The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 15, 1842.

THE VETO QUESTION.

REPORT OF TILE SELECT COMMITTEE ON THE VETO
READ BY MR. J. Q. ADAMS.

The Select Committee, to whom was referred the
Message of the President of the United States re-
turning to this House the Act which originated in it,
" to provide revenue from imports, and to change and
modify existing laws imposing duties on imports,
and for other purposes," with his objections to it,
with instructions to report thereon to the House,
have attended to that service, and respectfully report:
The Message is the last of a series of executive
measures the result of which has been to defeat and
nullify the whole action of the Legislative authority
of this -Union, upon the most important interests of
the nation.
At the accession of the late President Harrison, by
election of the people, to the executive chair, the fi-
nances, the revenue, and the credit of the country,
were found in a condition so greatlty disordered and
languishing, that the first act of his administration
was to call a special session of Congress to provide a
remedy for the distempered state of the great body
politic. It was even then a disease of no sudden oc-
currence, and of no ordinary malignity. Four years
before, the immediate predecessor of General Harri-
son had been constrained to resort to the same expe-
dient, a special session of Congress, the result of
which had only proved the first of a succession of
palliatives, purchasing momentary relief at the ex-
pense of deeper seated disease and aggravated symp-
toms, growing daily more intense through the whole
four years of that Administration. It had expended,
from year to year from eight to ten millions beyond
its income, absorbingin that period nearly ten millions
pledged for deposits with the States, eight millions of
stock in the Bank of the United States, from five to
six millions of trust funds, and as much Treasury
notes ; and was sinking under the weight of its own
improvidence and incompetency.
The sentence of a sufferin6 people had commanded
a change in the administration, and the contempora-
neous elections throughout the Union had placed in
both Houses of Congress majorities, the natural ex-
ponents of the principles which it was the will of the
people should be substituted in the administration of
their government, instead of those which had
brought the country to a condition of such wretched-
ness and shame. There was perfect harmony of prin-
ciple between the chosen President of the people and
this majority, thus constituted in both Houses of
Congress ; and the first act of his Administration was
to call a special session of Congress for their deli-
beration and action upon the measures indispensably
necessary for relief to the public distress, and to re -
trieve the prosperity of the great community of the
nation.
On the 31st day of May, 1841, within three months
after the inauguration of President Harrison, the Con-
gress assembled at his call. But the reins of the exe-
cutive car were already in other hands. By an in-
scrutable decree of Providence the chief of the
people's choice, in harmony with whose principles the
majorities of both Houses had been constituted, was
laid low in death. The President who had called the
meeting of the Congress was no longer the President
when the Congress met. A successor to the office
had assumed the title, with totally different principles,
though professing the same at the time of his election,
which, far from harmonizing, like those of his imme-
diate predecessor, with the majority of both Houses
of Congress, were soon disclosed in diametrical oppo-
sition to them.
The first development of this new, and most un-
fortunate, condition of the General Government, was
manifested by the failure, once and again, of the first
great measure intended by Congress to restore the
credit of the country, by the establishment of a Na-
tional Bank—a failure caused exclusively by the ope-
ration of the veto power by the President. An anxious
desire to accommodate the action of Congress to the
opinions and wishes of Mr. Tyler had led to modifi-
cations of the first Bill for the establishment of a Na-
tional Bank, presented to him for his approval, widely
differing from the opinions entertained of their ex-
pediency by the majority of both Houses of Congress,
but which failed to obtain that approval for the sake
•f which they had been reluctantly adopted. A second
attempt ensued, under a sense of the indispensable
necessity of a fiscal corporation to the revenues and
credit of the nation, to prepare an Act, to which an ,
informal intercourse and communication between a
Member of the House, charged with the duty of pre-
paring the Bill, and the President of the United
States himself, might secure by compliance with his
opinions a pledge in advance of his approval of the
Bill, when it should be presented to him. That
pledge was obtained. The Bill was presented to him
in the very terms which he had prescribed as neces-
sary to obtain his sanction, and it met the same fate
with its predecessor ; and it is remarkable that the
reasons assigned for the refusal to approve the second
Bill are in direct and immediate conflict with those
which hadbeen assigned for the refusal to sign the first.
Thus the measure, first among those deemed by the
Legislature of the Union indispensably necessary for
the salvation of its highest interests, and for the
restoration of its credit, its honour, its prosperity, was
prostrated, defeated, annulled, by the weak and wa-
vering obstinacy of one man, accidentally, and not by
the will of the people, invested with that terrible
power, as if prophetically described by one of his
own chosen ministers, at this day, as the right to
deprive the people of self-government."
By the assiduous and unremitting labours of the
Committees of both Houses, charged with the duties of
providing for the necessities of the revenue, and for
the great manufacturing interest of the Northern,
Central, and Western States, which must be so deeply
affected by any adjustment of a tariff, to raise ex-
clusively a revenue adequate to the necessary expenses
of the Government from duties on imports, a Tariff
Bill believed to be nearly, if not wholly, sufficient for
the purpose, was elaborated and amply discussed
through a long series of weeks in both branches of
the Legislature. Not only was this most conciliatory
measure contemptuously rejected, but, in total disre-
gard of the avowed opinions of his own Secretary of
the Treasury, concurring with those, nearly unani-
mous, of all the most eminent lawyers of the land, in
solitary reliance upon the hesitating opinion of the
Attorney-General, he has undertaken not only to levy
taxes to the amount of millions upon the people, but
to prescribe regulations for its collection, and for
ascertaining the value of imported merchandise, which
the law had in express terms, reserved for the legis-
lative action of Congress.
And now, to crown this system of continual and
unrelenting exercise of executive legislation by the
alternate gross abuse of constitutional power and
bold assumption of powers never vested in him by
any law, we come to the Veto Message referred by
the House to this Committee.

The Committee submit to the House their unhesi-
tating opinion that the appropriation of any part of
the proceeds of the sales of the public lands to the or-
dinary- annual expenditure would be only the effectual
and irretrievable giving away of that great and ines-
timable inheritance of the American people. That, if
once the growing and inexhaustible fund shall be
doomed to form the whole or any part of the ways
and means for the annual estimates of the receipts and
expenditures of the National Government, the people
may bid farewell, a long farewell, to every hope of
ever receiving a dollar's useful improvement from the
gift of God to them, thus cruelly and perfidiously
wrested from their hands.

Nineteen of the States of this Union, in the ardent,
perhaps, in some cases; inconsiderately ardent, pur-
suit of this improvement of their own condition, have
become involved, some of them heavily involved, in
debt. The greatest portion of this debt has been
contracted for the accomplishment of stupendous
works, to expedite and facilitate the intercourse of
travel and of trade between the remotest extremes of
greatteredoublinged saving
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and
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individual citizens of the Union, enjoying the benefit
of these public works, more than repays, in every
single year, the whole cost of their construction.
But, while these immense benefits have been thus
secured to the people, as a community of individuals,
the States which authorised them have contracted a
burden of liabilities heavier than they are able to
bear. They need the assistance of a friendly and
powerful hand, and where should they find it but
in the sympathies of the National Government ? in
their fidelity to the trust committed to their charge
in this immense and almost boundless domain ? The
application of the proceeds of the public lands to alle-
viate the burden of these debts pressing upon the peo-
pleof almost all the States, is, if not the only, the most
unexceptionable mode of extending the mighty arm of
the Union to relieve the people of the States from the
pressure of the burden bearing upon them—a relief
consisting only of the distribution among them of
their own property—a relief furnishing them the
means of paying to the United States themselves no
inconsiderable portion of the debts due from the
States to them ; so that by one and the same opera-
tion the people of the States will be relieved from the
intolerable pressure of their debt, and the common
Treasury- of the Union will receive back in payment
of debt no small part of the same sums allotted to the
States as their respective portions of the distributions.
The Committee regret that the shortness of the
time which they have allowed themselves for the pre-
paration of this Report, constrains them to pass over
numerous other considerations amounting to the
clearest demonstration that the distribution among
the States of the proceeds of the sales of the public
lands will be infinitely more conducive to the ends of
justice and to the relief of the people from their em-
barrassments, than the devotion of the same funds to ,
be swallowed up in the insatiate gulph of the ordinary .
annual expenses of the Federal Government—to
perish in the using like the nine millions of the fourth
instalment promised in the States, the seven or eight
millions of stock in the Bank of the United States, •

and the five or six millions of Indian trust and Navy
pension funds, all sunk, during the Van Buren Ad-
ministration, without leaving a wreck behind.
They perceive that the whole legislative power of
the Union has been for the last fifteen months, with,
regard to the action of Congress upon measures of
vital importance, in a state of suspended animation,
strangled by the five times repeated stricture of the
executive cord. They observe that, under these un-
exampled obstructions to the exercise of their high
and legitimate duties, they have hitherto preserved
the most respectful forbearance towards the execu-
tive chief; that while lie has, time after time, an-
nulled by the mere act of his will their commission
from the people to enact laws for the common wel-
fare, they have forborne even the expression of their
resentment for these multiplied insults and injuries;
they believed they had a high destiny to fulfil by ad-
ministering to the people in the form of law remedies
for the sufferings which they had too long endured.
The will of one man has frustrated all their
labours, and prostrated all their powers. The majority
of the Committee believe that the case has occurred
in the annals of our Union, contemplated by the
founders of the Constitution by the grant to the
House of Representatives of the power to impeach the
President of the United States; but they are aware
that the resort to that expedient might, in the present
condition of public affairs, prove abortive. They see
that the irreconcilable difference of opinion and of ac-
tion between the Legislative and Executive Depart-
ments of the Government is but sympathetic with the
same discordant views and feelings among the people.
To them alone the final issue of the struggle must
be left.

The power of the present Congress to enact laws
essential to the welfare of the people has been struck
with apoplexy by the executive hand. Submission
to his will is the only condition upon which he will
permit them to act. For the enactment of a measure
earnestly recommended by himself he forbids their ac-
tion unless coupled with a condition, declared by him-
self to be on a subject so totally different, that he will
not suffer them to be coupled in the same law.
With that condition Congress cannot comply. In
this state of things he has assumed, as the Commit-
tee fully believe, the exercise of the whole legislative
power to himself, and is levying millions of money
upon the people without any authority of law.
But the final decision of this question depends
neither upon legislative nor executive, but upon judi-
cial authority; nor can the final decision of the Su-
preme Court upon it be pronounced before the close
of the present session. In the mean time, the abu-
sive exercise of the constitutional power of the Pre-
sident to arrest the action of the Congress, upon mea-
sures vital to the welfare of the people, has wrought
conviction upon the minds of a majority of the Com-
mittee, that the veto power itself must be restrained
and modified by an amendment of the Constitution
itself, a resolution for which they accordingly here-
with respectfully report.
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. TATIMAN SMITH.

JOHN fit. BOTTS.
JAMES COOPER.

F. GRANGER.
H. S. 14 %NE.

K. RATNER. JEREMIAH MORROW.
THOS. J. CAMPBELL. J. A. PEARCE.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring
therein—That the following amendment of the Con-
stitution of the United States, in the seventh section
of the first article, he recommended to the Legisla-
tures of the several States, which on the adoption of
the same, by three-fourths of the said Legislatures,
shall become part and parcel of the Constitution.
Instead of the words " two-thirds" twice repeated
in the second paragraph of the said seventh section,
substitute, in both cases, the words, " a majority of
the whole number."

missioners traced the line in the most north-western
point of the Lake of the Woods,—thence along the
said line to the said most north-west point, being
in latitude 49 deg. 23 min. 55 sec. north, and in longi-
tude 95 deg. 14 min. 38 sec. west from the observatory at
Greenwich ; thence, according to existing treaties, due
south to its intersection with the 49th parallel of north
Jettitude, and along the parallel to the Rocky Moun-
tains. It being understood that all the water communi-
cations and all the usual portage along the lines from
Lake Superior to the Lake of the Woods, and also Grand
Portage, from the shore of Lake Superior to the Pigeon
River, as now actually used, shall be free and open to
the use of the citizens and subjects of both countries.
ARTICLE lII.—In order to promote the interests and
encourage the industry of all the inhabitants of the coun-
tries watered by the river St. John and its tributaries,
whether living within the state of Maine or the province
of New Brunswick, it is weed that where, by the
provisions of the present treaty, the river St. John is
declared to be the line of boundary, the navigation of
said river shall be free and open to both parties, and
shall in no way be obstructed by either ; that all the
produce of the forest, in logs, lumber, timber, boards,
staves, or shingles, or of agriculture not being
manufactured, grown on any of those parts of the State
of Maine watered by the river St. John, or by its
tributaries, of which fact reasonable evidence shall, if
required, be produced, shall have free access into and
through the said river and its said tributaries, having
their source within the state of Maine, to and from the
seaport at the mouth of the said river St. John, and to
and to and round the falls of the said river, either by
boats, rafts, or other conveyance ; that when within the
province of New Brunswick, the said produce shall be
dealt with as if it were the produce of said province ;
that, in like manner, the inhabitants of the territory of
the Upper St. John determined by this treaty to belong
to her Britannic Majesty,'shall have free access to and
through the river for their produce, in those parts where
the said river runs wholly through the State of Maine ;
provided always, that this agreement shall give no right
to either party to interfere with any regulations not in-
consistent with the terms of this treaty, which the
Governments, respectively, of Maine or of New Brunswick
may make respecting the navigation of the said river,
when both banks thereof shall belong to the same party.
ARTICLE IV.—All grants of land heretofore made by
either party, within the limits of the territory which by
this treaty falls within the dominions of the other party,
shall be held valid, ratified and confirmed to the persons
in possession under such grants, to the same extent as if
such territory had by this treaty fallen within the do-
minions of the party by whom such grants were made ;
and all equitable possessory claims, arising from a pos-
session and improvement of any lot or parcel of land by
the person actually in possession, or by those under
whom such person claims, for more than six years before
the date of such treaty, shall, in like manner, be deemed
valid, and be confirmed and quieted by a release to the
person entitled thereto, of the title to such let or parcel
of land, so described as best to include the improvements
made thereon ; and in all other respects the two con-
tracting parties agree to deal upon the most liberal prin-
ciples of equity with the settlers actually dwelling on
the territory falling to them respectively, which has
heretofore been in dispute between them.
ARTICLE V.—Whereas, in the course of the contro-
versy respecting the disputed territory on the north-
eastern boundary, some moneys have been received by
the authorities of her Britannic Majesty's province of
New Brunswick, with the intention of preventing depre-
dations on the forests of the said territory, which
moneys were carried to a fund called the " Disputed
Territory Fund," the proceeds whereof it was agreed
should be hereafter paid over to the parties interested,
in the proportions to be determined by a final settle-
ment of boundaries. It is hereby agreed that a cor-
rect account of all receipts and payments on the said
fund, shall be delivered to the Government of the
United States, within six months after the ratifica-
tion of this treaty ; and the proportions of the
amount due thereon to the States of Maine and
Massachusetts, and any bonds and securities apper-
taining thereto, shall be paid and delivered over to the
Government of the United States ; and the Govern-
ment of the United States agree to receive for the
use of, and pay over to the States of Maine and Mas-
sachusetts their respective portions of said fund ; and
farther to pay and satisfy said States, respectively, for all
claims for expenses incurred by them in protecting the
said heretofore disputed territory, and making a survey
thereof in 1838 ; the Government of the United States
agreeing with the States of Maine and Massachusetts to
pay them the further sum of three hundred thousand
dollars, in equal moieties, on account of their assent to
'the line of boundary described in this treaty, and in con-
sideration of the equivalent received therefor from the
Government of her Britannic Majesty.
ARTICLE is furthermore understood and
agreed, that for the purpose of running and tracing those
parts of the line between the source of the St. Croix and
the St. Lawrence river, which will require to be run
and ascertained, and for marking the residue of said
line by proper monuments on the land, two Commis-
sioners shall be appointed, one by the President of the
United States, by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate thereof, and one by her Britannic Majesty ;
and the said Commissioners shall meet at Bangor, in
the State of Maine,' on the first day of May next, or
as soon thereafter as may be, and shall proceed to mark
the line above described, from the source of the St.
Croix to the River St. John ; and shall trace on proper
marks the dividing line along said river, and along the
River' St. Francis, to the outlet of the Lake Pohenaga-
mook ; and from the outlet of said lake they shall ascer-
tain, fix, and mark, by durable monuments upon the
land, the line described in the first article of this treaty ;
and the said Commissioners shall make to each of their
respective Governments a joint report, or declaration,
under their hands and seals, designating such line of
boundary, and shall accompany said report or declara-
tion with maps certified by them to be true maps of the
new boundary.
ARTICLE VII.--It is further agreed that the channels
in the River St. Lawrence, on both sides of the Long
Sault Islands, and of Barnhart Island ; the channels in
the River Detroit, on both sides of the island of Bois
Blanc, and between that island and both the American
and anadian shores ; and all the several channels and
passages between the various islands lying near the
junction of the river St. Clair, with the lake of that
name, shall be equally free and operi to the ships, vessels,
and boats of both parties.

ArtricLEVIII.--The parties mutually stipulate that each
shall prepare, equip, and maintain in service,on the coast of
Africa, a sufficient and adequate squadron or naval force
of vessels, of suitable numbers and description, to carry
in all not less than eighty guns, toj enforce, separately
and respectively, the laws, rights and obligations of each
of the two countries, for the suppression of the slave
trade ; the said squadrons to be independent of each
other, but the two Governments stipulating, neverthe-
less, to give such orders to the officers commanding their
respective forces as shall enable them most effectually
to act in concert and co-operation, upon mutual consul-
tation, as exigencies may arise, for the attainment of the
true object of this article ; copies of all such orders to
be communicated by each Government to the other re-
spectively.
ARTICLE IX.—Whereas, notwithstanding all efforts
which may be made on the coast of Africa for suppress-
ing the slave trade, the facilities for carrying on that
traffic, and avoiding the vigilance of cruisers by the frau-
dulent use of flags and other means, are so treat, and the
temptation for pursuing it, while a market can be found
for slaves, so strong, that the desired result may be long
delayed, unless all markets be shut against the purchase
of African negrocs ; the parties to this treaty agree that,
they will unite in all becoming representations and re-
monstrances, with any and all powers within whose do-
minions such markets are allowed to exist ; and that
they will urge upon all such powers the propriety and
duty of closing such markets at once and for ever.
ARTICLE X.—lt is agreed that the United States and
her Britannic Majesty shall, upon mutual requisitions by
them, or their ministers, officers, or authorities, re-
spectively made, deliver up to justice all persons, who,
being charged with the crime of murder, or assault with
intent to commit murder, or piracy, or arson, or robbery,
or forgery, or the utterance of forged papers, com-
mitted within the jurisdiction of either, shall seek an
asylum, or shall be found, within the territories of the
other : provided, that this shall only be done upon
such evidence of criminality, as, according to the laws
of the place where the fugitive or person so charged
shall be found, would justify his apprehension and
commitment for trial, if the crime or offence had there
been committed: and the respective judges and other
magistrates of the two Governments shall have
power, jurisdiction, and authority, upon complaint made
under oath, to issue a warrant for the apprehension of
the fugitive or person so charged, that he may be
brought before such judges or other magistrates, re-
spectively, to the end that the evidence of criminality,
may be heard and considered ; and if, on such hear-
ing, the evidence be deemed sufficient to sustain the
charge, it shall be the duty of the examining judge or
magistrate to certify the' same to the proper executive
authority, that a warrant may issue for the surrender of
such fugitive. The expense of such apprehension and
delivery shall be borne and defrayed by the party who
makes the requisition, and receives the fugitive.
ARTICLE Xl.—The eighth article of this treaty shall be
in force for five years from the date of the ratification,
and afterwards until one or the other party shall signify a
wish to terminate it. The tenth article shall continue in
force until one or the other party shall signify its wish
to terminate it, and no longer.

ARTICLE Xll.—The present treaty shall be duly rati•
fled, and the mutual exchange of ratifications shall take
place in London; within six months from the date hereof,
or earlier if possible. .

In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries,
have signed this treaty, and have hereunto affixed our
seals.

Done in duplicate at Washington, the ninth day of
August, Anno Domini, one thousand eight hundred and
forty-two. ASHBURTON [sEAL.]
DANIEL WEBSTER, (SEAL.)

The correspondeace is upon the subjects-
-Ist. Of the interference of the Colonial Authorities of
the British West India Islands with American merchant
vessels driven by stress of weather, or carried by vio•
lence, into the ports of the colonies.
2d. On the subject of the Caroline—and

3d. On the subject of impressment--but except that a
sort of apology and plea of necessity is made for the
burning of the Caroline, with an expression of regard for
the sacredness of our neutral rights—nothing is settled
upon these points; and the President is understood to de-
clare in his message accompanying the treaty, that he does
not,deem it necessary t© urge the consideration of those
matters farther.

MR. RICHARD FARRELL.—D ied on Thursday night,
at his residence on the Quay, in the 70th year of his
age, Mr. Richard Farrell, for many years proprietor of
the Waterford Mirror newspaper. Mr. Farrell was ori-
ginally intended for the Church, and received his educa-
tion at Louvain.—Waterford Chronicle,

THE LATE DR. MAGINN.
(From the Examiner.)
The late Dr. Maginn, we are sorry to hear, has
left a wife, a son, and two daughters, utterly unpro-
vided for. Surely, if ever there was a case in which
the gift of a small pension from Government would
receive the sanction and grateful acknowledgment of
men of all parties, this is that case. It would be but
a decent tribute to great wit, admitted learning, many
and various talents, and some generous qualities—
however sadly misused, according to our ways of
thinking, these may all have been. We believe Sir
Robert Peel to be above mere narrow party views in
a case of this kind, or we would remind him of Dr.
Maginn's services to those who placed him in power.
They were faithful, unswerving, and zealous to the last.
(From Mr. Oastler's Fleet Papers.)
Again the mournful, deep-toned knell of death
smites upon my ear, and tells me that another friend
of mine is numbered with the dead. Yes, my kind
friend IVlaginn is gone ! The talented, learned, and
facetious Dr. Maginn, is, alas no more. His spirit
has quitted its prison-house of clay, and winged its
flight into the regions of an eternal world !
Had I not been sent to this place in all probability
I should never have known that justly celebrated man.
His brilliant genius and sparkling wit had often en-
livened my prison hours, and afforded me a rich in-
tellectual repast : his deep store of learning rendered
him a most delightful and instructive companion ;
and his peculiar facility of communicating that know-
ledge to others which he so eminently possessed gave
a zest to his " chatterings" (his own expression)
which enjoyment could alone appreciate.
Often have I been fascinated by the power of his
imagination while attending to his verbal reveries. It
was as though the richest streams of book knowledge
were shedding their luxuriant droppings on the listen-
ing ear from the lips of thoughtfulness and deep ex-
perience. _

On such occasions the stores of ages were served
out by him for my instruction and amusement in
tones so winning and attractive that the time has often
gone ere I was aware that one-half the rapid moments
had sped their hasty course.
His quickness of perception—the concentration and
clearness of his ideas—his acuteness of thought--his
wonderful memory—his rich and apt quotations—his
ready and lively wit, united with a beauty and even
juvenile simplicity of language, charmed me into an
enthusiastic admiration of the man.
I shall not soon forget the pleasures which I have
derived from his society —never, the sage lessons
which he taught. me.
Dr. Maginn's polities were in unison with my own.
They were all of the Saxon school. Such talents,
united with Such principles, I have rarely, if ever,
found. But he is gone--.I shall hear his voice no
more; his form is vanished from my view. No more
will the splendour of his genius shed forth its reful-
gent rays within ray cell—vet the remembrance of
the past is sweet and refreshing ; and it is a conso-
lation to know that I was sometimes a comfort to poor
Magian.
The Doctor's death is a public loss ; and as such it
ought to be regarded by every scholar and by every
patriot. But our sympathies are also urgently re-
quired on behalf of his disconsolate widow and father-
less children, who are left entirely unprovided for.
It is a melancholy truth, that Dr. Maginn's last
days were rendered doubly afflictive by the hard hand
of pressing want ! And will the Tories, whose cham-
pion ha was, pay no tribute to his worth ? Can they,
whose cause he so long and so ably advocated, disre-
gard the claims of his bereaved family, whose only
hope and support he was, and by whose death they
are plunged into a state of painful destitution ? It
would be a reproach to the Tory party to suppose
them capable of such indifference and neglect towards
the widow and orphans of one who, during his life-
time, so constantly and so ably defended their consti-
tutional principles.
Sir Robert Peel is known to be the patron of
science and literature—he cannot withhold a tribute
to such talent as Magian's.
All men of learning and genius will honour them-
selves by aiding those who are left their pensioners.
Let then the State, and the State's best friends, with-
out a moment's delay, do that which humanity and
justice urge on them now, and take immediate care
that the family of Magi= shall know no want.
During his lifetime I urged him to allow me to
make a public appeal on his behalf. I wished to
raise a fund to enable him to try a warmer climate—
his pride forbade me.
That I was some comfort to my friend is a consola-
tion to me—that I may be of service to his family is
now my hope.
Where is the man, of any party, who would
grudge if the State should provide for the bereaved
of Magian ?
iThe Doctor died on the 20th of August, 1842, and
hiS remains were buried in the churchyard of Walton-
upon-Thames.