The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 16, 1842

bytery retired to another place, and there performed the ser-
vice. Most of thepeople who were there in the forenoon ret urned
to their respective houses, but in the .'vetoing another body of
people came, and great tumult ensued. The church was de-
stroyed by the people. Now, under these circumstances, one
of two things occurred ; either the Sheriffs were absent, or
being present, deserted the.r authority. This occurrence
took place on the 11th df November, and from that time until
the 30th of the month, not a single step was taken with respect
to this transaction. The consequence was, that in that part of
the country the people conceived they had gained a victory,
and exulted in the feeling that they had prevented the settle-
ment of the question, and had overawed the police. On the
30th of the month a meeting was convened and took place, and
resolutions were passed, requesting the Secretery of the Home
Department to take some steps on the subject. On the 21st
December an examination took place, and many witnesses were
examined, and ultimately four persons were committed to gaol
for this outrage. and one of those persons was the one who had
occupied the pulpit in the church. Those persons, he believed,
were now out on bail, and they would he brought to trial. He
wished to put it to the Government whether such things
ought to be tolerated. History thowed that the people of Scot-
land were not easily roused to outrage ; but history also told
them that in anything connected with their religious rites, they
could be excited to the utmost extent, and being once excited,
were not easily put down. He (Sir A. L. Hay) had lived for
the last two years in the heart of the county where these
disturbances took place. He was not advocating either
one party or the other. He believed they had both acted in-
consistently, and if so, then there was the greater necessity for
some steps to be taken for an equitable adjustment of the case.
The next was one that had recently occurred, and he would
shortly state it, to point out the working of the system under
the present law. The gentleman he had referred to had re-
cently departed this life. he person who had been ap-
pointed in his stead, he (S,r A. Leith Hay) had known
for many years, and than whom there was not a more learned
man to be found. He was presented to the parish by the
Duke of Richmond, who was the patron. It was understood
among the congregation that the appointment was
likely to cause a tumult, anti in consequence of that her
Majesty's Government ordered troops to pass from Aber-
deen, thirty or forty miles, for the purpose of being
in the neighbourhood in case any violence was attempted.
Now this was a most extraordinary state of things. The
Noble Patron on whose property this parish was, and who was
the representative of the most powerful family in the north, he
himself, on a former occasion, stated it as his opinion that no
House of Parliament could, consistently with its duty, refuse to
take this subject into its consideration. 'That was the opinion
of the Duke of Richmond. If it was necessary to have a mi-
litary force in the neighbourhood to effect the settlement of a
parochial minister, they might depend upon it the country was
not in a proper state. There were seven ministers repudiated by
the General Assembly. These men were not held by the ecclesi-
astical law to have any connexion with the church. He himself was
the patron to two of the clergymen, and he wished to see a fair
settlement. There were no less than seventy ministers who
were considered to be under the ban of the General Assembly.
The notice he had given was for correspondence connected with
the settlement of the questiou between these ministers. He
did not mean to say that the Government had acted contrary
to principle, but he would say the Right Hon. Baronet, the Se-
cretary of State for the Home Department, had not conducted
the matter m a straightforward manner. In consequence of
the vacancy he had alluded to, a memorial was sent to him (Sir
A. L. Hay,) for' the purpose of being presented to the Secre-
tary for the Home Department, and he did so, and
the answer he received was, that they must make in-
quiries as to whether such a vacancy had taken place.
The filling up of the vacancy was put off until the present Go-
vernment came into office, and when they did come into office,
he (Sir A. L. Hay) wrote to the Right Hon. Baronet, at the
head of her Majesty's Government; but in some time after the
Right Hon. Baronet replied, stating that he was not prepared
to say what her Majesty's Government would do. After that
it was useless to write again to the Right Hon. Baronet, but
he (Sir A. L. Hay) thought that the wishes and wants of the
people should be attended to. He did not stand there to vin-
dicate the principle of intruding clergy upon the people con-
trary to their wishes. The people of Scotland undoubtedly
had a right to select their clergy, and they had a right to
see who were the clergymen that the Government appointed
to take charge of their spiritual concerns. Ile would sustain
the laws as long as they existed, but to say that the Act of
Queen Anne should be repealed and leave nothing in its stead,
was a proposition which he would not support; at the
same time it was his determination on all occasions
to support the people in their rights to see who
their clergymen should be. He thought he should be
degenerating from his duty if he did not do what he had then
done ; and in conclusion be should entreat the Right Hon.
Baronet to settle the question boldly, and according to the
dictates of reason, of justice, and of common sense.
An Hote. MEMBER on the Ministerial benches asked the
Hon. and Gallant Officer to explain what he considered the
" dictates of reason, of justice, and of common sense."---
( Much laughter.)
Sir JAMES GRAHAM never had approached any subject
with greater delicacy or hesitation that that which had been
drought forward by the lion. and Gallant Officer, because he
felt that a great and heavy responsibility rested upon him
(Sir James Graham); he felt that responsibility more deeply
lest any thing which should fall from him on that occasion
should aggravate or increase the evils which already existed.
When notice had been given of the motion of the Hon. and
Gallant Officer, very great doubts were entertained about it ;
however, he (Sir J. Graham) remembered when Sir George
Sinclair brought forward a motion upon the subject, in 1824,
the Hon. and Gallant Officer (Sir A. L. Hay) was one of his
most strenuous opponents. The last occasion the Hon. and
Gallant Officer addressed the House was on the 9th of June,
1834; then the Hon. and Gallant Officer stated that he had
several petitious to present from Scotland, and that the prayer
of those petitions was that no alteration should be made in the
Church Law of Scotland. Upon that occasion the Hon. and
Gallant (Meer stated that the most rational and the most re-
spectable people in Scotland were not only attached to the
Established Church there, but also to the way in which
that establishment was conducted. The Honourable and
Gallant Officer was then satisfied with the state of the law,
and had passed a glowing eulogium upon the Church of Scotland.
He (Sir J. Graham), though not a member of the Church of
Scotland, should say that from his earliest age he had had an
opportunity of knowing and seeing the influence which that
Church exercised upon every ;lass of society, and he was bound
to say that he could never speak of that Church without feel-
ing the most deep and marked respect for it.--(Hear,. hear. )
He had always seen the clergy of that Church eontented with
very moderate endowments—(Hear)—and though their en-
dewments were moderate, they were ever active and efficient
in the discharge of their duties.—( Hear.) The clergy of
that Church were a most exemplary body of men.—(Hear.)
and no one could doubt that they had exercised a most salutary
influence upon the character, the morals, and the habits of the
people of Scotland, which made them remarkable as the most
enlightened and moral people of the whole world.—(Hear.)
He (Sir J. Graham), therefore, felt bound to entertain the
deepest feeling of respect for the clergy of the Church of Scot-
land ; at the same time, he regretted to see that very unhappy
differences had occurred in it.—(Cries of " Hear, hear,")
lie perfectly agreed with the Honourable and Gallant
Officer that if it were possible. those differences should be put
an end to as soon as possible, and he should say he never
listened to a speech with more attention than he had listened
ta that of the Hon. and Gallant Officer; but he should par-
don him (Sir J. Graham) if he added that he had never
heard a speech from which he had derived less satisfaction
than he had derived from it.—(Hear and laughter.) The lion.
and Gallant Officer said it was impossible that things could be
left as they were ; that something should be done ; but what
that " something" should be, the Hon. and Gallant Officer did
not give the least inkling or idea. The Gallant Officer talked
of the late Government and the debates upon the
subject in 1840, with the speeches of Lord Aberdeen,
the Duke of Wellington, and the Right Honour-
able Baronet at the head 'of her Majesty's Government.
However, the Hon. and Gallant Officer had dropped some.
thing, in which he (Sir J. Graham) agreed. He said that
the question might have been settled three years ago, much
better than it could be settled now.—( Cheers from the Mini-
sterial benches.) That which was possible and wise three
years ago, might be utterly impossible and impracticable now.
The Hon. and Gallant Officer referred to what Lord Aberdeen
said, but he did not allude to what Lord Aberdeen did ; what-
ever Lord Aberdeen said, he recommended the late Govern-
ment to settle the question as soon as possible, and, not con-
tent with that advice, he introduced a measure, in the hope
a settling it—a measure which, though it was calcu-
lated to satisfy moderate men upon all sides, did not
meet with or receive very encouraging support. The Duke
of Wellington said, in 1840, that if moderate counsels were
attended to, the question- would have been settled, but it was
because there was no disposition to attand to moderate coun-
sels that the question could not be settled. So it was that the
It,ght Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government
:aid, in 1840, that an attempt should be made to settle the
question, and, acting upon that opinion, he supported the
motion of Lord Aberdeen. It was necessary to remind the
House, that in 1841 the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir H. Peel)
had given the same advice which he had given in 1840. The
lion. and Gallant Officer said, that the question was whether
the law should be obeyed or not. Upon that subject there
could be no doubt. He (Sir J. Graham) entirely agreed
with the Gallant Officer, that the law should be obeyed; it was
the determination of her Majesty's Government that it should
be obeyed; and it was their resolution to insist with firmness,
hut without violence, that the laws should be obeyed.. The Hon.
and Gallant Officer also said that the existing laws could
not be co-existent with the law of Anne ; in that he (Sir
.f. Graham) also entirely agreed. He also agreed that the
Veto Act could not prevail over the law of the land, but the
lion. and Gallant Gentleman said it was necessary to legislate
promptly and finally on the subject, and be asked whether her
Majesty's Government intended to do so now? If tht‘re were
any doubts on certain points in the law of the land
there were at present actions of the greatest importance de-
pending in the Scotch Courts, and a .iecision upon those actions
would go far to settle the question in dispute. If there was any
time when it was more inopportune than another to legislate upon
the subject, it was the present moment. The decision of
those actions would go far to ascertain the state of the
law; and certainly it was, for many reasons, inopportune far
the Legislature now to interpose. The Hon. and Gallant Offi-
cer stated that violence should not be allowed to triumph over
the laws of the land. In all that he (Sir J. Graham) agreed.
Then the Hon. and Gallant Officer referred to the case of the
parish of Elgin, and it was surprising that he objected to the
course pursued by him (Sir J. Graham), though it was not
the first time the Hon. and Gallant Officer had expressed his
unqualified approbation, and passed a very high eulogium
upon the manner in which the Right Hon. Baronet, at the head
of her Majesty's Government, had administered the Church
patronage in Scotland. No doubt there was a very de-
cided division of opinion as to Elgin ; but he (Sir J.Graham)
acted upon the principle laid down by the Hon. and
Gallant Officer himself. He followed precisely the principle
contended for by the Hon. and Gallant Officer, and in
exer-
cising the right of the Crown to nominate a clergyman he
acted upon the best information he could obtain, that that
individual was not only a most eligible person, but that he was
as highly and generally approved of by his congregation.
Ile was certain that every effort had beets made by her Majesty's'
Government (luring the recess, as in 1840 by Lord Aberdeen,
to see it any declaratory law could be passed which might re-
ceive the reasonable and'general support of the people of Scot-
land ; but finding that no measure could be introduced with
arty likelihood of success, he had come to the conclusion that it

was necessary not to attempt legislation, but to abide by the
htw of the land as it at present stood. After every attention
C, 0 the subject by the Government, and after every deliberation,
they could not devise any other course than that. In conclu-
sion, he was sati,fied that the law of Scotland, as it at present
,tool, shou d be followed, and he would not concede to the de-
dication of a Committee cf that House. He imagined that it
v, as only to express his sentiments that the Hon. and Gallant
Gfficer had made this motion. He (Sir J. Graham) could not
assent to it.

Mr. FOX MA ULE said he took a very different view of the
law, as at present established, from that entertained by the
Right Hon. Raronet who had just sat down. The feeling that
had been opened up to-night was one of such vast extent, that
in addressing himself to the question—perhaps it would be the
only opportunity he might have of addressing himself to
it—the
onlyopportunity, because he had learnt, from what had fallen
from the Right Hon. Barotet, that it was not the intention
of Government to attempt in any way to legislate on this sub-
ject; and as he (Mr. Fox Maule) anticipated no succsss at an
attempt at legislation without the support of the Government,
the party, if party they called it, but which he denominated the
Church of Scotland itself, maintained that by the established
law of Scotland, from the year 1567 to the present year, the
Presbytery hada distinct independent spiritual jurisdiction se-

cured to them by Act of Parlianient, with which, according to
the Act of Union, neither Court of Law, nor Parliament itself,
could interfere. He completely concurred in that opinion, and
if the House would permit, he world trace the various statutes
through which this power was acceded to the Church. In the
year 1567, the firot-year elite Ger.eral Assembly of the ancient
Presbyterian Church of Scotland, which was held to take steps
for the framing of articles on the subject of jurisdiction, and to
submit them to the Parliament, one of those articles was this
—" That, to this our Kirk be granted, arid by this Parliament
secured, such privileged jurisdiction and authority as appertains
to the true Kirk, and that no authority be acknowledged other
than that allowed by this Kirk." This evidently appeared to
have beeen the foundation of the Act of the year 1567, and
that Act proceeded to state, that by the King's permission,
and with the advice of the Prince Regent and the three Es-
tates of Parliament, no place of worship was legal other than that
by the favour of God established in the realm, and that no juris-
diction other than that of the Church could be held in the
Church. the Act then set forts other articles relating to
spiritual jurisdiction. Such was the Act which first settled the
esbyterian Church by the statute law of the land. In 1579
that Act was "atified. In 1581, the Act of 1567 was also ra-
tified and approved. Then came the Act of 1592, which in
the 116th chapter also ratified that Act. Here, then, we had
the undoubted establishment of this independent and spiritual
jurisdiction. But then had our ancestors nn idea that it was
possible that this spiritual jurisdiction might interfere with the
civil jurisdiction? He thought they had, for, in the very
nee./ chapter of the same Are, the statute provided that, where
the Civil Courts refused to accept the presentee of -a
patron, the stipend should be given to the patron, and
that it should be lawful for the patron to retain the
whole funds of the benefice in his own hands.—( Hear, hear. )
By this it clearly gave the power to the Church on the one
hand of appointing and ordaining- its own Ministers, and on
the other hand it gave a distinct satisfaction to the patron for
the injury done to him if his presentee should be rejected He
thought this Act established clearly the independent jurisdic-
tion of the Church. But they might be told that no case ever
occurred in Scotland where the civil benefice and the cure of
souls were separate. He thought he had an opinion or two on
that subject which bore upon the question. The first was
in the year 1798, where the patron attempted to stop The or-
dination of another man—this the Court would not allow. The
next case was in the year 1749, when an application to a
similar effect was made, and the Court would not meddle
with it ; accordingly the huge' on that instance, stated that
these was no law in Scotland to compel the Presbyterian
to maintain the presentee. Lord Kaimes said that the man
appointed by the faction was de facto the minister of the pa-
rish. Nothing could be more clearly laid down up to the
year 1749 than that the Court of Session distinctly recognised,
by their independent spiritual jurisdiction, that Church Courts
might bring a person into a parish, and the Civil Courts, on
the other hand, could not alter the appointment in any way,
but the civil benefice would be separate from the cure of souls,
and the parish would be left in the somewhat strange position
of one man drawing the stipend and another serving the cure.
Such was the law of Scotland, and they had to deal with the
law as established. He would now follow out the Acts from
1592 ; the Act of James rescinded the Acts of 1549, but they
were again resumed by Charles the Second in 1562.
He would pass over that, and come to the time
when the Presbyterian religion was established at
the Revolution. In 16e9 Episcopacy was abolished, and in
1690 all the acts relative to the Presbyterian religion, establish-
ing it on the footing which, as had been stated, recognised all
its privileges, were again passed, and became, as now, the
established law of the land ; and no act had been passed inter-
fering with that till the act, commonly called the Act of
Queen Anne, and he must say there never was an act of
Parliament so foully imposed on the people as this Act. He
must say that the more he looked at that Act, the more he
considered the character of those who passed it, and the more
he considered the means by which it was passel, he could not
help having a conviction that this assault on the
Church of Scotland was in point of fact a conspiracy on
the part of Queen Anne and those who passed it,
to overturn the Protestant religion of this country,
How had this Act been passed ? It was brought into the
Commons and passmed through it so rapidly that there was
not time between the bringing of it in and the passing of it, to
communicate with Scotland, and not till after the Bill was in
the Peers had the General Assembly of the Church of Scot-
land the power of being heard by petition.--( Hear, hear.) It
was read a second time in the Peers, and one or two
Ministers were heard on the question.' But did the Lords
take time to reconcile the statements of those gentlemen. No.
They cpmmittedit, reported it, and read it a third time that
evening. It appeared to him that this act of treachery
to the people of Scotland was in direct contradiction
to the treaty of the Union, and he most certainly say,
that any person bringing forward the repeal of the statute,
would have the strongest possible grounds for bringing forward
such a motion. He thought that, in arguing this question, he
was bound to deal openly and honestly with the House. He
did not say that he, for one, was vet prepared for
the total abolition of the Act. He thought that
a middle course should be pursued, and he should be
anxious to see the Act passed by the General Assembly in
1834, become the law of the land. With respect to the
Auchterarder case, he was ready to argue it, and he was sorry
the Attorney-General was not in his place, that he might hear
slim out, as he had been borne out by Lord Cottenham
that that question as it had been decided by the Civil Courts
was not a legal decision. It decided that the Church could
take Mr. Young, but no more, arid according to the Act of
1592, cap. 117, which continued- to be in force at
this moment, the effect would be that Mr. Young
would be entitled by the civil law to draw the stipend, but the
party appointed by the Presbytery would be the person to ad-
minister to the cure of souls. It was a question which they
never could consent to refer to any civil tribunal, and it
was the reference of the question to civil tribunals
that had forced the General Assembly, in defence of their sacred
rights and inviolable privileges, to adopt that course which
they had pursued, stimulated merely by a sense of duty, and
not by any factious motives ; and, he hoped that whatever
might be said out of doors, Hon. Members would approach this
question with caution, and look ,at it in its fair bearings, to
say when the line of duty led one party or when the line
of supposed duty led another party. With regard to the progress
of this question he deeply regretted the determination ex-
pressed by her Majesty's Government, not to legislate on that
subject. He did not think that was calculated to satisfy the
people, who had looked for an extensive measure at their
hands. The Duke of Wellington had said that the mo-
derate party were defeated; a similar expression
.had
also fallen, he thought; frofa the ,Bight Honourable
Baronet; but he hoped that Honourable Members would not be
led away by any such expressions, but that they would look to
the moderate men in the Church of Scotland. They were
the men who held the power in the Church, and they knew
what was the proper jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical Courts
of 'ecotland. That Hon. Gentleman said that during the recess
every attempt had been made by Government to bring thft
matter to a satisfactory conclusion ; and while the Govern-
ment had held intercourse with various parties on the sub-
ject, he believed that from the commencement of the inter-
course both parties were labouring under a mistaken idea.
When those terms were explained to the Right Hon. Baronet
the negotiations came to an end, it being evident that the
parties could nut agree. Here he (Mr. hex Mauls) desired
it to be understood, that in contending for the rights of the Non-
Intrusion party, he was most anxious that a just regard should
be paid to the influence and interests of the patrons. None
would more determinedly than he oppose an undue assump-
tion of authority. The vacancy at Glasgow, respecting which
the excitement was so great that the Government had had to
order troops into that neighbourhood, showed how the state of
the Church now occupied the public mind in Scotland. If the
Government wented a proof of what such things might lead to,
he would refer them to toe year 1734, when the Act of Anne
first came into operation, and when, in consequence, an enor-
mousif the Government persevered
much greater schism would be the re-
,n
its
present schism
place a ; now,
in
suit, and, at last, the Dissenters from the Church of Scotland
would be as the Dissenters from the Established Church in Ire-
land, more numerous than its members. He would admit that
the Government might have settled this question if the parties
on both sides could have agreed on the nomination prim: isle—
( Hear, hear)—but still, he must observe, that the late Govern-
ment acted on the principle of administering the Crown patron-
age with strict attention to the wishes of the parishioners—a
principle which the present Government did not imitate. On
this principle the late Government acted in bestowing the
patronage OEIOO parishes, except one or two, the difficulties of
which could be easily explained.—(Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet would have the House think he had acted in like
mariner since he came to the Horne Department, at least, he said
he acted on the plan followed by the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of the Government while he was in the Home-
office. Now, the case of Elgin furnished a complete contrast.
When a vacancy occurred ni 1824, when the Right Hon.
Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, was Home Secretary,
the Right Hon. Gentleman acted in accordance with the
wishes of the people, as might be' seen by referring :0 Mr.
Peel's correspondence with Colonel Grant on that occasion.
Now the Right Hon. Baronet, the present Home Secretary,
had sent to hum the duplicate of a petition which had been sent
to Isis predecessor, Lord Normanby, respecting the presenta-
tion to Elgin. That petition was signed, in the first place, by
three-fourths of the communicants, heads of families; se-
condly, by all the elders except one ; thirdly, by the Magis-
trates and Town Council; fourthly, by the majority of borough
proprietors : fifthly, by six out of eight of the heritors repre-
smiting 4,6821. nut of a rental of 6,3391. ; yet the Right
Honourable Baronet said he followed in the foot-
steps of his predecessor.—(Hear, hear.) Now ha col-
league could not have made an appointment giving
more dissatisfaction to the people than that of Mr. Willie. If
that gentleman were received harmoniously, as the Right Hon.
Baronet said, it was because the Dissenters did not wish, by
giving in their protests, to excite a riot. All he (Mr.
Fox Made) contended for was, that the feelings of
the people of Scotland ought to be respected. Now, to show
how those-feelings had been disregarded, he would take the
ease of the late Mr. Tyrrell, the4Secretary of the Presbjtery of
Cupar. To the deep regret of all who knew him, that gentle-
man was suddenly withdrawn from the world on the Ist of
February; on the Bth, contrary to all usage, the Covers.-
ment presented his successor. This act, so shocking to the
feelings of the clergy and the laity, had excited in
the public mind the strongest impression against the
Right Hon. Baronets. indeed it was to be feared that that im-
pression was indelible. The Right Hon. Baronet's rule
seemed to be to distribute the patronage of the Crown in the
Church of Scotland as he alone thought proper, and on his
responsibility as a Minister--(" No, no," from Sir James
Graham.) Well, then, he (Mr. Fox Maule) hoped the
Right Hon. Baronet would soon prove the contrary to the
one of all his presentations, except that Lochlie,
had been made ex-
ceptpeople of Scotland in a practical manner ; for, hitherto, nott.o
which he would presently advert,
There were onlycne or two points in the speech of Hon.
and Learned Friend to which he wished to allude.
His Learned
on theprinciple of studiousindifference andpubliheirgspinion.
Friend had referred to the cases of Barnard and the parish of
Strathbogie. He did not intend to go over all the dispute,
but if the whole case were to be examined, he believed it would
be found that neither the General Assembly nor theof Commis-
sion had, in any one instance, broken any decree Q Civil
Court, except such as it was impossible they could observe.
In every civil right they had bowed implicitly to the decision of
the Civil Court, but they cannot, they would net, and
he would add, they dared not bow to the decision of a Civil
Court, ;if it presumed to internee in Ecclesiastical matters.
Would any one say that if the Court Of Session claimed a ri :lit
of jurisdiction over the Court of Exchequer, that it would be
for a moment listened to? Had not all the Supreme Courts of
Justice their own bounds? '1 he Court of Session had no more
right to intrude itself within the pale of the jurisdiction of the
Ecclesiastical Court, than the Ecclesiastical
nia matters o
his
civil
right t
Courtlav~
iin-
terfere with the administration of the Civil
tt at the Ecclesiastical,
allastical, body had
hefinterfered
twouldhe
best s-riztllas
ita
lawyers of
opinion on the authority
Scotland. The quest ion had never been tried. But
he was ready to peril any credit he possessod on this asser-
tion, that when it did come to the ultimate Court of Appeal, it
itself
fl dvv be provedth
whichthat h
oCo
otrte , Churchflas,, a a
can
interfere.d
e referredithin
to the condition which the terms of the Union imposed on the
Monarch of upholding the integrity of the constitution of the
Church of Scotland, and proceeded to state that A it
thoughlajesty
would not be possible to Abcede to the motion, yet he was glad
it had been brought forward, as it had given an opportunity to
itmany
al
s Scotchh Membershim
manopportunity,
toexpress o
theiropinion
impressing
on h
on the subject and
Government the extent to which this question was going on.
The difficulties of the question might require to be en-
countered by a legislative measure, but in any step that
might be taken he would entreat the Government to en..

deavour to soothe the feelings of the people of Scotland, and
show them at least, if they could not give them all they
wanted, they would be supported in the belief that in the
appointment of parish ministers no one would be intruded on
them without their own consent.
Mr. A. COCHRANE, after referring to the importance of
the subject, and stating his persuasion that the Church of
Scotland could not be shaken without the Church of England
being injured, said he should not refer to the discipline of the
early church as connected with the first foundation of the
Church of Scotland ; he considered it immaterial to his argu-
ment whether the Church founded in lona, had any
affinity in its discipline to the Church of Scot-
land ; nor should he allude on the one hand
to the cruelties practised upon the early Church Reformers, or
the treasons alleged against the Knoxes and Melvilles of the
Reformation. It was a question of fact and of law, and as
such he should treat it. The Right Hon. Gentleman on
rising; said he should refer to some acts on this question, but
he (Mr. C.) had felt some degree of astonishment, and more
curiosity to see how the Right Hon. Gentleman's opinion
could be borne out by those Acts. He had made some extracts
from the same Acts, and his opinion was very different. The
Act of 1567, which as it never received the sanction
of the Queen, but was only signed by the Regent Murray,
he hardly knew whether it could be carried out as a legitimate
Act.—( A laugh ) That Act provided that the examination
of the minister was in the power of the Church, reserving the
presentation to the ancient patron. Other Acts gave an appeal
to the Presbytery, and by the Act of 1590, the presentation was
vested in the heritors of the kirk, but no absolute veto was
given to the people. lie briefly referred to the Act of 1712,
and argued that the Church of Scotland did not proceed on the
authority of Acts of Parliament, but, upon their own books of
discipline, which had never received the sanction of the State,
and if they con-idered those books alone, the Church of Scotland
had probably some grounds for proceeding as they did. By the
Bill proposed by Lord Aberdeen full powers was given to the
people to make objections to be referred to the Presbytery,
with consequent appeal to the Ecelesi!stieal Court. That
Bill, however was refused, and he trusted the Govern-
ment was determined to see the present law carried out.
The Church of Scotland had in 1690 refused an establishment,
but having once admitted it an establishment they had no
right now to act in opposition to it. He was gratified to find
that the Right Hon. Gentleman and the Government were
determined to adopt such measures as should prevent the law
being set at defiance.
Mr. A. CAMPBELL said that he little thought, the first
time he should be called on to address the House, it would be
on an occasion when he must utter his most decided determine.
tion to oppose the Government, which he had done so much, in
his humble way, to place in the position which they now occu-
pied.—( Opposition cheers.) He trusted the House would
bear with a few remarks from him, which he
felt himself called on to make, in consequence of
the speech of the Right Honourable Baronet at the
head of the Home Department. The Right Honourable
Baronet had been compelled to avow his determination to put
down the Church of Scotland. The Right Hon. Gentleman
had declared, in most distinct and emphatic terms, that he
would enforce the law against the majority of the Church of
Scotland. Now he (Mr. A. Campbell) would tell the Right
Hon. Baronet that he could not put down the Church of Scot-
land—that he would be defeated, and that he could not fulfil the
threat which he had that day thrown out in that House. The
united fo-ce of Scotland would be against him, and whenever
the united voice of a nation was raised against an act of op-
pression, it would and must prevail. The other parts of the
empire would join, too, with the oppressed in asserting their
rights. At that late hour of the night he would not trespass
at any length upon the attention of the House. With respect
to the Acts of Parliament cited by the Right Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. F. Mettle) respecting the Church of Scotland, he (Mr.
Campbell) thought that the Right Hon. Gentleman would
have done well, if in so citing these Acts he had also stated
that there were many clauses in the Act of security passed at
the Union, which showed how well they knewiwhat would happen
when they gave up their own Presbyterian Parliament, and
committed it into the hands of Episcopalian members. It was
then distinctly stated that the Government of the Church of
Scotland should continue in the condition in which it then was.
He regretted very much to hear what had fallen from the Hon.
Member.who had just sat down (Mr. A. Cochrane). When
that Honourable Gentleman's father had come to canvass
Greenock, he had very clear notions on this mat-
ter. The Hon. Gentleman talked of the treasons of Knox
and Melville—names which would be illustrious in the page of
history, when the lion. Gentleman's would have gone to per-
dition—( A laugh, arid cries of " Order")—and in speaking of
the veto the Hon. Gentleman had had the audacity—(Cries of
"Order, order")—well then the ignorance—(Laughter, and
renewed cries of " Order")—to add that it was a veto without
appeal. The Members who gave a veto were compelled to de-
clare that they gave it from no factious motive. Now if that
were an absolute veto he knevy not what was meant by the word;
he trusted that when Scotch members felt themselves called
upon by an imperative sense of duty, to state their opinions on
this subject, they would be listened to with patience and at-
tention. The subject was one of vital importance, not only to
the people of Scotland, but actually to the cause of spiritual
religion.—( Hear, hear, hear.) As a non-intrusienist, he
he had suffered much in the estimation of a great many
of his friends for his silence. He had held his peace be-
cause he thought the Government, which had in many in-
stances acted wisely, would have pursued a very different
course from that %filch it had pursued with respect to the
Church of Scotland.
Mr. COCHRANE said, as the Hon. Gentleman had charged
him with ignorance, he begged to say one or two words in expla-
nation. According to a decision of the Church there was
undoubtedly an appeal to the Presbytery. In 1834 Dr. Chal-
mers and other ministers changed their views, and said—" No,
we will not have an appeal to the Presbytery, but every one
who forms part of the majority, shall state that he is actuated
by no fact ous views." As the law now stood, there was an
absolute veto vested in the majority.
Mr. CAMPBELL said that if any member declared himself
injured, he might appeal to the Presbytery, from the Presbytery
to the Synod of the province, and from that to the Supreme
Court.

Mr. CUMMIN BRUCE said it had been stated that the
Presbytery had changed their opinions on this subject. He
could show, that from having been the advocates of State en-
dowment, they had become the advocates of the
voluntary principle, and no connexion whatever with
the State. Having some knowledge of the circum-
stances, he felt bound to rise in his place and de-
clare; that it was impossible for any man to discharge the
,duties which devolved upon him more conscientiously, and with
greater anxiety to consult the good of the people than his
Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home De-
partment. The clergyman of the parish of Elgin, wearied
by the harassing discussions which were taking place,
determined to accept of smaller remuneration and leave the
town. The moment his determination was known an active
canvas ills commenced in favour of a Non-Intrusionist minis-
ter. It had been stated by Lord Moncrieff before the Com-
mittee, that those who were anxious for a change in the law
were always more zealous than those who were contented with
the law as it stood. There was a great division of
feeling in the town of Elgin ; but Ile could confidently state
that by far the greater number of respectable persons in the
parish were opposed to the views of the violent Non-intru-
sionists. But the opposite party having taken
.the field be-
fore them had induced a number of persons residing in a
separate district, and who never, on ordinary occasions,
voted in matters connected with the parish, to originate the
petition in favour of the Non-Intrusionist candidate. That
petition was signed by 132 persons, whilst 92 signed and
supported the other candidates. What, under these circum-
stances, was the course pursued by his Right Hun. Friend
the Secretary of State for the Home Department. That he
might not give offence to either party he determined to pass
by both the candidates and choose some other person to
perform the duties of minister. He had had some cor-
respondence with his Right Honourable Friend on the
subject, and in the course of that correspondence his Righs
Honourable Friend stated that no political consideration would
be allowed by him to affect his decision on such a subject—
( Hear, hear.) That declaration was received with the greatest
satisfaction in the parish. His Right Hon. Friend sought out a
person whom he thought fitted to discharge the duties. Great
excitement existed in the parish ; if either party had been pre-
ferred, the other would have been dissatisfied. His Right Hon.
Friend, however, appointed a gentleman who, he was happy to
say, had been received in the parish with such unanimity, that
no attempt had been made to exercise a veto upon him ; there
was a general feeling that he was discharging his duties with
advantage to the parish, and with advantage to the cause of
religion.—( Hear, hear.) Such was the plain statement of the
exercise of the Crown patronage by his Right Hon. Friend, in
the parish of Elgin. kle must say that politics had been mixed
up to a great extent with the conduct of the Non-Intrusionists;
as far as they were concerned, it was a mere political question.
He was astonished to hear the taunt thrown out against the
Government, because they were determined to uphold the law
of the land.--( Hear, hear.) It was complained that they did
not bring forward a new law, to settle the question in Scot-
land. But what encouragement had the majority of the Scot-
tish Church given to Government to undertake the settlement
of the case? Before they were entitled to call for a new law,
they had a right to show their readiness to obey the law as it
now stood, or that they would be ready to obey any new en-
actment which might be passed. They had put forward pre-
tensions as an ecclesiastical body, such as never had been heard
of, or advanced under any reformed Church—pretensions which
}sad only been put forward during the ecclesiastical tyranny
of the tenth century —( Hear, hear.). They claimed a right
to declare what was the civil, and what was the Ecclesiastical
law, and to determine what was the civil interpretation of a
civil statute. What did such an assumption of power involve?
It involved this—that an unfortunate individual might be
punished, on the one hand, for a violation of the law, as de-
clared by the supreme'eivil tribunal ; and that, on the other
hand, he might be punished for a violation of the same law,
according to the interpretation put upon it by the Ecclesiasti-
cal Court. That had actually taken place in the case of the
Strathbogie ministers, who, because they had declared their
determination to obey the civil law, had been punished by the
Ecclesiastical Court, and subjected to the most cruel and
unjust persecution which men had ever undergone.—( Hear,
hear.) He believed that a large portion of the
Ministers to the Scottish Church were disposed to yield obedi-
ence to the law, but that they were afraid to own their real
sentiments. But he for one felt no such fear, because, if his
seat depended upon the course he might take upon that subject,
he would throw his seat to the winds, and opehly express the
sentiments which he sincerely entertained.--( Hear, hear.)
Seven most respectable ministers had declared their readiness
to obey the law of the land as it stood unrepealed upon the
statute-book ; and what had happened? The General As-
sembly of the Church of Scotland, although a large portion of
their body, was not affected by the same strange hallucination
as the majority, suspended those ministers for the course they
had pursued. He had stated these facts for the pnrpose ofjusti-
fying the Gentlemen for their conduct on the subject. He did
not mean to say that the Act of Queen Anne was in all respects
a perfect Act, It might be very desirable that that Act should
be reconsidered; but he thought that before they legislated
anew upon the matter, the Church of Scotland, by manifesting
its readiness to obey the law, should put them in a position to
do so. The Church of Scotland, even now, was invested with
great power, inasmuch as it had the sole right to empower any
parties, in the first instance, to act as Ministers. He would
cite an instance of the abuses to which their present assump-
tion of a predominance was calculated to give rise. In the pa-
rish of Dalgieth, in Invernesshire, which con.isted of a popula-
tion of 1.79 d souls, there were but nine communicants who
claimed the light to sanction the appointment of a minister ; of
these nine communicants six refused to receive an unexcep-
tionable presentee of the Crown, and out of those six three
could not write their names. Yet, in compliance with the
veto law of the General Assembly, those six old men were able
to keep 1,7t10 souls without a minister fur the last three years.
lie thought it was unnecessary for him to say a wordmore upon
time subject ; but as allusion had been made to the year 1649 lie
hoped the House would excuse bins for reading a passage
from Mr. Chalmers, who wrote a history of the rebellion in
Scotland in the reign of James the Sixth. The Hon. Member
then read a very long extract deecribing the state of the Church
of Scotland at that tine; that there was a strong feeling in
favour of the Presbyterian Church, which was strengthened by
the attempts of Charles to impose Episcopacy upon the
Scotch nation, which was one of the causes that
brought his neck to the block. After drawing a picture
of the state of society at that period, the passage
went on to say that the community were possessed of
enthusiasm, and the clergy became masters of the whole
power of the State. A few laymen united with the clergy,
formed themselves into a Committee, and exercised all the
functions of the State, and it was cutious, continued the Hon.
Member, that the historian described the Duke of Argyll sit-
ting in the midst of them like the divinity of some pagan wor-

ship, apparently inert and insensible, but the prime mover of
all their designs. Such was the extract that came under his
eyes, and it was singular that it was a descendant of that Duke
of Argyll who had introduced a Bill on the subject in another
place. He believed the motives of the present Duke of Ar-
gyll were those of pure patriotism and benevolence.—( Hear,
hear.) lie knew his intentions were to compose the dissen-
lions of the Church of Scotland, but he believed he was mis-
taken. He gave him credit for the most benevolent intentions
and Christian charity.--( Hear, hear.) He thanked the House
for the patience with which it had listened to him, and the
Right lion. Baronet for the manner in which he met the mo-
tion before them.—( Hear, hear.).
Mr. DUFF said he hoped the House would excuse him for
rising to repel a charge made en a relative of his, Lord Bute,
by the Hon. Gentleman.—( Hear.) He accused a relation of
his, though he well knew the charge to be false.—( Order. )
The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member had used
words which he must know were unparliamentary, and which
he must retract.
Mr. DUFF had no objection to retract the expression, if out
of order.—( Hear, hear.) But it was well known to the Hon.
Member that Lord Bute had taken no share in the transaction
to which the Hon. Gentleman alluded.
Mr. C. BRUCE said he hoped the Hon. Member did not
mean to attribute to him any intention to make statements
which he (Mr Bruce) knew were not true. He made the state-
ment that his Noble Friend had declined to sign a petition in
favour of a person of the name of Stewart. He did not think it
derogatory to the Earl of Bute so to act, but that he had signed
the petition after to favour the views of the party to whom
the Noble Lord was attached.—( Cries of " Divide, divide.")
Sir A L. HAY would not detain the House. He only ruse
for the purpose of explaining that, with regard to the statement
of the Hon. Member for Elgin, respecting the signing of the
petition, it was never signed till after the whole of the late
elections were over. Alter what had fallen from the Right
Hoc. baronet, he did not intend to divide the house.
he motion was then withdrawn.
BONDED FLOUR.
Mr. H UTT having moved for leave to bring in " A Bill to
permit flour, or flour and biscuit, to be substituted for foreign
wheat secured in warehouses."
Sir R. Pe;EL said that the Hon. Gentleman having asked
him a question whether he (Sir R. Peel) would object to his
bringing in a Bill on the subject, he answered that he would
not, at the same time he said that he could not be understood to
express any opinion on the subject.
Leave was then given to bring in the Bill.
CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.
Mr. ALEXANDER CAMPBELL they rose to move, ac-
cording to notice, for a Select Committee to consider the Con-
stitution and principles of the Church of Scotland, and to in-
quire into the causes of the collision between the Supreme
Courts of that Church and the Supreme Civil Courts, and to
report their ebservations thereon to the House, with power to
send for persons, papers, and records. He begged to say, in
proposing this motion, that he might have expressed
himself in the previous debate somewhat too strongly,
but he assured the House that he was led into
those expressions only by his warm feeling on the subject, and
not by any intention to give offence to anyone.—(Hear, hear.)
He was induced to bring forward this motion in consequence of
a declaration on the part of the Government, that the law was
already sufficient to determine the disputes which had arisen ;
whereas it was his opinion, that when two Courts, which were
co-ordinate and independent, as were the Ecclesiastical and
Civil Courts of Scotland, came into collision, it was necessary
that a higher power should interpose and decide between them.
Mr. COWPER said that he considered himself one of those
who were referred to by the Hon. Member who had just sat
down. But he looked for nothing else in the discussions
upon this question but its speedy settlement. —( Hear hear.)
And he would do any thing in his power to wrest the 'Church
of Scotland from the danger with which she was threatened.
He could not think that there was any ground for refusing to
sift thoroughly the question in dispute. The law which the
Church asserted was said by the Civil Courts to be
opposed to the statute law of the land. The General
Assembly on the other hand contended that the law
set up by the Civil Courts was opposed to the fundamental
laws of the Church, and to the Act of Union.—/ Hear, hear.)
The question of non-intrusion was sufficiently narrow and
simple. It was allowed by the Civil Courts that the congrega-
tion had a right to reject a minister. But those Courts asserted
that reasons must be assigned for the exercise of that right.
But, he would ask, was it reasonable that that House, which hail
a right to refuse its confidence to a Minister of the Crown,
as he refused his to the Right Honourable Baronet opposite.
was bound to give the Crown such reasons as would satisfy
the Sovereign judicially, that the reasons were well founded?
It was not sought to take from the patron the power of nomi-
nating, but to apply to it such cheeks as would require them
to consult the wishes and the religious feelings of the congre-
gations; and what in fact had been the working of the veto ?
Amidst all the excitement that had prevailed, out of two hun-
dred and thirty appointments my seventeen had been vetoed.
He thought that if the Government would concede the point
of non-intrusion, which the Church had declared to be one of
her fundamental points of doctrine, that the question might be
easily arranged. As to all claim of the Church to entire
freedom from all interference of the civil jurisdiction, he
thought that clai.n unmaintainable ; but he thought the Go.
vernment ought to concede the point of non-intrusion. He
should vote for the Committee.
Sir J. GRAHAM said that the lon. Gentleman who had
just sat down had said that he had confidence in her Majesty's
Government. The Hon. Member, on this question at least,
must have had as little confidence in the Government of Lord
Melbourne. Lord Melbourne said that he was satisfied
with the law regulating patronage in Scotland; and being so
satisfied, he must refuse anything like a Committee of Inquiry,
because the granting of such Committee would be equal to an
admission that the law required alteration. Now he (Sir J.
Graham) and his colleagues came to the same conclusion with
Lord Melbourne, that it was right to stand by the law of Scot-
land, as declared by the Hous of Lords It wastrue that, in matters
ecclesiastical in Scotland, the General Assembly was supreme.
It was true that in matters civil the Court of Session was su-
preme, and a difference had arisen as to whether this question
was a question relating to matters ecclesiastical or matters
civil. A collision had been the consequence, anti an appeal to
the House of Lords had resulted. '1 he ouse had given a
final judgment, deciding that the Veto law was at variance
with the law of the land. Such being an exposition of the state
of the case, he felt he should be acting inconsistently with his
duty. and that the Government would be betraying a weakness
of purpose, if he should consent to the appointment of a Com-
mittee of Issquire. He would, draw the attention of the House
to the teemsof this motion. The motion was for a Committee
to consider the situation and principles of the Church of Scot-
land. Were people to submit the whole question of the con-
stitution of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland to a Commit-
tee of the House, would the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite,
who was such a stickler for Presbyterian Church Government,
consent to submit to a Committe of the House of Commons ?
a question so extensive as the constitution of the Church of
Scotland—a matter not of fact, but of law and principles ?
Those who considered, with the Government, that the pre-
sent state of the law was fixed and settled would regard the
appointment of such a Committee with dismay, as calculated
to unsettle the law, whilst those who were of a contrary opi-
nion would consider it a triumph. He thought it would be in-
judicious and dangerous to appoint a Committee, and there-
fore he must oppose the motion.
Mr. FOX MAULE was perfectly able to reconcile the vote
he was about to give in favour of the motion, with those Pres •
byterian feelings to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had ap-
pealed. He had come down to the House rather inclined to
vote against the motion, but having heard the instructions of
her Majesty's Government, and knowing the Committee could
only inquire into facts relating to the constitution cf the
Church of Scotland he should vote in favour of it. They could
not give power to any Committee to alter the constitution of
the Church in any way, because that was a power which the
Legislature itself did not possess. The Right Honourable
Gentleman had alluded to the dffference between the power of
the Courts Ecclesiastical and Civil. He (Mr. F. Maule) thought
it right that the public in England should thoroughly understand
what was going on in the North, which they did not understand
at present, although the effects of it might soon reach their own
firesides. With regard to the Church of Scotland itself, he
felt convinced that it was fixed upon such solid foundation that
it would emerge from all its difficulties and be mere triumphant
than it had ever been, even in its brightest days. The Right
Honourable Gentleman had said that in the Auchterarder
case the Church had agreed to refer the question
of jurisdiction to the House of Lords, and he said that if the
decision had been the other way, they would not have heard
about it. The Church had referred that question to the
House of Lords only for the purpose of determining how far
the Court of Law could go with regard to the temporalities of
the living, and the moment that was decided to be a matter
subject to the cognizance of the Civil Court, the
Church had succumbed and had directed the Pres-
bytery of Auchterarder, not to proceed with the
just decolutum, not to take advantage of what had occurred.
So far as this had gone they had bowed to the decision of the
law, and would do so in all others relating to their civil rights.
Then, again, a great deal hal been said of the rebellion of the
Church and of the persecutions of the seven minis-
ters- Now what had those seven ministers done? Mr.
Edwards had been presented by the patron to the
living of Stratbogie ; personally, he was unexceptionable
but having acted as a political agent in the parish, he certainly
ought not to be appointed. The appointment was vetoed, and
Mr. Edwards appealed to the Court of Session, to order the
Presbytery to admit him, which they had no power to do.
What did those seven gentlemen do? Did they appear in
Court? Did they appear to bow t the authority of the superior
Church of Scotland ? No such thing. They entered the Civil
Courts, and by their own application obtained a decree against
them, in order to that which they held to be necessary to their
ordination. They could no more compel a Presbyterian to ordain
any person, any more than a Churchman. These men were
ordained, and the Commission of General Assembly preceded
to summon them to the Court ; eighteen months elapsed; every
opportunity was given them to make an apology, but they did
not adopt that course. The Church had been driven from
corner to corner by those who ought to protect her.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said the Right Hon. Gentleman who
had just sat down was not deeply impressed with the importance
of this motion, as the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman
had been directed to another subject. lie had said nothing
whatever in favour of the present motion, and he (Sir 13. Peel)
would have felt very much surprised if he had, because the lone
period he had been connected with Scotland, and the long period
he'had been in office, and that office connected with Scotland. if
he had thought the appointment of a Committee would bring
about an advantageous settlement of the question, he (Sir
Robert Peel) thought he would have acquiesced in the
motion. The late Lord Chancellor, Lord Cottenham, had
expressed an opinion in which he (Sir Robert Peel)
felt strongly disposed to concur upon this subject—he must say
that on the question of whether it was desirable to introduce a
measure into Parliament, for the purpose of settling that ques-
tion, there must exist very strong grounds for believing that
the proposed measure would be adopted by Parliament, and, if
adopted, that it would be a final settlement of the question. It
did appear to him that he was justified in recommending such a
course to the House. The opinion, therefore, of Lord Cut-
tenham was, that it would be a fruitless proceeding with Par-
liament. Now, if the Right Honourable Gentleman had felt
the same, on this subject, as the Government with which he
was connected in 1840, he could not acquiesce in the motion.
They (the late Government) did not adopt any measure of
their own, because they thought that in the then existing tern.
per of the people of Scotland, they could not bring it to a satis-
factory determination ; it was perfectly open to them to appoint
a Select Committee if they pleased, but that being the way in
which a shabby Government would transfer its responsibility
to a Seteet Committee, they did not appoint such
a Committee ; he (Sir Robert Peel) looked upon
this question as a most important one; it was im-
poss.the for any man to lament more deeply and moresincerely
than he did the present condition of the Church of Scot-
land; he had always felt deeply interested in the moral, the
spiritual, and the social interests of Scotland; with a view
to settle the unhappy occurrences which had taken place in
the Church of Scotland, he strove to conduct his relations in
such a way that these occurrences should he satisfacto-
rily determined; the whole of his official relations with Scotland
were of uninterrupted harmony, and perhaps that was the very
reason he now more deeply lamented the condition in which
the Church of that country was in. It was attempted to bring
matters to a satisfactory termination, but it was ascertained that
there was not that disposition amongst the public in Scotland
which was likely to secure a satisfactory adjustment, and it was
his (Sir R. Peel's) firm belief, that to attempt to legislate, and
to fail, would only have the effect of increasing the
difficulties ; one of the reasons assigned for appointing a Select
Committee to inquire into this question was, that English gen-
tlemen should thereby pelocure information upon the subject ;
if that was the object, he should say that he would be able to

WILSON'S NIGHT 11. x
BURNS."'
Mr. Wilson's " Night wi' Burns," pre-advertised for
very on Monday at the Music-rooms in Store-street, drew tog';
Cher a full and attentive audience. The early life of 13°',,
formed the first subdivision of the syllabus—the youth and 17,0
hood of Burns, when as yet the embryo and inchoate poet and
fast shooting up into the stature of man, both in win"
/Dd
body, but not in an Edinburgh or Glasgow University, or tigir
the dusty terminologies and abstract metaphysics of Dr. Pilli.
or Dr. Reid, the Scottish sophists of his day, but amid the tea
mitable light and the air, learning large and unsophist,i% a
lessons of wisdom in the fields and pastures, that made ni and
man, manlike, and imbued his spirit w.th those sympathieg
feelings that caused his nature to overflow with the bright tae
of heroism, tenderness, and love. Mr. Wilson, with a
15j3
spirit of fervour, co-allied himself well with the subject of
firer
lecture. Love, he proceeded to show, was the hisPislieli
of his earliest song, and the genuine feeling w,iciti
prompted the first outpouring of his heart, being that also w" t,
pervaded the hundreds that followed, was the true cause,ans
had led to their subsequent adoption and translation in Ger"irit,,
French, and Danish. Being the natural vintage of his sPut,•
the universality of his songs was no wonder, and, thereforewtheo
served Mr. Wilson, my surprise was somewhat mitigated, (fie.
in 1840, on crossing the Atlantic, and landing at Halw:n.iot
my first salutation by a countryman was " Och, mon, y,e'reincl,
come in the nick o' time; this is Burns' birthday !'
truly, across the wilderness of waters, there, on the:',-'doeti",?;
day, were feasts of celebration dedicated to the re. la
master of melody." Burns's predilections at school were
the -
corded by Mr. Wilson to have been among such reading's62,s,4d,
" Vision of Mirza," and in a devotional point of view ao.
.it
dison's Hymn." Religion' indeed, swayed him in he
powerful manner; his chief gratification, and upon whicoll:
composed one of his first poems, " Winter, a dirge,' was tof the
up and down a forest-walk, amid the solemn,
swinging °d in
boughs, while the storm .winds drifted the snows and hew,'„ ierd
the mountains. It was then he fancied that " the
15 01
walked on the wings of the wind." Among the nodeal,
ancient virtue that took him greatly
was that of naiii-na er
and beside him William Wallace. Tile splendid ode app
taming to this last hero bears no trivial , ete°,',Pit
is
the impression he had made upon his mind. and
the grandest ode out of the Bible," said Professor Wilsen'verl
the emphasis with which the lecturer sang it, confirmed e n 0
hearer in the prepossession. From seventeen to twenqiiiive ,80
less than half a dozen fair forms appear by turns ILO' 03
haunted the imagination of young Burns • each. Ike akw—each
ful phantom, appearing and then flitting from before. but hii
evoking from him song. " Handsome Nell," ihfsh we'first charmer; to her succeeded " Tibbie," /"'"00
were given to understand was an etheliptic for, bog
abella," whose other maiden name was Stephens; ,5,
blooming Peggy," profuse with fair hair, cherrrlitarie he'.coll '-
smiles, he next idolized, but finding her betrothed, " was
farewell in some elegant stanzas.
••My Nannie of his';4oo
another of his erotic effusions, addressed to a god"
„ee" tientelbil devotions, and this far from the last. Bums' .nuer 92"-
sir ,
broke out more than once at school. " Nonsetoe, oit" 94fr his master, to a theme Burns had proposed to aritent, vrikoe°
companion, as to whether a general or mere": before 11
f 010,
most useful in society. "Sir," said Burns, `` well. ?4
the whole school you like to argue it with
The donsinie consented, and defended the g- • lee"'
dui
me' al ►f
Burns stood up for the merchant; the young , ,andss .i,l
bs
tician was a stout gladiator, and finally old
shook, and the contest was pronounced for Burns. , into
IVY f .7
Wi son, in the second part of his lecture entered la
eeity °
the sad difficulties and troubles that distorted the see.rtion.dsoi;
Ferule s niv.
the good poet's life, and related, as the pleasantest ist
the kindness he experienced from the Earl of Glenca!r s.81
after this Lord that the poet's brother, Major Glencairn "en,. .
was lmed. This venerable gentleman occupied ant
i!,hio0111:
with his family the centre dress-box in the rooms% by the
,aisa
nised, by bowing, the applause occasion:llc The .0
.0
utf
lecturer's mention of his name aid pre- e
eeof grace , e 016.4
affability •of Lord Daer, too, was En.rther
ghrtillP:rith thirtr
along the rugged path, which, as an exi is‘eni%.en he Whir:,
,30
live pounds a-year, and a wife and two •hild
penance. At the time that hu was a gatryhtahtisa.rtelnyceonwbrasila6ids
most detested of the kind in Scotla-d. "g
with Gangers,
fur, boy ?" " Devil's, what do you bait.
I.Lurn4s 4, uoner
is a characteristic anecdote of the period. Burn's Be ,
6, flonw
moon" song, composed by him on his marrherg
the same sort 01
Jean," has little voluptuous in it, but is rather
serious epithalamium as the Romans sung, when
the
ha r was parted with a spear, and the
yiseman,"
" The Deil's airs the exc .5
was
with excellent spirit. This bridde:
sped from Mr. Wilson's lips
song with which Burns, sword in hand, attackdedaceonngeid iaf
trfaobrainn.,,
brig and valorously captured her, having composethe,
comrades on the occasion. Burns, in his last moments.
i,ir dlirerti
fear of gaol, and wrote, under
from t
that terror, far 5i to
dying day, to_ o
George T
'Thompson, to save him . on his
ladies called to see him ; one drew down the
Ont
ce
of InPtar 1g
!
the sun to be too fierce. "No,
dear," i
cl
shine on .it will not be for long ; let shine • , goo
comrade volunteers was in the room. Don't let tenvezw.
me, John," said Burns ; he was, ow
squad
l aidiniiirleit:)er
military honours. h
urs. Since his death,. a spletnhdi4ditri,newuhrne'V
has beer. erected to him at Dumfries, and o , 0
Mr. Wilson, we perceive, gives " Anither night tare Barns, u"
Tuesday, the 22d ; and on Easter Monday, chi4A
,y for the P.
veniles, a recapitulation of his choicest songs..