The Sun.
London, England, 1842-12-16 00:00:00

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Saunders and Otley, Conduit-street.

T JOHN EDWIN PIPER, at present, and for
-I- five months past, residing at No. 16, Watney-street,
Commercial-road, in the parish of Saint George in the East
and county of Middlesex, and before that time for two years of
No. 4, Burr-street, Wapping, Middlesex, and being a Chemist
and Druggist, do hereby give notice, that I intend to present
a Petition to the Court of Bankruptcy, London, praying to
be examined touching my Debts, Estate, and Effects ; and to
be protected from all process, upon making a full disclosure
and surrender of such Estate and Effects, for payment of my
just and lawful Debts ; and I hereby further give notice, that
the time when the matter of the said Petition shall be heard,;
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" Morning Sun" Newspaper, one month, at the least, after the
date hereof. As witness my Hand, this fifteenth day of
December, in the Year of our Lord One thousand eight
hundred and forty-two. JOHN EDWIN PIPER.
Witness—Edward Spencer, Attorney,

11, Brunswick-parade, Pentonville.

WHEREAS, a Petition of FREDERICK WIL-
LIAM NAYLOR BAYLEY, at present, and for ten
months last past residing at 11, Bell's-buildings, Salisbury-
square , Fleet-street, in the parish of Saint Bride, and city of Lon-
don, and previously of Ib, Gloucester-terrace, Fulham-road, in the
county of Middlesex, author, having been file 4 in the Court of
Bankruptcy, and the interim order for protection from process
having been given to said Frederick William Naylor Bayley, under
the provisions of an Act of Parliament passed in the Parliament
holden in the sth and 6th years of the reign of her present Ma-
jesty, intituled " An Act for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors,"
the said Frederick William Naylor Bayley is hereby required to
appear in Court before Joshua Evans, Esquire, the Commis-
sioner acting in the matter of the said petition, on the 28th day
of December instant, at one o'clock in the afternoon precisely,
at the Court of Bankruptcy, Baitinghall-street,London, for the
purpose of being then and there examined touching his debts,
estate, and effects, and to be further dealt with according to
the provisions of the said Act.
All persons indebted to the said Frederick William Naylor
Bayley, or that have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver
the same but to George Lackington, the official assignee, no-
minated in that behalf by the Commissioner acting in the mat-
ter of the said petition.
LEWIS and LEWIS, 10, Ely-place, Holborn.

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UPTON and CO., 33, George-street, Hanover-square; and
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N. 1- Upton's Lamp Detergent, ls. 4d. per bottle, sufficient
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ull-sized table Lamps.
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ILVER -PL ATED CORNER D ISHE S.—A.l3-
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£l3 10
Four extra strongly.platcd and Covers
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N.B. The Covers are made
they form extra dishes. Draw
to any part of Great Britain or

with moveable handles, so that
ings of the above are forwarded
Ireland, postage free.

- -
THE COMPLEXION.—LOWLAND'S LO-
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" Robt. Shaw, London," is in white letters on the Govern-
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Sold by all Perfumers and Medicine Venders, of whom
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SUPERIOR CANDLES.
AVIES'S CANDLES, Gd. per lb.; Wax
..17 Candies, ls. 2d. ; Fine Wax, is. sd. ; Composite,
Is. Od. ; Extra Fine Wax Wick Moulds, lid. ; Transparent
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Sperm Oil, 7s. 6d. per Gallon ; Solar Oil, 4s.
For Cash, at DAVIES'S Old-Established Warehouse, 63,
St. Martin's-lane, opposite New Slaughters Coffee-House.

THE GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW
LEAGUE.

A meeting of the public in the district of iloxton was
held,.on Wednesday, at the Britannia Saloon, lloxton
Old-town, for the purpose of declaring their opinion
upon the subject of the Corn-laws.
Upwards of 1,500 were assembled long before the
proceedings of the evening commenced, and spacious
as the premises were, many hundreds left the place for I
want of accommodation.

HENRY WARBURTON, Esq., having taken the chair,
briefly stated the object of the meeting, which was to
consider, the question, whether it was for the good of
the people that the Corn-laws should any longer con-
tinue or not ?—(Hear, hear.) He would call upon
the great advocate of the cause of the people in Par-
liament to address the meeting upon this most impor-
tant
-question.

M 1:. VILLIERS then came forward, and was received
with much applause. He said that he came forward,
not upon any assumption that he could act upon the
judgment of the meeting by expressing_his own views,
but simply because he had been told, what he had been
in the habit of telling others, that each man on this
question ought to do all that was in his power, and
that at the present moment it was in the power
of the humblest indiviJual to do much in
promoting the good and benevolent purpose
of that meeting.—(Loud cheers.) He knew
that the Legislature on this subject was as much self-
interested as ever, yet that Legislature had in some
degree been backed from without, either, by the in-
difference of some, or by the silence of those who,
seeing the difficulty of success, hoped to find some
redeeming consequences. belonging to the law. But
he would ask such men to what circumstances they
could now point to raise a hope or justify a doubt
about the character or consequence of such a law.—
(Cheers.) Some good men had fancied that by means
of the Corn-law ample and healthy employment would
be aftbrded to a large body of the working community;
others thought that it reta;ned in their station and
contentment a valuable portion of the middle order of
society; while others imagined that by knitting toge-
ther the three classes—the owners, farmers, and tillers
of the land by the common ties of interest and de-
pendence—stability was given to our social arrange-
ments. But if these pleasant fancies had been in-
dulged in by some he wished to know whether they
now remained in the brain of any man who ever read
the journals of the day, or knew aught of what
passed around him.—(Hear.) He would ask
whether, if a spot could be pointed to where more
distress, disunion, or disaffection could be found than
in another, it would not now be in the very districts
to which such notions applied ? For what was to be
heard in those districts but reproach, recrimination,
and mutual charge ?—(Hear, hear.) Each was heard
charging the other with the injury that they were all
enduring.—(Hear, hear.) The labourer without em
ployment, or with lowered wages, complained of his
lot to the farmer, who, he thought, might better his
condition ; the farmer complained that his customer
of the town, depressed in his business, refused to
consume his produce, . and grumbled at increasing
rates, increasing taxes, and undiminished rent, while
the landlord turned again upon him as the cause of all
the evil which he imputed to his (the tenant's) igno-
rance, and negligence in the culture of his land, and
thus all combined to complete the measure of mischief
caused by this protective law; thus in every direction
bringing experience to confirm the justice of the
opinions expressed first, in 1815, by the people in
the streets of this town—(Cheers)—and who
were fired upon for doing so.—(Hear, hear)—se-
condly, by all the leading merchants, in 1820, of the City,
assembled in their Guildhall, and thirdly, by some of
the most distinguiShed statemen in Parliament, who,
at the passing of the law predicted to the letter that
unqualified failure and evil which had followed frOm
it. It was for the people to speak out again, and call
for the instant repeal of this iniquitous law. It was
under these circumstances that this great metropolis
was now appealed to on the subject; and he could.
not help expressing an opinion that he had long enter-
tained, that this great capital of the empire ought to
exercise somewhat more of influence over the political
and commercial interests of this country than it has
lately done.—(Hear, hear.) He said lately, for at
one time the voice of London was all important in
swaying the general opinion of the country; but it
is matter of observation of late years, that in compa-
son with the provinces, it has been losing its influ-
ence.—(llear.) In all the great States of Europe,
the power and influence of the capitals were felt by
the Governments of those countries, while London,
the metropolis as it were of the commerce of the
world, seems backward in assuming its right posi-
nd al
scandala as n
it
d
to
posi-
tion, and in protecting the national interests.—
(Hear, hear.) To vindicate the justice of their
former opinions, and to mark•their sympathy with the
national interests, he invited them to make known
their sentiments on this question. He asked them to
d isrn .
e(t.sc
he removingers.
upon
ysm
es
,this
he
dependencies—at
ccoonusni
det r yrd th ei t
a
ca
disgrace of the condition of millions of its inhabi
tnvte-
this country, envied by surrounding nations for its
wealth and greatness--whose boast it is that the sun
n
thes
head,
is called, of civilisation, should have people starving
in the streets, and by tens d
an hundreds of thousands
destitute of all the comforts
and essentials of civilised
aid
life.—(Cheers.) Better would it be to be shorn of
some of its grandeur, if that. was 'the cause of its
misery, than that such things should be- !But that is
not the fact---.-(Hear, hear)--and it is a scandal to
think that it proceeds from nothing but selfish, foolish,
barbarous legislation.---(Loud cheers.) Of this he
did feel as sure as man could of what had not occurred,
edared indifferent the law would
that as long as they app es'
continue, and that it would be abandoned with their
earnest demand for its repeal.—(Cheers.) The Hon.
Gentleman concluded by moving the following reso-
lution :—"
That the past proceedings of the Metro-
politan Anti
%Corn-law Association, and of the Anti-
Corn-law League, and the efficacy of their honest,
peaceable, and constitutional means to gain their
benevolent and righteous ends, entitle them to the
confidence of the people of England ; and regarding
with satisfaction the cordiality with which the coun-
try has responded to the appeal for subscriptions to the
Great League Fund, this meeting of inhabitants of
London pledges itself to aid in contributing to the ex-
pense of conducting the national contest with mono-
poly to a happy issue, in a manner worthy of the
social and commercial importance of this great me-
tropolis."
Mr. COATES, in seconding the resolution, said that
ha considered the Corn-laws doomed. They had no
longer any arguments to meet. Their opponents had
at length discovered that agriculture could never
thrive upon the distresses of the nation.—(Cheers.)
He had recently read the lucubratiens of the two
great organs of the Conservative party, the Quarterly
Review and the Times, and what was the charge which
these publications brought against the advocates of
the ~abolition of the Corn-laws ? It was this, that
those who opposed the Corn-laws were interested
parties. No doubt they were.—(Laughter.) When
a man's stomach was empty he had an interest in
getting it filled. (Laughter and cheers.)
When he had nothing in his pockets he had
an interest in putting something there.—(Cheers.
Whan he was without trade, owing to false legisla-
tion, he had an interest in curing that legislation, to
improve his _trade ; and when he was carrying on
trade without a profit, owing to corrupt laws, he had
an interest in repealing those laws that be might
obtain a profit.—(Cheers.) The interest which ani-
mated the people in their opposition to the Corn-laws
was one that communicated a benefit to all. Yes, if
they would but know it, it was as beneficial to the
lanillord himself as to the farmer, the manufacturer,
, the merchant, and the labourer. (Cheers.) The

present state of the country was b admitted
y ,
ties to be most deplorable. Many remedies has
suggested. One class of Reformers had urg,
necessity of an extension of religious instruction.
Robert Inglis had advocated the building of new
churches. In Bethnal-green no less than ten new
churches were being built. But the articles which the
people wanted were bread, coffee, beef, sugar, and
such things; whereas Sir Robert Inglis, supported as
hoped to be by Sir Robert Peel, sought to give
he
themother articles—the Thirty-nine.—(Cheers and
.
laughter. Mr. Coates concluded. by urging upon
/
te
intenng .
to to subscribe liberally to a fund whiwhch
'romote the interests of the public.
meeting
Mr. JOHNSON su ,orted.the resolution. He strong-
n.
ly complained of iht: inquisitorial character of
the Income-tax. Questions .ezad been put to him of a
petty
nature that no independent and fis
ye man could
. submit
to. He had not only been interrog.lted as to his
,cash disbursements, but even as to ,-vhat he paid for
his children's schooling !—(Cries of sL'ame.") One
monstrous evil of the Corn-law was, thal. the tax it
extorted from the people did not find its wt.', to the
Exchequer, but went into the pockets of th, jam Ilords.
At this stage of the proceedings an individual ;in the
body of the meeting rose with a view to address the
chairman, but no sooner did he make his appearzece
than a hubbub of noises ensued, which threw the whoit3
assembly into confusion. Ultimately, one of the
Chartists was heard in support of an amendment, -to•
the effect that the Corn-laws were not the only cause',
of the present distress ; but that other laws were,
operating with equal severity upon the well-being or
the people; and that the only efficient remedy for the'
ills under which the country laboured was the adop-
tion of " The People's Charter."
The amendment was put and about fifty hands were
held up in its favour; the original resolution was. then
Droposed and a forest of hands was shownipn its
Support.
A vote of thanks having been passed to the chair-
man the meeting dispersed.

GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW MEET..
ING AT GLASGOW.

(Abridged from the Glasgow Chronicle.)
On Monday a public meeting, which had, been
called in consequence of a numerously-signed requisi-
tion presented to the Lord Provost, was held in the
Trades'-hall; consisting of the clergy, merchants,
hankers, and other inhabitants of the city, to consider
the effect of the Corn and Provision-laws on the
moral and physical condition of the people. Before
the hour of meeting the spacious hall was crowded to
the door by one of the most respectable assemblers
we have ever seen gathered together in the city. the
Chartists were very numerous, and many hundreds of
respectable citizens were unable to obtain admittance.
On the motion of CHARLES GRAY, Esq., Chief Ma-
gistrate of Gorbals, James Oswald, Esq., M.P. for the
City, was called to the Chair by acclamation.
The hustings was crowded by many of our most
public-spirited citizens, among whom we observed
the following, viz.:—Alexander Johnstone, Esq., of
Shieldhall ; James Lumsden, Esq.; Baillie Gray, of
Gorbals ; Provost Bartholomew, of Calton ; Rev. Dr.
King, Rev. Mr. Harvey, of Calton ; Rev. Mr.
M'Farlane, of Gorbals ; Mr. W. P. Paton ; Mr.
Turner, cf Thrushgrove • Mr. George Crawford, Mr.
John Tennant, Mr. Waller Buchanan, Mr. Ure, of
Croy ; Mr. George Stirling, Mr. Pattison ' • Council-
lors Cross, Orr, Stewart, Brodie, Bankier, Mr. Robt.
Hutchison, &c.

Mr. W. BUCHANAN then rose amidst much ap-
plause. The first resolution set forth the very low
and destitute' condition of the labouring population,
and stated that this destitution was mainly attributable
to the existence of the Corn and Provision-laws. He

thought it would scarcely be denied by any one who
had the slightest experience of the state of the manu-
facturing districts for the last two years, that there
were unfortunately too good grounds to affirm that
the condition of the working classes was very I ow
that their physical comforts had ) een gradually re-
duced, and; hey were now at such a low pitch, that
it was deemed barely possible that they could descend
further.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") These gentle-
men who are acquainted with the destitute state of
the working population in their own city, who had at-
tended public meetings in their behalf, and had
brought forward a mass of statistical information
relative to their condition, would not require him
to give further evidence on the subject.—(Hear,
hear.) But the parties who originated this meeting
were anxious to . adduce the most authentic infor-
mation on this question, so that every one might
be convinced, and they had obtained it from the
reports of the clergy and home missionaries, from
the inquiry into the state of the Scottish Poor-
laws, and from the Committee appointed to inquire
into the condition of those employed in mines and
collieries. From the facts which were thus adduced,
it was impossible to deny that destitution of the most
appalling kind had been proved; and upon the fullest
information, even the most unwilling parties were
constrained to admit that a mass of wretchedness
existed in this country; which was unexampled and
unknown in any previous part of our national history.
—(Hear, hear.) The resolutions went on to attribute
this suffering in a great degree to the existence of the
Corn and Provision-laws. By computations which
had been carefully made, it had been proved that the
bread of the poor man had been raised 40 per cent. in
price above •the sum at which it could be purchased
were it made of foreign flour or foreign corn intro-
duced into this country.—(Hear, hear, and applause.)
If this statement was true, and he had no doubt of its
correctness, it followed that the poor man, whose
wages did not average more than 10s. per week, was
compelled to pay out of his pittance 2s. per week as a
tax to the landowners—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")
—on the supposition that the half of his earnings went
to purchase what the Americans not inappropriately
termed "bread stuffs." The case was simply this, that,
in the case of a working man, earning 10s. per week,
and spending ss. of it on provisions, there was levied
a tax of 25., or upon an income of 257. per annum
there was levied Si. If this was true, and as he had
stated, there was no doubt of the fact, it followed that
these laws were not only most oppressive but most
unjust.—(Hear.) The resolution pointed out that
the great cause of the lowness of wages was the ex-
cessive competition for employment; produced, in the
first place, by the limitation of our foreign markets,
and next by the contraction of our own markets.
There was at first an attempt made to bolster up
„-ages, but it had failed. They knew that of late
there had been a great reduction in the amount of the
workman's weekly payments.—(Hear.) This reduc-
tion went on for a certain time, but things had come
to such a pass that capitalists were forced to be cau-
tious, and workers were thrown out of employment
altogether, thus casting thousands of helpless indi-
viduals upon society without either food, or themeans
of labour by which it could be obtained. Now, one
cause of this was the limitation in foreign demand. He
believed it was admitted by all writers on political
economy that the foreign trade was limited to the
amount of those productions which we could take in
return. What, therefore, with colonial preferences, and
other causes, the labouring classes of the country were
unable to purchase those articles of foreign production
which could be readily supplied. It was true that the
new tariff had reduced the duty on many articles of
foreign consumption, but still it left them at a prohi-
bitive rate so far as the poor man was concerned.
Foreign productions were, in fact, excluded, and the
result of it was, that in two years there had been
seven hostile tariffs made against our trade by Europe
and America. Our trade by these tariffs was gradu-
ally circumscribed in woollens, cottons, and metals,
and the state of the country left a prospect of fearful
and appalling destitution.—(Hear.) He would allude
to China, and the more readily because it had been
stated that, upon the receipt of the recent intelligence,
the country was to enjoy a career of bright prosperity,
and all the agitation for the repeal of the Corn-laws,
and all the efforts of demagogues, would go down
before that sunshine which was to exist for an inde-
finite number of years.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Indeed, so much had this opinion prevailed, and
so confidently was it believed, that some of his own
friends had believed that they were still for a
time longer to suffer the oppression of the Corn-laws,
simply because we had received good news from China.
Now, what were the facts P At this moment the ba-
lance of trade was against China. We send more
produce to them than they can send us in return, and
the balance is paid us in silver.—(Hear, hear.) The
produce taken from this country amounted in value
to about 1,200,000/. • from the continent of India
they took another million, principally in raw cotton;
but by far the largest importation was in opium. Now,
we had never taken from them above four millions in
value, above a million of which found its way to
America or Australia, and thus left a large balance
against China, from which we are said soon to derive
such vast advantages. It might be said, " Let us
take more of their tea;" but at the present moment
there was as much tea imported as we had a market
for, and so long as the duty of 200 per cent. remained
there was very little prospect of an increase in the
article. The great limit was found in the destitute
state of the people, who, so long as the landlord's tax
remained, could not increase their consumption of this
article. He submitted that so long as the Corn-law
tax remained, there was a limit to the consumption of
tea, coffee, and sugar, which was absolutely impas-
sable, and until the adoption of a fundamental
change it was impossible to expect a healthy trade
with China or any other country.—(Hear, hear.)
So far, therefore, from relaxing their efforts for an
abolition of the Corn-laws, on account of our altered
relations with China, it was a reason why the Oppo-
sition should be made more determined than before.—
(Loud applause.) Be would briefly advert to what
he conceived to be the prospects of the termination of
their struggle. These prospects, he rejoiced to say,
were of the most cheering description. He would
pass over what, no doubt, all who were engaged in
this question must feel as a guarantee of ultimate sue-
,