The Sun.
London, England, 1827-11-23 00:00:00

e most made of national resources, this

parent evil would cease

This, inCle.ecl,

was the most striking feature which the picture
of Ireland presented to our view. Scarcely any
:ping is made the most of. A fine and fruitful
country is left in a state of partial and inade-
quate cultivation. A people gifted with an ex-
.raordinary vigour of both body and mind, and
evidently designed for an elevated place in the
scale of nations, is to a great extent ignorant of
its own wants ; and is therefore so far from put-
ting forth it powers, that it appears to rest con-
t mted with filth, rags, disorder, wretched accom-
modation, and very inferior diet." ' 'The poPula-
Con is only redundant, because the resources of
i fine and fertile country are not sufficiently.
called• forth,' and because the excessive competi-
tion for land as a means 'of subsistence gives to
he landlord the power of exacting an inordinate
rent, which prevents the wretched peasant from
collecting capital 'to improve his cultivation.' The
Irish peasant, like the' French peasant under the
old regime, is obliged to area a greeter pOsreity.
than what he suffers, becausellie measure of the.
landlord's demand is the measure of the tenant's
means, minus, the potatoes and water for himself
and his young bog-trotters. The only', hope we,
have of the ultimate impiovement of Ireland, is in.
the increase ofthe immediate evil,and not in its relief
by partial emigrations to America.' If the English -
people were to be so foolish as'to consent 'to pay-
ma one farthing for this object, it would 'afford
immediate ease to the landitaida, end-they might
ub on. While the Whole country Swims with
redundant people, the landlords cannot detrude„
without subjecting themselves to consequences .
to which, hard and unfeeling as they are, their .
nerves are not equal. But if the system Cott-
tinues, the population will eat up, in one way or
other, the whole produce of the estates. This
will necessarily compel the landlords to come to
such a compromise with the people as the land
lords of England and Scotland bare come to.
Nothing but necessity will bring them to their
'senses. In an excellent article on the Poor
Laws, in the Quarterly Review for March, .
1826, the best •production on the subject we
have yet seen, the writer says, cc It has been of-
ten observed that the present state of Ireland
hears, in many points, a very strong resemblance
to the state of this country during the sixteenth
century. Coinciding in the correctness of this
remark, we are disposed to think that the same
code of laws which contributed so materially to
bring about an improvement in the agricultural
economy of England, would be attended "with
,imilar consequences if introduced into Ireland.
The introduction of a system of poorlaivs„ ad-
ministeredhere before the fatal innovation of 1795, would
on the principles ; which 'prevailed
gradually- extinguish the practice of subdividing
and sub-letting land, which has proved so inju-
rious to that country; and at the same time it
would impose a salutary check upon the sudden
and violent depopulation of estates, which inflicts
pm the ejected tenantry, now totally unprovided
for, sufferings at which humanity shudders. We
,hall not be suspected of wishing to oppose tmy
inreasonable impediments to the abolition of the
to
give
icious tenures which now prevail in Ireland ; we
thethe
Irish discarded
Landownerspwonld only provide against an indiscreet and
thrupt alteration of the system, which must
?hove
easant riym. s h \a‘c7kl;
unshackled i le
we would f atl
liberty to manage their property in the manner
which may seem most conducive to their private
interests, we would take care that' the-purEtt* of
individual gain should not involve the peasantry
In absolute destruction ; and we kiirow not how
this object could be attained, except by imposing
upon the proprietors of land a legal obligation to
maintain their ejected tenantry, until they can be
provided for elsewhere. -''Wherever a legal.pro-
vision' has existed for•some time for the
M noround for repre-
mainte-
nince °e poor, there isg
;enting it 'as pressing exclusively, or even par_
upon the occupiers of land or houses ;
lie poor rates, in fact, constitute a rent charge,
.vhich is calculated when they are let ; the amount
is deducted from the rent, which, in the absence
if this burden, would be exacted by the Land- •
ord. The only portion of this charge which
:an fairly be represented as falling upon the.te.
lant is the increase which may happen to take
dace in its amount subsequently to the com-
nencement of his lease. In England, there-
r'ore, where the law makes a provision for the
mor, the opulent Yeomanry deduct the mount
)f the poor: rates from the rent which they. pay ;
Nhile in Ireland • the case is reversed. In this -
jOuntry theinainteuance of the poor is devolved .
ipon the landowner ; in the other, it presses ex-

dusively upon the wretched occupiers, who are
themselves but one degree removed from a state
of actual pauperism. When the general circum-
stances of the occupiers of Irish lan4 are taken
into consideration, we cannot help expressing
the most unbounded admiration of their hospi-
tality and benevolence. However contracted his
dwelling, however limited his store, the house-
less beggar never in vain solicits relief or shelter
at the hands of the Irish tenant." A strange de-

fusion has taken possession of many persons
who have not attended to the subject, that the
Poor Laws tend to increase the population. So
far from this, they form the only effective check
against a redundant population. A man in Eng-
land cannot live like the savage. in the woods of
South
.America ; he must have a house to put
his head in, and fuel as well as food 'for himself
and family. • .:Now, it ,is always in the.pdWei of
the owners :,of land tp prevent the erection of
more cottages than are necessary for the la-
bourers required for the cultivation of the land.
Accordingly, we find, that before
.the Statute of
Elizabeth, cottages 'were multiplying so fast, that
the Legislature passed a law to prevent the erec-
tion of any without a few acres of land attached
to them ; but that, since the Act of Elizabeth,
the other law became superfluous and a dead
letter. " The impression," says the .quarterly-
Reviewer, " above alluded to, that either by. the
wages of labour, or by parochial allowance,
they must support those who . are born
on their land, is fixed in the minds and.
perpetually regulates the conduct
.of land
occupiers. ,Betiveen,.lsso and 1750 there is
good ground for'Supposing that the agricultural"
population had suffered a considerable
diminu-
tion ; and this position is borne out, at alrievents,
by an inspection of a.variety of Parochial Regis-
ters in several agricultural districts. It is the
diminution of the, old agricultUral districts which
has led Mr. Cobbett to assert, that the popula-
tion of the kingdom generally has experienced a
considerable decline. Our ancestors (and when
we say ancestors, we mean the whole Teutonic
family,
,of which the English branch bad the same
laws and usages with the rest) were very early
alive to the importance of a good police for the
poor. In the Capitularies of Charlemagne, we
find the principles of the Act of 'Elizabeth dis-
tinctly expressed. In one of them it is distinctly
laid down, that no beggar should be allowed to
roam about the country ; that whoever has poor
on his property, shall be obliged to support them ;
and that no one shall give any assistance to poor
when they do not labour: De mendicis qui per
patrias discurrunt, volumus unusquisque fidelium
nostrorum suum pauperern de beneficio aut de
propria familia nutriat, et non perrnittat alibi ire
mendicando. . Et übi tales inventi fuerint, insi
manibus laborent,
..nullus eis quicquam tribuere
pesteurnata The affairs of the poor were ordered
to be taken first into consideration at Diets, and
to be on no account leliyed, medical men were
ordeied to.attend on them during disease.. A
trade or craft of some kind or other was ordered
by. Charlemagne to be taught to every youth,
e computo ut °limes veraciter discoid, &c.
The Irish landlords will do nothing till mastered
by circumstances. • But the time is approaching
when circumstances will master them. The
struggle is now between them and their peasantry, ;
and as, thanks to the Poor Laws of this country,
they Can Only- ,rid themselves of a small number
at a time (for it is only in the great towns that
there is any.openiag, and there, . whenever the
inarY,et is overstocked, the emigrants are re-
turuid),,,a4 as nam in .no. country, not even in
Ireland,- will lie down and .die, the land will be
worth nothing to the landlords, till improve-
ments are introchteecla But we defy any man to
introduce improvements without capitulating with
the people. To show the way. in which
,the
Poor Laws of England compelled the Landlords
to attend to the improvement of their Tenantry
as well as their Estates, we give the following
notation from a work of an experienced Land
Steward in the time of Geor_ge the First (Law-
rence) :—‘, Tenants in the North who rent but
small farms" (thay have now the largest in the
eland) " have, generally speaking, but little sub-
stance wherewith to make any expensive im-
provements. Ibis indeed is a misfortune, but
'tis such a .one as requires time to mend and
alter. To alter farms and to turn several little
ones into great ones, is a work of difficulty
and, time ; for it , would raise too great an
odium, to; ,turn poor, families into the wide world,
by unitii)g
.faryl3 at once, in order to Blake an
advance of rents. "Fis much more reasonable
and popular to-the content to stay till' such
farmsfall into hand.hy death, -before the tenant
is either raised or turned out. I remember an
instance in my surveys, of a gentleman who was
for making small farms into great ones, all at
oncet, the conseqoence whereof soon after ,ap-
pearedao be this,; that the Church and yoors'
assessment fell so heavy upon the remaining te-
nants, that the Lord of the Manor was soon
brought to discover his mistake by re-admitting
the pootatertants, and disposing the farms partly
iu the same state they were in- before, and town-
tent himself to allow time to complete his desire
of improving his estate in that way of making the
farms larger. The true remedy, therefore, for this
misfortune is, not the violent one of forcing them
beyond their power, but the gentle and rational
one of persuading and instructing them in all
the thriving arts of making the best of their
fano, that they may be able, not only to pay,
but to advance their rents. I have known seve-
ral instances of tenants that hold their lands at
an easy cild,rent, and yct, for want of being in-
structed in the new methods of lime, turnips,
grass-seeds,. &c., were still . poor, and, hardly
ably. to
pay that old rent, much, less, could they.
beer any advance ; but yet, #1.4 aoon as they he-
ted by.thet steward to practise
came better instructed
ail the best and latest methods of husbandry, they
presently could bear an advance of rent ; and not
grew richer upon it, and
only.suffered it, but
thrived better than they did before at. the old
rent." Necessity is the mother of invention.
When.the Irish Landlords receive no rents (and
we hope this will soon he the case), they will soon
find out the good qualities of ihe Peasantry. It
will be better to reside on their estates, or to
sell them to those who will, than to receive no
rents.—Morning Chronicle.
No news of any importance, on the only sub-
ject which is an object of political curiosity at
this moment, had arrived at a late hour last
Ilight.a, We are still, therefore, unable to inform
theimblic what effect the transactions at Navarin
have hadetipan the counsels of the Divan. This
statimeni•of ours, that no news had arrived, must
be'understood as wiping away the authority of
many rumours** have been in circulation : as
thatahezbatteries of Navarin had fired upon the
'"ealle".when'tttata—ng from the harbour, and
sunklitoine;of theeins*
thips. Probably, had it
as:acoicatoysuitil.d
'Purpose of those who
-invented this report, they would have asserted
that the ships had sunk the batteries! We can
t ate?
however, upon certain information, the ar-

rival of a person in England, who saw our fleet
corning out of the harbour. Here we cannot
help remarking upon the comparative maladroit-
ness of the enemies of Government, in the fabri-
cation of ill news, or the discovery of adverse
facts. When they were in the confidence of the
old Administration, with what an air of authority

they dealt out their portions of information to
the public, or with what an air of mystery they
affected to conceal them ! whilt even then we

(by balancing probabilities, comparing dates, and
opening channels of private communication )
were generally the first that rhade the truth
known, or at least succeeded ultimately in 4or-
recting error and misrepresentation. But now
that they are left to the resources of their
own genius, industry, and talents,—though
some of them are said to be Lords and ex-
Ministers,—what wretched
_falsehoods and ab-

surdities do they sanction by their belief, and
circulate with their authority ! It is a fabri-
cation of this class of politicians, and totally
a baseless one, that Sir John Gore is sent to

supersede Sir Edward Codrington, with whose
conduct they.have also invented that Govern-
tnent is dissatisfied, because he would not let the
Turks shoot his men. Sir John Gore is gone
out with a confidential communication to Sir

Edward, of whom he is the most intimate friend :

and cannot any man of common understanding
see, that the political instruction to be conveyed
to Sir Edward Codrington must, at this moment,

be of the most delicate kind, being contingent

upon a variety of circumstances that cannot be
assumed as positive, and that, therefore, the most
intelligent agent is necessary ? But,--,to lay
aside the appearance of mere reasoning and con-
jecture,—upon all these points, also, we have
positive information. So -far is- Government
from being displeased with Sir Edward Codring'
ton, that he would certainly have been made a
Peer, on the arrival of the news of his victory,

but for the circumstance that there was no pre-
cedent of any. Commander haying received that
high honour for a naval exploit before a declara-
tion of -war had been issued, And Sir John

Gore, taking out Sir Edward Codrington's son
with him, will, as won as he has had the neces-
sary communications with the father, assist in a
totally separate service, no way interfering with
that of the Admiral ; and which the latter could

not undertake, except he could be in two places
at once, Vs e believe that there is no just cause
for any apprehension respecting the European
Envoys at Constantinople, or the European resi-
dents at Smyrna ; for Foreign Ministers are se-
cured against any sudden ebullition of popular
fury at. the former. place by the nature of their
residence at Pera ; and the ship which conveys
the news of the battle of Navarin to Smyrna will
give notice of the event by previously concerted
signals, which the Christians of every state will
understand in time to go on board the vessels of
their several countries, if they think the danger
menacing.—Times.
We insert a letter readily on the subject of the
approaching election of a President of the Royal
Society. We do not know in what way that
body May proceed, but we should suppose that
modesty would restrain Mr. Peel from accepting,
Or offering himself for, a situation for which the
second. Duke in the kingdom, a roan of science
also, which is what cannot be said of Mr. Peel,
is a candidate ; or by his election to which, his
Grace would think himself honoured. How
rarely do men born elevated station cul-
tivate the snusas severiores, because they can
have little to hope for from them in the way of
ivorldly distinction Y. flow pure, therefore, must
be that love of science by whiCh they are actuated!
And. when an. occasion presents itself of crown-
ing auch,students- with the garland of approba-
'ion, how impolitic and injurious to transfer it
to • others, 'whose pretensipna are founded neither
on native rank nor successful studies in those de-
partments for which the Royal Society was insti-
tuted. We give the following letter from a
Correspondent of The Times :
Sir,—You have done an important service to the true
interests of the country by inserting the notices which have
been sent to you resrecting the election of the President of
the Royal Society ; but you must not stop. The facts are
as follows :—Sir H. Davey did not bear his faculties meek
about him ; the Council and the Society were distracted by
disputes and cabals ; and Sir H. Davey's health was such
that he resigned, and his friends do not wish to put him up
for re-election.
The eiperielice the Society had as to a President who
was himself one of the " irritabile genus," has led them
to sigh for a King Log. They looked about amongst the
aristocracy : the Duke of Somerset was not liked ;
,Lord
f,ansdovvne was engaged with the birds and the beaStS at
the Zoological ; and at last Mr. Peel, though very far
from being of the aristocracy, was pitched upon by the
Tory party,—not from any wish to serve Mr, reel,
the Society, or science,—but they all exclaimed, " What
a triumph it will be over the Liberals, that Mr. Peel
should be elected on his mere character by one of the
Most enlightened aristocratic scientific bodies in Eng-
land !" But this is kept in the back-ground, for fear
the hint should be taken, and the watchword given by
the opposite party ; but I have by accident been let into
the s4,eret, having been in the enemy's camp. Depend on
it, they are preparing for a grand triumph, of which we
shall hear nothing till the day of the election,—and then
too much. I write this to call the attention of the mem-
bers of the Society of the fact. Those who think Mr.
peel a gi4a of science,' a patron of science, and one who has
shown a desire to encourage the learned and ingenious men
Of this country, will honestly vote for him ; but those who
vote for him to show their 'hatred to the present Ministry
Will act with about as much honesty and liberality as Mr.
Peel did bravely, when he came to London in the week of
Mr. Canning's funeral, and refused to attend it,—refused
to attend the funeral of that man whose picture then was
hanging up. in his drawing-root ,--0 f that man of whom
he himself said openly, but a short time before his death,
they differed but on one point only, and that the Catholic
Question. Mr. Peel has not been very gracious on the
iiubject of his election : he let it be understood they might
elect him, but it must be ;Ar animous if be was to serve.
I do not trouble you as to the objects of the Society,—
they are now as nothing: there wants no stimulus at this
time o'day to encourage science or knowledge, and the So-
ciety des nothing, nor has it for years : they meet, and
the council squabble,—and they fritter away its funds in
jobs to a few• dependents. Yones, '• B.
Our City article notices the bustle which
prevailed pn the Stock-Exchange yesterday. It
seems to have been a movement without any
precise object, and springing from no definite
cause, Something is expected, and therefore
the political barometer is agitated. The French
•Ifunds, it was known, had fallen two per cent. ;
ibut the French knew as little as we of the affairs
of the East, subsequently to the battle of Nava-
The declension of their funds was, there-
fore, said tQ ]nave sprung from a domestic cause,
—the increasing opposition to Ministers and M.
Villcle : and it is asserted that this gentleman
will, in consequence of the adverse current of the
elections, only have a majority of forty in the
Chamber of Deputieß. We recollect that Lord
Sidmouth, then Mr. Addington, threw down
the helm of the British Government when he had
a Majority of thirty-seven members in the House
of Commons ; but he
.eras a puny-minded silly
man for so doing, and was guilty. of a desertion
of his Sovereign. An Administration properly
constituted would consider to whose tender mei.,
cies it is that they leave a master, who has 107!
noured them by his choice, if they quit
They would strengthen their party by the fearless
of capable friends, and
preference and promotion

by acts calculated to cultivate the love of the pub-
lic. M. Villele has, unfortunately, the people
of France against him : he has insulted their un-
derstandings, and striven to darken their minds

by the suppression of the liberty of the press.—
Yet we suspect, from his past conduct, from the
pertinacity of his temper, the variety of his expe-,
clients, together with the immense influence
which any actual Minister possesses, that he is
not one who will, even now, succumb easily.—
Ibid. •

A report was prevalent some time ago, that a
misunderstanding existed between his Grace the

Conimander-in-(Thief and another Noble Lord,

officially connected with the Army. It is now

said that these differences have not subsided, but

hat, on the contrary, there is a probability of
.heir leading to a second resignation of his Grace.

We mention this report, ss7hich we know to be
current in well-informed circles, principally with
a view of expressing our hope that it is not true;
for, in the present dearth of persons fit to hold
important offices in the State, the country can ill
afford to lose that person who, of all others, is
most unquestionably adapted, at all points, for the
station he fills. As for the other Noble Lord
in question, without pretending to disparage his
merits, or to detract from the good opinion
which may be entertained of him, either by him-
self or his colleagues, we doubt whether the
public are prepared so much as to hear of his
talents and services, respectable as they may be,
being put in competition, for an instant with
those of his supposed competitor. Indeed he
must be a bold man who puts himself in contrast
with the Duke, in any way connected with that
branch of the public service over which his Grace
presides. The Ministers, too, we imagine,
must think themselves stronger than they really
are, if they venture to hazard a second breach
with his Grace. It is true that, not being a
Member of the Cabinet, or in any man-
ner identified with its measures, the Duke's
retirement from, or acceptance of office,
need have no immediate influence upon the
policy of the Government ; -at the same
time his Grace's name is " a tower of strength"
to the Administration, from the confidence it
gives to his peculiar department in the eyes of
the country. It may be useless to reason farther
upon a matter, the cause of which is so little
known, and the result alluded to, we trust im-
probable. We trust, that if there exists any
ground for the report in question, it will not turn
out to hinge upon any point of money or patro-
nage, which are, unfortunately, the too-perva-
ding source of attachments and disputes now-a-
days between public men. " Thrice is he armed
who hath his quarrel just;" and we feel confi-
dent that on this occasion, on one side at least,
nothing hut honour and justice will be found.—
slfornsng .fferad,
The composition and conduct of the present
Administration of England, is admirably calcu-
lated to show into what disorders and contradic-
tions the world would perpetually have been
thrown, if there had been any truth in the half=
philosophical, half-superstitious dogma, of the
constant struggle and the alternate triumphs of
the good and - evil principles in the moral and
physical government of the universe. There is,
in fact, an incessant conflict between the good
and evil spirit in the Ministerial Body, and we
lament to say, that the latter appears to.tssinfi
nitely the Inore powerful of the two; carrying, in
fact, all before it, unless now and then upon
some emergency of unusual excitement, whets
the loud voice of the English nation is heard to
encourage and reinforce its antagonist. The
conflict then becomes visible to all eyes,. and au-
dible to all ears, and the evil spirit, omnipotent
so long,as-tii,e,Atinggle is carried on. in; silence
and obscurity, then finds itself .arrested. in the
career of victory. An exploit is performed by a
portion of the British Navy of a character which
tarnishes the honour of England, and sullies her
proud and hitherto immaculate flag with the foul
stains of massacre and piracy. The evil spirit in
the Government hastens, by conferring public
honours upon the Commander, to nationalize
the ignominious achievement ; but the voice of a
virtuous and magnanimous nation is heard in
the low murmuring which foretels and prepares
the thunder storm, and the evil spirit is
put to flight and to shame. The honours so
rashly conferred are succeeded by disgrace. The
laurel withers, ere it can he woven into a chap-
let. And the same vessel which conveys to the
Commander the intelligence of the hasty honours
which had been awarded him, carries out also
an inquiring superior, to let him know that the
English nation neither adopts his achievement
nor believes his representations. Other nations,
moreover, either misled by the first act of the
English Government, or desirous of overwhelm-
ing it with a double portion of ridicule, bestow
marks of distinction upon the unfortunate Com-
mander in pursuance of its example, and thus
place him upon a still higher pinnacle in the
eyes of Europe, only to secure greater celebrity
to the degradation which, upon second thoughts
(and second thoughts are said to be best), his
own Government has thought proper to award
him. Such is the confusion to which the con-
flict of the good and evil principle in the Go-
vernment of England has, in this instance, given
rise ; but to which, we are well assured, the
illustrious Lord High Admiral is no party. We
have, however, another, and if not perhaps
quite so striking, a still more important in-
Stance to adduce, of the effect of this conflict
between the good and evil principle in the
Government of England. Four months ago;
under the influence of the evil principle,
this Government entered into a Treaty with
two other Powers---a Treaty palpably un-
just—a treaty which had for its sole basis the
power of the Governments who became parties
to it—a treaty which not only contemplated but
proposed the 'forcible dismemberment of a State,
with which, at the moment when it ?was signed,
all the Confederates were in alliance. One pre-
tence only existed—it was a shallow and fraudu-
lent one—for the treaty, and the pretence was,
the existence of piracy in the
.Levant to an ex-
tent highly injurious to commerce and to. the in-
terests pf the Confederates, and the presumed
impossibility of putting an end to piracy without
compelling the Grand Seignior to forego his
rightful claims to the allegiance of his Greek sub-
jects. The treaty and the pretence were alike
emanations of the evil principle. And here
again,.the good sense and virtue of the British
people have opportunely come • in aid of that
feebleness,which, we lament to say, is so con-
spicuous
in all the movements of the good prin-
ciple, or which rather,we might say, incapacitates
it from originating any- movements whatever, and
has enabled it to'atchieve a signal. triumph over
its antagonist, to discredit the treaty altogether,
and to expose the hollow and fraudulent pretence
upon which it was founded to the universal
derision of mankind. Thus aided and fortified, the
good principle in the English Government has
determined to suppress piracy, not in the unjust,

and ~tardy, and circuitous mode prescribed by
the treaty, "but by, means independent altogether
of the treaty, and utterly repugnant to its spirit,
by proceedings which England was more free to
adopt before the treaty ' was signed than she is
now. The prudent and just, and, if honestly
acted .upon, the effective determination of the
British Government for the suppression of Pi-
racy is, that its cruisers shall board every armed
vessel with which they may henceforth fall in,
sailing under the Greek flag, and capture all such
as may be found unprovided with papers attest-
ing satisfactorily that they sail under the express
authority of the Greek Government. This
measure, if honestly enforced, will no doubt put
an end to piracy. But there is not one word about
this measure in the treaty. It militates indeed
very strongly against the spirit of the treaty, be-
cause the latter, with some equivocation to be
sure, (for what is there in our national policy at
the present moment which is free from equivo-
cation) recognizes Greece as an independent
State, and it is notorious that no independent
State acknowledges the right of search as appli-
cable to its vessels of war. This measure we
pronounce to be a decided triumph of the good
principle in our present ill-assorted and anar-
chical Government ; but it is one which we ima-
gine the good principle could hardly have at.•
thieved, had it not been strongly reinforced by
the remonstrances of British merchants and the
rising anger of the British nation.—Morning
Post.

We believe M. de Villele to be a very well
meaning Minister, and we should be sorry to
see him displaced by any of those who have
hitherto been hinted at as likely to be his suc-
cessor. Notwithstanding, indeed, the
,present
clamour against him as an individual,' we have
reason to believe that he is decidedly popular in
France, and the sacrifice of one or two of his col-
leagues, who are more than ordinarily obnoxious
to the Parisians, would probably have produced
at the present elections a very different result
from what is likely to follow. While, however,
we express our approbation of the general cur-
rent of M. de Villele's administration, as one
eminently advantageous to France, and while we
look on him as an honest and sincere friend to
England, we most pointedly condemn that un-
fortunate, as well as unjustifiable act of his, of
which he is now reaping the consequence—we
mean the revived censorship of the press. We
pointed out in strong terms, not only its tyran-
nous character, but the absurdity which it in-
volved when it was last
.adopted in France.
From all that we have learned since it was re-
moved, it would appear, that not only had ar-
ticles really obnoxious to the Ministry been sup-
pressed, but the power of suppression had been
exercised—as such irresponsible powers always
must be, until human nature change—capri-
ciously as well as despotically. The enemies of
M. de Villele have thus been irritated, but not sub-
dued, and they come forth from the bonds which
he had attempted to cast around them, like the
strong man refreshed from sleep, more terrible
and more vindictive than before. There is an-
'other unfortunate consequence of this impolitic
measure. While the Journals were allowed to
vublish freely, the people became, in some mea-
sure, inured to their exaggerations. Their ef-
fects,,like that of stimulating liquors, ceased to
operate' upon the stomach after it hid for some
time been habituated to their reception. The
impoSition of .the Censorship deprived them at
once of all credit. But precisely in proportion as
they were not believed when trammelled, are they
`received with unlimited credit now they are free ;
and hence the effect they produce. No such ad-
vantage, be it observed, accrues to the Minis-
terial Journals ; because to them the public were
well aware the Censorship was nominal. At this
, moment, therefore, Efley command no more be-
lief than during its operation, while the Opposi-
tion. Journals command infinitely more. We
hopes that one effect of the powerful opposition in
the Chamber of Deputies which is mustering
up against him will be, to induce M. de Villele
to depend in future on the respect and credit
which he may claim by fair and open means,
and not on that forced, sickly, and worthless
fame, which grows out of complaint, whether
just or unjust, forcibly repressed, and of accusa-
tions removed, not by judgment, but by refusal
of trial.—New Times.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S.—Nov. 22.

Nothing was talked of to-day but Sorcery and Druid,
and scarcely any thing done even on them; there is every
prospect to Sorcery attaining a still more prominent sta-
tion in the odds.—The present betting is thus—

DERBY.
61 to 2 agst Mr. Thornhill's Merchant
8 to 1 agst Hon. E. Petre's The Colonel
9 to I agst Duke of Rutland's Sorcery colt
12 to I.agst Duke of Grafton's Druid
20 to 1 agst Duke of Rutland's Hampden colt
20 to 1 agst Mr. Thornhill's Shoveler
20 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's Omen
25 to 1 agst Mr. Peel's c. by Filho—Lady of the Vale
25 to 1 agst Mr. Sadler's Brother to Defiance
25 to 1 agst any other.

OAKS.
10 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's Turquoise
10 to liagst Lord Jersey's Trampoline
25 to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Bess filly

ST. LEGER.
I l to 1 agst Mr. Scott's Velocipede
12 to 1 agst Colonel King's Bessy Bedlam
12 to 1 agst Mr. Petre's The Colonel
20 to 1 agst any other.

SALE OF RACERS, &c.

The following is an account of the sale of Mr. Mytton's

Stud :

Oswetry, 6 yrs, by Filho (to Mr. Jones), sold for 185
;Elesmere, 3 yrs, by Filho (Mr. Hall)
Lechmere, 3 yrs, by Master Henry or Castrel (Mr
Dickinson) 6l
Bay Colt, 3 yrs, by Comus (Mr. Mott)
,Lark, 3 yrs, by Rubens (Mr Carr). 66
Yearling Colt, by Sherwood or Filho (Mr. Lockley) 55
;Brown Filly Foal, by Master Henry (Mr. Dickinson) 62
Colt Foal, by Filho (Mr. Dickinson) 45
)
IMerinna (brood mare), by Walton . 98
l!Gwernheyled
Mr. Fitzherbert, by Milo 53
Warrior
_ _

Little Gray
Benson

35
46

Mhbourne

50

The Devil
Chesterfield, 3 yrs, by Milo l5O
Loraine, 3 yrs, by Mountebank l5O

, . .
Bay Gelding, 6 yrs 7O
Grey Gelding, 6 yrs
Bay Colt, 2 yrs, by Duplicate
Maid of Mansfield, by Filho
Chesterfield and Loraine were the property of Mr.
Beardsworth.

MULATTO.—We have heard it asserted, tbat an offer
has been sent from Newmarket to run Lamplighter against
Mulatto. The venerable and noble owner of the latter
replied, that he was ready not only to run Mulatto against
Lamplighter, but against any other horse in England.—
No rejoinder has been received at Wentworth.

We are informed that his Grace the Duke of Leeds has
engaged James Robinson, the Newmarket jockey, at a sa-
lary of 300 guineas, for his North country engagements
the ensuing season.