The Sun.
London, England, 1827-04-23 00:00:00

Marquess of Lansdown and his friends do not
take place, they will not thereby forward the set-
tlement of the Catholic Question, but rather
retard it. But can that be the proper course to
pursue, which retards rather than promotes, the
accomplishment of ar. object believed by us to
be of the last importance to the welfare of the
nation ? Do not let it be supposed for a
moment that we are advocating an indifferency
as to means. So far from maintaining any such
doctrine, we do not think that any means at va-
riance with justice and morality are to be adopted
for attaining the most desirable objects. But '
'our position implies the adoption of no means
inconsistent with the strictest morality. We
merely contend that the necessity of effecting a
given object being admitted, an obligation is un-
posed on us of adopting the best means within
our reach, calculated to effect that object. If a
General were ordered to take possession of a for-
tress, the nearest way to which presented an in-
surmountable obstacle, he would not be justified
in remaining stationary, if he could advance by
a circuitous route. We cannot conceive how
any one should ever have thought of accusing the
Whigs of anxiety for place. So far from being
open to such an accusation, we think they are
open to a very different one. We respect the
purity of motive, and high sense of honour,
which are not to be mistaken in the Whig leaders ;
but we cannot help, at the same time, thinking
that they are somewhat over-punctilious. To speak
frankly, we think that when a public man is per-
suaded that by his taking place the general good
would be more advanced than by Ins remaining
out of place, he is blameable if he prefer the lat-
ter course, because he cannot do all the good
which lie might wish to effect. The late Ad-
ministration, for instance, might have done
much more good under more favourable circum-
stances than they were able to effect ; but be-
cause they did all under existing circumstances
they could do, they entitled themselves to the
gratitude of the country. Now, had Mr. Huskis-
son, and Mr. Robinson, and Mr. Canning retired,
because they could not commence their liberal mea-
sures with the most important one of all, and allowed
the affairs of the nation to fall into the hands of a
complete set of Old Tories ; we think that so far
from entitling themselves to praise, they would have
been open to blame. Now, if Lord Lansdown and
his friends join Mr. Canning and his friends, though
all the good may not be effected which might be
wished, yet it is next to certain that the union would
be productive of greater benefits to the nation than
it would otherwise have. While, however, we sin-
cerely hope that the negotiation will vet be opened,
and that even for the sake of forwarding an object
which we have at heart— the tranquillization of Ire-
land—the Whigs will consent to take office on terms
short of absolute concession of the principle for which
they contend; we are not insensible to the importance
of attending to those points on which the success of
the Ministerial arrangements must in a great measure
depend. \V2 alluded on Saturday to the great
offence taken by the Profession at the intimation of
the transference of Mr. Plunkett to the Rolls in this
countiy. We undersand that besides the presumed
unfitness of an Irish Equity Lawyer for the situa-
tion of Judge in an English Equity Court, there is
no precedent for nominations from the Irish Bar to
the English Bench, or from the English Bench to
the Irish Bar, except in the case of Chancellors. It
is of the very utmost importance that judicial ap-
pointments should be such as to satisfy the just ex-
pectations of the nation; and it is deeply to be re-
gretted that his Majesty should not be advised, that
of all the modes in which partialities may be grati-
fied, unsuitable judicial appointments are the very
worst. Sir John Leach has entitled himself to the
highest

tirTrly;i7eTh-i-dITIg to what We can learn, was as much
before the Lord Chancellor as the latter had the ad-
vantage of him in those little formalities which re-
quire only the possession of a memory for circum-
stances. How happens it that Sir Jolua...ha been
overlooked? One circumstance may serve to guide
I us in our judgment respecting the pr7riety of ju-
dicial appointments. Would any ma,: think of em-
ploying even the most eminent Common Law
lawyer to conduct an important case Chancery ?
Would he think of employing the eminent Irish
lawyer in an English Court of Equity ? Can it be
proper to employ those to decide causes who would
never be employed by parties to conduct them.—
Ibid.

The abandonment, by the French Ministry, of
the Law relative to the Police of the Press, is an
important triumph of sound principles of govern-
ment over ,the maxims of bigotted and suspicious
tyranny, which are not less injurious to the sta-
bility of thrones than to the welfare of nations.
How the project of so insane and extravagant a
law ever entered into the heads of rational men,
we have been unable to conceive. The French
Press had not been indulging in any extraordi-
nary licentiousness, which called for the interpo-
sition of checks, and the application of remedies,
stronger than the existing law afforded. The
change was one, therefore, which was not called
for by any pressing necessity : yet what, short
of the most urgent necessity, could have justified
any Government in exposing itself to the odium
of so wild a piece of legislation ? The pro-
posed law did not satisfy itself with applying
most violent remedies to the supposed abuses of
the Press—nor did it confine its operations to
those classes of publications which were accused of
excesses, but it proceeded boldly to annihilate all
freedom of individual action, in every thing con-
nected with the printing and publication of every
thing whatever. Its provisions, indeed, were
such, -that it would have been• impossible to have
enforced them completely. • But they would
have sufficed, at least, to have maintained per-
petual warfare between the Government and the
country. The spirit of the Administration would
have been placed in direct opposition to the
spirit of the nation. The French Throne has
not yet acquired the reverence and security,
which flows from a stable continuance during
a long lapse of years. Men's minds still revert
habitually to the frightful chasm which sepa-
rates the . present Monarchy from the old.—
Under circumstances like these, the prime
object of the Ministers of France, should be,
to ideniify, in every possible way, the Go-
vernment with the country, -so that the mea-
sures with -the- former may be in accordance
with prevailing notions and prejudices. Btit the
Law of the Press was an open and gratuitous
declaration of war against public opinion ; and,
had it been carried, it must have precluded all sym-
pathy between the people and their rulers. From
the moderation and 'prudence which the French Mi-
nisters have shewn in other matters, we should be
slow to believe that they in reality approved of the
proposed law, or that it was brought forward by
them spontaneously. It was probably forced upon
them by a secret influence, which they dared not
brave directly, but with which the resistance of the
two Chambers might at least enable them to cope.
At all events, they have done wisely in withdraw-
ing a law, which there were both folly and wicked-
nessl in proposing. It is not merely on • account of
the amount of immediate evil from.which France
has been saved, that werejoiee ,in this event. It
is a proof that something of the spirit of a practi-
cally free Government animates the institutions ,of
France ; and that the influence of that party, who
think nothing Government which is not tyranny,
and nothing religion, which is not superstition and
bigotry, is on the wane----2 u, Times.