The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-29 00:00:00

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LONDON :
THURSDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER 29, 1842.

The American tariff continues to excite the
alarm of our manufacturers. At the meeting of
the Glasgow Anti-Corn-law Association held on
Thursday last, a Mr.. GRAHAM said, speaking of
that tariff—
feeling of dismay at the consummation of this
mama rias;ww_ very generally diffused through the
• -

the manufacturing interests of the country; and it
only required that a fuller conception of the ruinous
' consequences likely to follow should be obtained, in
order that this feeling should be still more widely
extended. It had been stated by one gentleman, in-
timately acquainted with the American trade, that our
exports to that country would be reduced from eleven
to two millions. Now, if they took nine millions
out of our present exports, they might easily figure
what would be the consequence? Why, our produc-
tion would rise upon us like an inundation and drown
us. Even the half of that amount taken from our ex-
ports would produce consequences which it was im-
possible to calculate.—(Hear.) It appeared to him
that the public feeling was so strong upon this sub-
ject, that it ought to be taken advantage of—that a
movement for a public meeting should instantly take
place, specially calling the attention of the Legislature
to the American tariff, and urging upon them to
make an approach to the American Government with
an offer for the reception of their agricultural pro-
duce, on such terms as it ought to be admitted into
this country ; and he had no doubt that, if such a
proposal was made by our own Government, the new
tariff would be repealed in America.—(Cheers.)
Councillor Anderson, as a manufacturer to some
extent connected with the trade to the United States,
could bear his testimony to the enormous evil which
would be inflicted on this country by the new Ame-
rican tariff. Those not versant with the matter could
not be aware to what extent the working people of
this country depended on that market for employ-
ment. For several years past, but for the trade with
the United States, we would have had comparatively
little to do in the winter months. During last winter
we were accustomed to congratulate ourselves in
Glasgow that we were not in so bad a position as
Paisley ; but he was satisfied that, had it not been for
the trade with the United States market, Glasgow
would have been in a condition worse than even that
I of Paisley; and he looked forward with considerable
alarm to the approaching winter, in consequence of
the operation of the American tariff. If anything
could be done to rouse the public mind on this sub-
ject it should be instantly adopted, for he was satis-
fied that no adequate idea was entertained of the im-
portance of the question. He agreed with Mr. Gra-
ham that a public meeting should be got up, and Go-
vernment appealed to without delay.
What steps will be taken in consequence, we
will not pretend to imagine ; but we are well ccn-
vinced that the bulk of the middle and manu-
facturing classes are, by an unfortunate series of
circumstances, so entangled between their deep re-
spect for the landed aristocracy, their profound
admiration for the system of Government which
it has framed and administers, and their dread of
the lower classes—of late greatly augmented b 3
Chartist violence and Chartist Turn-outs—that
they will not take any energetic and bold mea-
sures to save themselves from the ruin which
threatens both them and the working-classes.
They will go on, we are afraid, submitting to the
landlords' misrule, and bearing the consequence
with Chinese servility, till it will be impossible to
restore prosperity. One demonstration of hos-
tility to our own restrictive system, if it he felt
by the bulk of the manufacturing and monied
capitalists, would be sufficient to put it down ;
but that demonstration will not be made, because
in fact the hostility is only felt, in sincerity and
intensity, by the comparatively few persons who
constitute the Anti-Corn-law League. The only
way to ensure the favourable revision of the Ame-
rican tariff is to put an end to our own barbarous
restrictions on the food-trade with America, and
to that the landlords will not consent as long as
the middle classes are indifferent on the subject.
So thought and so said, at the Glasgow meeting,
a Mr. WILLIAM GRAY, whose words we quote for
the encouragement of others :
The proper policy of this country was not to wait
upon the Americans giving us relief; but to urge upon
our own Government the necessity of an immediate
relief from the tax on corn and other necessaries. He
hoped that Mr. Graham and other gentlemen, moving
on this question, would urge that, instead of taking
measures of retaliation on the one hand, or waiting
for relief from other countries on the other, we should
be at once freed from every tax not absolutely re-
quired for the payment of the national debt. This
was the only course by which relief could be given
to the people of this country.

With reference to the absurd and wicked plan
advocated by a London Contemporary, of in-
creasing; the tax on American cotton, Mr.
GRAIIAM said, we believe, truly and justly—
He might here refer to a moat absurd proposal,
which had appeared in the papers of that day, that,
in retaliation, we should put 2d. a lb. on the importa-
tion of American cotton. This impost was not even
proposed to be relieved by a drawback ; it would be
an annihilation of the export trade of this country,
and would enable every foreign country to compete
with us in the market. Even the Portuguese and the
Spaniards, if we gave them a bonus of 2d. a lb. on
cotton, would beat us in ail the markets of the world.
It was the most unheard of proposal than any person
could suppose.

But between that absurd plan, in conjunction
with the re-imposition of the prohibitory duties
on cattle, together with the extension and sharp-
ening of the restrictive system, as advocated by
the Tory journals, and the abolition of restric-
tions, there is no choice. The country cannot
halt midway between good and evil. One of
these systems must be good, and the-other evil ;
either restrictions on commerce are the mode of
securing the national prosperity, or freedom of
commerce is the mode. Both cannot be good,
and both cannot long co-exist. The middle
classes must make up their minds, therefore, to
submit entirely to the landlords' so-called protec-
tive system, or get up an earnest and serious
demonstration against it. The longer they de-
lay, the more they will drive members of the
middle classes, as they begin to suffer and feel
the pressure of PEEL'S new taxes, into the ranks
of the Chartists. At this Glasgow meeting, Mr.
THOMAS DAVIDSON, the chairman, said—
This was simply an Anti-Corn-law Association,
and hitherto they had refrained from having any con-
aexion with party politics; but it was thought proper,
on the present occasion, to introduce in a general way,
common with similar institutions throughout the
country, an expression of their desire that the repre-
sentation of the country should be placed on such a foot-
ing as would give to all classes and interests a fair share
of influence in the affairs of the Government—Such
an influence as would protect the interests of all„se-•
curing to property its just rights, oe_ the condition of
its performing its proper duties:(Che-erS.)
If the influential, monied, and other capitalists,
then, continue to stand- aloof,. from Corn-law
Jtepeal, all the Anti-Corn-law Associations in
the country will become associations for the ex-
tension of the suffrage. Then they will be cor-
dially supported by the bulk of the working-
classes; and then our barbarous restrictions, :vhich
have been maintained in spite of justice,
will be
, sacrificed to fear. We doubt if even the great
advantage of a most abundant harvest will com-
pensate the effects of the American tariff.

The Tory journals have made much of the po-
litical article in the last number of the Quarterly
Review, and have eagerly quoted its statements
to prove that the alteration made in the Corn-
law by Sir ROBERT PEEL has worked marvel-
lously well. A rival Review, the Westminster,
thus replies to some of the Quarterly's statements:
. The singularly satisfactory results upon which the
Quarterly Reviewer dwellswith complacency, are, that
the New Corn Bill, instead of supplying food in un-
limited quantities to a starving people, maintained,
when the distress was greatest, the price of wheat 3s.
per quarter higher than the average of the last four-
teen years, and enabled the Government to realise by
A bread tax the enormous sum of one million sterling
within the short period of eighteen weeks.
Thus we see (says the Quarterly) that from the
28th of April to the 3d of September, the latest pos-
sible date, the importation of foreign wheat and flour
at ten principal ports has been no less than 2,457,931
quarters, being considerably more than was imported
in ail Great Britain in any whole year (except 1839)
pf the existence of the late law ; and be it observed
that this importation has been made in the face of a
most promising harvest, and with less irregularity
than in any corresponding period.
If it he true that this importation was in the face
itf most romising harvesti. what would have been
he
been the rejoicing
extenti of importation it the crops had proved
the average ? And what would not have
ratd rsterling of the Quarterly if a famine season
produce of the bread tax from one mil-
lionsbedelot the produce three five • •
or millions ? These "singu-
larly satisfactoryiingular cause of st
results"f remind one of the equally
captain, whose gratification
on the part of the Turkish
alion consisted in clearing a
large sum of money by
on board short of water, and
his Egyptian prison-
ersand selling it to the richest
among them at an extravagant price, when the poorer
The Reviewer, it is true, has
among his singularly satisfactorythe grace to include
of food which the people have obtained, results, the supply
but he is in
error in representing it as unusuallyl
indeed natural to assume that if Wit-hi:r e.
eighteenlt seemsk
weeks
the quantity imported amounted to 2,45,31 quarters,

the quantity for the whole of the present year must be i
extraordinarily great, but the fact is that the eighteen
weeks referred to by the Reviewer embrace nearly the
` whole of the importing season, for under a sliding
1 scale of duties a large importation can rarely take
place at any other period of the year, and the quantity
imported at other ports than the ten referred to is
always inconsiderable.
A sliding scale of duties has a necessary tendency
to confine importation to the time when, our own
stocks being nearly exhausted, the duty is expected to
be the lowest; and this is generally in September, in
the middle of harvest, before the new wheat has been
thrashed and brought to market.
This year the harvest was unusually early, and as
the new wheats were certain to prevent any further
immediate rise of prices, the bonded corn had to be
released in August, and accordingly we find that, be-
tween the 4th and 18th, duties were paid upon the
great bulk of the whole • the quantity then entered
for home consumption being 1,718,870 quarters, upon
which the duties amounted to 672,926/. !
This fact would be decisive against the principlf
e
a sliding scale, if the farmers and landowners unde -
stood their own interest, for, next to the exclusion of
all foreign corn, their object, it might be supposed,
would be to prevent any considerable sudden influx,
which, by overwhelming the markets, would at once
bring down prices to a low level, from which they
would but slowly recover. This has happened in the
present instance, prices having fallen since the article
in the Quarterly was written, from 625. Id. to 535. 3d.
In another place the Reviewer shows that of fifteen
millions of quarters imported between 1828 and 1841,
eleven and a half millions paid duties below those of
the present year, viz,
6,392,258 quarters Is. Od. duty.
3,177,016 ~ 2s. Bd. „
2,175,666 „ 6s. Bd. „
We have, then, asked for bread and received a stone.

The measure of relief to the people for which the
present Government claims credit amounts to the ad •
mission of the same quantity of foreign corn as in the
last four years—perhaps a little more—but at higher
duties ; by which the importers have been ruined, and
the revenue benefited to the extent of a million sterling.
This is but a sorry theme for boasting. The same
figures which represent the duty paid by corn impor-
ters indicate also the corresponding quantities which
those duties have kept out of the market : and this is
the true light in which the return should be viewed.
One million sterling paid in a tax upon food is a bet-
ter test than averages of a severe amount of privation,
and a proof that the people have been fraudulently
deprived of the relief which might have been afforded
by the importation of some additional millions of
quarters, which could not be introduced into this
country subject to the present high fiscal burdens.
Having placed these statements before our
readers, we shall wait some time longer to see
the effects of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S measures before
we make any further remarks of our own. The
season has been singularly propitious, and there
ought to be no distress in the land. If there be
distress now, what would have been its amount
had the harvest been short ? And should there
now be distress, who will measure the blame due
to the Ministers?

It is universally admitted that something im.
portant is now required to be done for the nation;
and the admission is practically acted on by the
Ministers, in proposing new taxes and new tariff's;
by the Puseyites, in propounding a new creed;
by the Evangelicals, in demanding more churches
and a reform in the morals of the people ; by
the Philanthropists, in proposing colliery regula-
tions, ten hours' Bills, improved education, and
better sewerage; by the League, in requiring the
repeal of the Corn-laws ; by the Chartists, in
asking for the Charter ; and by all classes, as re-
quiring some new regulation, if not for them-
selves, at least for others. " What shall we do
to be saved ?" may be said, therefore, to be a
question which is very generally asked, and very
generally answered. The following extract from
" Some Passages in the Life of a Radical," by
SAMUEL BAMFORD, places this question in a new
light; and while it shows, perhaps, a new ground
for apprehension, wisely teaches us to find a re-
medy in our own resolves:—
What, then, " shall we do to be saved ?" We must
look our difficulties in the face like men. The times
which have been, never will return; we cannot re-
cal that which has departed, and is still going ; we
cannot, any more than we can still the ocean, prevent
our manufactures from being set up in other nations.
We, have read them too profound a lesson for that.
We have exhibited the spectacle of a small commu-
nity combating the world, and buying, or beating it
all round. We have shown the secret of our strength,
of all warlike strength ; and they will act upon it.
We have shown them how our manufactures pro-
duced commerce—which produced wealth—which
created credit—which supplied taxes and loans
il-
limitable, and enabled us to wield with tremendous
effect all the resources of our vast navy, and our
numerous armies; beating those we encountered, and
subsidising the remainder, until we either had time to
beat them ourselves, or could get others to beat them.
And will not the nations lay hold of this wonderful
power, and try to render it available to their own
interest ? Most certainly they will. The novelty of
the thing itself would be a great temptation ; and,
though no one nation may manufacture to the extent
".hat we have done, they may manufacture for them-
selves, and they will do so. America, with its cotton
fields, and its teeming population, will spin its own
yarn, and weave its own cloth, whether we will or no,
and the nations of the Continent will do, are doing,
the same. They have nothing else to do in peace, nor
can any thing be more natural than that they should
do so. We cannot, must not, always be spinners and
weavers for the world; and, if we could,.l do not see
that it is desirable we should. Let these truths be
impressed on our minds ; and let us, like a commu-
nity of sensible men, calculate all our disadvantages,
and prepare for the worst.
Whether or not we shall be prepared, depends on
the exertions of the wise and good of all classes. It
no preparations are made, we.may be a suffering fa-
mily ; but we shall be a united one, and half our evils
will be obviated. Those we must endure will be
borne in a noble spirit; whilst those we surmount,
and they may be many, be subjects for our com-
mon triumph.
It is undoubtedly true that we cannot prevent
other nations from profiting by our teaching,
nor is it desirable that we should. Knowledge,
to be improved and extended, must be imparted,
and, like money and manure, it does no good till
it is spread. But because other nations may lay
hold of the wonderful power. of manufacturing
we are not to let it go. It will serve both and all.
Within a few years we have borrowed from
France some great improvements in the silk-
loom ; who can tell what other improvements
other 'nations may make on our inventions, re-
turning to us 'with tenfold increase the skill they
borrow from us. Though other nations may
and must come up to us, and may possibly sur_
pass us, that is no reason why we should lose a
particle of our skill, a particle of our power, or
should be retarded in the course of progressive
improvement. As they improve we shall benefit
by their improvement; as they increase in wealth
some of it will overflow on us, and their progress
will not retard, it will accelerate ours. Have not
all the nations of the world benefited by our in-
' ventions? and why should we not, in turn, bene-
fit by theirs? We see no reason whatever, there-
fore, for despair, but rather for hope in their
want,s sbeun tt
itnogbfertN):-ne I
the
hper odNeisdpeodn
daitnhgovniieew.
progress. To go ahead of them is not what we,
taken by
Mr. BAMFORD, we agree with him that it is
necessary to look our difficulties in the face ;
that the " community, like sensible men, should
calculate its disadvantages, and prepare for the
worst," and that if proper preparation be made
" we may be a suffering but shall be a united
family." His counsel appears familiar, it is like
a repetition of our own thoughts; it wears the air
of common-place, but it is nevertheless true
wisdom. The exertions of the wise and good of
all classes are required to make the people happy
and contented, not to keep far in advance of
other nations.

To accomplish this, sacrifices may be required
of all. The worst feature at present in our con-
dition is, that each class insists on the other
bearing all the burdens, and will bear as little as
possible itself. Each class throws its fair share
on the class below it, and so, generally, all the
burdens fall on the lowest. It might be, and
ought to be, expected, that the upper classes
should set a better example, and that they should
overflow with patriotism instead of selfishness.
It is not so, however. If the happiness of a
people can be better insured by manners than
laws, it is high time to look for the cure of the
public disorders, and to expect the salvation of
the nation from a reformation in the manners
and morals of the aristocracy.

We have given an extract from the Devon-
port Independent relative to Municipal Elections

for the borough. The Tories are making great
and, iu our opinion, unwarrantable exertions to
obtain a,majority in the Council, in order to re-
turni"lii. Tory MeMbers at the next election.
What, for instance, can be more unwarrantable,
or more unbecoming, than the chief clerk of one
of her MAJESTY'S ships of war minglingc, in city
politics to the neglect of his duty as a Govern-
ment officer ? All persons of this description are
generally regarded as impartial spectators, and
when they step out of their line of duty should
be treated as intruders. Conduct like this, how-
ever, will meet its reward. It will incite the
citizens, to defend their rights in opposition to
the underlings of office, who wish to pay court
to the present Government by using their in-
- fiuence for the suppression of public opinion.
The burgesses of Devonport have. maintained
many successful contests in the cause of freedom,
and at the ensuing elections we-- are confident
they will maintain their character;