The Sun.
London, England, 1829-11-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF JoURN.U.S.

Our Irish communications appear to furnish
some caustic remarks on Messrs. O'Connell and
Barron, the latter of whom is said to be the
Catholic candidate about to oppose Lord George
Beresford's return for the county of Waterford
on the expected vacally. it seems that Mr.
O'Connell now blames Shell for having
taken a brief as Lord Gee•ee Beeeefonre eeoece
at that approaching election, while the Learned
Gentleman is accused, and has never answered
the charge, of having himself, as our correspon-
dent states, " actually agreed to take one hint-
self at the same times and hualered for the
amount of his fee." As this statement is cir-
culated to Mr. O'Connell's prejudice,. we think
he would do wisely, for the sake of his reputa-
tion, to notice it. The charge against.
Barron is, that he had positively pledged
self to support the Beresfords in the county, if
they would only hold the candle to his ma-
nceuvres in the city of Waterford ; although Mr.
Barron has since found out that there is mio iii-
dividual of the Beresford fa, ,ily fit to re;;rs-
sent the same county, and instead of s ite-
porting, has announced his desire to supplent
them. Of all men, he should be meost
anxious about public character who has no former
public conduct to refer to, but comes for the first
time as a claimant of his fellow-citizens for their
favour. We see with great concern, that Mr.
O'Connell is opening a new chapter of agitath.m,
whose object does not even pretend to be a re-
dress of grievances, in the pursuit of which there
is any chance that enlightened and public-
spirited men would join him ; but, on the con-
trary, that he throws out a lure to revolutionists
and incendiaries, by holding up as an areinah!e
benefit for Ireland, a violation of that -eletmoi
compact with Great Britain, which eve; e sWe-
ject of both islands, who either comprehemids
feels for their common interest, will mamitain
with his life and fortune. Thet-the Unker wa.4
incomplete without emancipation., b
times, and under every change of oeie•tence,
asserted ; and indeed was the nseele. principle
on which the bill for the relief ef the -Catholics
was at last carried into a law. But what. en the
other hand, would be emancipation without a
union ? It would be the surrender of the whole
church and state in Ireland into the hands
of another Catholic Association,—ae a:range-
ment, no doubt, very flattering to one or more
lof those men to whose mandates the Cetholie
body has hitherto paid implicit obet:once,
but in no degree, that we can perceive,
advantageous to Ireland, or to the inejmity
of Irish Catholics. Nor are the manner
and form in which this new project has been
broached, less objectionable than the project
itself. An ostentatious reference is made to tln
year " 1782," and to the " Irish Volunteer,;"
thus intimating at once that the thing desired is
one which involves a dispute with England, and
that " achievement of national independence,"
or, in other words, a repeal of the Union, is to
be carried, if necessary, by a recourse to " value-
teers" in arms ! We are sorry to obseive this
apparently settled purpose of net: quar-
rels the very moment at which mom old one has
been composed, as if' there ssese some persons
to whom a state of tranquillity would be fatal,
and some selfish passions tier t.he indulgence
of which every hope of national industry,
comfort, and prosperity, ieeet be given up.
This scheme, however, of mounting a " repeal
of the Union" upon the worn-out apparatus of
1782, and enlisting a modern army of voluuteers
for time dissolution of the British and Irish mo-
narchy, will fail as surely as a plan would
for detaching the country north of Trent, er that:
west of the Severn, from the remaining part of
Britain. Emancipation succeeded, because it
was the joint interest of Catholic and Protestent,
of rich and poor, that it should he esoceaLly ac-
complished. It had justice and :He approval of
every statesman in both countries to plead. The
dissolution of the empire has no argument to rest
upon, but, perhaps, that two or three individuals
might fill a comparatively larger space as the
field of action became more limited, and be con-
sidered more important pesaonages in a locel
Parliament than in an assenthly where Lieh
tainments were not un:ivailed, and where Irish
politics held but a For:ender./ place. The Catho-
lic aristocracy of Ireland and the gently, the Ca-
tholic tradespeople and men of business who
have formed close connvaions with their brethren
in this country, will think twice before they join
in a wild-goose chase for separation from Eng-
land. Had Mr. O'Connell judged his time more
skilfully, he would have thrown out feelers for
repeal of the Union hybre the Catholie body
had obtained the rights of citizens. What sane
Catholic will now care one straw about a separa-
tion, whence he could gain nothing which le-,
does not already enjoy ; but
io,ldga:ws:cticeeu:
struggle for which, t:he only certain etifliceettcf.tor.:h:,
ant
et:cm:seen:l on:l:red
he the utte-e destruction of
mad enough to engage in it, and
for Ireland of every chain and;
stamp the condition of a co:a
people.— Times.

at zfi!

The apparent apathy of MinisteLs at the ex-
traordinary difficulties and embarrassments
which the country is, in ail its relations, in-
volved becomes every day more extraordimm.
Instead of calling Parliament together, they
seem to look upon that of its meeting- as an
" evil clay," which they are desirous a postpon-
io the last, and instead of being at their
posts, we hear only of their country excursions,
and of the amusing way in which they pass their
time. That Nero fiddled while itome was
bilvni,ng is an historical fact which has been al-
ways quoted with disgust—that British States,
men should think even of their own ecinfort:,,
while ruin impends over their country is vrha No
never should so much as have surmised. We
do not moan to say that Ministers <<< State are
not, like other men, to take thei:i.-reer,,,tri",, or
that the old proverb of " all, Work no play"
may not be as appliestb to their s.H:ltion as
those of other me.:4l but we ?it:vox heard that,
even in a calm, the oflicor on the ‘t.ch, or at
the helm, was allowed to be absent—still less,
that, when any danger threatened, all hands were
allowed to go and carouse quietly below. 'lliac
is coo advantage, however, which Mini4crs may
derive from travelling about the ce,,ontry (that
is, if they travel, as some men (I:,,tiot, wall their
eyes open)—viz, that of see:Aland jmting for
‘tll,-iielitenistetlitl•eesco
vi,ited. We do not wish
to deal with public men, or to
oufnttriyie "e!...rbehning misery .with
have it imagined that we do not impuue to
.em higher motives tbr serving their com;zry than
the inducement of pecuniary rewatd,, -tit the
same time we sboutdmot be .%riv the were
to feel a little in their own- persons the distress
which they often only beartif,,and werd to de-
rive ii on] what Mr. Pitt used to till "experience
and the evidence of facts," a kiinwlethe which
for want of it they either do rot possess, or,
possessing, scarcely credit or pot profit bye—,

Salaries, we all know, are often paid when rents
are unattainable ; and those who live out of the
public taxes do not always know the difficulty
with which those taxes have been paid. We
earnestly call, then, upon Ministers to use the
experience they are acquiring, promp ly for the
relief and saving of the country. Though we
regret both the lingering state of their proceed-
ings, and the apparent personal ease with which
they undergo what have been called " the fati-
gues" of office, we rejoice that they are likely to
he able to judge of the state of the country by
some truer criterion than the mere butterflies
and parasites of office can supply them with ;
and also that, when they do begin to act, their
measures will have derived some efficacy and
weight from the time which will have been be-
stowed in deliberation. But still, how they can
justify to themselves the delay which is taking
place we can scarcely imagine. In private life,
if the sea were breaking in upon a man's estate
in the autumn, he would not wait till the spring
before he repaired the wall ; nor, if a fire were
approaching his plantations, would he wait till it
were too late to prevent their ignition. In like
manner, but with ten times more force, does the
argument apply to those who have the charge of
the public estate, who are doubly culpable if they
allow its vast interests to be absorbed and sacri-
ficed by a useless and unnecessary delay.—
Morning Herald.
We have received the highest gratification from
a work which has just issued from the press—
the Memoirs and Correspondence of that great
and good man Thomas Jefferson, the celebrated
President of the United States. The spectacle
of a man of strong powers, devoting himself
during the whole of a long life to the good of his
fellow-creatures, is like the sight of an oasis in
the African desert to the spectator of the dirty
jobbing and selfish aims of those who call them-
selves the great in this country. If Captain Basil
Hall's Tour in the United States generated in
him a hatred of the social condition of a country
in which there was not a class of spenders and a
class of sufferers, Jefferson, on the other hand,
seems, during his stay in Europe, to have been
so shocked with the degraded condition of the
lower orders, and the worthlessness of the
higher, as to have returned from his mission
more enamoured than ever of the equality of
America. Indeed, we are disposed to think
that the disgust which the spectacle of European
society could hardly fail to occasion to a bene-
volent mind had great weight in determining him
to that attachment to democracy which character-
ised his Presidentship, and which has since become
universal in America. In a letter, dated Paris,
October 15, 1785, to a gentleman in America,
lie strongly recommends a home education in
preference to one in Europe, from moral con-
siderations. " Let us view (he says) the dis-
advantages of sending a youth to Europe. To
enumerate them all would require a volume. I
will select a few—if he goes to England, he
learns drinking, horse-racing, and boxing. These
ore the peculiarities of English education. The
following circumstances are common to educa-
tion in that tied the other countries in Europe.
He acquires a fondness for European luxury and
dissipation, and a contempt for the simplicity of his
own country ; he is fascinated with the privileges
of the European Aristocrats, and sees with ab-
horrence the lovely equality which the poor en-
joy with the rich in his own country ; he con-
tracts a partiality for aristocracy or monarchy."
Writing from Paris to another friend in America,
September 30, 1785, he thus describes the im-
pressions produced on him by European misery:
Behold me at length on the vaunted scene of
Europe ! It is not eecessary for your informa-
tion that I should enter into details concern-
ing it. Jut you are, perhaps, curious to know
h6w this new scene has struck a savage of
the mountains of America. Not advantageously,
I seeere you. I find the general fate of hu-
manity here most deplorable. The truth of Vol-
taire's observation offers itself perpetually, that
every man here must be either the hammer or
the anvil. It is a true picture of that country to
whidi they say we shall pass hereafter, anti where
we are to see the God and his Angels in splen-
dour, and crowds of the damned trampled under
their feet. While the great mass of the people
are thus suffering under physical and moral op-
peeesion, I have endeavoured to examine more
nearly time condition of time great, to appreciate
the true value of the circumstances in their situ-
ation wimiefi dazzle the bulk of spectators, and
especially to compare it with that degree of hap-
piness which is enjoyed in America by every
class of people. Intrigues of love occupy the
younger, and those of ambition the elder
part of the great
the mass of the people is two centuries behind
01‘rs : their literati, half a dozen years before
The following is a more finished picture
of the „scial condition of Europe, drawn after
he had visi
the greatest part of France, and
part of Italy, essd passed some months in Eng-
land. Writing to his friend, M. Wythe, from
Paris, August 13, 17,86, he says, " Our Act for
Freedom of Religion is extremely applauded.
The Ambassadors and Ministers of the several
nations of Europe, resident at this Court, have
*eked of me copies of it, to send to their Sove-
eeigue, amid it is inserted, at full length, in several
books now in the press; among others, in the
new Encyclopedia. I think it will produce con-
siderable good, even in those countries where
ignorance, superstition, poverty, and oppression
of body and mind in every form, are so firmly
settled on the mass of the people that their re-
demption from them can never be hoped. If
all the Sovereigns of Europe were to set them-
selves to work to emancipate time minds of their
plitjects from their present ignorance amid preju-
dieee, and that as zealously as they now endea-
vour tliC contrary, a thousand years would not
place them on that high ground on which our
common peop.l.:' are now setting out. Ours
could not have been so fairly placed under
the controul of the commG' sense of the people,
had they not been separated ;rom their parent
stock, and kept from contamination either from
them or the other people of the Old ,Yorld, by
the intervention of so wide an ocean. To k;2.ovv
the worth of this, one must see the want of if
here. think by far the most important Bill
in our own code, is that for the diffusion of
knowledge amusg the people. No other sure
foundation can be deljsed for the preservation of
freedom and happiness.. If any body thinks that
Kings, Nobles, and Priests 101 good conserva-
tors of the public happiness, send ti",:;4l here. It
is the best school in the universe to cure of
that folly. He will see here with his own eves,
that these descriptions of men are an abandoned
confedera7 against the happiness of the mass of
Then' the people. es;. omnipotence of their effect
cannot be better proved than in this country,
particularly where, notwithstainlins the finest
soil upon earth, the finest chinate under
heaven, and a people of the most benevo-
lent, the most gay and amiable character

of which the human form is susceptible ; when
such a people, I say, surrounded by so many
blessings from nature, are loaded with misery by
Kings, Nobles, and Priests, and by them alone.
—Preach, .my dear Sir, a crusade against igno-
rance ; establish and improve the law for edu-
cating the common people. Let our country.
men know that the people alone can protect us
against these evils, and that the tax which will
be paid for this purpose is not more than the
thousandth part of what will be paid to Kings,
Priests, and Nobles, who will rise up among us
if we leave the people in ignorance. The people
of England, I think, are less oppressed than
here. But it needs but half an eye to see, when
among them, that the foundation is laid in their
dispostions for the establishment of a despotism.
Nobility, wealth, and pomp are the objects of
their admiration. They are by no means the
free-minded people we suppose them in America.
Their learned m en, too, are few in number; and are
less learned, and infinitely less emancipated from
prejudice, than those of this country." Much
may be said on some of the points in the above
passage. The poverty and degradation and ig-
norance in Europe were but too evident ; but
he does not seem to have been sufficiently aware
of the connection between a dense population
and the poverty of the lower orders, and that the
equality he so much admired in America was
not solely the result of the withdrawing the emi-
grants from their European associations, but
also the facility of obtaining land, which gave,
in all but the Slave States, the property to the
labourer. in a letter to General Washington,
dated Paris, Nov. 1786, speaking to him of the
notions expressed in Europe, respecting the
order of the Cincinnati, which was considered
as likely to destroy the fabric of equality, he ob-
serves, " I do not apps ehend this, while I had
American ideas only. But I confess that what
I have seen in Europe has brought me over to
that opinion ; and that though the day may be
at some distance, beyond the reach of our lives
perhaps, yet it will certainly come, when a single
fibre left of this institution will produce an here-
ditary aristocracy, which will change the form of
our Government from the best to the worst' in the
world. To know the mass of evil which flows from
this fatal source, a person must be in France; he
must see the finest soil, the finest climate, the most
compact state, the most benevolent character of
people, and every earthly advantage combined, in-
sufficient to prevent this scourge from rendering ex-
istence a curse to twenty-four out of twenty-five
parts of the inhabitants of this country. With us
the branches of this institution cover all the States.
The Southern ones at this time are aristocratical in
their dispositions; and that that spirit should grow
and extend itself, is within the natural order of things.
I do not flatter myself with the immortality of our
Governments; but I shall think little of their lon-
gevity, unless this germ of destruction be taken out."
This book will produce a strong, and, we think, a
healthy impression on the general mind in this coun-
try. Corrupted as we are, it is impossible that so
much warmth and genuine philanthropy should not
strike deep into many . Morning Chronicle.

A report has prevailed for some days past that
the Governments of France and England have
objected to Count Capo d'lstria continuing
to be the President of Greece, and that one of the
Princes of the German States would be appointed
in his stead. We have every reason to believe that
the report has a much better foundation than poli-
tical reports generally have. The political subser-
viency of Count Cap() d'lstria to the Russian
Autocrat, now that the latter may no! unjustly be
considered as Emperor of Turkey as well as of
Russia, is a feature in the present state of Greece
on which neither France or England can look with
complacency; and as they possess, in the several
conventions, treaties, and protocols, which have
been agreed to by the Allied Powers, full power
either to give their voice for or against his continu-
ing to be President, we think it would be extra-
ordinary indeed were they to throw so in tich weight
into the scales of a power v% hick is already but too
strong for either. The original understanding re-
specting the future destiny of Greece was, that its
Government should approach as nearly as possible
to a monarchical form, arid be hereditary in the per-
son of a Christian Prince, to be chosen, in the first
instance, by the Three Powers, but in concert with
the Porte. It was provided also, that the Prince in
question should not be a member of any of the reign-
ing families of the Three Powers who were parties
to the Treaty of 1827, and this is the Treaty to
which Turkey has acceded by the late Convention
of Adrianople. The Porte, however, whose vote
is necessary to settle the matter, has riot yet been
consulted ; arid we need scarcely add, that if France
and England have just cause to deny the Presidency
of Greece to Count Capo d'lstria, the Porte has
much bet ter ground; and that between the two he
is as likely to take up, as he professed his readiness
to lay down, his private fortune on the altar of his
country. At all events it is " a consummation de-
voutly to be wished," that the genius of modern
Greece should not be crushed in its birth by Rus-
sian barbarism.—Morning Advertiser.

We beg to point the attention of our readers
to an article in another column under the head
of " Army" intelligence, respecting the billeting
of soldiers. It appears, according to Sir Henry
Hardiuge's interpretation of the law, that " an
innkeeper is bound to provide accommodation in
his own house for the officers and men quartered
upon him, and that he does not exempt himself
from the penalties of the 61st clause of the
Mutiny Act, in finding proper lodgings else-
where, or by the payment of any sum in commu-
tation for his liability to provide what the law
(according to Sir H. Hardinge's interpretation
of it,) directs ;" and this, with all due respect for
the army, we have no hesitation in declaring to
be not only a hard, but a most tyrannical
order. Sir H. Hardinge says that it might
give rise to " embarrassment" if the law
were not to be carried into effect in this rigorous
manner ; but we will just put it to him whether it
does not give rise to ten times more embarrassment
when the innkeeper is precluded from commuting
the burthen which the law has imposed into a cora-
peneat'on in money, or finding lodgings elsewhere ?
We think that tbe convenience of the civil, as well
as the comfort of the military, power, ought occa-
sionally to be consulted ; and that it would do no
harm to the good understanding between both, were
the innkeeper permitted to commute the burthen
imposed upon him by the law, either into lodgings
elsewhere, or a compensation in money at a taxed
rate. At all events the law, according to Sir H.
1-lEardiffir6e's interpretation of it, is extremely tyran7
plc.:ll,od stands much in need of amendmeot,,,-ibid.
We insert the last letter by which the Earl of
Mouuteashel attempts tp keep up his hopeless
controversy with the Bishop of Ferns—not be-
cause we think die Noble, Author has in any
degree improved the situation in which his case
was left by his learned and victorious antagonist,
but because we are unwilling to relinquish the
right of decorating our columns with the reply
Right Reverend Prelate, if ha slipqld
deem it necC.!.gary to make any. As it is most
Bishop of Ferns will
probable, however, the
be satisfied to leave t!'.e d:scussion as it is, we
are desirous of recalling vipaipal arguments
to the recollection of our a;c4.0..4-, 4t the same
time that we present to them the Plijeexio42 ti
7.;!alous and industrious, if not g very clear-