The Sun.
London, England, 1829-05-02 00:00:00

SILK TRADE.

Mr. V. FITZGERALD moved the Order of
the Day for the House resolving itself into a Com-
mittee of the whole House on the Silk Trade.

On the motion " That the Speaker do now leave
the chair,"
Mr. FYLER declared his intention to oppose the
motion, because he was perfectly satisfied that if
this measure were carried, it would inevitably tend
to the destruction of the silk trade in this country.
He wished particularly to call the attention of the
House to the representations which he had received
from the city which be had the honour to represent.
There were, he was informed, 4,000 looms out of
employment at the present moment, and the looms
still continued to become vacant, without any pro-
spect of speedy employment. He was also directed
to state, that one individual had given orders that
200 looms should be no longer employed if this mea-
sure were carried into effect. He believed that this
depression of trade was not confined to the city
which he had the honour to represent, but extended
over the whole comery. He was now anxious to
make a few remarks on the arguments adduced by
the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Trade
when he recently addressed the House on this sub-
ject. The opinion of the Right Hon. Gentleman
was, that the prevailing distress arose from the ex-
tension of the manufacture, and from over-trading.
Now with respect to the first point, he would say,
that the very measure proposed by this new system
went directly to create an extension of the manu-
facture. With respect to over-trading, the manu-
facturer would be obliged, in consequence of the
quantity of foreign goods brought into the market,
to lay out capital for the purpose of producing an
additional quantity of goods, at a cheap rate, to
compete
with the foreigner. But though the manu-
facturer might do this to a certain extent, how would
the operative be enabled to exist, when obliged to
labour 14 hours a-day in order to produce that
which formerly only. required six hours ?—(1-lear,
hear.)--.The Right Hon. Gentleman had observed
that the trade of Coventry I,':as greatly extended.
He admitted that the trade was in some degree
enlarged; but that, he believed arose from an
improvement of the machinery. Although com-
petition might, to a certain extent, have con-
tributed to the improvement of the silk trade,
yet, when those gentlemen who sttp,perted—the
new system had depiived the country of the home
market, which these measures undoubtedly would,
it was for them to show where the manufacturer
was to dispose of his commodity in its improved
state. But it did surprise him very much, if an ex-
tension of the trade and over-trading were the wise
of all this mischief, that the Right Hon, Gentleman
ha 4 taken Such
a -yery extraordinary means to cure
the evil. What did he propose to do ? Why, to re-
' duce the duty on India silks from 60 to 20 per cent.
This subject was discussed at the end of the last
session, and it was then stated that ship-loads of
silk goods were ready to be exported to this couttry
the moment the duty was lowered, 'flap other re--
medy wtv, to reduce Ow duty
Vrelnch goods to
32 per eeni. Now'he admitted that there might be
considerable distress amongst the silk-manufacturers
of France, but they would have the means of send-
ing their goods to this country, and he ivas
cot:-
voiced that the influx of silk articles from Indio, end
France would plunge the trade ia stih greater dise:
tress, and would aggravate those evils which now
raged uncontron)ed
iwhieh gave to the CeSto.lll,hease edgier
-He also objected to that part
an option to levyt}n qd vgkirem duty,
of tads Bill
or a duty by
weight-I and he hoped that the Right Hon. Gentle-
man would be inclined to reconsider that part of the
measure. There was another part of the Bill to
which he was not friendly, though, under ot'aer cir-
cumstances, it would be emended with beneficial ef-
fects. He meant theliailtatiOn of ports. He con-
ceived, so far as' it went, that this provision might
be itseful; but the benefit to be expected from it was

PRICE 7D.

more than counterbalanced by the great reduction of
duty ; because it was of no consequence what mea•
cures they adopted to prevent smuggling, if by low-
ering the duty, they legalized an extensive impor-
tation. He contended, notwithstanding the draw-
back, that it would be impossible for the British
manufacturer to export goods to the Continent
at a rate sufficiently low to enter into competition
with the foreign manufacturer. The Hon. Member
for Dover (Mr. P. Thomson) had, when this ques-
tion was before under discussion, indulged in a ge-
neral philippic against all those who opposed the
ne►w system. The Hon. Member for Montrose had
tlso observed, that the importation of the raw mate-
rial had increased, and he had asked triumphantly
whether he (Mr. Fyler) did not know that eve'',
orrice of this raw material went to the mill ? But
.he Hon. Member never took it into his calculation
that a very great quantity of that raw material was
waste; neither did he notice the great excess which
might lie on the hands of the merchant at the end
of the year. He had this morning learned, from the
town which he represented that the poor-rates,
which were 4d. and 6d. in March, had risen to is.
i►► Aptil. He would caution the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman as to •what nien,.driven to desperation, might
be impelled to do. Than the individuals employed
in the silk trade, a more loyal, patient, suffering
body of people, never existed. But a letter which
he had recently received from Macclesfield, where,
it appeared, the military had been called out, would
show the consequences which might be expected
from a system which produced so much mischief.
The writer of the letter says, " The town is all in
confusion : about 5,000 men yesterday, and the
same number this morning, while I am writing this
letter, paraded the town. Macclesfield is not the
same Macclesfield, literally speaking, as when you
left it. There was a great stir on Monday night,
several windows were broken, many special con-
stables have been sworn in, and a troop of horse has
also been sent here. The Hon. Member, after al-
luding to the situation of the weavers in S►pitalfields,
moved " That the House go into a Committee on
this Bill this day six months."

Mr. ROBINSON seconded the amendment.
The corn-growers were absolu►ely, positively, and
bona fide protected by the present law. Now what
the friends of the silk-manufacturers complained of
was this—that the law of 1826, so far from giving
protection, operated the other way; and therefore
he contended, that if no adequate protection could
be afforded by the measure to which he had alluded,
or by that which was now proposed, it was neither
unfair nor unreasonable on the part of the silk-ma-
nufacturer to ask for prohibition, however unpalat-
able or disagreeable that request might be to the
House. The Hon. Member for Aberdeen had
charged him with having said that he thanked
God he was no political economist. He had said
nothing of the sort, nor had he ever undervalued
political economy. What he complained of was,
that certain abstract principles, upon which the
writers on political economy were themselves at
variance, should be applied indiscriminately to all
cases, however different those cases might be from
each other. If this were done, and done, too,
without reference to what other countries were do-
ing, they would bring upon their own country an
evil, to which they would find themselves unable
to apply a remedy. Reference had been made,
with great exultation, to the state of our imports;
hut Hen. Members would be deceived if they at-
tended to those who told them that the Custom-
house returns were any criterion of the prosperity
of our commerce. All the trading nations of ,the
world were against us, and though the impression of
competition upon our commerce was not yet very
striking, still it was a fact that those nations were gra-
dually supplanting us,and thatlthe greater part of them
were endeavouring to exclude us from foreign markets.
He begged to remind -those Eon. Members who
supported free trade in every thing but corn, that
they would not long be allowed to repose upon the
measure of last Session, but that they would be
called upon to make sacrifices themselves. A pro-
position. had been made which had been very much
laughed at, and which was certainly a very unrea-
sonable one—ha meant the proposition for a mini-
mum price of labour. But why had the proposition
been made ? Because there was a minimum price
of corn, which was just as unreasonable.—(Hear,
hear.)—He should regret to draw the agriculture!
interest into the distress of the manufacturers—but
that must be the consequence if these measuris
were persisted in ; and when the agricultural into.
rest began to complain, as well as the manufac-
turers, they would have another person complain-
ing—he meant the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
who would come down to the House and tell them
that he could not raise the revenue. He did not
wish to indulge in gloomy anticipations. He be-
lieved the resources of this country to be almost h.-
exhaustible if the interests of the country were no
sacrificed to foreigner,. In spite of the predictions
of Lord Goderich, the foreigner granted us no reci-
procity, and the trade of the country was falling off.
The experience of five years proved that these pie-
dictions were fallacious. He. warned the Howe
how, in a coun►ry like this, with a redundant and
still increasing population, they threw thousands
out of employment—and, once more, protesting
against the measure, he begged to remind Hwt,
Members that—

" Princes and lords may flourish, ur
A breath can make them, as a breath has made;
But a bold peqsantry, their country's pride,
When once destroy'd, can never be supplied."
Mr, Alderman WAITHMAN said that the evil
they had to contend with was not a new one. It
had existed in 1826, and it had been increasing ever
since. He knew something of this trade, as well as
of the cotton trade. He might say that he had
known the latter almost from his infancy, A few
years ago we carried on a large trade in expensive
fanq articles Oft cotton manufacture. He had then
given 6s. and Bs., and 10s. a yard, for such articles;
but now you could buy a yard of such mantifaetared
goods for Is. In 1816 great distress prevailed in
the cotton trade. He ktrpv, it well, for in that year
he and others lost more than they had ever accu-
mulated. He maintained that, within the period to
which he alluded, there had been a fall of twenty-
five per cent. in 'the trade, which, in the whole,
made a reduction of six millions. This was who
had been termed a " revulsion" in the trttc/e, It
was, indeed, a revulsion, of the eireets of which tho
trade had not got rid Otytotbe present hour, There
was no '=ember of that House who was not fully
the -distress to which this great branch of
the trade of the country has been reduced. He had
been in business in 1792, and was old enough to
remember that men, who were then worth from.
50,000/. to 60,0001 have been ruined by the 'pre-
sent system of " free trade" in silk. Irtnight Ito
said that c.h4 arose from over speculatiou, It
,
I,vas true that there always had been specu-
larion, dull it was WhOleamna and good for trade
that it sAemlcl be so. Such speculations were as
necessary and productive to trade, as hurri,l
canes and storms were to the purification of ;he
atmosphere. But this was not a ntewe to cure
the evil complained of. \`4,s it then, he would
ask, fair for Boa. gentlemen to come down to that
House roti tell them, that from 1816 to 1828, r he
silk 'trade had been increasing ? He would tell the.
manner in which that apparent increase had been
made out. There had been for some time a trans-
fer from the fine Taney muslins to the silk trade, and
the' bands formerly employed at the muslin% were

he
in
nn
unfairlyet: ee esdi
lakunptdor
an
de
cruelly
but a
hnt
rest:leaktenet::: ei
neontfohcuaoagt
hrusoeofrtil silks,
st.t}l
as bandanas. He himself had never been engaged
rough
persons engaged in it, to say that it had been most
• Members must be aware, that if a shop for the sale
of English silks were opened, a:id a shop for the
sale of French silks were to be opened close to it,
the latter, though selling 20 per cent. higher,
would be surrounded with carriages, while tile for-
mer would remain neglected.—(Hear, hear.)—lle
maintained, then, that it was not fair thus to throw
open the trade in silk, without considering the inte-
rests of those who bad large capitals at stake, as
well as the thousands of more humble individuals
who lived by their labour in it. Ile had never be-
f ire heard of a Statesman who proposed the free
admission of foreign goods into this country without
restrictions, while our own manufacturers were
pining in want without employment, and that
without the slightest equivalent. It had been
truly observed that labour was property, and sc-
cording to Mr. Pitt, three-fifths of the labour of each
individual found its way into the Exchequer. Were
we then to allow foreigners to partake of such portion
of our labours as would otherwise conduce to the sets,
vice of the State ? Upori former discussions of this
question it was usual to find the House crowded,
but he was sorry that upon the present occasion
they were called upon to discuss a Bill respecting
it, he might say, to empty benches. It was a goes-
tion which affected -alike the_ agriculturist and the
manufacturer. The word " prohibition" seemed to
affright Hon. Members on the other side of the
House ; they pronounced it so softly that one would
imagine they shrunk from the sound and hail a hor-
ror of it. But he would boldly and fearlessly say,
that there must be a prohibition, or else taxation
could not go on. He would take one instance, in
which the value and consumption had decreased.
A duty, of 3-0, per yard was imposed upon printed
calicoes. Formerly that article sold at three shil-
lings per yard, now they sold at one shilling per
yard; so that a servant girl who paid Gs. or 7s. for
her garment, paid to, Government a tax of 2s.—
According to the statement of the Right lion.
Gentleman over the way, there had been a rise of
20 per cent. in woollens. Now, if a tradesman ob-
tained 5 per cent. profit, he made 101. upon the sale
of 2001. worth of goods; but if that 2001. worth
of goods was reduced in value to 100/, then, in-
stead of 5 per cent. he only received 2i per cent.;
and thus he nsust work twice as hard, and force his
goods down people's throats, in order to gain a
livelihood. He was, as much as any man, a friend to
free trade, such as he understood it to be. He consi-
dered :free trade to be the export of the surplus of
this country, in order to obtain tile surplus of ens
other country, of which we stood in need. Thia
interchange of commodities he considered for the
benefit of both. But if France, or any other coun-
try, should not agree to act upon the same system,
why, he asked, should England determine to do so ?
They had been told that a free trade ought to exist z
and that if those persons now engaged in the silk
trade could not carry it on with profit, they must
turn their capital into some other channel. This
might do very well when the trade was first inure.
duced, but it was rather too late, after the fostering
care and protection which had been extended to ir,
to turn round and tell the parties that they should
no longer be protected or encouraged, but must
shift for themselves. He contended that tile average
of imports, as referred to in 1826, was most unfair,
as the greater part of the silk imported from Bengel
came without being thrown. The Right Hon.
Gentleman over the way had told the House that
the best criterion of prosperity was consumption ;
but in his calculation he omitted some material arti-
cles in which consumption had decreased—tlity were
the following:—
In 1824 and 5 the increase in the consumption of beer
was 790,000 barrels.

In 1826 and 7 there was a decrease of 729,178 barrels.
In 1827 a decrease in British spirits of 2i rn-ilians of •

In tum of a million gallons.
In brandy 180,000 gallon.
In sugar of about 250,060 cwt.

•
There bas been this year an increase of about 100,000
barrels of beer ; an increase in coffee, owing to a fall in
price from 100 s. to 40a. ; in cotton wool, to a fall of 50
per cent; and an increase in sugar.

There has been a fall of 60 per cent. in sheep's wool.
The Right Hon: Gentleman over the way had
told them that there had been an increase of exports
to the amount of twelve millions within the last
year; but how did he make good that statement ?
Why, he did so by stating the official value of the
articles, whereas in fact the real value was 16 mil-
lions less. The House might not, perhap,,, under-
stand the difference between the official and the de-
clared valtie of merchandiT.e.,--(Hear, hear, and a
laugh.)—ln the year 1814 both were alike; nay,
there were sorrw instances in which the declared
value of articles was double the official value, Ilea
others in which it exceeded it by more tfran one
half. In 1816 the export of cotiort '`Was sixteen
millions ; in 1817, twelve millions ; but during. the
five years before 1828, it was ten millions; and in
the last year it was under that sum.
In 1816 the official pike of cotton exported

was X 21,000,000
The declared value was 16,000,000
. •
In 1826, the bfiicial value of Exports was... 26,000,000
The declared value wijs
In 1827, the pffieisl value of Exports was.„ 21,000,00,1
The decla.cl value was 10,003,000
4n 182 S, the official value of Exports was 29,000,000
l'he declared value was 15.000,000
After this statement, taken from official docu-
ments, what must the House think, were they to jet
the unfortunate. persons engaged to be allowed to
perish ? No ; they must h supported either by
trade or by the country, even though they should
be employed to dig 'holes and fill them up agr:m.
But they lid been: told that a free trade would 'nem-
fit the shipping interest, inasmuch as if we 'lmported
two, millions of merchandise, we shoule, in turn, ex-
port two millions of our own produce. But was
such the fact ? He defied the :Right Hon. Gent, to
prove it. Again, they had ben told that there had
been an increase of expotts of our manufactures
within the last fetw. years. But how stood the fact?
The exports, of the manufactures and produce of
the Vulted Kingdom, with the official and de-
ek4red or real value, fcr the last four years, were
as follow :

Official Value.. Declared Value. Ditretence.
1825 X47,150,0i8*,. X 38,870,945... X 8,279,744
1826 ...... 40,45,,735 31,536,723
1827 ~t; 2,219,280 37,182,857 13,636,423
Isip ~,,..52,797,455 36,814,17(1 15,983,279
So that it appeared by the above statement, that
the real value of the goods exported was about six-
teen millions below 04 Official value; that the ex,
ports of 1526 were to a less amount than those of
1825 by netwly seven•and a half millions ; those of
1827 maim thti4 4 million and a half less than those
of );6.20; and those of 1828 more than tw
less than those of 1827; making together a falling
off in our export trade for the last three years of
more than ele%en millions; %rhea a very large in-
crease ought to have been expected, in consequence
of our large importations of corn and foreign silkF,
wines, and other articles. The &et was, that its
making such regulations, we must yield to eirecua.
stanceswe must he regulated by the conduct of
ether States towards us. He would, with the leave
of the House, read an extract car two from the
speeches of aome of our greatest Statesmen upon
this subject. The late Lord Lansdowne, in speak,
ing upon the subject., said,--" Our manufacturf:;s are
transitory and Meeting, The productions of France
positive and eternal—they remained as long as the
earth continued; ought we not, thereiote to receive
something in exchange ? Th?ipa were luxuries--
ours were necessaries, and we had a right to ex-
pect an equivalentt" The late NIL Fox, speak-
ing on the se;',..-o subject, said-44 With respect to
the eqv,ivatent Which we were to have for the re-
duction of the ditties on French wines, so as to ad-
mit them more freely into our ports, he wished to
know what article had we the privilege of export-
ing into France ? He knew of none. It ap-
veered to him, therefore, an advantage given to

France without an equivalent."—ln his opinion
the principle of free trade ought to be acted upon
by our neighbours as well as ourselves; that there
ought, in fact, to be a complete reciprocity before
we established it as the rule for the foreign corn-
merce in this country. Even the most speculative
wri tern on political economy had not said that we
ought to take from other countries without their
taking our manufactures in turn ; and yet Ministers
said now that they would allow free importation,
though they acknowledged the market to be over-
stocked. Our manufactories would stand still.
Disguise the matter as they would, " to that com-
plexion it would come at last." Adam Smith had
said, " The silk, perhaps, is the only manufacture
which would suffer the most by this freedom of trade.
Humanity may require that the freedom of trade
should be restored only by slow gradations, and with
a good deal of reserve and circumspection. Were
those high duties and prohibitions taken away all at
once, cheaper foreign goods might be poured so fast
into the home market as to deprive all at once many
thousands of our people of their ordinary employment
and means of subsistence. Changes should be
made slowly, gradually, and after a very long warn-
ing." Another remark here presented itself, and
that was the view taken by foreigners of our free
trade system, and to shew what that view was, he
would quote the words used by the Director of the
French Cu-toms to the British Minister,on his appli-
cation for a reduction of duties, pari passu, with that
of Great Britain ; the French Director of the Cus-
toms, Monsieur de St. Criq, sagaciously replied,
" the system adopted by England is admirable, be-
cause it endangers none of her manufactures; and we,
when we are as forward as England, will be as
liberal; but until then we must stand fast by our
prohibitory system." He would now beg the atten-
tion of the House to a few observations made by
Mr. Pitt, who seemed to him (Mr. Alderman
Waldman) to have taken a very correct view of
the subject He conceived they were empowered
to preserve all the prohibitions which they might
think it wise to continue; he knew not of any possi-
bility of sending the wool, the fuller's earth, or the
tools of the manufacturers, out of the kingdom. It
was ridiculous to imagine France would consent to
yield advantages without an idea of return. She
gained for her wines and other produce an opulent
market : we did the same to a greater degree.
France gained a market for her proc.uce, which em-
ployed in preparation but few hands, gave little en-
couragement to its navigation, and produced but
little so the State; we gained a market for our ma-
n'tfaCturee, which employed many hundreds of thou-
sands in collecting materials from every corner of
the ►sorld, advanced our maritime strength, and
which, in all its combinations, and every article and
stage of its progress, contributed largely to the
State. The high price of labour in England arose
chiefly from the Excise, and three-fifths of the price
of labour were said to come into the Exchequer.'
It was the nature and essence of an argument be-
tween a manufacturing country, and a country
bleasied with peculiar productions, that the advan-
tage must terminate in favour of the former ; but it
was peeuliarly fitted for both countries. France was,
by the peculiar dispensation of Providence, gifted,
perhaps, more than any other country upon earth—
in what made life desirable in point of soil, climate,
and natural productions, It had most fertile vine-
yards, and the richest harvests, The greatest luxu-
ries of man ►were produced at little cost, and at
moderate labour. Britain was not togs blest by
nature; but on the contrary, it possessed, through
the happy freedom of its Constitution, and equal
energy of its laws, an energy in its enterprise, snd a
stabiiity in its exertions, which had gradually raised
it to a state of commercial grandeur; and not being
so bountifully gifted by Heaven, it had traenrse to
labour and art, by which it had acquired the ability
of supplying its neighbour with all the necessary
embellishments of life, in exchange for her natural
lusuries." He grounded himself upon the authority
of Mr. Pitt, when he described the majority of the
excise as coming from the lower class of the people.
Had he said so of his own authority, he might have
been accused of being a Jacobin or a Radical; but,
of course, upon such authority he should pass un-
eon-Indicted. He urged the House to pause before
they determined on adhering to a system that would
go to destroy the home trade—a trade which was or
much more importance than the foreign trade to this
country. He had no personal motive in his present
opposition to the Government, but he trusted that,
lining they were convinced, beyond tbg possibility of
doubt, of the necessity of this measure, they would
not obstinately go through with it. He did not wish
to see any thing done by the present Ministry that
would provoke opposition to them; but he must say
that he thought the course they were now pursuing
was e►ot one calculated to benefit the country.

Six 11, PARNELL expressed his satisfaction at
tbe, determination of his Majesty's Ministers to puts
sue the .lined ,commercial policy adopted by them
in 1824.. treat
portion of the present distress
g
was robe founts in the eonduct of the manufacturers
themselves, who ham been engaged in a system of
. in the and, of pros
evertrading that could n:t
"'th w"' that In the
during most evil effects. The t.
f Parliament
present case it was out of the power . 4u „
to provide a remedy for the evils that affec
silk trade, and for this reason—that those evils
not originate with Parliament. There was, no
doubt, much temporary distress ; but it was also
undeniable that the country was, on the whole,
richer than it was, and had become so within
the period marked out by this change in
our commercial policy. The opinion of the
country now was, that the distress was not
occasioned by the alteration in the law, and
that it was caused by the over-trading.—
He thought, that if from the beginning of the Silk
Trade in this country it had been left to itself, it
would now have been in a flourishing condition, and
that nothing but the interference of Government, in
pretending to protect it, had first injured it. He
said this, because he did not believe that every other
eountry, not even France, possessed such advantages
as we enjoyed. Even in the instance of labour
itself, England was on an equality with France.
He was convinced that the course at present pur-
sued by his Majesty's Government met with the
general approbation of the country and of that
Mouse ; and he therefore trusted that when the
Right Hon. Gentleman found himself so supported,
be would be induced not only to persevere in a
.:nurse which would finally lead to the prosperity of
she country, but continue to act, with still more con-
fidence, up to the views which the present Ministers
appeared to entertain on the subject.
Mr. ATTWOOD had listened with a great deal
o Attention to the elaborate statement put forth by
the eight Hon. Gentleman, in order to justify the
cotuse which Government was pursuing, and he was
compelled to say, that Government did not appear
to him to give any distinct and tangible explanation
of that knowledge which it professed to possess so
accurately. What were the measures that the Go-
vernment proposed to adopt ? Why, after it was
admitted on all hands that the silk trade was la-
bouring under very great difficulties—(Cries of
" No," and " Yes," from the opposite sides of the
House)—the measure, in the first place, went to
destroy at least one portion of the silk trade for the
sake of benefiting the others; so that even that des-
perate attempt on one body of manufacturers
could not be made without a corresponding disad-
vantage. The Hon. Baronet bad said that this
measure was not founded on the principles of free
trade; but if he had understood the Right Hon.
Gent. aright, he had asserted that this measure was
grounded on those principles. He (Mr. Attwood) cer-
tainly coincided :n that feeling, and he would ask the
Government whether it was its intention to sacrifice,
under the name of free trade, the commercial, mantis
facturing, and agricultural interests orthe country ? If
he understood the term " free trade," it signified a free
and unrestrained exchange of all commodities between
one nation and another. No doubt, if such an in-
terchange could be effected, it would redound greatly
to, the advantage of many of the nations of Europe,
_o44igti fie svotlid take the liberty of stating that it

would not be equally advantageous to all; but till
such a commercial code should be embraced by the
whole of Europe, it would be dangerous for any in -1
dividual country to act upon them.—(Hear, hear.)
—What had been the result of the approaCh Eng-
land had already made towards the system ? Had
any one duty, with respect to this country, in other
nations been taken off, or even mitigated ? Nothing
of the sort had taken place. Let Hon. Gentlemen
look to America. None of the new light with
which thisAountry teemed, had reached that nation,
and he ho doubt that if any diplomatist front
England should go there to ask them to reduce the
import duty on goods of our manufacture, the an-
swer would be—" No ; we consider restriction on
your industry of advantage to our produce." The
fact was, that no importation could thrive without a
corresponding exportation, and that could not be
hoped for in this country, unless all the trading
nations of the world were to coincide in one sys-
tem.—(Hear, hear.)—They had been told that the
great obstruction to the Lancashire manufacturers
had been our refusal to admit the grain of Russia
and Poland. But last year the grain of these
countries.were received, and the result was still the
same. The ready answer for this was, that we
had not waited long enough : he would, however,
venture to say, that let us wait as long as we would,
such a result would never ensue ; and that, if the
coming harvest should be such as to require a further
importation of grain, the consequence would be detri-
mental, instead of advantageous, to the manufacturer.
—(Hear, hear.)—lt was an error to suppose that
capital could be removed from one employment to
another without injury, and this error was one into
which Adam Smith had fallen. Experience had
proved that the most serious evils arose from at-
tempting to remove capital from one occupation to
another. In 1818, the land of England had been
abandoned for other objects, according to the plans
of the political economists. They had parcelled out
the country, and divided its soil into pastures, N% hich
they called numbers 1,2, 3,4, and 5 ; and they '
had stated, that numbers 5 and 4 must be abandoned,
and the capital of the farmer removed from it.
What was the consequence ? Why 175 adver-
tisements appeared in a provincial newspaper of
farming stock to be sold, which explained what were
the:effects of removing capital from land. The suffer-
ings and ruin of the farmer explained them. The poverty
and distress of the agricultural labourer told the same
story. But though the theorists might talk of removing
capital as an easy matter, the people, the labourers,
could not be removed, and they were likely to perish
by the change. What constitutes the capital of the
manufacturer ? Machinery and dwellings adapted
to his trade, and to the localities of his situation,
and stock of different kinds in the various stages of
production. Only a part, and a small part, of this
capital was susceptible of being removed. Another
and most important part of capital consists of the
knowledge, skill, and experience of the labourer.
That skill, experience, and knowledge could not be
removed ; for they could not be applied to another
trade. The disadvantages of removal were so great,
the confidence that a man had in his own skill was
so great, and he had so little confidence in other em-
ployments, that he never did remove unless he was
compelled. Men would not change their employ..
merits whatever ruin might be brought on them by
a restless Legislation. They clung to the remnants
of their ruined fortune.—(Hear, hear.)—Despair,
and nothing but despair, could make them give up
their trade. The labourer, therefore, and his skill,
were lost by any change. Much had been said
about speculation ; but of all speculation that was
the most desperate which legislated on the supposi-
tion that tire labourer could give up the line of his
pursuits, and capital be withdrawn from any occu-
pation at the command of the legislator without loss.
The silk weaver, who had besieged the doors of that
Uopse with his prayers, and who was then waiting
in patience and with confidence for the decisions of
that House, which they did not deserve—the silk
weaver was an efficient, a skilful, and he would
say an eminently valuable member of the eßmmu:-
;I.ity, deserving that his qualities and his pursuits
should he respected by all ; but he mow found him-
self thrown out of his line, inefficient, helpless, and
an incumbrance to himseif end the community. The
six months' suffering to which lie imd. ppvv been ex-
posed had already taken 20 years from his life,
added them to his age. He was the victim of
disease and familie; and his family, whom he had
carefully trained up in habits of industry, were
found naked in the streets, and were doomed to
starvation, or to swell the large list of juvethie
offenders. By this process, the weavers were as
certainly doomed to extermination as if they were
condemned to civil or military execution ; but they
were not so quickly dispatched. To remove them
from one occupation to another, was to doom
them to sufferings and destruction. Was their value
so small, their character so bad, that they were thus
to hp silently and certainly doomed ? Were they
merely the producers of bad silk at a high price ?
No : they were coNerners of our own produce to
a great extent. The first duty, he thought, of the
Government of a commercial country, .was tp foe:-
.cure a market for the surplus produce of its soil.—
If there were oo soh market, that produce would be
ralueless, and the industry which preated it would be
laid asicifi, If a market were found for thap pro-
'lace, the industry of the country was d,eyeloped,
and capital of the co4Nry would he increased.
He knewt:::!t this was oppos'ed tp the doctrine of
the political economists; but be would contend that
we ought to provide a maiitot for our surplus pro-
duce, and leave our imports to take care of them-
selves. No market for this was equal to the home
market ; anti this market consisted of our own ma-
nufacturers. The few hundred thousand men who
were engaged in the silk trade were a better market
for our own agricultural produce than fifteen million
foreigners. The silk manufacturers also consumed
our woollens and our linens, and encouraged the
productions of all classes. But now they could buy
nothing; ail their property was carried to the pawn-
brokers; their decencies had first been sacrificed,
and now they had given up whet was necesssry to
their existence. Their property fell into the heed of
the general dealer, and was rolled back on the pro:
ducer, stopping up all the outlets for his productions,
This population, who had once been so useful to all
their fellow-citizens, were now spreading distress on
every side, and corrupting by stagnation every branch
of industry. He could not consider the silk manu-
facturers as useless and inetliciept members of so-
ciety—they were rather some of its essential and vital
parts. They constituted portions of the strength and
wealth of the empire ; they were the elements of our
nation:lj greatness and prosperity, and their prosperity
could not be ihminislied without injuring the whole.
Nature had lavished on this
.ernpirp all the sources
of abundance. They were all sarrifiece4 x 9 the re-
morseless precepts of a false theory. The mea-
sures which had destroyed our prosperity were not
founded on experience, but on doubtful theories,
and could not .be carried into execution without
bringing famine on tb,c. country. He did not think
the measure recommended by f,ii;estv's Govern-
ment would lessen the evils of the sific manufac;
Curer-, or give them any relief. These evils, he be-
lieved, originated in general causes, which affected
the whole industry of the country, and they called
on Parliament to institute ap infjeiry into the whole
condition of the country. (Hear, hear.)

31r, SADLER contended that the itnpolicy of
acting on the principles of flee trade was shewn by
the distress of our capitalists, and by our labourers
steeped to the lips in poverty and misery. Tka
principles of free trade had paralysed every interest
it had touched. The plough and the shuttle had
been sacrificed to jobbers and speculators. This
country was weighed down by taxation and could
not dispense with restrictions: To admit the silks
of France wab giving a bounty and a premium to
the looms of that country. If the House were to go
into A committee, it 'Would be prpved that the
English labourer was subjected to a heavier toll than
the French labourer,. Under such circumstances, it
was necessary that the trade of England should'be
guarded and protected. We are now acting on con-

trary principles. The Hon. Mfmber then obsefved,
that the diminution of the consumption of malt, and
the increase of the number of bankruptcies, were
sufficient evidences of the tendencies of free trade to
deteriorate the condition of the people. In the three
years before 1826, when the free trade system was
established, the average number of bankruptcies
amounted to 1,3.55; while, in the three years slime
the system was called into operation, the number
amounted to 2,609, being an increase of nearly 100
?er cent. Without adverting to the alarming in.
crease of the poor rates, which had been increasing
from the termination of the war up to 1826, and the
equally alarming increase of crime—it might be at
once declared, that the theories of the political eco-
nomists were rapidly plunging the country into the
extremities of misery and distress. He did not
blame the present head of the Board of Trade for
this result. He believed that the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman was compelled to follow the course marked
out by his predecessors; but lie implored him, to
pause before it was too late, and consider well the
consequences likely to result from his measures.
Mr.COURTENAY said, that two remedies were
suggested for the evils which prevailed in that trade:
one to prohibit this importation altogether, and the
other to give a duty sufficient for the•protection of
the British manufacture. Prohibition, it was cer-
tain, could not prove an effectual support, because
its object would would be defeated by smuggling;
and, indeed, it was by no means certain that the
distress of the silk weavers could be fairly attributed
to the importation of foreign silk, for it was well
known that great distress existed in some other trades
where no importation was allowed. In France, for
instance, where the restrictive system prevails to
the greatest extent, there was quite as much dis-1
tress in various branches of manufactures. After
all the consideration which the Government were en-
abled to apply to the subject, they had come to.ehe
conclusion that the distress was mainly owing to
over-trading, or what was more generally denomi-
nated over production. The Hon. Member for
Callington (Mr. Baring) had ridiculed this as'ime
possible, and declared that the merchants and
manufacturers of this country knew their interests
too well to be guilty of such folly. This would be
very well, and was no doubt true, where the manu-
facturers had an opportunity of consulting together;
but the fact was, that a competition took place be.
tween the manufacturers, which gave rise to this
over production ; and it therefore became not a
competition between English and French manufac-
turers, but between English and English. This ac-
counted for that consumption of the raw material to
which the Hon. Member for Newark alluded, and to
which Government had not referred as a proof of
prosperity, but of a great extension of trade. He
then read an extract from the petition of the silk
manufacturers of London, which ascribed the evils
of that trade to the want of prohibitory or protect-
ing duties. It was alleged on the part of the peti-
tioners, that the cause of their distress was the great
importation of foreign goods. Now, the legal im-
portation was extremely small, and did not ep-
roach to the one-twentieth part of the whole ma-
nufacture of the kingdom. But, on the other hand,
it was said there was a great importation of foreign
goods, by smuggling; and the petitioners stated that
the amount of this illegal importation was three
times as much as the legal importation. In con-
quence of this statement, his Right Hon, Friend
(Mr. V. Fitzgerald) had set about to ascertain the
expense at which foreign goods could be imported;
and the result to which he came, on the best infor-
mation he could obtain, was, to propose the reduc-
tion of the duties on foreign silk, to the utmost
point at which there was any probability of collect-
ing the duty. He maintained that Government
,were giving to the silk manufacturer the utmost
protection which the case would permit. There
was no disposition on the part of Governinerit to
depart from the system adopted in 1824 and 1825.
With regard to a point which had been frequently
adverted to in the debate—the importation of raw
silk- he would beg to state, that on comparing the
three years *before the resti:ictioos were taken off,
and the two last years since the system had come
into complete operation, that importation had actually
doubled. The increase which had taken place was
much too great to be accounted for on any of the
ground;, stated by the petitioners. The fact was,
that the importatfonef raw silk had actually increiteed
from 2,000,0001b5. to 4,000,0001b5. a year. He de-
nied what had been stated by the Hon. Member
for Callington (Mr. Attweod), that the present
measure was parrying still further the system to
which he objected, by a greater reduction of the
duty on foreign silk goads. That system was ori-
givally adopted in 1824, and established in 1826,
when the duty was fixed at 30 per cent. as the
?na:fiinue or highest duty to be collected, and to
that duty Goverpmept pow adhered. .1-11F1' !la4
been said as to the concomitant' importation and e-4-
portation that had taken place in the foreign trade of
this country, in consequence of the measures adopted
for giving it greater freedom. It was perfectly true
that these measures had produced, or had certainly
been rclpwed by a very considerable importation of
foreign merchandise, and theincreeee pf the e*pprtaa
tion of British goods. During the three years before
the restrictions were removed, as compared with the
two yeprs since, there was an increase of the im-
portetionpf foreign geode of no than l 2,000,000;,
according to the. official value, namely, from tp
44,000,0001. During the same period, the increase
Pr the. e*pprtetion of British manufacture was from
42 to 52 millions, fie wiihpa also to cap the attpnr
tion of the House to the fact that the exports were
chiefly of those articles which were either of
our own manufacture, or in which there was
ne r.'oi:opp4ition with this country. These were
glass, molasses, raw silk, spger, tea, cotton,
wool, and the only article or a doubtful tia.•
tpre was sheep's wool. During the same time there
had bee; i also a very Considerable increase indeed of
the importation of 'cotton goods, Cotton yarn, wine,
and steel, wrought and unwrought, and linen manu-
factures. For every importation of foreign goods
there was a corresponding export of British produce
end manufactures in iron, copper, brass, hardware,
and lead pee. 4a tp the argument that we ought
not to take foreign gooilifrpm those cquatriee which
refused in return to receive others, he would "billy
answer by reading the passage from the London"
Petition of 1820. These principles of commercial
intercourse were generally admitted; for no country
but Russia persevered in a severe and obstinate
system pr prohibition. In France there was a
strong dispotion towards an 4pproAiin4tioil to free
trade, and in Germany there were similar mil).
toms. Prussia, indeed, had a freer system of trade
'than even this country. The Hon. Gentleman, in
concluding, disclaimed any intention of giving alec-
ter; on political economy, though convinced that
the only Bound principle for the commercial iptpre
course of nations was that of absolute freedom ;
for who could say that any nation should be prohi-
bited from buying or selling according to its interest
with other nations 1

Mr, BARING thought the debate had gone too
much on general priP6Pies. CAlleutip
(Mr. Attwood) had ably advocated the doctrines of
political economy, and nobody had attempted to an-
swer him. When he beard the advocates of the silk
trade declaiming against theories, he could not help
being reminded of the Ourgeokg9tithonune of Mo-
liere, who found that he Irad been talking Ppetry all
his life without being aware of it; so Hon. Mem-
bars complained of theories, and yet were full of
psenthreemtt Bill,
herns
because,eives.7-(if ‘
A laugVe h7)i7etle4 supported the
to teject it, we
should go back in other branches of trade which had
now been reduced to a system. He, for one, was
r 4-41 41:nosed to go back to the old system, because
in o h worked beneficially tp the
countryth e
; e
and silk trade Was an odor:
c r
ipoe e
althought l t
tunate branch of trade in this country, arising from a
combinatiOn of circumstances, yet he was not sure
that it Would he better off if other principles than
anise in which the present Bill was founded were
acted upon. He concluded by expressing his sup-

port of the measure propounded b e Righe-Hon.
Gentleman. ;
Mr. MABERLY supported the , against the
theories of the Member for Callington (Mr. Att-
wood), and the declamations of the Member for
Newark (Mr. Sadler.) He did not stadd up as the
supporter of free trade, but he aimed at an approxi-
mation towards it, as far as was consistent with the
interests and peculiar situation of the country. He
thought the duty at 30 per cent. well adapted to
this country in reference to the duties on other arti-
cles. The Hon. Member concluded by expressing
his support of the Bill, and his disposition to can-
vass fairly and attentively the clauses of the Bill in
Committee.

Mr. MONCK opposed the Bill.
The cries of " Question l" were renewed on the
close of the Hon. Member's speech. The gallery
was then cleared for a division. The House then
divided—

_ For the Amendment
Against it 9O
Majority 6B
The House then resolved itself into the Committee.
After a short discussion, in which Mr. Baring, Mr.
Ward, Mr. Fyler, Mr. V. Fitzgerald, Mr. P. Thom-
son, Mr. Courtenay, Mr. G. Phillips, Mr. Hume,
Mr. Robinson, Mr. Alderman Waithmaa, Mr. Wells,
&c., participated, the various clauses of the Bill were
agreed to.
The House having resumed, the Report was
brought up, and ordered to be received on Monday
neat.

The other Orders of the Day were then disposed
of, and the House adjourned at Two o'clock.

LIS'
WHO VOTED POE THE

;T OF THE MINORITY
AMENDMENT THAT THE 81,LE BILL EE cq
TIM THAT D4V atz wznoli2,
E,,tcouxt, I'. G. B. Sibthorpe, C. I).
Heathcote, Sir W. Smith, Abel
Heathcote, Sir G. Vyvyan, Sir R.
Monet, J. B. Waithman, Ald.
Palmer, R. Wells, J.
Rickford, W.
Sadler, M. T. TELLERS.
Seymour, Henry Fyler, T. B.
4014413 P. Ge4:4fe

Attwood, M.
Banked, H.
Bastard, E. P.
Bright, H.
Davenport, D.
Dickinson, W.
Dui combs, Hon. W.
Egerton, W.
Encorni4e, Lora

NO LOATHSOMNESSE IN LOVE.

What I fancy I approve—
No dislike there is in love ;
Be my mistresse short or tall,
And distorted therewithall ;
Be she likewise one of those
That an acre hath of nose ;
Be her forehead and her eyes
Full of incongruities ;
Be her cheeks so shallow too,
As to show her tongue wag through ;
Be her lips ill hung or set,
And her grinders black as Jet;
Has she thinne haire, bath she non 44
She's to me a paragon.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs, in Paris'
has granted leave of absence to J. B. GRTE, a French
sailor, who, at the imminent risk of his own life, saved
two English ladies from drowning, whilst battling in the
spa at Boulogne, to permit him to attend the Anniversary
Festival of the Royal Humane Society, on Monday next, to
receive the honorary medallion from the hands of Adwirdi
Sir EDWARD CODR4NGTONI

This may be justly called the Age of Novels.
Never was such there such an abundance of works of Sction
suited to every class—fashionable novels, satirical novels,
sentimental novels, historical novels, travelling novels,
military novels, naval novels, religious novels, and even
anti-religious novels. Drawn into the irresistible current
of the ruling taste, the philosopher who formerly would
have written an essay, the humourist who would have
penned a estire, the traveller who would have published
his i.urnal, the soldier who would have narrated his cam-
paigns,—each now works up his materials into the ap-
proved form of a novel in three volumes. Another variety
of the religious class has just appeared. The great success
the Qt thodox min Calvinistic novels has, we presume,
led to this novelty on the CATHOLIC side, under the title
of FLORENCE, which, besides some very interesting cha-
racters, contains a full allowance of the subtle argument
and eloquent dialogue which form the great attraction for
the readers of this species of books.

So:ne surprise is expressed in the city that the
office of chief cashier at the Bank has been suffered to re-
main vacant, and has been the case for more than three or
four weeks, as such delay, when good things are to be
given away, is far from being usual. The emoluments or
the office, if the current notion of its value. may ho-
ylopted, life not much less than 5,0004 annually. The
rumour put forth to-day, to account for the long inter-
regnum, is that the office is intended by the Directors for
one of their own body, who will vacate hit teat for *4
purpose of taking it, TWs repp.O, hsweyer, is difficult to
beliwte, and of course requires confirmation.— Times.

We understand the engagement between N.
LAPORTE and Mademoiselle SONTAG has been entirely
broken off, on the following grounds :—The name of
Mademoiselle SONTAG has been advertised to appear e.II
Tuesday next, not only without htiving con9ltide4 the one-
ditiois of the engab.et4ot, but we believe against her own
request. The lady wished to sing at Concerts as well as
at the King's Theatre, but M. LAroezx would not con-
sent ; offers having been made to Mademoiselle SONTAG to
sing at six Concerts at the Argyll Rooms, in which
Signor Viatuti and Alademoiselle ELAM are to sing,
Mademoiselle SONTAG accepted the terms proriosedt
it sfqins, hqs tryle q subsequent or of con,.
orderable amount if the lady would forego the promise she
had previously made, but nothing could induce her to
crifice her word.

Many carriages at the late Levee and Draw-
ing-reom had additional foot-boards attached to the hind
standards, so as to prevent those which followed them pe.
netrating the panels,
13ISTUltBAttOE MACCLESFIELD.---On
.
Thursday a meeting was held for the purpose of petition-
ing Parliament against the measures proposed by Mr.
FITZGERALD, and for an indemnity for the losses the wea-
vers have sustained. At this meeting one of the speakers
made use of some very violent and inflammatory language,
and there is no doubt that thin, coupled with the determi-
nation of Messrs. Bnocp,xfatias.rs, the most extensive
manufacturers in the town, to make a further reduction in
their already low wages, has led to the results we are
about to detail. About eight o'clock on Monday evening
the first demonstrations of riot were manifested, by the
assembly of parties of men and boys in the market-place,
drawn together, no doubt, by a preconcerted arrangement.
In about half an hour, nearly a thousand individuals had
qatTcnbled, and at a giver! signal they Proigededi amidst
hind cheering, to commence the work of demolition at
Messrs. BROCXLEHURSTS factory, in Hurdsfield, about
half a mile from the town. Meanwhile the Magistrates
and some of the principal inhabitants of the town, without
having any distinct idea of the object which the rioters
had in view, assembled at the Town-hall, and a number of
special constables were sworn in. The recruiting partieci
oatioiied in tlrpt Wwr, Issve alsn pet tinder arms, and, in
oompany with the special constables, followed in the route
taken by the mob. On their arrival in Hurdsfield, how-
ever, they were too late to prevent the completion of the
mischief, fom the mob had succeeded in demolishing all the
windows in front of Messrs. BROCILEHURSTS' factory, and
in breaking and extinguishing 'every gas lamp in ihe;r
rco, What might liave been theieulterior object is not
known, for on the approach of the civil force, the mob
speeolivin!y,
dispersed, and before midnight the town was res-
tored to its wonted tr,inquillity. A meeting of delegates
from the several factories was held the same night, when
it was resolved that a general strike of all the weavers
should take place,
meetingilfestir o
s.ofathocex‘LvEenavtlertresT:vaas held
g ev6
to pay the prices which are paid by other mandacturers.
in an empty factory, when the resolution palmed by the de-
On
legates on the previous evening was unanimously adopted;
Tuesday morninguntil a
and between 2,000 and 3,000 weavers paraded the streets
during the aftenioon, but without any manifestations of
riot pr disordFr. Neyerthe;es, it was deemed udvisahle,
ter tile preseryatipn of the public peace, that a military
force should be stationed in the town and accordingly a
despatch was eent to the officer in command at INlan-
ehelter, and 41)00 nine o'clatA in the evening the fears of
the inhabitants were relieved by the arrival of two troops
of the first Dragoon Guards, who were followed soon
afterwards by a detachment of the 67th infantry, from
Stockport. Yesterday (Wednesday) the turn-outs, several
thousands in number again Walked in pracssiori thiaragh
the streets, prec*d by a Bated of music playicg the
peed Margit," and carrying flags trimmed with black
crape, on one of which was inscribed the words cc We
only want to work for our living.' Up to one o'clock no
further symptoms of riot had been manifested, and it was
hoped that the presence of the military would tend to res-
tore the town to tranquillity.—manehester Paper.