The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-02 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 2, 1845.

A petition for the total abolition of the oppressive
game-laws—one of the few remaining relics of feudal
barbarism—is now in course of circulation in the
county of Nottingham, and has already, we under-
stand, received an immense number of signatures, not
a few even of the local squirearchy having affixed their
names to the document. From this petition, which
is expressed in terse and nervous phrase, and is ad-
dressed to the House of Commons, we quote the fol-
lowing passage :—" We, your petitioners, have long
viewed the game-laws as a source of evils of the
greatest magnitude, and most direful in their opera-
tions on society, but particularly so to the rural po-
pulation of this country. Driven by distress, priva-
tion, hunger, and the promptings of parental
affection, they are too often driven from necessity
to the act of poaching for a meal for their fa-
milies, for which offence against the game-
laws, if taken and convicted, they are consigned
to the gloom of a dungeon, to be the associates of
felons for so many months, imbibing the felons'
worst principles and evil advice, so as to become
ruined men both in character and morals. During
their incarceration their homes are broken up, and
they are driven to their dernier resort, the Poor-
law Union, as pauperised families, whose fathers
linger in the prison's gloom, for having taken a hare
to sustain nature's wants." This is forcibly put, but
it is not the worst of the evils consequent on these
execrable laws, whi ch are in direct violation of every
principle of justice. Suppose the poor poacher re-
leased from prison after a brief, or it may be,
a protracted incarceration. What follows as the
inevitable sequel of his imprisonment ? Why, just
this—namely, that he is a ruined man—ruined in his
prospects, and—what is a far more hopeless case—
ruined in his own self-esteem ! The sense of pride
and honour within him is fallen, never to rise again.
He sees himself abandoned by his former employers ;
he sees his discreet, respectable neighbours, who have
no notion of exhibiting disinterested sympathy for a
shipwrecked character who is obnoxious to the 'squire
of the parish, avoiding him as though he were
plague-stricken; and seeing this —feeling, too,
that there is scarcely a hope of his being able
to retrieve himself, he begins at length to
fancy himself the poor, lost, abandoned crea-
ture he is supposed to be—becomes desperate—
reckless—callous—takes to downright dishonest
courses as a matter of necessity; and possibly winds
up his career by holding aloft the blazing torch of
" Swing," and standing on the scaffold, a spectacle of
mingled pity, horror, and disgust to thousands of his
countrymen ! But for the atrocious game-laws these
things could not be. One of the worst temptations to
which he can possibly be subjected would be taken
away from the poor man; and our courts of session
and assize would not year after year exhibit such a
fearful muster-roll of crimes as has long been the case
with them. What is the leading principle of the
game-laws ? Not to do justice between man and
man—not to maintain unimpaired the undoubted
rights of property—no, but to establish the astound-
ing fact that a hare, or a partridge, or a pheasant is
of more value in the eyes of our country-gentle-
men legislators, than human flesh and blood! The
game-laws lay a trap for the conscience of the poor
man, and then persecute him for falling into it. In-
stead of removing, they place temptation within his
reach—under his very nose—and then punish him
for not nobly rising superior to it. Never yet did a
more dishonest—demoralising law deform our statute-
book. It reflects far more disgracefully on those
who framed it than oa those who suffer under
it ; and a poacher—startling as may be the
assertion—is in our estimation a far less inju-
rious member of society than the bigoted, tyran-
nical squad of country Members who still insist on
upholding the game-laws. But not only is the poor
labouring man victimised by these iniquitous
statutes, but the farmer is equally injured by
them. Immense is the damage annually done
to his crops by the game in the 'squire's pre-
serves ; and yet he has no redress ; he must submit
in silence to his lot, and be thankful that it is
no worse. We have abolished slavery in the West
Indies, but in the game-laws we have a species of
domestic slavery which is nearly equally intolerable,
And which we cannot too soon get rid of in tote. Mi-
nisters, we have reason to believe, are at this moment
directing their attention to the subject ; and at the
Cabinet Council which is to be held on the 9th inst.,
measure for the revision, if not for the entire aboli-
tion of the game-laws, will, it is supposed, be taken
into serious consideration.

With the present opening of the new year and
the approaching opening of a new session, how many
hopes and fears connect themselves. It is true that
no salient points of absorbing interest present them-
selves either in the political horizon of our foreign
relations—or in the aspect of our domestic condition
—which were not observable at any time during the
last five weeks. But we believe that there are not
nany among us to whose impressions this repose will
Appear synonymous with tranquillity. On the con-
trary, it seems the general feeling that under this
little agitated surface of things there flows a current
of tempestuous waters, which must, ere long, force
their passage into light and activity with a violence
and destructiveness that will fearfully contrast with
the silence of their accumulation. If, in Spain, the
elements of civil conflict have ceased for a brief time
to afflict that much suffering country, there is abun-
dant reason to infer that they will presently resume
rheir destroying activity, and scatter over the most
devoted of European States their disastrous and de-
solating ravages. It is not in Spain—it is not in
Switzerland—still less is it in Russia, or Sardinia, or
the Italian dominions of Austria, -that we can hope
with any confidence to trace the guarantees of per-
manent repose. Wearied, therefore, with the vain
endeavour to arrive at any tangible evidences of the
probable consolidation of unbroken European peace
throughout the various continental kingdoms, we turn
our consideration homewards. From the multipli-
city of topics which at once suggest themselves, here,
we select one, not because it is of paramount interest
or importance, but because it is of immediate appli-
cation to the business of session 184.5. " Will the
property-tax be renewed ?" This is a question, the
beyond
tax.the sphere of
Into the
bearing of which is felptayfaerrs
those who are the direct
expedient or inexpedient character of theimpost,we
do not now enter, although we belong to a school
which does not insist upon the unmodified application
of every abstract principle to every possible case,
within the category to which it may seem specially
adapted. We are not sure that direct taxation upon
income or property—(in a free and commercial coun-
try where the absence of all unnecessary restraint or
control is the first essential to the development of
capital)—that such direct taxation is a sound resource
of fiscal policy at any time. In a period of profound
peace this seems to us more than doubtful.
In 1845, however, it will be less a question of
principle than of policy, whether the existing pro-
perty-tax should be renewed in its present form ?
The principle will be neither more nor less open to
objection, than at its first imposition. There can be
no doubt that it ought to be, of all other imaginable
taxes, the most carefully graduated. It is the height
of absurdity, as well as the most wanton excess of
injustice and oppression, to make the hard working
recipient of a bare 2001., or 2501. a year, contribute,
in the same proportion, as the hereditary possessor of

The French Opposition journals are loud in their
exultations over the speedy downfall of M. Girizor.
This result they regard as certain, but what other re-
sults are to follow, they do not state. Little is said
about M. Trams, but a great deal about Count MOLE,
who is the ostensible agent in this movement for dis-
placing the " Man of Ghent," and who has been em-
boldened to take this course, not from the strength of
his own party, but from an amalgamation of ail the
discontented and disappointed Members in the Cham-
ber, including men of all shades of politics, from the
extreme Right to the extreme Left. A change of some
kind appears absolutely necessary to give life t...) the
Parliamentary proceedings. M. GuizoT has re-
mained in office far beyond the usual period allotted
to Prime Ministers of France, having guided
the destinies of the country for nearly four years,
a circumstance without precedent during the
reign of the Citizen KING. He will not, however,
resign without a struggle—at all events without a
speech in defence of his policy, and, judging both
from the qualities of the orator, and the course of
events during his administration, it will be a speech
of no ordinary interest. Since Louis PHILIPPE
ascended the throne so many remarkable events, all
honourable to France and creditable to the Ministry,
have not occurred, we will not say in the same period,
but during all the other years of his reign. Public
credit has greatly increased ; additional impulses have
been given to trade and commerce ;:the war in Africa
has been, at least to all appearances, concluded ; the
differences in Morocco have been settled, in a way
redounding both to French bravery and modera-
tion ; the KING, chosen by the people, has
done what no French; King ever did before,
paid a friendly visit to an English Sovereign ; and
what is a greater proof than all of Guizor's wise ad-
ministration, the whole of France enjoys the most
profound peace and security. How Count MOLE,,
with a firebrand at his back in the shape of Taints,
will mend matters, we cannot see, but if the Members
of the Chamber wish to make the experiment, and
think a coalition of il..terogeneous politiciill,3 prefer-
able to a Cabinet whose principles they know, no one
has a right to object to their choice. The leading
Ministerial journal, the Globe, says Count MOLE is
the soul and end of the coalition, leaving
little THIERS entirely out of view ; but the
most ominous fact admitted by that journal is
the backwardness of the usual Conservative sup- _
porters of GUIZOT. According to that journal
not fewer than 119 were absent from their Iposts at
a very important crisis—either " snowed up," like
the Conservative Members in 1834-35, or waiting
for promises of place or preferment. This journal,
apparently apprehensive that M. GUIZOT will be
beaten, justly maintains that the policy of the new
Cabinet will remain the same. The following are
the rem/Pals of the Globe on the present crisis :
"M. Debelle) me has been nominated Vice-President of
the Chamber but only by 172 votes to 168 given to M.
Billault. This result is grave ; we do not wish to dis-
semble it; but we think that it is necessary to explain
it. First of all, we cannot impute it to the Conservative
party, properly so called. The number of voters was
yesterday 340, so that there were 119 absentees.
But, out of these 119, an account drawn up
very coimectly shows that there are 80 Depu-
ties notoriously supporters of the Ministry. They
have been much in the wrong not to be found
at their posts, in the combat where the duty of defending
their pnncrples called them; but, in fine, it must be
declared th at the Conservative party is by no means
dissolved, notwithstanding the sad defections which
might be vviitnessed yesterday, and that it still reckons
172 votes present, and 80 which will soon arrive, forming
altogether n tolerably nice total, for which M. Billault
would willingly exchange his 168 coalised votes. Yes,
M. Billault had only coalised votes; and every one knows
at the Chez nber that Count Mole is the soul and end of
the coalition., It appears that, after having cursed coali-
tions, Count. Moli has been reconciled to them, and has
thought fit qt, use them for his own account. Legitimatists,
Radicals, Left, discontented, or, in other words, unplaced
Conservatieses, all have precipitated themselves into the
lap of the President of April 15. Now this is the little
calculation of those gentlemen. To attack a Ministry
like the pr es ent openly in the tribune, is not advisable, for
several reziaona. First, because the speakers who attempt
it come off with great damage; next, to ask the Chamber to
condemn the Speech from the Throne,which this yearis, in
its essential parts, only an expose of the foreign policy, is to
demand feesm the majority to condemn the policy upheld
by themse Is es for four years. But such a thing it is
impossible -.to obtain. Besides, if the policy of peace,
eincord, ant( the entente cordiale was blamed, the follow-
ing Ministry would have a war programme ready traced
for it; and, -without any doubt, the King, the Chamber
of Peet.s, and the countrf, would not allow that. There
were, therefore, nothing but dangers and impossibilities
in a frank and open struggle; and, on that account these
gentlemen had formed the project of stranglinguthn.
the
Cabinet di tring the preliminaries of the session.
Un-
luckily, th ese gentlemen forget that the representative
Governme at is not a regime of mutes. A mask may be
applied to it, but a gag cannot be placed in its
the
The attem pt has, therefore, completely failed
the : t ' in-
trigue is Eoing to be named and defied in
thing
ttne.
Certainly It would have been a very convenient ing, to
dispenseaui in thveritphlageeivionfgr73olannsa. tioTnhsisand year,te hianive rb;illrtiocutt liang
b,
the declamatory speeches will be poor. Otaheite threa .dr -
bare ; Prite hard is worm-eaten; New Zealand, Moiite
Video, and the exequatur are become antiquities—there
is not, in fact, the smallest novelty to offer the public.
It was, au refore, a capital invention to overturn th a
Cabinet bz a silent vote on the election of a Vice-Preql-