The Sun.
London, England, 1818-10-16 00:00:00

BILIOUS PILLS.

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IL and sold by tin:in at the original Warchnuse for Dr.
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CutliAry,

We took notice of this judicious Pamphlet when
it was first pulinilied, and as the arginnents which
it emit sins are founded upon a comprehensive view
of the state of Europe, and Upon Sound princi-
ples of national policy, we conceive that it is well
entitled to renewed attention at this critical pe•
rind, Ater having clearly defined the nature of
the JACOBIN CtiAtr;CTl-IR, and pointed out its
restless, attful, and des►ructive nature; and after
having profoundly examined the question of the
right of a people to choose tlitir own Govern-
ment, and proved its pernicious tendency, as
founded in Jaeobinical 'principles, the Author, in
•be third division of the Work, enters upon that
very important subject, the State of 'France, as it
may Affect the general interests of Europe, unless
such measures are adopted as may prevent those
principles 'from operating again in the prothretion
of recolution•+ry horrors. •We shall insert that-
,►z peculiarly applicable to the present mo--
mentous t risk. We fear, however, that it is too
late, for by all accounts the blow has been struck.
and the evacuation of the Allicd troops fixed to
take place at a specified time.—But still, as there
must be ulterior arrangements, there is time for
refi-•etion, and the question is too important for
the happiness of society in general not to demand
the most serious reflection as well as solemn de-
ibeta. ion.

" The notice which has been here- taken of the

political state of France, however cursory, is suf.
&lent, it is presumed, to point out the real
;01•:ey of Europe, at the present iiincture, with
reg,ird to that country. The stability of the
Gallic throne is essential to the security of Europe.
That throne is endangered, not merely by its own
inbelent weakness, and the ascendancy of the
democratical principle in the New Constitution,
but still more by the inveterate hostility and art-
ful machinations of the Jacobins ; vOlo, by at-
tacking, in every possible way, the principle of
legitimate title to the Sovereignty, are incessant-
ly labouring to remove it from the only basis on
‘vbiell any throne can rest. That principle must
therefore he firmly maintained by all who depre-
cate theiticc:ss JAcobinism. To that princi-
ple the Allied Sovrteigns, if they would provide
tor the security of Europe, must give their Sup-
port. They must protect the Royal Authority in
France, not merely by defending the, House of
Bourbon against all revolutionary attacks, but by
securing the.succession to the Gallic Throne, ac-
cotding to the fundamerral laws of the Monarchy.
They must, by solemn treaty, guarantee that suc-
cession against all attempts to disturb it, from
whatever quarter they may p-oreed. Any inter-
ruption of flint succession would he a prac:cable
breach in rite rampiiias- of
.sccial order, through
Which the host of Jacobins would storm their
way, again in carry war and desolation to the ex-
remit ies of Europe.
" Tt,e principle of guaranteeing the succession ,
to the Crown of France, with a view to the seen-
dry of Europe, is not novel. By the triple alli-
ance in 1717, the succession of the Duke of Or-
leaue to tbit Crown wag guaranteed by England,
France, and Holland. The object of this gua-
rantee was to guard against the preponderance of
the French Monarchy, by preventing the union of
the Crowns of France and Spain in the same in-
dividual. How much more necessary is it to pre-
serve Europe from being again convulsed by the
ascendancy of Jacohinism, against which the 1,-
gitimate succession to the Crown of France is the
only effectual barrier !

'; In like manner, by the quadruple alliance in
1718, England, France, Holland, and the Em-
peror of Germany, guaranteed the succession to
the Crown of France, according to the tenour of
the Treaty of Utrecht, against all persons what-
soever who should presume to disturb the order of
the said succession.

6' But, if history afforded no such precedents,
the proposed gnaranteeship would he abundantly
justifiable on the ground of. principle. An indis-
pensable necessity is in►posed upon the Allied So-
vereigns to provide for the security of Europe.
This, it has been shewn, -cannot be done, but by
securing the legitimate succession to the Throne
of France. To guarantee that succession by so-
lemn treaty is, therefore, trot only sanctioned,
but imperatively enjoined by the patamount law
of self-preservation—by the most 'sacred of all
rights—" the right of security."* Any treaty
without such a guarantee would leave the safety
of Enropeunprovided for.

" Bot, In order to afford effectual protection to
the Throne of France, something more is neces-
sary than to guarantee the regular succession
to that Throne. The revolutionary movements in

France are so sudden and rapid, that, before it
can be possible for the Allied Sovereigns to col-
lect their forces, in order to give effect to their
guarantee, the mischief may be done, the Jaco-
bins may he again in possession of the country,
and Europe may be planged in a new war, in
order to provide for its security. The Allies have
it now in their• power to guard against such a re-
sult. The events of the war have given them the
military occupation of France ; and it is their
ditty to improve the inestimable advantage, by
securing that country against turther revolutions,
and the States of Europe against further molesta-
tiou from the common enemy of both—the Jaco-
bin faction.

It is but loo'plain, that France possesses a
E'rontier which affords her the ready means of wo-
rsting tier •tieighbours, whenever Jacobin ascen-
[wry impels her to foreign aggression ; whilst it

\vatic]) 4, n. c. 49. sec. 197.

precludes them from entering her territories, to
attack the Hydra in his den, except after some
great and decisive victrtry On foreign ground—like
those of Leipsic or Waterho. Tile Allied Powers
must, therefore, under existing circumstances,
exact such cessions from France as may he really
necessary rot' the security of Europe. What those
cessions should he—what fortresses must be given
np—what new line of demarcai ion must be drawn
between France and thoSe Sus! es which are most
exposed to herhostility,—it is not presumed here
to inquire. N,thing More is proposed than to
establish the 'principle, that Europe, being' once
more triumphant • over Revolutionary France,
must fairly and honestly—but resolutely and firm-
ly—avail itself oT the right which the la,vs m war
have given it, to insist upon such arrangemems as
may be necessary to secure itself against a return
of those dangers, which have, providentially, beets
once more averted ; but which, if suffered to re-
turn, may not be averted again. It is still more
the interest of France than of the Allies, that.
sire!' arrangerisents be madei for she would he.
the:fit-St victim of a new convulsion. ; her throne
would be instantly swallowed up in the revolu-
tionary viol), should that gulph again open its
tremendous jaws.
" The Jacobin faction, one of whose artifices

it is to set patriotism in opposition to loyalty,
finding that such a system of policy would be
fatal to its views, natura!ly opposes its adoption,
on the ground that the integrity of France must
not be invaded. But this pretension, seemingly
so patriotic, respecting the integrity- of Fiance,
involves a gross•fallacy. It seems to imply that
France has some natural boundary, which cannot
he invaded without danger to her independence.
The boundaries of France have often been
changed ; and some change in them was eficcted
even by the Treaty of Paris. The doctrine ot na-
tural bound;-Ties has been assiduously promulgated
during the Revolution, with a view, not ot pre-
serving the integrity, but of extending the domi-
nions of Fiance, and of enabling her to de-
stroy the independence of Europe. Ali Island,
forming one State, can evidently admit of no other
boundary but the surrounding ocean, whicli
may therefore be denominated its natural b
dary ; but continental States must submit to
suet' boundaries as are consistent with mutual
and general security. Submission to this rule is
all that is now required of France and for her
to refuse such submission would be to claim a
right of genera! disturbance and molestation.

" It would be the heighth of absurdity to sup-
pose that France can stow expect precisely the
same terms of peace, as if she had not, during►
25 years, been revolutionary;—as if there were
no danger of her being revolutionary again ; as
it. in short, she had not within her bosom a 'Yd..
faction. ;—the sworn foe to peace and or-
der. These momento;rs circumstances have ma-
terially altered her relative situation, with regard
to Hitt rest bf Europe, and they have opened a
ne iv source of danger to ate whole civilised world.
They must, therefore, be taken into the account
in the arrangement of any Treaty, capable of
affecring the general and lasting pacification of
Europe.

" Far, however,
_from every human breast be
the apprehension, that it is proposed to cripple the
power of France. That country would, after many
sacriices; be the most powerful upon the continent
of Europe. It was so before its frontiers were
widened to their present tormidabh- extent. Nis
sacrifices, however, are r vired of it, but such
as are, at this time, eoen ill to its own true in-

terests,—such as are necessary, under existing-
circumstances, to keel► it i hin the sphere of so-
cial order, and to cement irs connection witi► tt
vilised Society, by the sacred tie of legitimate go-
vernment. National feelings, it is flue, are at
all times averse from national sacrifices ; but
every loyal and patriotic Frenchman must rejoice
to see some of tt►e fortresses on the French fron-
tier become, in the hands of the Allies, bulwarks

to the Gallic Throne, instead of proving, in the
possession of France, an encouragement to the
enmies of that Throne, to hope that they shall
one day accomplish its final overthrow.
" At all events, the duty of the Allied Sove-
reigns is alike plain and imperious. The tate of
Europe is once more in their bands; and, it they
lose the golden opportunity now afforded thent—

1 the last they can ever hope to enjoy—of providing;
effectually fur the general security, they will bee'
responsible to Cod and man for the consequences.
They made last year a fair trial of the system of
confidence and gentrosit y,—a trial to which great
minds naturally incline. They withdrew their
armies from France,--they left her io full posses-
, sion of her former territorits—as before the Re-
volution. Seeing her King seated on his Throne,
amidst the acclamations of hisisubjects, they trust-
ed to appearances. They concluded that Europe
bad nothing tvore to tear front France. Bat
scarcely had they entered upon that repose which,
they had so dearly purchased, when they fonnd
that they had the tt'hole business of providing for
the security of Europe to do Over again. By the
blessing of [leave') 'Too their arms, they have
happily regained the commanding position.—
They can now enforce tihatever terms sound
wisdom, directed by experience, may prescribe,
tot ensuring to the world the blessings of ptnice.
" After the moderation, the dtsi,oielectelloess,
nay, the almost romantic magnanimity, manifest-
ed in the Treaty of Paris, these Sovereigns can-
not surely he suspected of ambitious or hostile
views. But haring, after such a display of con-
fidence-and generosity, been so soon called again
in the field to fight fur the repose slid safety of
Europe, they are bound to pursue a different
system, and resolutely to guard, by really effi-
cacioni mca:,s, against future calls of the like
kind."