The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-22 00:00:00

:FRIG}

4: VENING

eeeeeestioteeible fee t_
pelviee wheel. they gave to the
: ttoWn with respect
,te. this (este. else or pierrigative, as
• well as eve. v tehee ;'slid lie slidnotapprehend that
,
i their, responsibility woeld .he increased rbY any such ad-
-1
V. Apr cate the e 4.4 iie that-whieh the Hon: Gentleman proposed. But
net only nixie ,cotestitutional 12a d .
gioiinds, but becatis6 he believed that the carrying of the
motion would have a tendency to -increase the. distress
which it was intended to mitigate. It would
produce the greatest uncertainty in commerce if it
should be imagined that Parliament was to be assembled
in October or November for the purpose of repealing the
,',erie-Aetn'se-1--.Heere hew...) , Iti would • afford a fresh im-
redeet-et tc 'HP rblief v.;l-iit:ll tlley anticipteted from the
free admission of foreign corn. He wished that Hon.
Gentlemen would reconcile it with their sense of duty to
abstain from bringing forward motions which, in his
opinion, had a tendency to derange commercial dealings
apd.inqvimse cotetnercial embarmissinents.—(Hear, hear.)
titi till t 110,6 Pit-fits; he iiiifeit Offee hiti decided opposition
to the motion of the Hon: Gentleman:
Viscount PALMERSTON said that certainly no-
thine; so far, could be mare satisfactory -to that side of
theelititlsh tliqii the debate-e:if debate it could be called—
Of alai eVenhig, the argiiiiieilL4 bath*, Veen all on that.
side; while on the opposite benches there had beeii no-
thing but " the agreeable silence of a friend," to use the
phrase of a well-known diplomatist. Certainly the
Right Hon. Gentleman hid not, from among his sup-
peetere that evening, been troubled with any of those
oratorical displays, which were to hint matters of such
horror when perpetrated by unfortunate leaders of depu-
tations.—(Hear, hear.) He (Viscount Palmerston),
however, found no fault with Hon. Gentlemen opposite
for their sileitee, There was an old saving, and a very
good otie," When you have nothing to say, say nothing"
--(Hear; hear)—etted petirtg Upon . this principle Hon.
Gentlemeh opposite, being ilnproeided with Arguments
to meet the arguments of Hon. Gentlemen on his (Vis-
count Palmerston's) side of the House, had shown a
very sound discretion in preserving an almost unbroken
silnee.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Norfolk
afforded an exception, for he had said a few words ; and
another exception had been the Hon. Member for
Shrewsbury, the greater. part of whose speech, however,
turned upon foreign afthirs, and had nothing what-
ever to do with the matter in hand.—(Hear, hear).. That
Honourable Gentleman had one fixed idea ; whatever
happened wrong to the country, whether at home or
abroad. whether commercial or military, it was all the
fault of the diplomacy of the late Government, a diplo-
macy which lie list! no* characterized by an expression
which it' was somewhat difficult to understand, namely,
anti-commercial diplomacy.—(A laugh.) The Honour-
able Gentleman seemed to think that the Congress assem-
bled at .Vienna assembled to settle tariffs. He (Viscount
Palmerston) should like to see the surprise with which
the distinguished statesmen, who were parties to that
Congress, and who thought they were arranging the poll-
fiver affairs of Europe, would have received the censure
with which the Himourable Aleinber for Shrewsbury
had visited that transaction. There was one exception
to the Hon. Gentleman's censure—the administration of
Mr. Canning. Mr. Canning called into existence, the
Honourable Gentleman • said, or Mr. Canning boasted
that he called into existence, a new market, and his
had been indeed a commercial diplomacy. He (Viscount
Palmerston) fancied that Mr. Canning's boast was
to have called the new world into existence, to
restore the balance of the old. It was political
and not merely commercial measures which Mr. Canning
prided himself on having achieved. As the Honourable
member went on, he (Viscount Palmerston) had ex-
pected to hear all the distresses of the country attributed
to the foreign consuls.—(Laughter.) So far he had to
thank the Honourable Gentleman for having limited his
censure to the direction of the foreign department. He
would meet his assertion by a counter assertion. The
Honourable Gentleman, without any prOof whatever,
had asserted that the diplomatic policy of the late Go-
vernment was adverse to the commercial interests of the
country. Ile (Viscount Palmerston) said, on the con-
trary, that that policy was eminently favourable to the
commercial interests of this country. There never was
an administration which, in the same space of time,-de-
voted more attention with more success to the commer-
cial interest of the country than did -the administration
which conducted affairs from 1831 to 1841. He would
meet the Hon. Gentleman on one point, which he- had
placed in issue. He had accesed the late Govern-
ment of having omitted to conclude certain commer-
cial treaties, whice he said might have been concluded.
He evidently thought that the ,attention of a Govern-
ment to commercial affairs might be measured by the
number of commercial treaties which it concluded.
Now, there were at present existing between this country
and other countries about 33 commercial treaties of one
kind or other. Seventeen of those were concluded before
1831, and fifteen by the late Goyernment. If they might
be allowed to claim part of' the credit of the late.treaty
with Portugal, which the Right. Hon. Baronet announced
to have been concluded after long-pending negotiations,
then very nearly one-half of the commercial treaties now
.in existence were either concluded in the time of the late
Government, or were the result of negotiations carried
en by them.—(Cheers.) But the Hon. Gentleman ob-
jected that they had not succeeded in a special one with
France. He said the failure was the fault of the late
Government—that they might have concluded a com-
mercial arrangement with France, but that they declined.
The Hon. Member was misinformed. There never was a
moment at which the Government, taking all matters into
consideration, could have concluded any other commercial
Arrangement with France as one which they thought advan-
tageous to this country. The Hon. Member doubted What
he (Viscount Palmerston) had stated of the indisposition
of public men, and of the public mind in France, to the
commercial interests of this country—especially- what he
had stated , generally, without mentioning particulars
with regard to a communication made to this Govern-
ment five years ago on the part of Count Mole, then
Minister of Franci. He would now state to the Hon.
Member and to the House the nature of that communi-
cation, and leave them ,to judge of the spirit of com-
mercial jealousy of England which it manifested. There
was then ie negotiation on foot with Spain respecting a
commercial treaty-. This country was on the best terms
with France, and 'at such a time the French Am-
eassador, by command of Count Mole, communi-
cated to her Majesty's Government a despatch written
ey Count Mole, of which he would now mention
the substance. It stated that • the French' Govern-
ment had heard that England was negotiating with
Spain for a commercial treaty ; that they deemed it con-
sistent with that frankness which belonged to the
friendly relations of the two countries, to state fairly
that whatever influence France could exert should be
exerted to prevent a conclusion of the treaty. It was
euite true that Count Mole said that' England
,wanted
only to be put on a footing of equality with other
muntries, but such was her skill, such was her capital,
Ind such was the enterprise of British commerce, that
whenever England met France in any other country, in
oreign markets on a footing of nominal equality, she
vas felt to be on a footing of real superiority, and there-
;ore France felt justified in exerting all the influence she
eossessed in' Spain, or in any other country, except Pot.-
neal, to prevent commercial treaties from being con-
laded with with England.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.")
Chat was the official. communication made to him (Vis-
count Palmerston). It was made in a fair, open, straight-
i'orward manner, and it did honour to the French
Government, when they entertained those sentiments,
to declare them. But this would prove to the
Rouse what would have been the difficulties of a com-
mercial treaty with France. If the failure in that treaty
were owing to the late Government, how did it happen
hat the present Government had been ten months with-
out effecting it ? They had entered into office express-
Me- the most friendly sentiments towards France, and he
Viscount Palmerston) was quite 'satisfied, entertaining
hem ; but so far from being able to make a commercial
arrangement with France, they had been met by a new
ordinance, extremely hostile to British commerce—
(Hear, hear)— and by a treaty between France and Bel-
eium,, which extended still further the obstructions
which the French ordinance was calculated to produce.
['he Hon. Member stated that the late Government
could not conclude a treaty with Spain. The reason
was easily explained. The same local and partial
interests, which prevented commercial improvements
in this country, existed also in Spain. With respect
to the treaties with Austria and Turkey. in 1833,
the Honourable Member was much mistaken in
supposing that they were not productive of con-
siderable advantage to the commerce of this country.
The Honourable Gentleman said it was time fault of
the late Government that the Prussian union was formed,
and that we ought to have formed a commercial union
with Austria or South Germany. A commercial union
with South Germany! They might as well look to form-
ing a commercial union between this globe and the moon.
—(Laughter.) The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury
seemed not to underssand exactly what the Prussian
commercial union was. It was a union of several small
States whose frontiers touched, by which they aereed to
abolish custom-houses along the common frontier lines,
and to make the-external circumference the frontier of
atlitiey`
of the inTe-rntialils
f raor
nr at
inegr es mpeani td gnoo more o
duty than
if they continued in the same State. The Prussian union
ought to be regarded in two points of view—first,
ds passing over
es having destroyed all the internal partitions
which used to impede the passage of goods through
'he countries that belonged to it ; and next in rela-
tion to the tariff which the aggregate union might adopt
vith regard to foreign Powers. So far from that union
Swing, in the first point of view, hostile to this or any
other country, the aggregation of so many small States
was highly advantageous on commercial grounds to other
countries, provided the general tariff was not too high.
But the German Union had adopted the Prussian tariff.
—(Hear, hear.) . And why had the Prussian tariff been
directed against British commodities? Because this Go-
vernment could not reduce the high duties on Prussian
produce.—(Cheers.) It was owing to the maintenance of
our high duties on timber and corn that a high tariff now
existed against us in Prussia. If that tariff could be
lowered, then the Union, instead of being an impediment
to trade, would be exceedingly good for this country.—
(Hear.) With respect to the Hon. Gentleman's suggestion
of making a commercial union i h
wet_ South Germany, he
thought, now that he had explained the nature of such a
union, the Hon. Gentleman would see its absurdity,
if, indeed, he had not misunderstood the proposition
which the Honourable Member advocated. But it was
not with Germany alone that our laws were in our way.
Sweden would afford 'most important markets fur our
woollen and other manufactures, but when we proposed
facilities, they at once said we must lower our duties on
their timber.—(Hear.) Thus we were at a dead lock.—
(Hear, hear.) Were they then to be told that the Go-
vernment had at that period attempted to make no com-
mercial improvement in their situation ? Had they not,
he asked, proposed a reduction in the amount of duties
upon foreign timber ?—(Hear, hear.) Had they not
done so, and, doing so, bad they not been beaten ?
(Hear, hear.) The late Government had found it im-
possible to carry their proposition ; but then those who
had objected to it came round so far as to adOpt it.—
(ffear.) If there had been a griist reduction in the

amount of the timber duties at the period that he spoke s
the result Wolild have been a great intprovement in
their cenailiereial intercourse with Prussia.—(Hear.)
The Hight Ildtit Batenetwho spoke last had taunted his
Hon. Friend near hire with Inconstency, fur having, as
he said, in the one breath boasted Cf the wart which he
had taltesi in, carrying the tariff, and yet dispdfagifig the
tricrits of that tariff. NOW it,did not appear to him that:
there was inconsis"Zi.-!riCY id We Onrs'a of Fa`roolinient that
had been followed. They had disPh'iageet the
tariff. They never had done so ; on the other lied, thit;y
had admitted the value that was to be attached to it.
They had always stated that the tiff was founded on
sound principles--that iMilas a step—andc that, for a first
step, it lifs4 rent ste n point of principle ; but then
they had always deelared it fell* Atari of those
results which its principles, if 'carried dn't/ iemald lead
to.—(Chears.) They looked upon it as an itisfitiriatints
but by no means as the full accomplishment of the
views of those who had brought it forward.—(Hear,
hear:) 7'llet they had assisted the Government, no man
who lookdd Itr the result of the divisions could with jus-
tice deny. Nobody, tie 'said; could deny this, particu-
larly he who remembered the remarkable division with
respect to cattle. When the head of the Government
proposed the Income-tax, he declared that those who
paid 11A likjostteattis; would save the amount of that tax
by the chetlpiie's4o tiffovlehms and- more especially by
the admission of afsfisifi &ittleaa-a(llear, hear.) But,
then, when his tariff came to be Vieip'os4 country gen-
tlemen were Pequested not to be alartuett as tite diminu-
tion in the price of cattle wo:Z.
ld produce no tisible effects
upon the itnicetnt of rent, which they derived from that
source. Now, it waS fief at, all unnatural t;iat the sup-
porters of the Government should have united
when they thought their interests were gifetted, for the
purpose of opposing the tariff, and if the Membeig ur the
Opposition had pursued such a line as had been followed
ily theirs dveraaries, when the timber duties had been pro-
posed( ast year-aif they had contented themselves with
acting the same part-a-if they li&cl had recourse to a tech-
nical point of objection—if they iidd eatisfiecl themselves
kith declaring that they agreed to the gerie'ildi
but that they thought this was an insignificant metislifes
and that it was only trifling with a great principle—that
it was a matter of no great importance, from the manner
in which it was proposed—and that what was intended
to be done could effect no material diminution in the
price—if they, he said, had had recourse to such a course
as that—if they, as an Opposition, had availed thetiaelves
of the assistance of others; as their adversaries did of
the shipping interest to oppose the timber duties, then it
must be perfectly evident that the tariffrativer could have
passed into law.—(Cheers.) But then the illtslat Hon.
-Baronet had expressed his wonder of the manner in ,ontt,
he spoke of the Income-tax, and as to its being one which
was not required by the necessities of the country. On
what did the Right Hon. Baronet ground his necessity for
that tax? Why, he spoke of a deficiency of two millions
and a half at home, and a deficiency of two millions and a
half in India. Now, as to the deficiency in India, it wto
not to be expected that it would have been made the ground
for an Income-tax,whenit was known that the Government
would -not take that deficiency upon themselves—that.
the deficiency must fall upon the Indian revenue, and
that it was well able to bear it, and also that no part of
the Income-tax was to be applied to that purpose. Let
them, then, throw aside, as not belonging to the ques-
tion, the deficiency on the Indian revenue. As to their
own revenue, the deficiency was two millions and a half.
Such was their deficiency in fact ; but then it was only
fair to say, that it was so much increased by means of
technical annuities. These annual payments went to
form a sinking fund, which was an unusual operation.
Another part of the deficiency was to be attributed to a
measure of his Right Honourable Friend, which was
felt to be of such advantage to the community, that
Members opposite did not venture to trench upon it—
he referred to the reduction on p istage.—(Hear, hear.)
He denied, then, that the deficiency was so great
as to impose upon the Government the necessity of
having recourse to the Income-tax. They (the
late Government) had proposed last year measures,
which, without entailing fresh burdens upon the
community, but, on the contrary, by relieving the bur-
dens of the people, would have opened fresh channels for
commerce—would not only have supplied the deficiency
that then existed, but also have prevented in a great de-
gree that extent of distress, which they were now all de-
ploring.—(Cheers.) ,Seeing this, he said that the defined
mode for the Income-tax must break down.—(Hear.)
With regard then to what the Right Hon. Baronet had
said on another point, he must say that he entirely
agreed with the Right Hon. Baronet, that grievous
as the present state of the country was, afflicting, as
no doubt there was, much that was to be seen in
these manufacturing districts, still he would not feel
desponding as to the ultimate fortunes of the country, for
he believed that they had still within them the re-
sources sufficient to repair their disasters, and to afford
the means of increasing prosperity.—(Hear, hear.)
The Right Hon. Baronet had, in touching upon
this point, treated of the progress and increasing
commerce of the country. The Right Hon. Baronet had
shown that during the period that they (the late Go-
vernment) had heldipffice—that during the period of
their Administration there had been a great increase to
their trade—and that, as far as their actual exports
were concerned, there had been an increase from the
year 1831 to the year 1841, of
.from 37,000,0001. to
51,000,0001; thit there"had been an increase during that
period of not less than 14;000,000/. Though he did not
agree with the Right Hon. Baronet in his details as to
the increase of the consumption of sugar, which he
thought had rather fallen off, in proportion to the increase
of the population, yet still be was quite ready to
admit that there had been a great increase in the num.
ber of persons, an increase in the investment of
capital, an increase in commerce, an increase in ma-
nufactures—all proving that this country had
vola-
thnt it had the power of life, and dint it only re-
quired due wisdo:n in the Government to enable the
people and the C luntry to go on in a career of great and
increasing prosperity.—(Cheers.) But then, he said, to
accomplish that purpose they must remove those ob-
structions which now checked and contracted their
energies ; for they could not increase their commerce
with their present restrictive laws.—(Cheers.) As to
the address of his Hon. Friend, whatever might be the
technical objections to it on ordinary occasions, still, in
the present peculiar crisis, he thought that there would
bs no objectitsi to it not, he said, as binding the Go-
vernment—for the Government had not by their expres-
sions showithe iudisposition to re-consider the question—
not, he said, on their account,but on account of the country;
because it would.afford a hope to those who were tiow de-
sponding, and it might cheer the feelings of those who now
might regard their c ase as hopeless. Itw as on this account—
it was as showing that the House felt for the distresses
of the country—it was on this account, he was disposed
to waive that objection which, on other occasions, he
might feel as to the form of the motion, and agree to
the address which his Hon. Friend proposed. But (con-
tinued the Noble Lord) the Right Hon. Baronet says it
would be injurious in its consequences if this motion
was acceded to. How injurious ? The result of the
tariff must be to suspend the operations of trade and
commerce on many articles which it touches. Did not
the Right Hon. Baronet himself admit, in the discussion
on that measure, that the postponement of the reduction
of the duty on' timber must prevent a
.great deal of that
employment which would he otherwise given to the
people in buildings, and all those undertakings into
which timber so largely enters ? Undoubtedly it
does. "But," says the Right Honourable Baronet,
"Parliament is to meet again in November," (though I
do not think my HOn. Friend contemplates so late a
meeting) I should think October is the period which he
has fixed upon.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. Duncombe.)
Sir JAMES GRAHAM—And give less "pheasant
shooting ?"—(Loud cheers and laughter.)
Lord PALMERSTON—Yes, I really hope so. I
have sufficient experience in office to know that i
the members of the Government will have but little
time' for pheasant shooting ; but I can assure the
Right Honourable Baronet that we would ebeerfelly
sacrifice that pastime if the Government are prepared to.'
sacrifice the objectionable Corn-laws.—(Much cheering.)
Bat, says the Right Hon. Baronet, .‘ who would let out
the bonded corn ?" Whv, I will tell him. The Govern-
ment will let it Out.—(Cheers.) They told as much
themselves. In a former debate they let out the secret.
You told us if the distress lasted, it was not in the legis-
lative power to remedy it, but you announced that on
your own responsibility, like bold men as you are, you
would let out the bonded corn. Now, I venture to pre-
if you do not meet Parliament before November, you
will have to let out the bonded corn.—(Loud cheers from
the Opposition.)
Lord STANLEY—Mind, you have prediCted.
Viscount PALMERSTON—And you hope from this
single change a remedy • for the distress. That single
act of letting out the bonded corn you rely upon as a
means of meeting an emergency not caused by famine,
which does not exist, but by that want of employment
which' has rendered thousands of your people unable to
buy corn because their wages do not enable them to pro-
cure it, or rather, because they have not such wages as
in a different state of things they might command.—
(Cheers.) Sir, I invoke to my aid the principle laid down
distinctly (and I rejoiced to hear it), by the Vice-Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade. That Right Hon. Gentleman
(the House was thin at the time, and many could not
have heard him) last night recommended the measure
which he proposed—a small one to be sure—a plan for ex-
changing a little flour fora little biscuit in bond, the whole
amount, I believe, not including more than 100,000
quarters of corn within the year—by the enunciation of a
principle, of which I beg the House to take notice, as
the Noble Member for North Lancashire has taken so
marked a notice of my
.prediction. Whether my pre-
diction is verified or not is of little moment. I hope it
will fail, because in such case the distress must'diminish.
But I trust the principle I quote, under the sanction of
the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, will not fail.
And what is that principle ? The Right Honourable
Gentleman said : "I recommend the measure for this
reason—it will give additional employment to labour—
it will give a fresh opening to commerce—it will give
your manufacturers the means of exchanging the pro-
duce of their
_labour for the productions of the labour
of corn-growing countries."—(Hear, hear.) And he
added, " There is this particular advantage in the
measure, that it is not of temporary operation—that it is
not an isolated facility and momentary advantage given
to commerce, but is a permanent measure ; one
that lays the foundation of a steady, firm, and permanent
increase to our commerce, by the exchange of the pro-
duce of our manufacturing industry for the food grown
by other countries."—(Cries of " Hear, hear. ) Now,
*Sir, that is the principle which we have all along con-
tended for, not in opposition to " oratorical displays,"
but against silent and unwilling hearers—(Cheers)—
hearers, Sir, whom we have not convinced—hearers
whom I am afraid we never shall convince, but hearers
who may be convinced when the same doctrines are not
only broached by those whom they respect and follow,
but when measures founded on those doctrines, in their
largest and most comprehensive sense, shall be 'proposed
b their leaders to this House, and when thos laders,
6ng out into th% lobby, followed by their !aoll4inae el
ad-

----
verseries, shat triumph in the success of that principle
egainet their own supporters, and through the honour-
able and independent support of those who had hitherto
opposed there.—(Loud and continued cheering.)
. Mr. HUME said it was quite impossible that the de-
bate could be brought to a satisfactory conclusion at this
sitting, and he should, therefore, move that the debate be
fejt:turned.
Sir 11, PEEL—I do hope the House will insist on
bringing this debate to a close. Now, considering that I
}rave been in the House since half-past four o clock, and
the, Onring a considerable portion of the debate there
were not filly Members present, I must say it is rather
hard on those wild have charge of public business that
a fresh impediment should be thrown in the way of sup-
P1.7--(Cheers.) I really trust the sense of the House
will be in favour of the debate closing to-night:
Mr: M. GIBSON said that it might be thought he was
til*ifr/4 *rf extraordinary view of this question, when he
said thai; although the. House was tired of it, the
public out of doors did not t:ink it had been
discussed enough,==(Loud cheers end laughter.)
Ile should feel it his duty to raise the question: of dis-
tress in going into Committee of Supply, if they came to
a decision that night, which he thought they ought not
to do, as there were many arguments of the Right Hon.
I-lime/et which gentlemen on that (the Opposition) side
of the House were ready to meet. He should certainly
support the motion of adjournment.
S;r JOHN Glitiff made some observations which
were quite inaudible in tbe gallery, owing to the noise
which prevailed in the House.
Mr. COJIDEN felt that an untlea opinion prevailed
in the House, on the subject of distress': He had a duty
to percent), in bringing the distress of the country be-
fore the House. They might have it as an amendment
on ving into supply, or as a separate motion ; and if
"4..j.Vin. i'riend the Member for Manchester did notiove
the arts sent, be (Mr. Cobden) certainly should. Ee
would 'do if,2-.-4Cheth..s.) He would not do it from fac-
tion.—(Loud ctiee of f` Oh, oh.") Why, to what
faction did he belong ? Wax it to the Whigs?—he repu-
dlatstd them. Was it to the Tories?—he repudiated
thetn, Then, to what faction did he belong? He had no
tizeife to go to the Continent or to the n.oors, he would
sit there till' November, if it was necessary. He had a
duty to perfOfra to the country. He warned them, that
they might not ttkkA again as they did now. He should
support the adjournment of the House.
Mr. HUME rose amidst load cries of ." Spoke." He
nettlerstood that the opinion on both sides of the House
wits, that the division ought not to take place that night;
but as sole of his Hon. Friends intended to bring the
subject, forward on going into supply, he would withdraw
his motion for the adjournment.
Mr, STANSFIELD hoped the Government would
turtt fliOr attention to the distress of the country. If
something Were not done he could not dare to think what
the consequence tnlght be.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE replied. He believed that the
ntelority of the House did riot know the extent to
whic,ii the distress prevailed. He belived that, contrary
to what was expected by the Right Hon. Baronet, the
distress had reuehed its greatest height. He thought
the motion had net been well treated by the two Right
Right lion. Baronets, the Cabinet Ministers. The Right
Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, said this was
no interference with the prey dative of the Crown.
Why, had they not the power to interfere with that pre-
rogative ? The other Right Hon. Baronet went furteer,
and said that it was an absurd motion. The motion
' was, that if the distress of the people should con-
tinue, Parliament should assemble earlier, in order
to relieve it ; and that was called an absurd mo-
tion. He did not think the people of England would
think so. He would warn the Government to take pre-
; caution In time, for he believed the people would bear
their suffering,' and distress no longer.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
: For the motion 9l
Against it . 147
Majority against the motion --.-56
The motion was consequently lost..
On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX-
CHEQUER, the following Select Committee was ap-
pointed to consider end report upon the plan submit-
ted by the architect of the stew-Houses of Parliament, for
the ventilation and warming of the Houses' of Parlia-
ment, and for rendering them fire-proof:-=Mr: Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, Lord Stanley, Sir John Hob-
house, Sir James .Graham, Viscount. Palmerston, Lord
Francis Egerton, Sir Richard Vyvyan, Mr. O'Connell,
Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Mr. Williams, Wynn, Mr.
Francis Thornhill Baring, Sir George Clerk, Mr.
Hawes, Sir Charles Burrell, Mr. Tufnell, Viscount
Sandon. Viscount Barrington, Sir J, Guest, Mr. Verner,
Mr. MILNER GIBSON gave notice of- bis intention
on the motion for going into Committee of Supply, to
move that the House should resolve itself into a Com-
mittee of the whole House, to take into consideration the
distressed state of the country.
Mr. GREENE brought up the Report of the Com-
mittee of Supply, and the resolutions were agreed to.
The Grand Jury Presentments (Ireland) Bill went
through Committee, and was ordered to be reported this
day.