The Sun.
London, England, 1842-10-19 00:00:00

chit _.zAtit,

LONDON
WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 19, 1842.

. The notice that was taken by General CASs,
and other persons high in authority in the
United States, of the suggestion thrown out in
The Sun, to embark an officer of the United
States navy in each of our cmisers employed to
suppress the slave trade, co ntributed, we.have
good reason to believe, to that arrangement
which has been adopted in the treaty to carry
on the right of search for th e prevention of the
.slave trade, without violatini: the dignity of the
United States. At the same •time, %re persist in
cur opinion that the arrange m c ntactually adopted
is not su good as the one we vcommended. By
our plan, an American officer would always have
been present whenever an American ship was
brought to by an English me :u-of-war, and she
would have been examined by an American
authority. By the arrangetm!iit of the treaty,
it will not be possible for an A merican ship of
war to be always in company • with an English
man-of-war; and either every American ship
with which an English man-of-w; tr, when alone,
falls in will be exposed to the same visitation
as before, or she will go unvisitei I, and we shall
have the mortilying conviction -1 hat our arma-
ments are maintained, at a great •expense of life
and treasure, for no good purpote, on the coast
of Africa. We must rely exelu t;ively on Ame-
rican men-of-war stopping the slave traffic, when
carried on by American ships, w Lich we believe
cannot, and will not, .be stop ped by them.
What the " diplomatic device" • was which pre-
vented even Lord ASHBURTON from adopting
the safe, economic, and cheap mi •thod of insur-

ing -the visitation of every Americ an vessel our
cruisers might fall in with, whi ch we recom-
mended, we are not aware; but we presume

that it was one of those old, nonsensical customs,
derived from feudal times and mi:; understood in-
ternational law, which are contin t tally set up by
politicians as barriers against the 1 r:,•ogress of rea-
s•m and justice. Though our sug ;action was not
followed, and a much worse p 1 an adopted, we
have still the satisfaction to belie re that it was
of service; and so believing, we -111111 now again
advert to the right of search to enforce the
system of impressment, in the hope that
we may contribute to put an end t o that practice,
and so remo-, e another Wostacle • to the continu-
ance of peace between the two n. ations.

Our allu ,lon to the subject on 3 "vionday, found
an eloquent echo in the Time of yesterday.
Our Contemporary, some porti of '. of whose re-
marks we extracted in another pi rt of our jour-
nal, took some pains to point out t he evils of our
system of impressment, and of tile :right of search
which grows out of it, and out of it alone.
"Mr. Webster," says our Cont .roporary, "is
certainly right in contending that t he evils of the
system of impressment, as prac, lised by this
country in former wars, are greatly enhanced
when it is attempted to enforce its 0 Aerations be-
yond the natural limits of the territ c iry and juris-
diction of England and her depend .3 neies."
The practice at home has no thing what-
ever in its favour "for it is tic t (says the
Times) any regular or indefeLsi .ble part of
the law or constitution of t h is country ;
it is an extraordinary power, exercised by
virtue of impress warrants froi a the Admi-
ralty, under a commission, Which . tlai Crown is,
by long-established custom, eraP ovfer ed by the
Mutiny Act to grant."
We try it, however, by that gr, 2at principle

for which Kings are indebted for their power and
Governments for their rights—the benefit of the
nation; and we affirm, fearing no contradiction,
that impressment is as injurious to the nation as
it is unjust to the seamen. It drivesrthe very
men from the service who are most needed,
in all times the. seamen have, in consequence
of impressment, shunned men-of-war. Formerly
they tied in shoals to Holland, now they go to
the United States, to avoid impressment. At the
same time it impedes the rest of the population
from going freely on the ocean. It invests men-
, of-war and merchant ships with an atmosphere
of horror, which does not properly belong to
them. Sea-going is a glad and a healthy occu-
pation; it should be the delight of our maritime
population; but the unjust decrees of most igno-
rant Admiralties have actually made it the bu 4.-
bear of the people. The " press-gang" terrifies
children, and mothers would rather breed up
their boys to be starveling weavers than bold
sailors. At the very moment when the services
of our seamen are most wanted, impressment
estranges their hearts from their country, and
employs quite as many, or rather more, men to
guard those whom it steals than it obtains. Its
cost for guards, guard-ships, press-gangs, use-
less officers, Sze., would man the navy over and
over again. We say nothing of the many valu-
able lives and valuable ships it has sacrificed ;
but without including them, and without includ-
ing- the vast expense of one war which it has
already provoked, we affirm that a more costly,
as well as a more cruel contrivance, than that of
impressment, never disgraced any country. All
these, and a score more, noxious qualities, have
been demonstrated over and over again; and the
Admiralty and the nation will be without the
shadow of an excuse if they ever again practise,
or allow to be practised, this most deplorable
public crime. The Times entertains some si-
milar opinions :
It rests entirely with the Executive Government
for the time being to exert or to leave dormant that
power ; for although the law, and ancient custom still
more than law, have given a colour of right to this
exercise of force on the personal services of a portion
of the Queen's subjects, it cannot be doubted that no-
thing but the most imperious necessity would induce
the Admiralty to revive a practice so adverse to the
general principles of British liberty. * *
There is, we believe, a strong probability that in
the event of a war no instructions for the impressment
of British seamen found in American merchant ves-
sels will be issued to our cruisers. The right is
doubtful, the inexpediency of such a practice certain ;
nor can it be necessary for the British navy to recruit
its forces by such means. It might, therefore, be pos-
sible to accede to a declaration to this effect, and to
renounce a practice which it is not intended to revive.

But, as we hare already said, the evils of impress-
ment are not confined to this particular application of
it ; and it can scarcely be doubted that the most
fitting and dignified mode of removing the apprehen-
sions entertained on the subject by certain foreign
Powers, would be to adopt some general measure for
the entire abolition of arbitrary impressment both at
home abroad. We are persuaded that it would con-
duce to the dignity of the country, the security of a
large and useful class of men, as well as the mainte-
nance of amicable relations with foreign countries, if
it was distinctly intimated that the levies of seamen
for her Majesty's ships will ever hereafter be con-
ducted on settled principles, and not assisted by vio-
lence or fraud.

It not being intended—it being, as we believe,
impossible—again to call this practice into opera-
tion, we agree with the Times, " that a declara-
tion" to this effect ought to be made. We agree
with it in saying that "it would conduce to the
dignity of the country and the security of a large
and useful class of men, if it was distinctly inti-
mated that the levies of seamen will ever here-
after be conducted on settled principles, and not
assisted by violence and fraud." 'We go further;
we say that a solemn repudiation on the part of
the Government of any right, or any claim, to
seize the seamen to serve on board men-of-war,
is due to them; we say that such a solemn repu-
diation of a scandalous injustice would be of great
public advantage—that it would restore both our
mercantile and our Royal marine to that estima-
tion they ought to hold in the minds of the com-
mon people—that it would secure the services of
a greater number and a better description of per-
sons for our ships, as well as improve the mo-
rality of all the sea-going classes, by removing
one great injustice from amongst them which
vitiates them all ; and the same disclaimer which
would be an act of justice to the seamen -could
remove for ever one cause of contention with the
United States. We join with the Times in call-
ing for a public and au thorised declaration against
the revival of impressment.
The whole practice rests on a false basis. It
assumes that man is made for government, and
not government for man. It claims, therefore,
for the Government a property in the limbs and
lives of seamen, and asserts that whenever the
Government requires their services it may ap-
propriate them. Do not let us, however, deceive
ourselves by an abstract term ; the word Go-
vernment means, ut one time, a great feudatory,
surrounded by lesser feudatories ; at another
time, it means a King; again, it means a mock
Sovereign, whose power is usurped by a selfish,
money-loving aristocracy; and this doctrine of
the State, or Government, having a right to the
services of the seamen, is nothing more than the
assertion that the seamen are the personal slaves
of these great feudatories, of Kings, or of venal
aristocracies. The practice of impressment and its
asserted consequence, the right of the Govern-
ment to seize a British seaman whenever it
wants his services, and wherever he may be
found—as on board American ships, for which
we have waged war with the United States—is a
deduction from the ancient, and, in most cases,
obsolete condition of personal slavery, and
ought to be solemnly condemned by all free
men, as they condemn the negro slavery of the
United States. The legal assertion that a man
cannot throw off his allegiance to the Sovereign
or Government under whom he was born,
on which some persons justify the right of
searching American vessels for British sea-
men, is a deduction from the same con-
dition, and is continually and practically contra-
dicted. The State makes no claim on the ser-
vices of the thousands of its natural born sub-
jects, except they be. seamen, who seek their
fortunes in other States; it is glad to get rid
of them; and the legal dictum that a man can-
not throw off his allegiance, is equally false in
fact, 'and unjustifiable in theory. Men establish
Government for their benefit, and whenever it
ceases to answer that purpose, they may leave
it or dismiss it. The contrary doctrine sets up
as an idol the work of man's hands, and
superstitiously calls on him, mostderogaturily, to
bow down before the gclden image " he himself
has fashioned."

mustand tie
say forl
their
I representatives,e • ed ito t e countythat theycon-
stituencies
a 2
•e
‘Ve
making the best of what they consider their
bad bargain. They assert that PEEL has betrayed
them, but they rejoin the Whigs had made a
great alteration unavoidable. He has, contrary
to his pledges, lowered their protection, but they
console themselves by saying he has put a stop
to frauds in the averages, and ruined the specu-
lators in grain. So said Sir JORN TYRELL at the
meeting of the Hinckford Agricultural Club, on
Friday last, where the would-be witty Baronet
endeavoured, as well as lie could, to defend both
himself and Sir R. PEEL. His most effectual
means was by diverting attention from Sir Ho-
BERT to the Whigs and the Anti-Corn-law
League. He raised two enormous giants,
which seemed quite terrific to the Essex farmers,
and then he and they were glad of the aid of Sir
ROBERT on any terms to slay them. He did not
like the Corn-law, and he did not like the Tariff;
but then the Duke of WELLINGTON supported
PEEL, and he would never " give hic countenance
to a Government which was not of a friendly cha-
racter to the ngriculturi.sts." Like the other
county Members, Sir JOHN TYRELL. supports
Sir ROBERT PEEL because be cannot help
himself; and if Sir ROBERT does not carry
out the principles he has advocated of
buying at the cheapest market, it will be his
own fault, for, do what he may, the county
Members will not oppose him. Sir JOHN'S de-
scription of foreign cattle and sheep, must have
been hizhly amusing and flattering to his agri-
cultural hearers, and therefore we copy it :
I know it is a fact that some of thos3 who have im-

ported cattle have lost by them. I know that an in-
dividual lost 80/. on the importation of 40 oxen ; and
a gentleman of contrary politic: to myself told me, in
corning down by the railroad the other day, that he
went into Smithfield market, and the salesman de-
clared to him that the loss on the foreign beasts he
had sold was 2/. per head. I have had a letter from
my brother-in-law, who is at Ramsgate, and he de-
clares that they had fears on the Corn-law, but none
on the Tariff, for the Tariff would only lower meat a
halfpenny per lb. I know what the victualling
of Lord Ashburton's ship was at New York ;
and I know what the price of American meat is, and
my fears are on that part of it. I appeal to the agri-
culturists, and I think they will do me the justice to
say there was no man who was a grazier for the last
four or five years, who had made any profit. You all
cried out that nothing could be worse. I know it
from experience—l know that my friend on my right
declared that nothing on earth should induce him to
give the price for bullocks that he had done ; but I
goinr, to Brentwood fair to-morrow morning to
buy bullocks, and we know the Seotchman says, that
" doming" Sir R. Peel is necessary to buying bullocks
well.—(Cheers and laughter.) Then as to fo-
reign sheep; those who have seen foreign sheep.
hung up know that they more resemble a dead dog
than anything else, and in many instances you could
hold up the sheep to the candle, and read the news-
paper without its in the slightest degree hindering the
light.—(Laughter.) Then as to meat. The lash
may have touched you in many points, but it is like
the lad who was driving a bad horse—his master was
going to hit him over the ears, but he said " don't do
that—don't hit him over the ears—save the ears for
the gravel."—(Laughter.) Feeling, as I conscien-
tiously do, that the Government is a friendly Govern-
ment, and desirous of doing the best it can for the in-
terests of agriculture, I believe that the alteration of
the Corn-laws has not diminished or injured your in-
terests.

As the alteration of the Corn-laws has not
injured the agriculturists, and as Sir RIIBERT
PEEL says that alteration is a great advantage to
the rest of the community, he may be inclined,
under Sir JOHN TYRELL'S assurance, to confer still
greater advantages on it, by putting an end to
the Corn-law. The confidence of the agricul-
turists, and the demands of the manufacturers,
constitute together a persuasive power, which no
Minister can well resist. He is sure of the
farmers' friends, and if he can gain the manufac-
turers, he may reign for life.

The vast beneficial results that to a certainty
might be obtained by a vigorous prosecution of
the war in China, form a striking contrast to the
weak, vacillating, and sluggish system so long
pursued by the British Government in that quar-
ter. Had the commanders of the naval and military
forces been supplied with the means (and this migh t
have been done at one-tenth of the expense
incurred in other regions), England at this mo-
ment would have been in possession of some of
the finest tracts along the Chinese coast, and as
many of the rich islands in the Eastern Sea as
she chose to occupy. War, too, can be carried
on there with little loss of life, the Chinese
Government and army, which hardly de-
serves the name, only are hostile; and the
people, from the concurrent testimony of wit-
nesses, would as gladly be placed under the do-
minion of
,England as remain in their present
condition. It would thus be easy to carry on a
most extensive trade with the large towns on the
mainland, and establish commercial relations also
with the populous islands scattered through
that extensive sea. Results like these would not
only benefit England ; the Chinese themselves
would soon feel the advantages, and every trading
community in Europe would tome in for a share of
the profitable commerce. In place, however, of
taking steps to accomplish such a noble undertak-
ing, the Government is crippling our resources in
China by collecting large forces at the extremity
of our Indian possessions, for what object no
one can tell, and at the same time keeps
some sixteen regiments in Canada to watch
the movements of Mr. LAFONTAINE and
Mr. BALDWIN. What is Canada to us
compared with rich settlements in the East, and
what benefit could we confer on her population,
which could at all come into competition with
the blessings which England might be the means
of introducing among the heathen nations in Asia?
It is amostruinouspolicy to retain Canada by force.
If the people cannot be reconciled to the domi-
' nion of the mother country ; it troops are to be
constantly quartered in the British North Ame-
rican provinces ; and England, too, is to be taxed
for making roads, and canals, and other
improvements, which benefit chiefly the Ca-
nadians, and will one day become their
property,
it would be better to come to an un-
derstandingwith the Provincial Parliament at
once.
As
affairs are managed at present Eng-
land "pays
too much for her whistle," and the
misfortune is, that she will have to pay
every year more as the colony becomes
more powerful, till the time arrives when
a tremendous struggle is made for inde-
and this country must yield with a
or obtain victory at a fearful expense,
bpaedndgernaccee,
The trade with the United States has increased
tenfolds ince the separation, which cost England
so much ; and we see no reason why
Canada, when left to her own exertions, and un-
shackled by Parliathentary restrictions, should
nct imitate the example. We trust, therefore,
that these subjects will be taken up by some
influential Member next session, and also
that Parliament will urge on the Govern.
meat to display something. like energy
in a war, which could easily be brought to a
speedy and satisfactory conclusion, and which,
if properly conducted, might be the means of
bringing within the pale of civilised society three
hundred millions °four fellow-creatures.

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Lambeth
and the neighbouring parishes, held on Monday
evening, at the White Hart-tavern, Kennington-
cross, " for the purpose of taking into considera-
tion"—as the circular convening the meeting
states•—" the conduct of the Lambeth and
Vauxhall Water Companies, in raising their
rates for the supply of that necessary article of
consumption, from thirty to fifty, and even
one hundred and fifty per cent. without
any justification for so doing"—at this meeting
the conduct of the district Water Companies in
so acting, was commented on in deserved terms
of reprehension; and one speaker observed that
it was evident from their sudden and unjustifiable
raising of the rates, that both Companies had
formed a coalition. If this really be the case, and
the two Companies in question persist in re-
fusing to give any explanations respecting their
extraordinary proceedings, it is full time that
they should be brought to book, and their at-
tempts at monopoly be resisted to the utmost.
Possibly, the project—which it seems is seriously
entertained in the parish—of starting a new
Company, with a view to supply the inhabitants
with cheap and wholesome water, may have
the effect of bringing the existing Companies to
their senses.

Madrid papers to the 9th have been received.
It appears that the Government are actively
engaged in realising money by the sale of na..
tioual property, and have issued an order ad.
dressed to the Intendants of Provinces, enjoining
them to proceed immediately to the valuation
and advertisement for sale of all national pro-
perty in their respective districts, whether pro-
posals have been made for the lots to be sold or
not. In case of want of zeal or of ability on the
part of the Intendants, the Superior Junta, esta-
blished for the management of the sale of the
national property, are authorised to appoint
Speciall,ern meilt
intoCommissionersspeedytoeffccaciryt7
the Intendants the orders of
Go
and their dependents being bound to give these
Commissioners access to all documents, and fur-
nish them with all information required.

The favourable state of the French revenue, as
exhibited in the returns published in The Sun
yesterday, supplies the leading topics for discus-
sion in the Paris papers of Sunday. The increase
during the first nine months of the year 1842, as
compared with the receipts for the same period
in the year 1811, amounts to 25,370,000 francs, or
booieu rfis
ntahnacte
si toaffftohradtsc
ou
us
about 1,000,0001.; and we can assure our nei;;li-
ngtrry in such a prosperouseat satisfaction to see
condition. Independent of the security which
finances and increasing trade in
France to the peace of Europe, it is a

matter of congratulation, and must afford satisfac-
tion to every well-regulated mind, to know that
the condition of the people is daily improving,
and that they are thereby enabled to contribute
to the revenue, in one year, not less than a mil-
lion and a quarter sterling more than they did
on the preceding year. Should not this convince
them of the blessings of peace, and put to shame
the writers in the National and the Constitu-
tionnel, and the war, faction, who would throw
the world into confusion, and to a certainty
destroy the trade of France from an absurd
hatred to this country? Much, however, yet
remains to be done for their trade and manufac-
tures, for in several districts, according to these
papers, great distress prevails. The manufacturing
classes in Lyons are in a deplorable state few
orders are received, and the sales are made at
such a loss, that this season is considered the
worst that has been experienced for many years.
At St. Etienne trade is very dull, and the mar-
kets in general fuel the depression. The Journal
des Delats, a Ministerial paper, thus draws the
contrast between the finances of this country and
France :

" The amount of the indirect taxation has attained
in the present returns a higher one than at any pre-
vious period, and the details are as satisfactory as the
ensemble, as the increase has been on articles con-
sumed by the poorer classes of society. Native, or
beet-root sugar, had increased thirty-three per cent.,
and colonial eight per cent., whilst the Customs had
progressed eleven per cent., stamp duty six per cent.,
potable liquors four per cent. Such are the results
at which all good citizens must rejoice, and which
the Government may present with satisfaction to its
foreign or domestic foes—facts which triumphantly
refute idle declamation. They are the more satis-
factory, and display our strength, as the increase has
not been obtained from any extraordinary system of
taxation, and in despite of considerable reductions in
our Custom-house tariff, and on almost all the direct
taxes. Whilst we behold a neighbouring country
making heroic, but, unfortunately, unproductive exer-
tions. to prevent a crisis which all Sir R. Peel's talent
seems unable to keep off, France, notwithstanding the
cruel circumstances which have so tried her, but
strong in that salutary activity which is inspired by
a sincerely free Government, continues to enjoy the
development of riches and prosperity unknown till
this day."
The negotiations for a new commercial treaty
with Belgium still occupy the public mind at
Paris. On this subject the Constitutionnel
makes the following' remarks, which are per-
fectly just as regards England :
We can very well understand that Belgium anxi-
ously desires to extend her commercial relations with
France, and that her manufacturers seek in our
markets outlets for their productions, which other
countries do not offer them. It must be confessed,
however, that Belgium has not encouraged France in
the road of concession on which she had entered.
Both in a commercial and political point of view, the
proceedings of Belgium towards us give rise to severe
remarks. We have long since known that gratitude
is not a virtue for which the Belgians are famed, but
at least it would be supposed that they would have
some feeling for their present and future situation, as
they must well know that without the support of
France the existence of Belgium as a nation would
be but insecure, and that with us alone could
she find real and durable resources for her foreign
commerce. If France, therefore, should close her
gates to her productions, Belgium must be ex-
posed to inevitable ruin. The special trade of Bel-
gium, imports and exports combined, with foreign
countries in 1834, was 300,000,000 f. ; in 1841 it
amounted to 363,000,000 E In the first of these
amounts France alone figured to the extent of
92,000,000 E, and in the latter of 107,000,0001. The
importation into France of Belgian linens amounted
in 1834 to 27,000,000 f.; in 1838 to more than
34,000,000 f. The advantages secured to Belgium by
the late treaty cannot fail to increase this amount.
These facts we think should in a manner remove the
antipathy which the Belgians show against us, for
what reason we know not. England herself has not
given us so many subjects of complaint in commer-
cial affairs as Belgium has done ; and perhaps if we
had consented to make to Great Britain so many real
concessions as we have done to the new kingdom, she
would in return have made concessions which would
have been of great advantage to our commerce. The
Belgian Government cannot but be aware that France
offers her the most important outlet for her commerce.
Can she, therefore, by ill-treating France, think that
she can more readily enter into an alliance with Ger-
many ? Up to this day no State foreign to the Ger-
manic Confederation has entered into the German
Association. That association, although purely com-
mercial in its form, is nevertheless imprinted with a
certain political character, very compatible with its
organic formation, but little suitable to the political
system of the other States.

The question of the right of personal search,
claimed by the Post-office agents, has been de-
cided by the Court of Cassation against that Ad-
ministration, The Criminal Chamber of that
Court lately enacted that the search, authorised
by the decree of 27th Prairial, year 9, cannot be
extended beyond certain limits, formally speci-
fied therein; that the provisions of that decree
are not applicable either to the persons of tra-
vellers or to their effects; and that consequently
the latter ought not to be subjected to an obliga-
tion that is not imposed on them by the law.
The pretension of the Post-office to search the
persons or baggage of travellers for letters has
been pronounced unfounded by the highest legal
authority in the kingdom, and resistance to that
pretension declared lawful.

The price of bread had experienced a slight fall
in Paris, that of the first quality being fixed
during the second fortnight of October, at 34
cents. per kilogramme; and that of the second
quality at 26 cents.