Bengal army, and
which gave rise to the somewhat unmilitary ad-
dress of Colonel Baker, recently published by
one of our contemporaries. It is treated by him
as an infringement of the Table of Pay and Al-
lowances, as fixed in 1796, under which he en-
tered the service; but on referring to this Table,
it is quite apparent that its provisions are main-
tained, and not infringed upon, by the present
arrangement, The table consists of allowances
when in the field, and of allowances when in
garrison ; and these latter allowances (with the
;addition of house-rent) are those of which
Lieutenant-Colonel Baker, and the officers of
his reginient, are now in receipt. The anxiety
of the Court of Direetors to adhere to establish-
ed arrangements appears, we understand, in this,
that although subsequently to the erroneous ad-
missidp of the officers to full batta in canton-
ments, many other stations have been occupied
in the more distant pioyinces, which, properly,
come under the designation of fissed canton-
ments, they only required the return of the Go,
verueeterit, to the old system at those cantonments
in the Lower Prpvinces at which the half-batta
system had actually 1796. Thus the
Bengal army has still great, very greet edvan-
ta,,eee oyer the armies of the other Presidencies,
at which ti)e sowed and wholesome system of in-
creasing allowances t;n3p, of war has been uni-
formly and completely ected npon, from the
earliest timee, We believe there is not the
slightest intention of altering or extending these
arrangements. Of course, the equalization of
allowances to officers serving at the different
Presidencies of India must be a very desirable
object. It has been stated that this object can
only be properly accomplished by bringing up
the lower in all cases to the higher ; but even
supposing that an equalization on this principle
(by which the distinction between Garrison and
Field allowances would be destroyed at Madras
4' The Lieutenant-Colonel, 200 rupees a month ; Major,
145 Captain, 40; Lieutenant, 30; Ensign, 20,

and Bombay) would have been a wise arrange-
ment, it is unfortunately too true that the finan-
cial pressure arising out of the long and expen-
sive war with the Burmese admits of no increase
in the pay and allowances of the troops.—lbid.
It is a somewhat singular coincidence, that
while the drama almost invariably (whether truly
or not we do not say) represents both the law
and lawyers as the very scourge and scum of so-
ciety, the present race of theatrical people, de-
termined not to profit by the lesson their own
text affords them, seem one and all bent upon
seeking every possible, and almost impossible,
opportunity of involving the concerns in which
they are engaged in all the horrors, perplexities,
uncertainty, and expellee, which never fail to fall
to the lot of those who are contented to divide
the " pearly shell," while the valuable prize
within goes to those who are the mere instru-
ments in the affray. We have heard it stated—
though the actual truth can, of course, never be
accurately ascertained—that there has been,
within the last quarter of a century, more money
spent in dramatic litigation than would purchase
all the theatres in bthe kingdom. If so, how
much must taste for law surpass the taste for the
drama ! But, as if to reach the climax of absur-
dity in these matters, we hear now of the minors
following in the train of the majors, and, instead
of growing wise by experience, taking the precise
course which they must, if they have their eyes
about them, see has brought ruin upon the most
costly and prosperous establishments. Lord
Eldon, we remember, remarked, more than once,
that if theatrical litigation went on increasing as
it had done in his time, there must be a Court
established for the sole use of the different
theatres. A Board of Arbitration would be the
wisest Court that these disputes could be referred
to ; if, indeed, the tweedle-dee affairs which
hare lately been converted into suits, or threatened
suits, in Chancery are really worthy of any
notice or reference at all. We do not say that
literary property, when it is worth protecting,
is not as much entitled to _ protection as any
other, or that the creations of the fancy, whether
in poetry or prose, whether in overtures, airs, or
choruses,—ought not to be secured, as far as
they can be secured, to repay the genius of
which - they are the offspring. But what we
contend is, first, that such matters have often
not one ray of originality about them ; secondly,
that they are nine times in ten, not worth
protecting ; and lastly, that no profitable end
can be gained by litigating about them. The
sale of a sixpenny copy of a song, which the au-
thor or the purchaser ofthe copyright has thought
proper to publish at half-a-crown, is a literary
piracy which ought to be put a stop to. But we
doubt exceedingly whether the viva voce actings
or singings of plays or operas, in any material
degree, if at all, detracts from their value to the
original authors or owners. Does any man be-
lieve that the acting of our standard plays, those
of Shakspeare, for instance, at one house makes
them less attractive at the other ? or that Miss
Fanny Kemble's exquisite performance of Juliet
can have any other effect than that of rendering
one of the sweetest productions of the divine
Bard of Avon more attractive on every stage and
in every closet ? What applies to the highest
scale of dramatic merit must necessarily embrace
the lowest; and, indeed, looking at some of the
dramas which are, or are said to be, the subjects
of dramatic legal warfare, we suspect, after all,
that these fights are only sham fights, intended
to puff off mediocrity into an eminence and no-
toriety which it would never otherwise obtain.—
Morning Herald.
The accounts from every part of the country
are still very unsatisfactory, and give the lie, in
every respect, to the revival of trade so confi-
dently put forth eight days ago by some of our
sotemporaries. Reductions of wages, or " turn
outs" to resist them, are still the order of the
day in the manufacturing districts ; and are ac-
companied by a corresponding depression both
in the price of manufactures and in the price of
agricultural produce. In support of these state-
ments we need only refer to the Manchester, the
Liverpool, the Leeds, and the Glasgow Papers,
all of which, although conceding an improve-
ment in the demand for goods, attest at the
same time that it is not accompanied by any im-
provement of prices. " There are in die country,"
says a correspondent of the Leeds Mercury,
" evident symptoms of improvement in trade,
but they may prove to be only tempo-
rary. It is certain, however, that more goods
are made and disposed of now than two
months ago, especially in the fancy trade ; though
while some of the weavers of those goods are
working 16 hours per day, a great number arc
out of employ. The quantity of goods sold in
the Bradford market on Thursday last was very
large, but without the smallest advance in prices.'
" As the approach of winter," says the Man-
chester Courier, " generally gives some activity
to trade, we have had a considerable number of
buyers in this market during the last two or three
weeks. But though the aggregate of business is
considerable, it falls much below what is usually
done at this season. Except in a very low de-
scription of calico, which is scarce, and on
which an advance of 14d. per piece has been
obtained, there has been no improvement in
price ; on the contrary, the tendency is rather
to fall. Power-loom printing cloth has lately
declined 3d. to 6d. per piece, and fustians
2,k to 5 per cent. Printed calicos have been
also sold at a considerable loss. Owing to
the change of season and of fashion, cloth
of this description has been sold 6d. per
yard lower than it brought three months ago.
We have heard of many sales in which the loss
to the manufacturer is truly distressing. We
believe the best business that is done leaves little
or no profit ; and yet we are told by some of
our cotemporaries, by the Times, and other
stock-jobbing Papers, that the distress of the
manufacturing districts is rapidly disappearing !
The demand for yarn for exportation continues
good ; but though the raw material has advanced
from five to ten per cent., the spinner has not
been able to obtain any improvement in price.
There has not been any material change in the
wages of labour for some time. As the winter ap-
proaches, however, the weaver will require a larger
allowance of food, clothing, and fuel for his bodily
wants ; and unless his labour shall enable him
to obtain them, his condition, and that of his
family, will be miserable in the extreme."—
Then again, as to agricultural produce, the
Shrewsbury Chronicle observes, that " the de-
pressed prices of agricultural produce which we
noticed at our fair in September, have been this
week followed by a still deeper depression anti
gloom ;" while a Berkshire Paper, now before
us, states " that the great reduction in the price
of sheep at Weyhill fair had been severely felt,"
and that " one dealer had brought back upwards
of a thousand." At Ballivasloe, the great an-
nual mart in Ireland, there were fewer cattle and
sheep this year, by many thousands, than last
year ; and yet fewer were sold than at last year's

fair in Ireland. Upon the Falkirk tryst, the
greatest fair for sheep, cattle, and horses, in the
Noah, the Glasgow Free Press remarks, that
" upon the whole this has been the most dis-
astrous market we ever knew." In the Leeds
Mercury, also, we find the following very emphatic
allusion to the same subject :—" Some meetings,"
says it, "have been held, and others are in con-
templation, amongst the landowners and others,
to obtain a repeal of the Malt Tax. The re-
moval of this obnoxious duty, as far as it goes,
would relieve both the agriculturist and the la-
bouring classes. Even the Corn laws do not
serve the landowners ; and if we are rightly in-
formed, a vast number of notices have just been
served upon the landlords by the farmers, com-
municating their intention to quit their farms at
the next rent-day. It is said that, upon an
estate in the county of Chester, one single land-
lord received twenty four of these notices last
week." Such is the state of the country, ac-
cording to the best authorities, and a state
at which we are not in the least surprised.
We foresaw, and predicted it, long ago, as
every one in the slightest degree confer-
sant with the theory of money, and the
consequences which would result from a re-
turn to a gold currency, must also have done.
That return has added a third at least to the
pressure of the taxes, while, it has at the same
time, diminished the means of supporting it. It
has almost entirely done away with the credit
system, and cut off the means by which the re-
tail trader earned a livelihoodit has deranged
time whole money transactions of the country,
and given that to time Government which the Go-
vernment, on its part, ought to have given up
to the public. It remains to be seen how much
longer the system will continue in operation
without producing a panic or general bankruptcy.
—Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

M Ali LBOROU GH-STRFET.

In consequence of private information on Friday
last to Plank, the chief officer of this establishment,
he went, between ten and eleven o'clock the same
night, accompanied by Clements, Goddard, Ballard,
Scofield, and Andrews, to a public-house, known as
one of a " flash" description, called the George, in
Grafton-street, Soho-square, and the officers sud-
denly, before any one was aware of their visit,
entering one of the apartments, found 16 men there,
all of whom they seized, and handcuffed with such
despatch, that the prisoners were secured before they
unlid recover from their surprise, or had time to
think of a re►istance. The officers then conveyed
their prisoners to St. Anne's watch-house, where
they lodged them for the night, and on Saturday
the whole hatch were brought to this office, and one
by one underwent a private examination before Mr.
ROE, the Magistrate, chareed on suspicion with hav-
ing been concerned in the darint.► arid extensive bur-
glary and robbery committed a few nights ago at the
house of Mr. Burckhardt, a tailor, in Clifford-street,
Bond-street. The result of the examination of the
prisoners on Saturday was, that seven of them were
discharged, out of custody, and nine were remanded
for further investigation of the case. Yesterday three
of these nine persons were again brought before Mr.
Roe, and further examined privately, when they
were once more remanded until the whole shall be
brought up on Thursday next. Mr. Burckhardt at-
tended the examinations that have taken place, and
was not a little surprised on entering the private
room where the reoccedings were conducted, to see
in one of the prisoners his own confidential porter,
who continued in his service up to the apprehension
of the gang by the officers on Friday night.
This porter, who is a well-dressed respectable-
looking young fellow, it now appears, was tried and
convicted in the month of February, 182.5, for
robbing his then employer, a silversmith and jewel-
ler, residing near Soho-square, and was sentenced
to seven years' transportation, but that sentence
was afterwards commuted to four years' labour on
board the hulks, w hich having expired in February
last, and the prisoner having conducted himself
very well while on board the prison-ship, be was
discharged with a character suitable to his conduct
while on board. Soon after his liberation, it seems,
he got into the service of Mr. Burckhardt, who was
totally: unconscious of the man's real history, or
that he ever had been in prison, and there he con-
tinued very confidentially employed until the present
time. Two days before the robbery at Mr. Burck-
hardes, it will be recollected that a little terrier dog
belonging to the house suddenly disappeared, and
was not seen or heard of after, until about an
hour subsequent to the discovery of the robbery by
Mr. Burckhardt, when he was surprised to see his
little dog walk into the house from the street. Mr.
Burckhardt now perfectly recollects that the porter
in custody, ever since he has been in the house, pro-
fessed a great fondness for the little dog, and was in
the constant habit of taking him out with him
whenever he was sent on business, so much so,
that Mr. Burckhardt repeatedly told him not to
take the animal oat with him in that manner; but
still he continued to do so, and said as an excuse,
that the dog followed him against his will. An-
other of the prisoners turns out to be a brother to
this porter; and a third, Mr. Burckhardt distinctly
swears to as being one of the six men that ran from
the steps of his house at the time of the robbery
when he (Mr. Burckhardt) gave the alarm by call-
ing from the window. On Sunday morning at an
early hour the officers executed a search-warrant at
the house of an individual in the city, the warrant
being backed by Sir Peter Laurie, where they had
good information the whole of the property carried
off from Mr. Burckhardt's was disposed of, but they
were too late, for not only had all the goods been
removed, but the proprietor of the place had also
removed himself on learning that the prisoners were
in custody. The coach in which the property was
carried away from Clifford-street, and the man who
drove it, are also very well known to the officers,
and the latter is expected every hour to be in
custody; on the whole it is fully established, mo-
rally, if not legally, that seven out of the nine in
custody, and it is believed the entire, were concern-
ed in the robbery, and that several of them were
also concerned in the burglary at Messrs. Stultz's.