The Sun.
London, England, 1827-12-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JObRNALS.

We did not mean to have recurred to the painful
subject of their Lordships the Bishops of Norwich

and Chester, having declared in our last number
that the contradiction therein given of our previous

statement must be considered as final; an adjoining
paragraph, however, still relating to the Bishop a
Norwich's cards, might seem to revoke our acknow-

ledgment of error. We have now, however; heard
more on the subject, and have to express our regret

at the mistake into which we have been led, We

have the highest authority possible in six+ case for

stating, " that there was not a shadow of founda-
tion tor the paragraphs in our papers of Saturday
and Monday last, no such letter as that of which we
spoke having ever been received by his Grace the
Archbishop of Canterbury, nor had any allusion
-whatever been made by the Bishop of Chester
to the Bishop of Norwich's playing at cards."
We have likewise the best authority, as well

as the highest, for adding, that the Bishop of
Chester's letter " did not contain the remotest

allusion to any of the Bishop of Norwich's pur-
suits or amusements." We hope this will prove

satisfactory ; we can, offer no more than our sabso
lute negation, of what we had before stated; and
must again express our regret at the insertion of the
unfounded paragraphs. We are sure that after this
the Bishop of Chester's character will stand as
_ _

high with his countrymen as it did before this

affair..—Times.

In our Paper of the sth we stated the plain and
simple truth ►vith respect to the conduct of Austria.

This statement seems to have given great offence

lo the Courier, which appears to wish to draw us
into a controversy as to whether Austria has or has
not acted the part we assigned to her; but we are
not disposed to undertake any such task, beci►use at

moment we do not,deeth it either expedient or

prudent to enter into further detail. We have no
hesitation, however, in affirming, that what we as-

serted is perfectly correct ; namely, that Austria has
done 'every thing to preserve the peace of Europe,
though she would not be, a party to the alliance.
Without entering on the question, how far nations
suffering ftom the mode in which belligerents con-
duct their operations, or from the disorders incident
to a protracted warfare between a Government en-

ileavolning to maintain its sway, and. a people
struggling to recover their independence, are en-
titled to do themselves justice, it is certain, that as
we have chosen to consider the Turks a people with
whom relations of friendship may be maintained—as
we have always sent Ambassadors to them—as we
have formed what may be considered as amount-
ing to • offensive and defensive alliances with
them, under which we entered the field together
against the. French, and called on them to make peace
with Russia at a critical conjuncture, we cannot, with
much consistency, having so availed ourselves of their
friendship, turn suddenly round on them, and say, you
are not to be treated as an independent nation. The
Treaty, therefore, between Russia, France, and Eng-
land, not solely ',for purposes of protection from the
Belligerents,but to compel the Turks to come to cer-
tain terms With the people struggling to emancipate
themselves from their sway, however humane and
praiseworthy its object, is certainly not easily recon-
cileable with the notions of the treatment independ-

ent nations are entitled to from each other, accord•

ing to international law. It will be difficult, there-
fore, to say that Austria, in refusing to be a party to
this Treaty, was not ie the right; and we fear, that
whenever the question of this Alliance shall be agi-
tated in Parliament, it will fail to receive that sup-
port which the Crown' may be inclined to claim for
it. However strong the sympathy may have been
with the 'Greeks, we question very much whether
the Nation, any more than Parliament, are prepared
to embrace the consequences to which the Treaty
had a necessary tendency to lead. In the present
state of our finances, a measure of which the ten-
dency was to produce the war with which we are
now threatened, and from which we cannot with ho-
nour recede, is certainly of a very questionable cha-
racter; and we rather think that upon tine conside-
ration of the matter, John Bull will be more inclined
to believe that more wisdom was displayed by the
Powers that did not sign the Treaty than by those
that did.—Morning Chronicle.
The Administration is driven to the last refuge
of meanness and folly. Its most favoured and con-
fidential 'advocates descend so low as to implore the
people of England not to desert it in this its, hour
of distress, upon the plea, alike fraudulent and igno-
minious that it was the voice of the people them-
selves which urged the Government into the imbe-
cile and unprincipled course of policy, the natural
termination of which it now trembles to anticipate.
This it is to be blessed with a liberal Government.
A Government invested with the high attributes of
liberality, is it seems elevated above responsibility,
and having assisted mainly to excite a strong popu-
lar delusion, has nothing more to do than to plead
that delusion in vindication of its crimes. We do
not hesitate to say, that this apology for the errors
of Ministers is the !most humiliating that has ever
been put forward on behalf of any British Adminis-
tration. This we should say, were we even com-
pelled to admit the fact which it assumes ; but dis-
tinctly denying that fact, we maintain, and shall
shew, that the apology is not more degrading to
the Government than it is calumnious towards the
people. There was a time, it must be admitted,
when the majority of tbe people of England felt and
expressed a lively sympathy with the Greeks, be-
lieved them to be capable of national freedom, con-
sidered their cause as identified with the names
of humanity, and social improvement, and pure re-
ligion, and would, we believe, have gone hand in
hand with the Government in any interference to
secure the triumph and the independence of Greece
which they could have believed the law of nations,
or the express obligations of England, to warrant.
But during this whole period, England possessed
the advantage of a Government a little wiser and
better informed than the great mass of the people.
That Government determined to maintain, and so
long as it existed did maintain, a rigorous neutrality.
But unfortunately for the nation, the wisdom and
prudence of the Earl of Liverpool having been lost
to the Councils of Britain, the crude notions and the
fleshy hypocrisies of a spurious liberality acquired,
what we yet trust will prove only a temporary ascen-
dancy; and it happened by a strange coincidence, that
folly and injustice atchioved their greatest triumph in
the Councils of the King just about the time when the
delusion under which the nation at large had laboured
began to disperse, and fuller information, and more
mature reflection upon the situation and character
of the contending parties had opened the eyes of the
better portion of the community to a more accurate
perception of the wise and the just. The people of
England, the intelligent, and virtuous, and patriotic
part of them we mean, had already become alienated
from a cause, which in a struggle of five years bad
produced—no hero—no patriot—no shadow of a
Government, unless an organised confederacy of
pirates can deserve that name; and then it was that
the new Administration adopted it, and in defiance
of the law of nations, and in utter disregard of some
of the most important interests of England, em-
barked in its defence. The new Ministers proved
themselves to be as much below the nation, as their
predeeessors had shewn themselves above it. It is
said, we know, that Russia could no longer be re-
strained from interference. Russia had, however,
been restrained, or had in fact abstained from inter-
ference, till time and events had completed the
evidence of the Ater incapability of Greece to form
Tor herself a national and independent Government,
or even to supply `the
materials out of which such a
Government might be
constructed. The fullness
and perfection of this
signal for the impatience evidence constituted the
signal
.°lltussia to become ungo-
vernable ;—the succession of e-i?
---tltastances was such