The Sun.
London, England, 1845-06-19 00:00:00

LONDON,

THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 10,

With more luck than I had, he obtained his Committee,
And no doubt, when " the secrets of the prison-house" arc
revealed at the close of the session, that they s ould he able to
show, from the mouths of the most intelligent farmers in the
country, that there was one burden which they considered
greater than all local taxes, highway-rate, county-rate, or even
poor-rate, and that was—the excessive burdens of the game pre-
serves. Well, then, we had our friend Ward's motion, by way
of sweeping the ground clean for the great annual motion
of Mr. Villiers. He proposed that they should give a Com-
mittee to inquire into those special burdens, and if there
were such to compensate, and have done with them. They
said, No inquiry. You ll'ave in London an old trick called,
" a dodge," which is sometimes practised in the streets on
the credulous and philanthropical.—( A laugh.) One of
those artful dodgers walks about the streets as a mendicant,
with his arm in a bandage—now, he has a special burden.
One of the visiting officers comes to him and says—let me
undo the bandage, but finds the artful dodger very loth to
comply. Well, now that is the case with our landowners.—
(" Hear," and great cheering.) They have been going about,
exciting the benevolent feelings of the community, alleging
that they labour under some serious disadvantages--some
great and heavy burdens—and when we come forward to relieve
them of the heavy burdens, like those impostors in the streets,
they take to their heels and run away.—(Loud cheers.) Bat
I most admit that we have not done so much for the cause as
has been voluntarily done by cur opponents. On the grease
debate—(Laughter)—a motion was brought forward for the
relief of local burdens. What do you think one of these local
burdens was? That in a maritime country, where ships were
wrecked and accidents occurred, dead bodies were often washed
on shore, and the inquests upon them was one of the local
burdens on the country. Such is the argument of the great
landed interest. Then came the annual debate, brought for-
ward by my friend Mr. Villiers, who introduced it with his
accustomed talents and energy. Now we heard rumours in the
House. These things are always known—they are con-
cocted in the clubs—so we always know what is the
dodge in the House. There were, on this occasion, rumours
in the House that they did not intend to have any debate—no
speeches on the other side—the protectionists were determined
upon being silent; and I believe, if Mr. Villiers had not
alluded to three of the county members, who were then forced
to talk, not one of them would have opened his mouth in that
debate. But, however, three or four of them spoke, and the
most significant part of their speeches was, as the Irishman
would say, what they did not say.—(Laughter.) They did
not say one word about the farmers having an interest in the
corn-laws. What a change ! Three or four years ago, to my
own knowledge, they talked of nothing but the farmers,
and how they came there for the interest of the tenant-farmers.
I am standing between two most extensive tenant-farmers,
Messrs. Latimer and Houghton, who would prefer no corn-law.
Nothing is now talked of in the House but special burdens.
But the most significant part of the discussion I have referred
to, was the speeches of the leading men on both sides of the
House. By Sir R. Peel and Sir J. Graham on the one side,
and by Lord John Russell on the other. I was very anxious
to hear what Sir James Graham would say. He spoke on
Lord John Russell's motion a few nights before, and
in the most gratuitous manner clearly showed, by
undoubted statistical returns, the moral, social, and
physical evils which resulted from a scarcity of food,
and that the country was most tranquil when food was cheap.
—( Hear, hear.) He showed by these returns that disease.
mortality, puperism, and crime were identified with scarcity of
food, and vice versa. Mr. Villiers followed, and with that
promptitude for which he has no rival in the House, applied
the admissions of the Right Hon. Baronet to the enforcement
of his free-trade doctrines. I thought Sir J. Graham would,
in the corn law debate, retract the opinions he had uttered ;
but, se far from doing so, he confirmed them, and reiterated
all he said before. Sir R. Peel followed, and, though he has
been going at a rather quick pace lately—( Cries of "Punch.").
I hear somebody calling out Punch; well, he is admirable
authority—an admirable critic and commentator is Punch—
( Cheers)—he is never wrong—Punch is infallibly right.—
(Loud cheers.) He showed us a few days ago how Peel was
going fast ahead of Lord John. Well, on this occasion,
his fast travelling seemed to have quickened. I
have contrasted Sir Robert Peel's speech on this
occasion with that which he delivered last year,
and I find how much he has advanced. Then he said every-
thing to conciliate those above him, below him, and on the
same bench, and everything that could be done was done to
insult free traders ; but now, how does he treat his former
friends ?—( Hear, hear.) He tells them that the principles of
free-trade are the true ones, and that he intends to carry them
out gradually and cautiously, but that still they must be car-
ried out. Lord John Russell was with us, though qualifying
his vote with a wish for a fixed duty, but next year 1 think this
little inconsistency will have disappeared, and he will be as
great a free-trader as any of us.—( Hear, hear.) He admitted
that the tax on corn was the most objectionable of all taxes.
Well, though the argument was all in favour of us, the vote
was against us. But this state of things cannot always last.
Public opinion must tell even upon protectionists, and if moral
force is to have any weight at all on the Legislature of this
country, the votes on the corn-laws must be soon reversed.
( Hear, hear.) Our principles are acknowledged to be right.
and what an argument are they establishing for the advocates
of force—what a dangerous precedent are they establishing—it
was for this the League met, discussed, petitioned, and legally
and peacefully agitated, for six or seven years. The country
was convinced that the corn-laws were bad—bublic opinion was
against them, but they would not be repealed until ten or
twenty thousand starving men assembled in Whitehall and
menaced the persons of the Legislature unless they abolished
the law, and then, and not till then, would it be abolished.—
( Hear.) The whole thing is, in fact, a question of time, and
the question narrows itself into the little word " when. The
Times, in an able argument, said this was the sole point to
which they would direct their arguments—to show the policy of
an immediate repeal. I have no objection to accept the
challenge, and in doing so I trust you will bear with me whilst
I am detailing some heavy and uninteresting facts. Whilst I
am laying the foundation stone, those behind me will furnish the
Corinthian capitals and the other arehitectuzal beauties. It is
one of the peculiarities of this audienee that they listen with the
same attention and in the same numbers as people in other
countries behold amusements—as the Spanish witness a brutish
fight, or the Romans used to witness a brutal one ; that the
audience here are as attentive whilst the simple dry truths of
political economy are being laid down, as other assemblies to
mere pastime.—(Cheers.) There are other ways of dealing
with this question, as Sir R. Peel would say • first, by im-
posing a duty per quarter, to diminish is. every year
until it was abolished altogether ; secondly, by de-
ferring the repeal until it suits your party.
or until cilcutnstances compel you ; and thirdly, at
once and for ever to abolish the corn-laws, which is
very plain. The Government acknowledged the principles,
but strove to stave off the debates, for if they controverted
principles so generally knowu, they would be hooted and
laughed at, at the corners of the streets. All acknowledged
the injustice of the corn-laws, but the protectionists will strive
to keep them up, until the land is desolated by another famine
such as occurred in 1840, when they will be swept away. But
should statesmen wait for such a crisis? No, they should not
wait for the evil day.—( Hear, hear.) Grandmamma, in an
article this morning, says, if there were no corn-laws, farmers
could not live, even if they paid no rents.—( Laughter.) A
sort of slip-slop twaddle, meant as an answer to the
able article in yesterday's Times. I appeal to
my friends, Messrs. Latimer and Houghton, whe-
ther the farmers would not prefer the abolition of
these laws at once, to being held up by the tenter-hooks of
suspense.—(Hear, hear.) Party monopolists hold up this
raw head and bloody bones of reduced prices, whilst the
Prime Minister, whom they wish at the same time to sup-
port, denounces the principles by which these laws are main-
tained. Now, let us look to the second mode, which is by
enacting a fixed duty of Bs., or any other sum you please,
and allowing ls. to pass off every year. What would be
the effect of this law upon the farmers? If we pass this fixed
_duty of Bs., the farmer will be told by the land agent, or very
possibly by the landlord himself, Well, we have passed this
duty of 83., but you know you have been only protected to
the amount of 6s. or 7s. against the corn imported into
this country. And now what is the effect of this ! We need
net talk of continuing your leases, we need not speak
of draining, or of subsoil ploughing, or of clearing away your
hedge-rows, ,for wheat is as high as this law can make it."
The conclusion is that nothing is done, but all must wait and
the farmer goes on as before, till the next rent-day brings the
agent and himself again together. " Ha ! farmer Hobson,
the new corn-law does not seem to make much change with
you. The wheat is much the same," and again nothing is
done. The farmer goes on exerting himself to pay his rent
but what goes on abroad in the meantime ? The foreigner is
told that as soon as the duty comes down to 2s. or 35., when the
doors are opened for the admission of grain into England, and
the farmer here cannot look to artificial aid to keep up the
price of corn ; then, wi thth lowis
the duty,
farmers, in
an poursdso tihtegfooerse
ign
corn into this country,swamping
until the month of M'ay or June creates a counter abundance.
—(Cheers.) But we come now to our principle of total and
immediate repeal.—(Great cheering.) Now, what is our an-
swer to the word "when?" We say "now."—(lmmense
cheering.) The landlords may say that this will create a panic,
and in order that that argument may not wear out, set their
newspaper organs to work to frighten the farmer and keep it
alive. What is there to be afraid of in the total and imme-
diate repeal of the corn-laws ? We are told that there is a
vast deal of corn lying abroad, ready to he poured into this
market if the corn-laws should be repealed. That argument
is so well dealt with in the Times of yesterday, that I shall
read, if you will allow me, an extract from its columns.
" Count up every quarter of corn in every one of earth's
richest granaries; track all her winding shores, penetrate
every creek, and every stream ; measure every diluvial delta
end every sheltered valley, the natural fertility of the plains
.nd the artificial productiveness of the hills; take the sum of
all the warehouses, all the heaps, and all the standing crops ;
and we entertain no doubt whatever that reasonable and candid
men will be astonished above measure at the universal ' naked-
ness of the land.' fhe Baltic and the Euxine, the Gulf of
Genoa, the St. Lawrence, the MiSsissippi, and even the rivers
that flow under our feet, are names of terror to some minds, as
if they Sowed with corn. But rivers of corn are as pure and
impossible a fiction as rivers of gold. Once you begin to in-
vestigate, to measure, and to count, you find the most formida-
ble accumulations dwindle into a few months' or a few weeks'
sustenance for such living and growing multitudes as London,
Manchester, or Glasgow. There is not too much corn
on earth, nor will there ever be till the saddest and
awfullest words that ever were spoken are finally
unsaid, which they never will be in this mortal world."
Now this is painting stern truths in all the charms of beautiful
and poetic language.—(Cheers.) I look to ages of experience
and I ask how have we been situated, when there has been a
smaller demand for corn ? In the years 1839, 1840, and 1841,
during all this period the average price of corn was 675. a
quarter. We ransacked the world for corn—in those
years we swept nearly the face of the earth, driving
the corn of all nations into our markets ; and I
have here a list of the places from which we received
corn during that period. We have grain from Russia
and from Sweden, from Norway, Denmark, Prussia, Ham-
burgh, France, Germany, Portugal, Spain, the lonian Islands,
Gibraltar, Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, the Cape of Good Hope,
Australia, Canada, the United States, Chili, and Peru.
Every region on the face of the globe—Europe, Asia, and
America, and even Australia, were searched for food.
And how much of corn did we receive from those
countries when the price was 675. a quarter ?—( Hear, hear.)
In the year 1839 wheat, including flour, amounted to 2,875,605
quarters, or about one-eighth of the annual consumption of
wheat in this country. In 1840, when the Government had
given one year's stimulus to this import trade, the amount of
wheat sent into England was 2,432,765 quarters. In 1841
the import was 2,783,602 quarters, and the total amount dur-
ing those three years was 8,091,972, or above an average of
2,700,000 quarters per annum, and this when corn was at 675.
—( Hear, hear.) This corn was kept back by our merchants
in England until the prices should rise to between 70s. and
80s., and when it could be imported from abroad at Is. duty.
There was, therefore, during those years a total and immediate
repeal of the corn-laws, and you saw the result in the state of
our markets. If you pass an Act now for the total and imme-
diate repeal of the corn-laws, you will find yourself in the very
same position that you were in during that peried—(Cheers)
—for now corn is only 465., and not 675. as then. And
therefore, I say, where is the corn to come from now, if we
were not inundated with it in that dear season ?—( Cheers.)
No, there is no such thing as a store of corn in this world—
there is no such thing as a provision made for contingencies
therethat
is
mightn no ground
expec t
fored toth
the
iariseea duringthat tthe
graincertain
r pd eu re
produced
dd s
would, an d
be diminished by the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.)
There was no supply therefore except such as might be ex-
peeted from the regular market, and if the repeal of the corn-
laws were carried out to-morrow there would be literally not

sufficient to meet the demand that might arise in consequenc.e.
But our opponents wish to produce an unnatural
price in the market by withholding and delaying this justice
to the farmer. They say, " wait till Sir Robert Peel is com-
pelled by the cry of _(stress to repeal the corn• laws, because
you cannot ej.st w knout some protection." These opinions
they t:y to spread, even to the Ukraine, and to every country
where their trash may be disseminated. Now, I have referred
to this subject only as it injures the farmer, but is there not
another class whose interests are affected ? Is this law not
most injurious and destructive to the great body of the people ?
This movement would not have taken place—we should not
have been able to originate an associati'n composed of a vast
proportion of intelligence in the population of this country, if
this had been a mere question of political economy. It is be-
cause the question respects the food of all—it is not because it is
a farmer's or a landlord's question. I speak not in their names,
but I stand here in the name of the great body of the people,
and if I show that the law is injurious, if I show that a large
majority of the people are unfairly and unjustly treated, then I
think I am fairly entitled to ask for the total and immediate
repeal of the law.—( Great cheering.) Who ever said that
this law was passed for the benefit of the great body of the
people ? No one. We have heard it said, indeed,
and it has been attempted to be argued, that it is
a sort of compensation to the landlord for some peculiar bur-
dens to which he is liable, but we have found out that this is
an imposture.—( Laughter and cheers.) We must send the
Mendicity Society's officers alter them.—( Renewed laughter
and cheers.) It was rather hard to maintain an injurious law
for the benefit of the farmers, who were, after all, but 250,000
out of the 27,C00,000 who form the population of these islands.
—(Cheers.) Yes, that is the proportion which the favoured
bears to the injured class.—(Great cheering.) But who ever
heard it urged that it was for the benefit of the people
that the law had been passed ? It never ought to have been
passed, and those who did so ought to hide for very shame
their faces, that now we are compelled to demand the repeal of
it.—( Great cheering.) I say, if it was not passed for the be-
nefit of the people, why on earth should they not at once repeal
it without setting up some other interest? Sir Robert Peel
was very fond of talking of the great and important interests
which had grown up under this law.—(Great laughter.) I
plead for greater and more important interests, which are now
crushed to the earth by the pressure of this law—(lmmense
cheering)—and if they want proof of this, why I bring their
own Home Secretary with his prison reports and his statistical
tables, and I put him into the witness-box, to show what the
law has done for that class which is the most numerous in
this land.—(Cheers.) I apply for the total and immediate
repeal of the corn-laws, on the ground of expediency, and be-
cause it could now be better effected than at another time.
apply for it on the ground of justice, because if the law be a
bad one, it should be at once annulled.—( Cheers) And w hat
will be the effect on the great body of the people, when the
time comes which Government contemplates—for they are
going to repeal the law in a season of distress? And such a
season may come—aye, three weeks of showery weather, when
wheat is in its bloom, will repeal this corn-law?
Bat how ? We have the experience of 1839, 1840,
and 1841, and are the people of this country to
be subjected to another such infliction before this law is re-
pealed ? What provision is made for such a calamity ? This is
an important consideration at this moment. Divine Providence
miy repeal the corn-laws by a bad harvest, but at present He
mitigates by his bounty the rigour of the landlord's corn-law.
—( Cheers.) Well, supposing a reverse to take place, as
within the last six years—convulsions such as the youngest
person here has seen during some part of his life—supposing
such to occur again, what provision is made to meet it? None.
I have told you how much corn could be got in 1839, after the
scanty harvest of 1838 ; and such would not be your supply
now. The maritime cities of the Atlantic are increasing in
importance, and consuming more and more corn, and we give
them no inducement to spread themselves abroad into the in-
terior, and therefore they are more and more in a condition to
consume corn greater than their increase.—(Hear.) I heard
in the House of Commons the other evening, Mr. Mitchell
make a very peculiar speech on this subject—a speech which
rivetted the attention of the House, as all speeches do, when a
man speaks only of what he well understands.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. Mitchell exposed the bankrupt condition of this country
so far as corn went. Where, in the event of a bad harvest,
would Great Britain be supplied from ? Government gave no
answer to the question. It ought, however, to be thrust upon
them, and they would not have nerve enough to bear the re-
sponsibility, if this were continually done.—( Cheers.) Then,
let us look to the condition of the middle classes. True, the
poor feel the first effects, but the middle classes are not so well
placed as they, for the former in times of scarcity cannot
starve, but have a right to claim support from those above them.
What is done with the capital of the country ? Go to the
House of Commons, and in one of the lobbies there leading to
the Committee-rooms, in one of which I have the misfortune
to be engaged, you will find railway speculations extending
over the length and breadth of the land, occupying the atten-
tion of all parties. What effect would a bad harvest have on
this? Alen have expended their thousands and hundreds of
thousands for railway shares, and have paid their subscriptions
for them. How would a bad harvest affect them? It is all
plain sailing now. Everything is sunshine. They get shares
to-day, sell them to-morrow and reap for their labour 20 per
cent.—( Laughter.) But these shares will be held by some
one at last, and if we have a failing harvest, what is to be done
then? I would recommend every speculator in railway shares
to keep a sharp look-out on the barometer.—( Laughter.) He
should take in two papers, a railway paper and the
Mark-lane Express—( Cheers and laughter)—and when he
sees the price of shares then let him look at the price of wheat
in Mark-lane.—(Great laughter.) But if a bad harvest
comes, then will be the season to exhibit distress in every sec-
tion of the community. That is the point I want to urge on
the Government, and on every member of it. As a Govern-
ment let us throw on them the responsibility. And now, gen-
tlemen, that is the point, the concluding point, of my case in
favour of the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) As the
lawyers say, gentlemen, that is my case —(Laughter.) Now,
I want to know why we should not carry the repeal
of the corn-laws now ? Merely because those men
cannot make up their minds to say that they have been wrong.
Now, what I want to do, is this—to open the door as wide as
possible for the conversion of our opponents. I wish that I
could burn " Hansard," and all other books of debate, in order
that they might be allowed to alter their course of policy. But
they are afraid of being taunted with saying something diffe-
rent before from what they should now. But why should they
be ashamed to acknowledge that they had learned ? I hope
that they will learn something by this discussion to-night. 1
trust that they may be induced to make a clean breast of it,
and they will never be taunted a fterwards.—(Cheers. ) Now,
gentlemen, I want to say one word on the important subject
of registration before I sit down. The next registration will
probably decides the fate of the corn-laws—(" Hear, hear,"
and cheers) and, therefore, let every one make it
his business, as much as the ledger or counter.
On the 20th of next month is the day for the counties, and I will
just direct your attention to Buckingham, where there are at
least l,ooo,if not 2,000 bad votes. But no one thinks of ob-
jecting to them, because some man is called the Duke of
Buckingham ! Why, if they would only consider this
thing, the Duke of Buckingham is not more formidable in
a Registration Court than any other person here.—( Cheers.)
You are the members of a great body, by the advice of whose
leaders you are guided, and you are aware that that body is in
a position to place you morally, legally, and in a pecuniary
way, far beyond the reach of a hundred and fifty dozen Dukes
of Buckingham.—(Laughter and loud cheering.) Now, in
Surrey we have succeeded ; but let me ask why should they,
in East Surrey, be allowed to return two monopolists at the
next election ?—(Hear, hear.) Then there is the Borough,
and there is Lambeth ; in both those places there is not one in
one hundred of those who are entitled to have a vote whose
names are in the county list, while in the rural districts we
have managed so well that there is not more than one in every
forty whose name has not been registered.—(Hear, hear.) I
say it is the duty of every man who has a right to be on the
list to take care that he is so, and yet there are hundreds who
have a right to be on it who never give themselves the trouble
of thinking about it all.—( Hear, hear.) Now, we have pos-
sessed ourselves of Middlesex, and we will take care of it—
(Cheers)—and there are other places of which we hope to
give an equally agreeable account in good time. But even this
we do not consider doing much ; for, mark you, we have another
object in view besides the protection awl the increase of the
registration—we have in view the possibility, nay, the cer-
tainty of carrying some of the fighting counties.—(Cheers.)
And why not try to carry out our principles by contesting a
county where there is a chance of success, as well as braving a
contest where we are not certain the return will be in our fa-
vour ?—( Hear.) Why should we not have in every parish an
active man or two who would make it his business to bring up
every man to register his vote who was entitled to do so, and
at the election make that man exercise that privilege without
putting the candidate to any expense?—( Hear, hear.) If
this were done we could not only carry the places we have
carried heretofore, but we could also contest, at a compara-
tively trifling expense, those counties where we might cal-
culate upon a fair chance of success.—( Hear.) On the other
hand, let me ask how does the monopolist propose to recom-
mend himself so as to call upon the county to return him at their
expense ?—(Laughter.) In what position does he present
himself as a claimant for the popular support? Why, so
far from his having a claim of that sort, when he is returned,
and those who are returned upon the same interest,
very soon begin backbiting each other in the lobbies and com-
mittees, and such places.—(Laughter.) One is accused of
having voted for Peel, and another of having voted against
him ; and thus they begin to fight with each other like so many
village gossips.—(Laughter and cheers.) I say, then, it is the
duty as well as the interest of every man to give his attention
to the registration, and see that it is effectively carried out.
If this be only done, steadily and perseveringly, there is not
the least doubt but we will repeal the corn-laws within a very
short period, and that, too, in a manner that will set a glorious
example to all future time.—(Loud cheers.) I was going to
say, and I must be pardoned for saying it, that I hardly regret
that this agitation has continued so long. If the repeal of the
corn-laws had been carried in the years 1830, or 1840, or 1841,
so soon after that agitation had begun, then, perhaps it
might be thought that its success had been owing to sudden
and multitudinous clamour ; but the agitation has gone on for
such a length of time steadily increasing, that it is now quite
apparent that we have been teaching the people something more
than merely the necessity of demanding a repeal of the
corn-laws. We have been teaching the farmers to think well
upon what they are about, and to look clearly and steadily at
what is really their own interest. We have taught the mo-
nopolist that he cannot much longer expect to persevere in his
course; and if we only persevere as we have done, there can-
not be the least doubt that we will, in a very short time,
achieve that which we have been organised to accomplish.
The Hon. Member sat down amidst loud cheers.

Mr. BRIGHT was next introduced to the meeting, and was
received with those demonstrations of applause which
usually greet his appearance at this meeting. He
said—On every occasion of our meeting together in this
theatre, it appears to me that something has occurred during
the interim which supplies us with some new cause for re-
joicing, and that we find some additional reasons for congratu-
lating each other since the previous meeting. Two months
have now elapsed since the last regular meeting was held
here, under the usual forms of Chairman, Secretary,
&c. ; but 1 cannot help looking back with feelings of
deep gratification at the extraordinary meeting that
was continued to be held in this hall for eighteen days
during that interim—( Cheers.) I think that meeting might
indeed well be called a monster meeting.—(Hear, hear.)
The 120,000 persons who visited the theatre during that time
might be called such with great truth, for it was the largest
and most important of all the free-trade assemblages that has
taken place since the commencement of the agitation of that
question.—( Hear, hear.) During that time we had exhibited
here specimens of the industry and ingenuity of our country-
men engaged in every branch of trade, and the vast variety of
the produce of their skill there exhibited, seemed to me to
make a mute but powerful appeal to the Government of this
country on behalf of the millions by whom those specimens
were contributed.—(Cheers.) We had specimens of the pro-
ducts of free trade, not only of this country, but from foreign
countries. Those whose works they had, met face to face ;
they seemed to shake hands in mutual concordance of principle,
while they looked on at the progress the movement had been
making in this country, and to regard it as a symptom
of the manner in which Englishmen were resolved to
regard that sacred pledge, solemnly taken, not to relax in their
efforts, until all restrictions upon their industry had been re
moved.—( Cheers.) I need not here enter into any panegyric:
on the exertions of those of our countrymen by whose extra-
ordinary sacrifices the late exhibition and the bazaar have been
carried to so successful an issue. In another place, where their
sacrifices and their virtues are not known or appreciated, I
have taken care to speak.—(Cheers.) But it may be enough
to say here, simply, that from our hearts we thank thorn—
(Cheers)—and that we look upon what they did upon that oc.

.
cation as a pledge of what they were willing to do for the
future—( Cheers)—and we now know, through that effort of
theirs, that this is no longer a question for the statistician, o:
one of mere political economy, but one which will, in future,
be the topic of the domestic circles in the hundreds of thou-
sands of homes in this kingdom.—(Cheers.) I may be dis
posed to a.,1 your attention for a moment to what has been
said by some who are anxiously opposed to this measure of free
trade. They say that we have exaggerated the advantages that
would result from the repeal of the cern-laws ; and this, too,
has been said by those who say they concur in the principle,
but are rather lukewarm friends to the practice ; but before all
these I am ready to maintain that no mar, however eloquent
or skilled in the powers of discussion he may be, can truly
picture the evils and the cruelty on which those corn-laws are
based--( Hear, hear.) I say there can be no safety in laws
which tend to spread over the land a partial famine, for the
sake of the private interest of a few individuals.—( Hear. )
There can be no possible good in any law which shuts out the
public from a full and fair supply of food—(Cheers)—but it is
a law which does certainly and most imperatively resist and
interfere with the free exchange of the property of the vast
majority of the population of this country I mean
their skill and labour.—(Cheers.) On this subject I shall
now quote for you the words of a man, who is said to have
been as far-seeing a statesman as ever lived, and who in wisdom
and oratory has never been surpassed, I mean Edmund Busks
—( Hear, hear.) He says, that " monopoly is contrary to
natural right, and that free-trade was the same thing as the
free use of property."--(Cheers.) We have always maintained
that the poor man had as full a right to all the proceeds of his
labour as any man had to his property who wore a coronet, or
ruled over half a county.—(Hear, hear.) If the property of
the people's labour could be weighed in the scale against all the
jewels;and plate, and land, and all else that aristocracy deemed
most valuable, the' former would far outweigh all that the rich
hold most dear.—( Hear, hear.) I will now call your atten-
tion to a few facts which have been well authenticated, and
which will serve to show that our statements have not been as
exaggerated as it has been attempted to be asserted they were. I
hold in my hand re'urns of the prices of food in the town of
Bolton in Lancashire, at various periods, from the year 1835 to
1845. During the years 1835, 1836, and 1837, the average
price of wheat in that town was only 445. Bd. ; during that
time the town was in a state of great prosperity and all the
labouring population was employed. There was no poor-rate,
wages were well paid, cottages all occupied, rent well paid,
shopkeepers were stirring, and improvement was visible every-
where.—(Hear, hear.) From the year 1838 to 1842, the
average price of wheat in the same town was 645. 4d., being
nearly one-half more than it was from 1834 to 1836.—(Hear.)
During the the years 1839 and 1840 the mills were working
short time, being only engaged from three to four days in the
week. Several establishments had stopped work altogether,
and remained so till 1842 or 1843. Taking twelve months in
1839-40, and in 1840-41, and comparing them with twelve
months in 1834-35, it was found that the loss in wages alone
was 130,000/., and the loss incurred in the price of food con-
sumed by the population of Bolton, 195,0001., making a total
loss of 325,000/.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—or a loss of
1,000/., every working day in the year. From 1835 up to
1841, 1,500 houses and shops had been emptied of their tenants
thousands were thrown out of employment, and wages had'
fallen from ten to fifteen per cent.—( Hear, hear.) Pauperism
had generally increased, and out-door relief was extensively
administered. In 1838, the sum applied for the relief of the poor
was 1,558/. ; in 1841, the amount applied for a similar purpose
was 6,2581., showing a fourfold increase in the amount dis-
tributed.—( Hear, hear.) In addition to this, soup-kitchens
were opened, and continued in operation for the casual relief of
the poor till 1842. In the latter year the Poor Protection
Society of Bolton relieved 6,127 persons, leaving out
of view the other sources of relief he had referred
to. The effect of this state of things was seen in the rapid
diminution of the funds rased for the relief of the destitute; the
difficulty with which the people could be got to attend places
of worship ; and the neglect of the education of the children—
the schools being deserted. The whole town was in the con-
dition of a fallen ruin. This was the time that Colonel Thomp-
son addressed a letter from that town, descriptive of its mi-
serable and desolate condition, in which he termed it the
" siege of Bolton." In 1842 the price of corn fell, and since
that time it has only averaged 50s. per quarter. With the re-
duction in the price of food came an improvement in trade and
manufactures. Places of employment were again set in motion,
workmen again fully employed, while wages underwent an in-
crease of from 10 to 15 per cent. For the second time in the
progress of the cotton trade an advance took place in the prices
paid to the mule hand-spinners. I may state that those are
the men in the cotton trade who always receive the highest
wages, and that there is always a strong desire manifested by
other parties to get into it. The effect of this strife is to pre-
vent wages from rising in this department, even when other
branches of the cotton trade are flourishing. Hence the
wages of this branch have generally fallen from the effect of
this competition; but in 1835 and in 1845 an increase took
place from the great impetus which had been given to trade,
arising from the reduction in the price of provisions, and this
year the same result might be expected, did the same cause
continue to operate. The cheapening of the price of food had
overcome the competition for employment, and the result is
seen in the increase of wages to which I have referred.—
(Loud cheers.) Collateral with the increase of wages the
poor atates had fallen, shopkeepers had increased in business,
and iron-foundries, engineers' workshops, and machine esta-
blishments, that had been lying idle, were brought into active
operation.—(Loud cheers.) Cotton mills, that had been
standing still since 1839 and 1840, were now going, making an
increase altogether to Bolton, in the wages received by its
working population, of 2,982/. weekly, or an annual increase
of 155,0641.—(Hear, hear.) And if each of those engaged
saved a penny each day, as compared with the previous period,
it would make a further sum of 151,666/., which, added to
the increase of wages, would show that the whole town was
better off by 306,730/.—( Hear, hear.) This shows whether
protection does best for the working classes ; whether dear food
tends to keep up the rate of wages. --(Great cheering.) I
need not look at Bolton alone, for every town in the manufac-
turing districts shared similar results; and, in some towns,
there was a still greater contrast —( Hear, hear.) Not only
have the manufacturing operatives been benefited, but the
agricultural labourers also. Contrasting the condition of the
agricultural labourers at the same periods of time, a conside-
rable improvement had been effected. I have evidence of
several intelligent farmers who admit this, and who say that the
returns they have hod at low prices, have remunerated them
better than under the other system, and that they were in a
better position to reward the;r labourers—( Hear). While
they had high prices, from 1838 to 1842, pauperism increased,
and a state of things prevailed, showing a much greater evil in
operation than that which has, in the fancy of certain parties,
been ascribed to free trade.—(Lowl cheers. ) What is the
case now ? lam in the habit at present of having a sort
of levee with the farmers, three days in the
week. I meet with from nine to twelve intelligent farmers,
with whom I discuss the game-law question. What lam
about to state regarding them is the result of private conversa-
tion, for what is said in Committee is not allowed to be used till
it is published. They all admit that the present state of things
is much more satisfactory than what it was six or seven years
ago. For this satisfactory change there must be a cause. It
cannot be the work of any party. It cannot be attributed either
to the single conduct of Sir Robert Peel, or of Lord John Rus-
sell, or be ascribed to Sir James Graham as an emanation of
the Horne-office.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) It was during
the years of so much suffering that monopoly existed almost
without adulteration, and it did its work well; and the reason
why an improvement had taken place was not because mono-
poly had been strengthened and extended, but because freedom
of trade had been admitted and partially conceded.—( Hear,
hear.) If monopoly is good in itself, why should it not be
carried out ; if it is good for the working classes, why not
give them the benefit of its rigid application. Let us see what
would be the result if that experiment were tried. Were such a
state of things carried out for ten years, there is no force or
cohesion in society that could hold it together. Order could
not be preserved, and the spectacle would be most dreadful
were such a principle to be carried out.—( Hear, hear.) The
effect of such a system would be the putting of every man on
short allowance.—(Loud cheers.) Sir Robert Peel says the
improvement we have experienced in trade has arisen from two
causes—partly from a good harvest, and partly from his own
legislation.—( Hear, hear.) He is not particularly modest, it
appears, in taking so much credit to himself.—( Loud cheers.)
But, if legislation is to be taken as the cause, and I admit that
to a certain extent the statement is right, then it is to be
ascribed to his going forward in the direction of free trade.—
(Loud cheers.) For the improvement which had taken place
to legislation on this subject—but in a higher degree, to the
seasons—was to be ascribed the change for the better that had
been brought about.—( Hear, hear.) If the case I have this
night given of Bolton be not true, is it not clear that too much
evil cannot be attributed to monopoly ?—( Hear, hear.) And
ff the beneficial effects produced may be mainly attributed to
the cheapness of provisions induced by three good harvests, is
it too much to say that the abolition of the corn-laws would
lead to a still greater improvement, and tend to the permanent
prosperity of the population ? A cheap and plentiful supply of
food constituted the foundation of true prosperity; and what-
ever interferes with this supply is a prolific source of ignorance,
the parent of crime, and the cause of the premature death of
thousands, who, in other and better circumstances, would have
grown up to be useful members of society.—(Loud
cheers.) I can show you the results, founded on the
authority of the Secretary for the Home Department. In 1836
the number of commitments were 20,000 ; in 1841 they
were 32,000, showing a gradual increase between the two pe:-
riods. Now, what were the effects when an improvement had
been brought about by the reduction in the price of food?
In 1842 the commitments were 29,000; in 1544 they were
26,000 ; and if the present harvest turns out a good one, this
year will no doubt show another proportionate decrease. I
will ask, where is there a philanthropic society like this
League? It is good to visit those in affliction, to give them
counsel and assistance. It is praiseworthy to educate youth,
and to assist with the hand of benevolence the poor and the needy
in the hour of distress. I honour every man and every
woman who engages in this godlike work.—( Cheers. )
Yet how little can the efforts of single individuals do, compared
with what this association aims to accomplish—the unlocking
of the granaries of the world, so as to give to the people fairly
that abundance which God intended all should possess—
( Tremendous cheering)—to furnish industry with its due
reward, to effect the redemption of thousands from crime, and
to save from infamy or a premature death those that
otherwise would have fallen victims to this odious
and detestable law. The opposition to the principle on which
our present agitation is founded is gradualiy becoming weaker,
and it is now difficult to catch a single fallacy. Sir Robert
Peel, in his opposition to the motion of the lion. Member for
Wolverhampton, could not oppose it on the grounds he had
formerly stated, or on those taken by other parties on his side
of the House. He admitted that it was impossible this country
could supply itself with a sufficient amount of food, and denied
what had so often been insisted on by the monopolists—that low
prices of (grain necessarily implied a low rate of wages.
These questions were therefore settled..—(Loud cheers.) He
further admitted that the corn-laws could not be defended on
account of mortgages or incumbrances on land.—( Hear, hear.)
This showed a great change in the opinions of the Right Hon.
Gentleman, who, in 1838, said that the corn-laws were a part
and parcel of the Constitution of England, and must be main-
tained, and that the interests of the landlords should be pro-
tected on account of the particular burdens they had to
bear. Now, however, there has not been a single
word spoken about this constitutional corn-law, or
about the special burdens which the land was said to bear.—
( Hear, hear.) I have heard from a gentleman, a member of
the Royal Humane Society, instituted to save people from
drowning, that there is an annual dinner of the members and
friends. When the dinner is over, and it is necessary to get up
the subscription. the persons who have been saved from drown-
ing are made to walk in procession round the room. When the
sympathies are highly excited, then the subscription is set a-
going, and the experiment is found to be successful. Now, as
the Royal Humane Society adopts the course 1 have stated, and
as dinners of the monopolists are occasionally held in Free-
mason's Hall, if it were wished to get up a subscription on the
same principle, for all the farmers saved by protection, how
long would be the procession ? lam sure it would be no diffi-
cult matter to count the number.--( Loud cheers.) The de-
fence of the corn-laws, it was plain, could no longer rest upon
the grounds previously set forth. The growing intelligence
of the people, and the improving spirit of legislation
were equally opposed to their maintenance.--(Loud cheers.)
They had had an agricultural meeting in Wiltshire, and
though Ido not wish to speak hardly of the parties present at
that meeting, yet if I needed a justification of the harsh things
which had been said by members of the League—if I needed
any justification of the means which had been taken to accom-
plish the ends we have In view, I should turn to the circum-
stances which occurred at that meeting, and feel that I had
found a full justification of everything we have said and
fromthraldomwhich has tyran-
done to free the country

1

0

nised over its best feelings, and destroyed the .interests
,housands. When I see that men, and that women, too, come
forward, and are repelled because they complain that far
working from sunrise to sunset, and often afterwards, they
receive no more than six, seven, eight, or ten shillings a week'
for the support of a family of ten persons, I feel fully assured
that no imputation can lie on the Proceedings of this League,
and I enjoy a consolation in the the thought, that we are en-
deavouring to work out a great and a good object. I will not
speak of the difference which existed between the labourers in
those agricultural districts and those whom we see in
thoar
factories.—( Hear. ) They were repelled because ey
their
desired to have those things which from
labour they have a right to have. And when
I come to look at the hovels which they inhabit, I am con-
strained to believe that there is as little consideration for t
rights of the poor, as there is of knowledge of what is good for
the nation.—(Cheers.) I will not say that many parts of the
country are not in a state of prosperity, but I do say that there.
has not been sufficient care for the interests of all the classes of
the community, trod especially when I consider that the.,r:
pulation is steadily increasing, and that there are now a rolu"
and a half more of human beings to support than there blriee
only four years ago. When I look at the state of the pue _
mind only four bears ago, and I see how this prii.ciple has h
all
growing, I am constrained to believe that the grantingiof
f the
f
that we require cannot be very long delayed, and
public mind continue to be agitated as it was sir
late years, no Government,—not even that
ld
Robert Peel, were it ten times as strong as
long resist the onward tendency which the country ha.enece
quired, and it must yield that which reason and "Perlorn-
alike demand. In all his speeches on the repeal of the_c
laws, Sir R. Peel had invariably shown a disposition to ad,r:
in the right path. I will not therefore find fault with
it i9:fr
because I believe that it is for this reason—His fortune,
.4
1.7
made from those delicate fibres of cotton from which, 1.2
believed, the e great changes in the world would yet which Tu
he
h
would render commerce the grand vehicle throng
Peel was
civilization of the world must be effected. Sir Robert
not exactly the man whom he desired to effect the great 111f_e,,
of delivering commerce from the thraldom under which t ~ad
been placed ; but still from the necessity of his great
tion, he believed that he might be theaeers.)
instrnment of effecting this object. —OA" power,
The Prime Minister of this country possesed enormous
and where there was enormous power there was
mous responsibility. In the late debate on Mr.
shout's
'"ur
lters's motion Sir James Graham said that heu
vote against the motion of the Hon,,urable Member f
er
o.son
verhampton, but he sho-ald he very unwilling to tak
tbo
himself the responsibility of putting a restriction osre all
food of the people of a great country like this. These
and he
symptoms of the settling of circumstances—( Cheers)
and the
was glad to see that this settling was having its effect
oder
time will come when posterity will look bask with lich
ore
the struggle in which we are engaged. The claim Which
again,
make is a just claim, and, as it is reiterated again and
session after session, with increasing power on our parts, it
with increasing feebleness on the parts of our 01)P°. n place
must be manifest that the great change which is tar. effect
in the public mind must eventually—and that short Y itstion
all that we desire. It is the assurance of Divine 'fbe
that the earth is the Lord's, and the fulness there4hosine
merchants of this great commercial city have inscribelsoange.....
sentiment on their new and royal and magnificent esi., writ is
(Cheers.) What then is so clearly laid down in 11°Eiiire ; and
surely consonant with the best feelings of human nature
our
we may confidently look for the blessing of besienducarefnl
efforts for the general good, if we are but energetic
°after Yes/.
in carrying out this great work.—(Cheers.) Year el., and
the League has been going on increasing in P°,../ greatnes°
it grows in power, it is acquiring new elements have in
and influence. Yours it is to carry out the end
,7,4 beep
view. Yours it is to complete the work which we to $ se:
and to carry on that which we have so ha pily begun Ojai'
P d •li our dat
cessful issue. Our work will never be complete ti
down sou
is attained.--( The Hon. Gentleman then
1 thue.)
immense cheering, which continued for a considerable Of the
Mr. Fox—l apprehend, Sir, that the antieiPt,l., Are coo
last speaker will be well received, as I am sure t
tworeasea-
founded, and that free trader will, indeed, be told with been
able person who does not express himself satia has been
progress and prospects of this great question. .1+115,.,_ ,__;
well observed by Mr. Cobden to-night, I entertatt
tu:i7egrand
but that the majority which is now arrayed agaile conoritto
question in both Houses of Parliament, will soentt, bapTo
into a minority ; and that, not by a triumph of 14Ttt%: og% 0
conscientious assent of all classes of the commof the i• n our
not, it is true. the vote as yet of the great lei"' Speeeh"4 the
of Commons, but we have nine-tenths of bell cissiet; have
favour. We have now the opinions of farm
11;:, set
community in our favour. Even the Ja— they --le 't•
,„b t The
so long been
urged on to the opposition vir,"' 000' is
up to an enlightened policy are beginning to e,e he stated
opinions are changed, 'id the whole sense 0' tote
moving toward the great object. The land)
these „retee'''slr-
by the farmers to have deserted them, and if theW to
shadknow
corn-laws are not the landlord's business, I should
whose they are. All argument in favour oft be eearkiog he
now been given up, and two newspapers, Web' sPe,,,st if the?
pleas which could be put in their favour, stated. con is
was an argument still in. existence, it was so closelymysterit 1;
that it was impossible to discover it. There is which it
fact, about all these corn -law ons " f the ee-
-aw reas e o . to
nearly impossible to fathom, and it reminds In stories'
torn at Athens, in the celebration of the Eleusinia3l,
nodes
lead an ass about, covered with a white linen Yen't last utterl
nobody must look. And this was done so as
citizens ner•
to destroy the feeling of respect with which tht
came be
accustomed;to regard the animal, that at lust I so it was
common juke that the ass carried the mystery.
daY teuctl r
regard to the corn-laws. They heard from Y
a- td the e-
the mystery with which the burdens on land, an 'lima a;
pleas were enveloped, that it soon ceased to be soro occurreo
derful, and reminded him of a caricature which hadons of `reed
at the meeting of a certain corporation. Whilst , his bet
members was speaking, another was observed to shase
tostione'
in a very significant manner ; and on being closel. bo
and charged with this shameful breach of corporat doet there
had confessed that he did shake his head, but added that there
was nothing in that.—( Laughter.) Such, toe, It's base he
with regard to the mysterious burdens on land. "
the addition of many irrefragable arguments in fave—nd toet.s;
abolition of this injudicious and impolitic inonopolY., La"; in 01;
truly do I desire that they may bear their full weir' hsor
community; for this is the season when, of all times, the
could be best effected—when prosperity gladdened the rg, so4'
from one end to the other, and when no evil can befal anY o° pie'
great good must ultimately arise to every portion of the Y— the
I trust the neistry will see this ; for dreadful would )low
havoc, fearful would be the symptoms which would rsbele
winter alter a bad harvest—when, as a few years a,o,t''-peoPle
country was convulsed from the want of food, and thetlireoa•
driven to desperation by want and suffering—would quie'ilaoce,
vert the whole of this beautiful scenery, peace, and ailliesh
to one common spectacle of havoc and desolatiom-Lerwise,
near.) But, I hope that the case will be et" cor
and that in the place of public contention and foreig dust:et.
tention there will be peace with all nations abroad, an otesu
exchange of their food for our manufactures--who
of hearing the bombardment of our towns and the wow
of our coasts, the only invasion we should have to dre°oals w°
be the invasion of cargoes of corn, and the only eePr f cool
should make would be in the shape of consignments °t
of tibl
goods—when, instead of looking to the strong excite
slne,
tavern and the alehouse, the mechanic and the artlos%o ana
look to the Athenaeum and the parks for their recreoldpigh:i
improvement—when, instead of attending to the bangs
drillings upon the hills, they would look to the jute" v,efalet;
scaredkindne an the mutual promotion of the corolla° testi%
These the moral influences which thet eyed one
for free trade is likely to produce ; and I tract the on be
who now hears me will use his best endeavours to aril
rese9t to
hiID
good work. The Premier is with us, though at P
toote• d
does not state so much openly ; but in order eeoe
aft
his point, we must continue our efforts with un We 0,0
Not a fibre must be spared, not a muscle relaxed.
still follow up the same beautiful union of effort,a ei• shis
+
exhibited in the formation and conduct of the 13aus,rines
hear, and cheers.) We must remember the few
opening of The Miller and his Men :
" When the wind blows,
Then the mill goes,
When the wind drops reeks
Then the mill stops. e olustWhe
—(Cheers and laughter. ) To make Peel go
age the
cw
Russell o,g and to make Russell go we must intoostiteePtbie
go, andle make the Whigs go we must make the
st osktated
go, and to make the constituencies go we InuWith unajoro
League, which is the mainspring of all, go--,_Pd the,„ieco,
vigour and increasing energy. Sir R. Peel uti nenrd
taken in battle, described in Mr. Sergeant theTalfour oie the
put down the helmet, the buckler, and tbst 100
protection, but with this difference/ eater fats
fictitious hero laid down his armour to__ to 'Mgr,
captivity, while the object of Sir Robert Peel orokind..,.oill
commerce and enfranchise the intercourse of 0%, it
Fox concluded his long and able speech to which our 0:10
not allow us to do anything like justice, by fries w• b°delrt
appeal to the natives of the different foreign coned
nobly
tete,*
be present, calling upon them, by those high an their I_oo
menta of national character, to remember and to us73,iebtle., felif
and7oprortunities inpromoting that great object,4" won
lo
fulfilled by intire freedom of intercourse and which 001 FOY
justify every philosopher and philanthropist_ „Tat se
term of the "Family of Man." He sat down after 1310
roue to
t racted cheering, hoe diencerd
The CHAIRMAN then said, that as all wouldhe eu
do at the next meeting. he would call upon t ores.nd the
commence the registration with three cheert.biage, and
were then given by the immense asse''
meeting dispersed.

woo::

.. . --
The New Zurich Gazette of the 13t
to ;10 Inoi-oi
a report that Dr. Steiger has accepted an offer glade '-of bili o eSupdel
Government of Lucerne to spare his life, on condition
rem
l
hinuelf in Genoa or Alexandria, in Italy, there
t°
the surveillance of the police.

On the 13th inst, ..-
.-------1
5:.—.—....—.`" ~
Se"
the led). 431.
tijeJohl/
George Smith, of a son.
R. Henry El-Mick, f atßarkeNwvaes; Haesrstse,xo•f twin susrle.)ll*
On the 13th inst., at the Manor House,
BIRTHS.
creditoll, .it
iiidy of
hj
aoOthnnn,
oKtfheaensnlo3ant‘.vh. a ivn,s
Bt .
a, r
La t,
ofE as son.
Dev o nshire, the
,r
~,g, of P.-
v
On the 10th inst., at Wardour Castle, La' A tk -
,r filli" g
G daughter.cNOoOs si innel tttihhhn eee,tl,4scith., inst., in Eaton-Place, the Couni,— nf •
of a son.
13th inst., at 'Bang Cottage, the Wife ;000P
TieorY
13th inst., the wife of the nor' i".- son. v,aorti
Head Master of Stepney Grammar School, o. - go.,
On the 14th inst., at Laura-place, Claptoo,
Paterson, of a son.

------------------ emir;
,WARBIED. insAl :A ofi
Jong
111311eLl's1
On the 10th inst., at Parsons-green, Pv;che ~ 0
Esq., younger, of Dunkenny, to Mail Riche
pars°:"- Vois/
daughter of William Mitchell Inner, Escl.:_ whitbreTlO
Percival, Esq., to Frances Isabella,
On the 10th inst., at the parish churou, daughter oi , „
Richardson, of Whitby, Esq. s, sci.' 041;4
At Croydon Church, James Willis Broo _ungest i, 00
street, Bedford-row, London, to Marianne, 3.uisrewlisli
of the late Colonel Edward Mac Donnell, °' 011117
of Clare, Ireland. *We' lite'
Mor) so
On the 17th inst., at Trinity Church, , .bird d
John Walter Baynes, Esq., to Margaret i
street'
Daniel Stuart, Esq., of Upper Ilarley-
only daub
of
joire

PaOrlaia
JaOtnnesthe
Henryl th inst.,
Abinger ----
DlED.wide ce, 11-6
O'Reilly Scott, Fmreiday, June 13, aged 72, at her rnache
John Callin,nt-street, Liverpool, Elizabeth, Widow' e k". ~no,
Esq. riaC Pv f 4
- .lello, "" 140
in New-street, Spring-g4A-, ;00 of
inst., at the Vicaraoy,
a Lawrence Scarlett, youugesv ' AO
0 Air elliOli:ieg
O the 9th '
I___Onthe 14th.. just., in Paltnerstreet, DA , vl4,
Church
Barham, 8.A.,
, aged 13. gobert 0
tb
RScletdt,l6;oungest son of the natej3Lcjiell'ulte;lal3t (Se,
1:)., Esq.,
81.agedinst ' at Bideford,
Dev°ll'lllllli
. 0
On the 16th •
On the_l7th.inst., at Amen-corner, the ....el'ata tliitij'
1.D., aged 85 • OP.
v ilicl3sl4
minor canon of St. Pauls.

prof
____----------- ------- 014'" ,
„iffigoo Yl4O, 12 of
14,-.0.0n , Printed and Published by 0,-1-- offiet,oll7 "
No. 112, Strand. Printer, ate 000 ..,
Strand, in in the Precinct of thSavolt,'•
Middlesex, Thursday, Joe 19,1545'