The Sun.
London, England, 1827-05-11 00:00:00

THE OHIO STATE.

This portion of the United States of North
America affords one of the 'most striking in-
stances of increase in population and wealth.
Only thirty years ago a desert, which scarcely
knew the step of civilized man, it has already
risen to the third rank in the order of the Union,
and before this decade has passed away, will pre-
sent 1,000,000 active and happy inhabitants.
Five years ago this State counted 581,434
inhabitants, and at the present time 850,000, an
increase which surpasses all previous experience.
Ohio *pis 16 representatives and senators to
the General Congress at Washington ; and 72
representatives, with 36 senators, form' the in-.
ternal state, or the domestic legislature. Four
upper and nine departmental judges administer
the law ; and a militia, consisting of cavalry, in-
fantry, yeomen, &c. can station 150,000 men
for the defence of the country. For this view,'
the state is divided into fourteen divisions and
forty-eight brigades, under the command re-
spectively of the same number of generals.—
In the past year there were actually enrolled in
the State-office 99;997 infantry, 3,292 cavalry,
and 1,530 artillery, making a total of 104,819
men. A small part of these receive their arms
from, the armories of the United States ; the rest
furnish themselves at their own expence. In the
register of arms there appear 36,356 muskets,
2,131 pistols, 3,786 daggers and swords, six
36-pounders, and two 4-pounders. Yet all the
trade of Ohio has flowed through ,the sister
states, and this state has, properly speaking, no
foreign commerce ; its exports to the other parts
of the Union consist of corn, meal, horned cattle,
horses, tobacco, &c., its in-trade of the products
of the southern states. Trade is increasing at an
extraordinary rate, and on the completion of the
canals even this rate must be accelerated.
The first of the Ohio canals is 306 miles
long, and runs from Portsmouth on the Ohio to
Alveland in lake Erie. The second canal, 68
miles long, runs in the direction of Dayton to
Cincinnata. From 5,000 to 6,000 labourers are
constantly at work on them. In 1828, three-
fourths of the canals will be completed ; and in
1830, the work be entirely finished. The prin-
cipal navigation is on Lake Erie and the Ohio
river. The' chief harbours on the former are
Put-in-Bay, IVlanmee-Bay, the town of San-
dusky, Cleveland, Fairpot, and Ashtabula.—
During the year 1825, 286 ships and steam-
vessels put into Sandusky Bay alone. Between
40 and 50 schooners and four steam-vessels con-
stantly trade on Lake Erie. The cultivation of
the land is advancing with like rapidity, and is
peculiarly promoted by the level character of the
country. 504 post-houses carry on the quick
interchange of letters.
The national capital of the state, according to
the estimate under the law of 1825, amounts to
59,506,451 dollars, viz. landed estate, consist-
ing-of 15,143,309 acres, valued at 37,714,225
dollars ; buildings on the land, valued at
1,549,889 dollars ; property in towns, 7,321,034
dollars ; 138,074 horses, valued at 5,517,810
dollars ; 274,689 heads of horned cattle,
2,201,092 dollars ; capitals- in trade, 5,202,400
dollars. Elementary schools are established
throughout the state ; 13 academies, and 5 col-
leges, at Athens, Oxford, Western Reserve,
Kenyon, and Cincinnati,, promote the progress
of science. Athens is exclusively devoted 'to
theology, and Oxford to medicine ; four other
colleges are already incorporated, but have not
yet commenced their courses. Sixty-two news-
papers, of which one is daily, were published at
the beginning of this year. ,

ZOOLOGICAL' SOCIETY.--Mr. Brookes's
second Lecture on the Comparative Anatomy of
the Ostrich, which was delivered at the house of
this Society on Wednesday, attracted a nume-
rous and distinguished audience. In this Lec-
ture, Mr. Brookes having adverted to the chain
of affinities which leads from the least organised
being up to the most perfect type of the animal
kingdom--man, entered .at considerable length
upon a demonstration of the osteology of the
ostrich, and pointed out the various peculiarities
of the cranium, of the orbits, with some cursory
remarks on the eye ; and when speaking of the
temporal bones, made pertinent allusion to the
organ of hearing in this extraordinary bird. Ho
then proceeded to describe, with great force and
clearness, the admirable machinery that forms the
vertebrm of the neck, the dorsal vertebra?, the
ribs, &c. ; and illustrated his observations by fre-
quent reference to preparations of those parts in
various species of birds, mammalia, rep-
tiles, &c., and finally, in man. All the
preparations; which were handed to the coin-
pany, were well calculated to create extreme inte-
rest; and by their aid, and by drawing unremittingly
on his own vast and peculiar stores of information,
the scientific Lecturer was enabled to elicit many
curious facts relative to the anatomical construc-
tion of the ostrich, and other birds. In referring
to the organ of smelling, Mr. Brookes took oc-
casion to remark on the acuteness of that organ
in the eagle, and related a circumstance that hap-
pened to the fine specimen of that bird now in
his possession, and which he has presented to
the Society. Having discovered the bodies of
two rats, which had died by poison laid for that
purpose, and not knowing at the moment how to
dispose of them, he deposited them under a heavy
pewter basin at some considerable distance from,
and out of view of the eagle, which had been
quite at liberty on his premises for a leng period.
But observing, some hours afterwards, the bird's
ingluvies fully distended, he suspected that it
might have discovered, by its olfactory organ, the
secreted rats—which, on examination, proved to
be the case. Doubting, therefore, whether the
arsenic Might:not prove as noxious to the eagle
as it had previously done to the rats, by the aid
of two of his anatomical students, be promptly
secured the bird, and by an incision, extracted
from it the poisoned animals.

Lord GAGE presented a petition from the Half Hundred
of Dean, against any alteration in the Corn Laws.
Lord REDESDALE presented a similar petition from the
occupiers of 150,806 acres of land in the county of Lincoln.
MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS.

Mr. WoomousE and other Members of the Commons
Appeared at the bar to request a copy of the Report of the
Select Committee of the House of Lords, appointed to en-
quire into the prices of foreign graiß at foreign ports,
together with a copy of the minutes of evidence taken
before the Committee.

The Gentlemen were furnished with the report whilst
at the Tar.

The Messengers also brought up the Postage Duties Bill.
Several petitions were presented against any alteration
in the Corn Laws.

PORTUGAL.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH seeing his Noble Friend who
was the head of the Foreign Department in his place,
wished to put a question relative to our present peculiar
connection with Portugal. It would be in the re-
collection of their Lordships, that in December last..
a most Gracious Message was delivered from his Ma-
jesty, stating that he had been called upon for as-
sistance by the Princess Regent of Portugal, by virtue
of a treaty subsisting between the two countries.—
A dutiful Address had been presented in answer to this
message, and troops were immediately sent to Portugal.—
It was then stated by his Majesty's Ministers, that it was
impossible to lay the papers connected with that measure
before the House ; but it was communicated to their
Lordships that his Majesty's Ministers had ascertain-
ed that there was a just cense for performing what we
had stipulated by our treaty to do. The Noble Lord thought.
that it was not sufficient that we should be called on by
the other party to do any act founded on the treaty, unless
there appeared to be a just cause for that demand. It was
the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to satisfy themselves
upon this point, but since that time to the present no in-
formation had been laid before their Lordships.—
That, perhaps, might have been caused by the dis
organised state .of his Majesty's Government, things are
now different, said the Noble Lord, and though a. cases
fcederis may have then arisen, non constat, that it exists now.
The state of Portugal had since undergone a very material
change. That rebellious army which had derived such
assistance from Spain, was now driven across the fron-
tiers, and recent accounts told us the troops in the strongest
fortress, and those troops the most distinguished, had re-
volted. It was impossible to look at the state of Por-
tugal, if indeed we believe the accounts which arrive
from Lisbon, or unless the falsehoods coming from
Lisbon were so numerous as those lately in circulation
through London, and not feel uneasy at the situation of our
troops, in that country. There they were, and it was
not possible to imagine that they could continue there
without being engaged in contests, which were purely
of a civil and domestic nature. Feeling as he did the vast
importance of the subject, it was his duty to call on his Noble
Friend whether he was ready to lay before the House any in-
formation respecting the present and the late state of affairs
in Portugal. „
Lord DUDLEY said it was not at present the intention
of his Majesty's Ministers to lay any such information be-
fore their Lordships. The question was one of the most
important and delicate nature, and connected with negoci-
ations which were now pending. Under these circum-
stances, he was assured their Lordships would consider his
Majesty's Ministers justified in withholding the required
information.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH—WiII my Noble Friend say
whether these negociations are being carded on with the
Portuguese or with any other Governments?

Lord DUDLEY was understood to decline answering
the question.

NEW ADMINISTRATION-MR. CANNING.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE rose to present a petition
against any alteration in the Corn Laws. I intended, said
his Grace, to oppose the bill now before us, even when the
Noble author of it was in this House. If I were then of
that opinion, how much more strongly niust I be
inclined to do so when those persons with whom he was
associated are driven from the Government, and those
checks and safeguards upon which I might rely are
removed. It is, I think, the duty of every honest
man to come forward at this awful crisis—it is a
duty which he owes to his King and his country,
to stand boldly forward and dispossess of power that indi-
vidual—l may perhaps be using a harsh term—but I can find
none more appropriate, I apply it of course in a political sense,
but I cannot designate him other than the most profligate
Minister that ever was in power. I call on you all, my
Lords, to come forward and lib4rate his Majesty from the
awful and tremendous situation in which he is placed,
and to overthrow the most insidious and dangerous coali-
tion that ever entered into the head of any Statesman
to project.—(Loud cheers. )—Thus much my Lords, I
felt it my duty to say. Indeed, I should be very sorry
if any Member was not sufficiently clear; or if I have not
stated my opinions as strongly as I feel them, and I am
convinced that in giving utterance to those opinions, I
hut express the sentiments of every well-thinking man
from John o'Groat's House to the Land's End.—(Cheers.)
Lord TEYNH AM presented a petition against any
alteration in the Corn Laws, from a Parish in the
County of Buckingham, and gave notice that he
would move that the petition be taken into consideration
in order that the petitioners he heard at the bar of the
House against the proposed bill.
Lord DARLINGTON, after expressing himself in
favour of the bill, and appealing to the recollection of the
Noble Lord, who had lately sat on the Woolsack, whether
his opinions had not always been in accordance with the
principles of his Majesty's present Government, that he was
astonished, and saw with greatregret the sudden and violent
opposition which was raised against the new Administration.
There could be but one of two causes for this, opposition—
either a desire of office and place, or an intention to dictate
to the Crown what Ministers his Majesty should choose.
Both causes were, in his opinion, highly objectionable.—
( Cheers. )—He had but little personal knowledge of the Right
Hon. Gent. now at the head,of the Government, but he
felt himself bound to declare, that his confidence in it was
much strengthened by the accession of that distinguished
Statesman. It was with feelings which he could hardly
describe, that he heard that Right Hon. Gentleman al-
luded to in a manner not very uncourteous, and certainly
most unparliamentary.—(Cheers.)—The Noble Lord did
not stand up as the advocate of that Statesman—he was too
feeble for such an undertaking, but he stood there to vin-
dicate his own character in having associated himself with
the new Administration. The Right Hon. Gent. at the head
of it entertained principles in favour of civil and religiow
liberty—principles on which the Noble Lord had acted for SO
years, and what then could be more reasonable than that he
should rejoice that the Right Hon. Gent. should hold the
present elevated situation ? He had proved himself a great
statesman, and fully competent to direct the foreign and
domestic policy of the country.—(Cheers.)--The Noble
Lord was sure that the opposition to the new Administration
which had absolutely commenced before the Ministers had
taken their places, was adopted rather with a ♦iew of
embarrassing the Government than of serving the country.
—(Great cheers.)—The Noble Lord concluded by desig-
nating the new Administration as the most finished that
ever was formed.

The Earl of HAREWOOD said, that the whole course
of his life was an answer to any insinuation charging him
with faction, but he confessed, on the first view, he could
not approve of the present Administration,—(Hear. )
He should apologize for not having given notice of his in§
tention to put a question as to the persons composing the
present Administration. Like many other persons, he did
not know who composed his Majesty's Government. A
certain part of the Administration had resigned, and the
Country looked for an explanation of the causes of those re-
signations. Those reasons had been given, and he believed they
were satisfactory to the whole community.—(Hear, hear.)
It, was generally reported that the present Government
was only provisional, and if that was the fact, why not
explain the reasons for this extraozdinary, he would not
say unparallelled, posture of affairs ? Under all the circum-
stances, he considered it was the duty of the present Ad-
ministration to afford their Lordships the fullest satisfac-

tlon en the manna. In which it was kited, and the ptiiSs
bilities of its perforntance.
Viscount GODERICH• skid, I do not mien to blaMe
the Noble Earl for want of courtesy. Ido not con-plain
of his entertaining doubts as to the composition the
King's Government. But I think my Noble Friend would
have abstained, had he been accurately acquainted with the
circumstances which induced the Noble Earl to ad 2zess his
observations to 'Min. Lordships. If my Noble Fr lend had
been in the House during the interlocutory discussion
which had been introduced by the Noble Duke, and if he
had heard the Noble Duke express his r.ost unqualified dis-
approbation of his Majesty's Government, au 1 even his
reprobation of the individual whom his Majesty has placed
at its head ; if my Noble Friend had heard dna he would
not have thought it unnatural that a Noble Lord, who
thinks himself justified in bestowing his confidence on Go-
vernment, should stand up in his place, and, avowing his
opinions, explain his reasons for bestowing hie confidence.
I lament that the question shonld be diseusseti in this indi-
rect manner; and I wish, if there are any Noble Lords in
the House distrustful of the Government—and no doubt
there are many—but be they few or many they have a plain
course before them—it is their duty to bring forward a distinct
motion, and call on their Lordships to express a decided
opinion—(Hear.)—l say this is the Constitutional• me-
thod, and I was glad to hear the Noble Earl the other night
give notice for a motion, which would enable rue to give
a distinct explanation, and bring to the test of the approval
or disapprobation of that House, the conduct of the Admi-
nistration. All I want is a fair war. If their Lordships do
not repose confidence in the Government, I only ask ,Instice ;
and that they would pursue the Constitutional method of for-
cing on some question, by which the Government may he
brought to a fair test. If it be not satisfactory—if Noble Lords-
should think we do not do our duty to our Sovereign and the
country—if they should think that, in becoming responsi-
ble to the King and the country for all our acts, we are not
entitled to their confidence—l can onlysay that I shall bow
with submission to their decision ; hut I object to the
question being agitated by these interlocutory discussions,
and I object to our being perpetually called on to plead and
to answer questions, without any possibility of bringing
the question to a fair issue. I know the generous feeling
of my Noble Friend so well, that I am sure he, of ail men,
would be the last to support a factious; opposition; but let
as not be baited, day after day, without our having en op-
po-tunity of bringing forward any proofs that we are de-
serving of the confidence of the country.—(Cheers.)
The Marquess of SALISBeRY thought it was some-
what extraordinary that their Lordships should, be called
on to express an opinion of his Majesty's Ministers, while
that Ministry.had, as yet, performed no act by which it
could be judged.—(Heata hear.)—He looked on the
Administration with suspicion ; it was made up of Mem-
here whc had declared they wished to go out of office, and
of others who had staid in office that they might promote a
narticulEa• question, which, it was understood, they had re-
ceived instructions not to bring forward as a Government
questiera Others, again, had remained in office, as the
lest means of securing a Protestant Parliament and Pro-
testant King; and all these were united with a body dl
men who had previously opposed almost every measure
'hey had brought forward. He saw these things with sus-
picion; and they indicated, he thought, a change in the
principles or in the policy of those who remained in office.
It was far from his wish to have addressed ti. ese observe-
ions to their Lordships, if it had not been for the Noble
Earl who had caused the debate.--(Hear, .hear! and no,
no. )—He left it to the judgment of th., r Lordships,
whether any thing said by that side of tine House had
provoked the discession—(Hear, hear, he: ,)--or which
muld justify the application of such words as factious'
to the Opposition.—(Hear, hear.)—Not having had as
yet the advantage of deciding on any one act of the Go-
vernment, they could not he taxed with being a faction.
He distrusted the Minister at the head of the Government,
')ut he could not on that account be accused of forming a
factious Opposition. He could assure the Noble Earl, that
it was by no meet's his wish to suspect the motives of any
Administration which had received the approbation of his
tlajesty. In Vie King he (the Marquis of Salisbury) placed
the most pert; Ict con& fence, and he was convinced, that if
his Majesty saw that his wishes had been disobeyed, or if
pie discovered that measures were adopted under the mask
only, and not in the spirit of the Earl of Liverpool's Go-
vernment, he would at ence call on the country to rid him
of such an Administration.—(Hear, hear.)—And if it
was not for that confidence which the country plaited in
his Majesty, and the conviction they entertained of his
armness.—(Loud cries of " order.")'
The Earl of HARDWICKE rose to order. He did not
think that this sort of conversation ought any longer to be
!ontinued; there was no question now before the House—
he wished there had been ; but there was not, and it did
ieem to him out of order to make such observations. The
Noble Earl was proceeding, as we understood, to express
his sentiments to meet any question, when

Lord ELLENBOROUGH interrupted him, observing
that the Noble Earl was himself not speaking in order.
The Marquis of SALISBURY resumed, and observed,
that he must be permitted to say what was generall
understood to be the opinion entertained as to the me-
tives and the conduct that influenced the highest quar-
ter, and of what had there tranepired._(Renewed cries
of "Order.") His Lordship (looking round to Lord
Ellenborough,) then said he should abstain from r-e"ing
the matter further, but he could not sit down quietly Lnder
the imputation that bad been unjustly east upon h'm by
his Noble Friend, who certainly was not a more loyal sub-
ject than himself, and who could not fail in giving, if he
felt it consistent with his duty, his support to the Govern-.
medt. He was sorry to find himself complaine of by
his Noble Friend for suspecting an Ad.ninistration which
he had seen formed in the most extraordinary manner.
The Earl of DARLINGTON, in explanatie I, denied
that he had used the word " factious," as apylied to the
opposition of the Noble Lords on the other side of the
House, though, if he had done so, he could not but tbin.,
he should have been justified when be recoil _cted that a
Noble Duke, forming one of the Opposition, had used a
term so strong as that of "profligate Minister."—(Hear.)
Lord LAUDERDALE could not refrain mom stating,
that he did not know why any Noble Lore. was not at
liberty to allude, and could not, by the forms of that
House,to speak roe gf
which
1 ay r
Noble
ooblte
eh Friend
m had attemptingbe
en
called to order. If his Majesty had thought fit to make
any statement with a view to tranquillise the copntry, any
Noble Lord in that House was at liberty to ask what it
was; and if his Majesty had. done so, he must have done
it on the advice of his Ministers, for in that House no act
of his Majesty was known, but as an act advised by his
Ministers, and for which they were resPonsible. There
were Noble Lords near him, who, taking the cue from
their former conduct, would have acknowledged their re-
sponsibility ; but they bad resigned before the act, to which
allusion had been made, was performed; and there are
others present who then held office, and who had not re-
signed since; and he repeated, that those who remained in
office were responsible for the:acts of tLe Government while
they continued there. He had only addressed these obser-
vations to their Lordships, because he foresaw much incon-
venience if the right of alluding to these matters was not
regulated.

Lord FALMOUTH regretted that he was now under
the necessity of withdrawing his confidence from some of
his Majesty's Ministers, in whom he was formerlf.will-
ing• to confide, but his confidence was his' own, and he
confessed he could not give it to an Administration con-
stituted as the present was.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH agreed with Noble Lords
opposite that it was the undoubted right of his Majesty to
choose his own Ministers, but, he held as firmly that it
was- the undoubted right of Parliamint to express its
opinion on all public questions.—(Hear, hear.)—What
dependence could be placed in the present Adminis-
tration, when it was well known that several Noble
Lords presiding over the highest department of the State,
only held their present situations until other Noble Lords
though: proper to accept them.—(Hear, hear.).—No
doubt the change would take place when the Session was
over or nearly over. This. measure he bad no doubt
would be consummatNl in the dark—(Hear, hear, h'ar.)
and, therefore, no dou'A it was convenient that all notices
of motions should be withdrawn, as was seen in another
place, and that no public measures should be introduced by
Government that could possibly be avoided. The effect
of this arrangement u as, that a year would be lost to the
country. He had heard with surprise, from a Noble Earl
(Darlington), that he (Lord D.) had agreed with the prin-
ciples of his Majesty's present Ministers for a period of
30 years, but notwithstanding this long and complete coinci-
dence of opinion, it was not at the 11th, lant at the 31st hour
that the Noble Earl thought of giving there principles his
support. The Noble Earl and and all hia friends, how-
ever, it now appeared, had given their support to his Ma-
jesty's Government, but how far the country would con.
sider that support disinterested he would not now in-
quire. It was well known that all the good things
were not yet disposed of, and it remained to be seen
whether the coalition which had taken place between
the Noble Lord and his friend., and the pre-
sent Ministry, was founded in a sacrifice of private
feeling to public principle, or whether it was to
be looked upon as a mere common vulgar transac-
tion of willing political seduction, only remarkable,
for being perpetrated with the appearance of a little

tnere than ordinary gocpulsolty, kr On sake decent,.:.(Cheers. )

Earl SPEZ:CER could not be silent after such an at-
tack as thret which their Lordships had just heard ; espe-
cially v.ehen he told them that it wag his intention to sup-
Pcr:c the Government. He did not know how the Noble
lord opposite (Lord Ellenhorough) could think of com-
plaining of the language used towards the present Oppo-
sition by the supporters. of the Administration, when he re-
collected that it was only a few days since that Noble Lord
had himself put forth a declaration in the very strongest
language, that he would offer nothing but an uncompro-
mising resistance to the present Govemment.—(Hear.)--
That Noble Lord had spoken of the Administration now
existing as only provisional. Whether he was well in-
formed or not upon that subject, it was not for him (Earl
Spencer) to say ; but he must observe, that unless that
Noble Lord was correctly informed, it did not become him
to use such expressions, for mere rumours or reports were
'not fit subjects to be introduced to their Lordships. He
should not interfere with the conduct of Noble Lords who
opposed the administration—he would give them that credit
which, by the bye, they (lid not seem inclined to allow him,
and would suppose that they acted from very proper motives.
The Noble Lord opposite claimed the right of placing his
confidence where he might think fit. "that right he (Earl
Spencer) was willing to concede him ; but then, at the same
time, he claimed for himself an equal right to place his con-
fidence where it might stem best to him.—(Hear, hear.)
—Without wishing to prolong this conversation—he would
not stay to inquire how it had arisen—it was his wish to
give their Lordships a short view of the grounds on which
be was prepared to say, that he should support the present
Government while they professed and acted on the opinions
which they now avowed. To Noble Lords who pretended
so ignorance of these opinions, he would put the question,
l'°7 had they lived within the last few years ? Many of
'diem, especially those who how supported the Adminis-
tration, had approved of a number of the measures of
the late Government. From some "of those measures
they--and he among the number—had expressed their
dissent. In one instance, especially, he had differed from the
late' Government—he meant in the support lie had given
to a measure to which that Administration was opposed,
but which he then and still considered as ene of great and,
indeed, of paramonet importance—he meant the measure
for the relief of the Catholics from the disabilities under
which they now laboured. He had _said then, and he now
epeated it, that the peace of the Empire could not be
secured till that question was satisfactorily decided. After
having expressed that opinion, would the Noble Lord op-
posite charge him with inc'nsistency, when he said, that
as soon as he saw the Councils of the King—and he
used the expression with all respect for those who were
the subject of the remark—deserted by a large portion
of those who had previously constituted the Government,
lie asked who were to succeed to their places ; and on
learning that those who were to form the Administra-
tion were those who held the same opinions upon that
paramount question which he espoused, he felt inclined
to give them his support.—( Hear, hear.)—The present
Administration was said to be formed upon the principle
f Lord Liverpool's Government. He was not exactly
*nee what that meant.—(Hear, and a laugh.)---He begged
Iheide Lords to suspend those marks of their opinions.
The Government of the Noble Earl was founded upon
the principle of a divided Administration. On that prin-
ciple other Noble Lonte might put what construction
they pleased, but to him it did not appear a very ad-
vantageous mod oof forming a Government. He thought
so during the existence of that Noble Earl's Administra-
tion, and. he was of the same opinion at this moment.
But the division then was especially objectionable to him ;
and. he called on those who considered the two Administra-
tions as the same—and who might charge him with incon-
sistency in supporting that which now existed--to look at
the difference between them, and then to say, whether such a
charge could be supported. In the Administration of which
the Earl of Liverpool was the head, it was well known that
the majority were hostile to the claims Qf the Catholics, and
the Noble Earl himself expressly declared that he would
not concede those claims. Now, when he (tali Spencer)
thought that those claims ought to be granted, was it hot
natural for him to be opposed to a Government acting on
precisely the opposite principle ? What was the case now ?
The change, in that respect, had been complete ; for that
part of the late Administration who had been friendly to
the proposed concessions were the majority of the present
Government, at the head of which was the Right Hon.
Gentleman who had long been the persevering and eloquent
advocate of those claims. If perseverance in the endeavour
to obtain what he thought justice required to be granted
was worthy of confidence, then the Right Hon. Gentleman
had a full claim to his (Fed Spencer's) confidence; and be
felt that he deserted none of his principles, and that he was
justified in the fullest degree, in affording his support to
the Government, so long as it seemed inclined to adopt
those measures which he thought advantageous to the coun-
try.—(Hear, hear. )—All the vulgar imputations of sor-
did motives, and of-peofligate conduct, seemed to him highly
improper, and he positively disclaimed their application to
himself. HO made no accusation against those who had
retired from the Government--they had a right to retire if
they could not place confidence it.—(Hear, hear, from the
Treasury Bench.)--He did not know what was the occa-
sion on which it had fallen under their censure ; but if it
had, they certainly had a right to mark their unfavourable
opinion of it by quitting it.—(Hear, hear.)—He would
not speak of any concert between those who bad so quitted
the Adminietration, nor of their motives ; he was willing
to believe that they had quitted for no other reason than
that they could not place confidence in it. Why they
could not place confidence in it he was equally unable to
say ; but while the Right Hon. Gentleman now at its head
was in favosir of those measures of which he himself enter-
tained a favourable opinion, he should give that Right Hon.
Gentleman his support, and he thought he might de so
without incurring the reproach of deserting those principles
which he had hitherto professed.
Earl GREY—It is not possible for me, my Lords, to
abstain from saying a few words upon this subject, because
I assure your Lordships with the utmost sincerity, that
Nothing can be so painful to me as to find myself in a situ-
ation in which I must explain those differences of feeling
that have separated me from the friends with whom I have
acted throughout the whole of my political life, and for
whom, at this moment, I entertain the sincerest affection.
Before, however, I say one word about those differences, I
mast distinctly disclaim any participation in the opinion
that there is the slightest necessity for us to wait the pro-
grees of time, in order to he fully convinced of the purity
of their intentions. On whatever reasons they may have
founded their conduct, whether those reasons may appear
satisfactory to me or not, I am certain—as certain as of
my own existence—that in taking their places on that side
of the House (to which I regret I cannot accompany them),
nothing but the most perfect disinterestedness, the most
sincere conviction that what they did was an act of para-
mount duty, can have influenced their conduct--(Hear,
hear.)__To differ from such men, at all times, but espe-
cially on such an occasion as the present, and with such a
conviction as I entertain of the purity of their motives,
must be painful in the extreme; and the pain occasioned
by that difference is such, that the agitation which I feel
at this moment almost deprives me of the power of addres-
ing you. I sit here now. I have sat here for twenty
years with at least but one exception. I have not
forfeited my right to retain the seat ; but though rank-
ed among those who occupy the Opposition Benches,
I begsnot to be classed as one of those who are now
forming an Opposition to the Government. I entreat that
the Noble Earl who opened this debate on the other
side of the House will not attribute to me any of the mo-
tives which may be imputed to those whom he has desig-
nated as a factions Opposition. I beg to state here,
that I am not in opposition at all, the distinction be-
tween me and the Noble Lords who sit near me being
that I do not remain herein opposition to the Government,
but do not go ever to them. because I do not see certain
principles carried as far as they might be—principles on
which the Government might constitute those grounds of
confidence which I consider it absolutely necessary to see
distinctly and clearly established, before J pledge myself to
support the present Administration. It has been some-
times said that attempts have ,been made to dictate to his
Majesty upon the exercise of his prerogative in the choice of
his Ministers; and my Noble Friend opposite has advanced
thrt charge against those whom he has described as in op-
position to the Government. I have heard, with some de-
gree of surprise, many things said upon that subject ; and
I must observe that my Noble Friend beneath me put that
matter upon its right ground, when he said that it was the
undisputed and indisputable right of the King to choose
what Ministers he pleased ; but that, over the exercise of
ilw.t undisputed right, there did exist a controul, as there
does over other acts of the Royal Prerogative, and that
controul is vested in the Parliament ; so that, if the Par-
liament does not feel that the Ministers of the King'.
choice are such as deserve their confidence, they are ex•
ercising only on their part that right which, in the
best tunes, and by the most wise and tweet vir-
tuous Statesman, has been frequently acknowledged--
that of remonstrating with his Majesty on that choice,
which appears to them prejudicial to the country.—
,Although, therefore, the choice of Ministers is
an
absolute and undisputed prerogative of the Crown, yet it is
not beyond controul ; and in stating the prerogatives of
the Crown, let us not forget, my Lords, what are the pri-
vileges of the people, and that if it is the prerogative of the
Crown to appoint the Ministers, it is equally the privilege

• of the people to express their disapproval of that appoint-
ment. For these reasons, I think that those who have
. declined to enter into the service of the Administration of
which they disapprove, have been perfectly justified in
their conduct; and this I think to be a rule so clear and
so sacred, that I think they have only been wrong in suf-
. fering questions to be put to them upon it.—(Cheers.)—
I am glad to find, from these marks of approbation, that
what I have stated is assented to. Then, what are the
objections entertained by persons who might fill the vacant
offices of the Government, but who have declined to do so?
There may, my Lords, be many objections. I have heard
a great deal ,said upon this subject, which I confess I do
not precisely understand. I have heard of objections
arising from personal, meaning thereby uujustifiable feel-
ings. Ido not think that meaning ought, in all cases,
to be affixed to the word. When lam called on to
enter into the service of an Administration, I am called
on to pledge myself deeply to commit my character and
honour ; and if I see that the verech Who influences
and directs the Administiattion is one to whom I cannot
safely commit Myself, I am bound to decline engaging in
the service, as I do not feel that security for my honour and
character which a full confidence in the head of the Ad-
ministration alone can give me. In that sense of the word,
a personal objection may be the soundest and the best ob-
jection that can be entertained, and to claim the right of
questioning any one upon such objections, is, in my idea, a
most improper, and I will add most unconstitutional
dogma. 1 have said so much, as lam not interested between
the parties who formed the late Administration (if I may
so speak) and those who constitute that which now exists;
but I think it right to put this matter on its proper, fair,
and constitutional grounds, and to vindicate for public men
that free right of ection, of which to deprive them would be
most mischievous and unjust.—(Hear, hear, hear. )—I
again declare that I form no part of a factious Opposition ;
indeed, I form no part of an Opposition at all ; on the con-
trary, if there are any persona in this House to whom my
principles are more decidedly opposed than to any other,
they are those whom I have lately heard professing them-
selves to be the Opposition to the Government. Not only
do my principles prevent me from wishing, but they
will induce me not to do any thing that may promote
their return to power. Having said this, if I should
be asked why I do not support the present Ministers, I
must answer by repeating what I set out with saving, that
I cannot see in their conduct thoee grounds of confidence
that would entitle me to give them consistently and con-
scientiously the pledge of my support. I have heard that
this Administration is likely to promote the accomplish-
ment of that great question, which, like my Noble Friend
(Earl Spencer), I consider to be one of paramount im-
portance, and the full and decisive, and satisfactory settle-
ment of which, I believe with him, to be necessary to the
peace and security of this great kingdom. That alone,
however, will not secure the peace or happiness of the
country.--I own that, in my opinion, the Government
has been so changed as not to afford any hope of an ar-
rangement snore congenial to the interests of the people of
that country, Ireland has long laboured under disabilities
and disqualifications which are a disgrace to the Legisla-
ture, and which cannot much longer exist. The question
of Catholic Emancipation has been passed over from time
to time; but, until that great work is begun—until that
great question is carried and eet at rest, all otieT attempts
to tranquillize Ireland must prove inefficacious. To those
who are opposed to that question, I am firmly and most de-
cidedly opposed. To those who support it, I am, sc far, as
irruly, and as decidedly determined to give my cordial assent
and co-operation.—(Cries of "hear," from the Opposition
Benches.) But the main ground of my objection is this :—I
.lo not perceive in the present Administration those principles
which couid induce me to support them in their engage-

'rents upon great public questions; and upon this head
I feel it necessary to have some clear and definite under-
standing. lam not one of those who wish that a
stipulated condition should be made with Members of
Parliament in another place, or with Noble Lords in this;
but I do say that the engagements understood to be en-
tered into between Ministers upon the great question of
Catholic Emancipation, and others, of minor, but still of
treat importance, are of such a nature as to induce me
not to place trust or confidence in the existing Administra-
tion.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition Benches.).---We
have been told that the present Administration has been
formed upon the principle of that of which Lord Liver-
pool was the head ; but I must confess, with a Noble
Friend below me, that I am at a loss to understand pre-
y what that principle was. Did it mean an opposition
to the Catholic Question, or did it mean that that Question
was not to be brought forward as a Government question ?
If such be the case, I must observe, that I feel bound to oppose
in Administration so composed, and I now call upon them
to state whether such be or be not the fact. It has been said,
that although that question was not to• be brought forward
as a Government question, it might still receive the sup-
port individually of those Members of the Administration,
who are in favour of it. This language has been held by
many Noble and valued friends of mine. I remember the
time when those Noble Friends, who hare held such

doctrines, would not have felt satisfied with such condi-
tions.--(Hear, hear, hear, from the Opposition Benches.)
—They would have felt themselves bound in honour to
adopt another course, because they would have perceived
that this permission to vote individually, as they pleased,
was no privilege whatever, either under the Administration
of my Lord Liverpool or of any other person.—(Hear,
hear, hear.)—ls it, then, that the Catholic Question is not
to he proposed as a Government Question ? If it be, that
settles the question so far as I am concerned.—(Hear, hear,
hear.)---In 1807 I took a decided part upon that question.
I then resisted all attempts to modify it or place it in abey-
ance ; and nothing on earth shall induce me to agree to the
arrangement proposed in the present Administration with
respect to it. I feel, as a citizen of a free State, that I
cannot do so ; and I feel equally bound not to do so, by the
oath which 1, as a Privy Councillor, have taken, to advise
the King to the best of my knowledge and ability.—(Hear,
hear.)--This is one of the reasons why I cannot give my
support to the present Administration, pledged as they are
to a sort of neutrality, to that which I in my conscience
believe to be the greatest question of all those which have
of late agitated the country ; but while I say this, I confess
that I am ready to give my most ardent and zealous support
to any measure, either direct or indirect, which has for its
object the ad vancement of that question.--( Hear. )—Another
point has been urged, as to the similarity of the present
Administration to that of Lord Liverpool—l mean the divi-
sions of opinion in the Cabinet upon this question. It has
Leen said that the majority of those opinions are favour-
able to the Catholic Question ; but what confidence can I
have in this, when I see a Noble Lord holding a high, the
highest place in the law, and possessing immense patronage
decidedly opposed to that question ? I see that the standard
of opposition to that question has been raised, and there-
fore I cannot pledge myself to a general support of a Go-
vernment so constituted. I say this, because I do not see
that ground of confidence which could direct my opinion,
but which my Noble Friends must have seen ere they lent
the aid of their powerful talents in support of the Adminis-
tration.—(Hear.)—l have, it is true, been told that the
greater part of the great officers of the Crown are favour-
able to Catholic Emancipation. To this I answer, you
must wait for evidence. It is possible that some of these
officers may advocate that question with great effect; but
when I see, and that too, in high and influential quarters,
symptoms to the contrary, I feel justified in again saying,
that I at least, must wait for evidence. But the question
does not stop here. I ask, is there or is there not such an
engagement amongst the Administration as that I have de-
scribed ? If it does exist, will the Noble Lords deny it ?
If it does not exist, will they state that fact ?—(Hear. )
If there does exist such a pledge in what situation is the
Right Hon. Gentleman placed? He cannot bring Catho-
lic Emancipation forward as a Government Question, and
yet, in his advocacy of it, he must bring with him such an
accession of force as cannot be resisted—(Hear, hear.)--I
have heard of conspiracies upon this occasion, but I con-
fess, without joining in any way with them, that I am
unable to give my cordial support to the present Govern-
ment. I am prevented from doing so by my sense of duty
as a consistent public man—l am prevented from doing so
by my conduct in 1807—by my conduct in 1809, and by
the statement which I wrote and signed in 1812. All these
prevent me from adopting any other course than that which
I now feel it necessary to pursue—(Hear.)—l have been
told, amongst other matters, that a great reason for joining
the Right Hon. Gentleman in the Administration he has
formed, was the system of foreign policy which he bas
lately pursued—(Hear, hear.)—How this came to be
set afloat, or with whom the notion originated, I
cannot pretend to say, but so it is, that a ^ontrast has
been drawn between the Right Honourable Gentleman
and his Colleagues in office. For myself, I must de-
clare, that I am altogether unable to see upon what
grounds this preference is given to the Right Hon.
Gentleman, or why any liberal acts of the late Govern-
ment should be ascribed exclusively to him—(Hear, •
hear ; from the Opposition benches.)—Let us for a mo-
ment inquire into the grounds of this preference. The
Right Hon. Gentleman quitted office in 1809, upon what
grounds it is not at this moment for me to say. He re-
turned partially to office in 1814, and soon after he be-
came President of the Board of Controul, in which office
he continued until 1820, when he again left office, declin-
ing to take any part against the late Queen.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, during the whole course of the Right Hon. Gentle-
man's public career, there is not any man who has less ap-
proved of his public conduct than myself; and I therefore

ask, whether I could with honour—whether I could, with-
out a sacrifice of personal feeling and of personal character,
give my support to the Administration of the Right Hon.
Gentleman ?—(Hear, hear.)—l thought then, and I think
still, that the Right Hon. Gentleman deserved no exclusive
praise for any liberal act of the late Administration. Was
it to he supposed, that his Colleagues would have allowed
themselves to be dragged into any measure proposed by
him, in which they themselves did not perfectly concur?
Things went on in this way for a time, and then some
alterations were made, but it will be found, upon inquiry
into the history of the country, that they arose more
from the change of time and circumstances than from
any exertion or support on the part of the Right Hon.
Gentleman. First let me take South America. I was
one of those who recommended and approved of the re-
cognition of the independence of that country ; and if
any Manic existed on the subject, it was that the recog-
nition of that independence bad been too long delayed.
—(Hear, bear.)—But if the policy of that measure was
to be learnt from a speech, published by the Right Hon.
Gentleman ; and if we are to judge from his statement the
reasons which dictated it, then I say that that Right Hon.
Gentleman's speech is deserving of the greatest reprehen-
sion. I say this, because I find that he connives at the in-
vasion of Spain by France—and why ?—Because he looked
elsewhere for a security against the effects of that invasion.
And where did the Right Hon. Gentleman look ?—He
lo.oked to the benefit to be derived to this country from the
separation of South America from Spain. In that speech
the Right Hon. Gentleman stated "that he bad called the
New World into existence, in order to defeat the policy of
France, with respect to Spain." From thisit appears that
the Right Hon. Gent.—looking only to some beneficial com-
mercial intercourse between this country and South Ame-
rica, was ready to set aside every feeling of national right and
national independence. In that speech of the Right Hon.
Gentleman, there was much to inspire me with respect ;
but I must say, that there was also in it much to inspire
me with a very different feeling. (The Noble Earl here
drew a comparison between the former state of the Spanish
Colonies, and the state in which Ireland had long been, and
was still kept, by this country, but he was scarcely audible
below the bar. (He then went on.) The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman took to himself all the credit of having called the Co-
lonies of South America " into existence." But how stands
the feet ? Why, we find that the acknowledgment of the in-
dependence of South America did not take place until two years
after the late occupation of Spain by the French—until
after the perpetration of an act on the part of the French
Government, which I do not hesitate to pronounce more
base and oppressive than any committed even by Napoleon
himself. The occupation of Spain took place in 1823.
and the South American States were not acknowledged by
this country to be independent until 1825.---(Hear.)
And then,- my Lords, I say that the Right Honourable
Gentleman's assertion, " that he called those Colonies into
existence," was a vain and an idle boast.—(Cheers from
the Opposition Benches. )—They were called into existence
by their own exertions—they were called into existence by
the example of the United States of America—they were
called and' nurtured into existence by the united wishes
and encouragement of the people of this couutry.—(Cries
of hear, hear.)—The people of these Colonies had so far
advanced their own cause, that it was impossible their final
independence could be much longer delayed. Having said
so much as to my own opinions upon the subject, I shall
now take leave to call your Lordship's attention to what
the Right Honourable Gentleman says himself upon this
occasion. " If," says he, " I allowed France to occupy
Spain, was it necessary that we should blockade Cadiz ?
I say no. I look another way for compensation ; I look
to mother hemisphere ; and if France occupies, Spain, I
am resolved that it shall not be with the possession of the
Colonies also. I called the New World into existence in
order to redress the balance of the old."—(Cheers from the
Opposition.)—Let us now see what was the language
held by the Right Hon. Gentleman to the Spanish Minister
upon this very question. He observes to that Gentle-
man, in his Note of 25th March, 1825, " The separation
of the Colonies in the New 'World from Spain is neither
cur work nor our wishes; events have occurred in which
Great Britain took no part, but which caused the separa li
-
tion of Spain from her Colonies—a separation which might
have been prevented, had our advice been taken in time."
And yet this was the man who had " called the New
World into creation ;" and observed, that although he had
allowed France quietly to occupy the Spanish territories, it
must not be with the possession of South America. In
another part of this dispatch, and a very long dispatch it
was, the Right Hon. Gentleman says,, " The undersigned
has it in command from the King, to offer his Majesty's
kind offices, for the purpose of bringing about an amicable
arrangement between the King of Spain and those Colonies
which had separated from him." Now, after all these
statements on the one side and on the other, I ask your
Lordships whether I can fairly place any confidence,, either
in the Right Hon. Gentleman, or in the Government he
has brought together ? My doubts are not of recent occur-
rence, but still I must say, that a singular coincidence of
opinion with me has arisen even this very day. Not very
long since a Noble Friend of mine (Lord Ellenborough) who
sits below me, asked some questions relative to the Expedi-
tion to Portugal, the answers to which confirmed an
opinion I have long entertained. I was as ready as any
to advise the Expedition to Portugal, and was willing
to take any share of the responsibility attending such ad-
vice ; but I felt then, as I did before, that had we acted
with spirit and with sound policy, we might have
prevented France from obtaining that influence which
she obtained by her invasion of Spain. It was boldly and
sweepingly asserted by our Government, that "come what
would, we were determined not to interfere with the occu-
pation of Spain ;" but, at the same time, we described it
to be a most improper and unjustifiable course on the part of
the French Government. This course, be it observed, was
pursued, although it was admitted, even by the Right
lion. Gentleman himself, that had we set our faces against
the ambitious policy followed up from the Court of Louis
the Fourteenth; had we adopted that policy which led us
into a long and bloody, but an ultimately triumphant war,
we should have easily prevented this aggression. Taking
these things into my consideration—viewing, as I do, the
conduct which the Right Hon. Gentleman has pursued,
both with respect to Spain and Portugal—l must confess
that I feel no ground of confidence in his councils ; and
further, that I think them very doubtful. Again, upon
the general foreign policy of the country, I feel called upon
to state, that I place no confidence in the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman's Administration. Let those who differ from me
upon this point show me a single act calculated to secure
my confidence upon the subject. We have been told, too,
that the Right Hon. Gentleman is to be supported, be-
cause he is the friend of civil and religious liberty. As to
religious liberty, I think I have already somewhat fully ex-
plained my opinions of his notions on that subject. Ido not
doubt the Right Hon. Gentleman means well towards reli-
gious liberty; bnt I must say that the course which lie and
those who have acted with him have taken, is calculated to
injure rather than to benefit that great cause which he seems
to have so much at heart.—(Hear. )—We have heard even
within the last few days, that the Right Hon. Gentleman
means to oppose the Test and Corporation Acts, upon what
ground of right or reason I am at a loss to conceive, unless,
indeed, he means to oppose a troublesome, and, as I call it,
a useless Act—unless it be, as he says—for the better op-
portunity of supporting the Catholic Question. But how
the Catholic Question is to be benefitted by this course of
proceeding—how an opposition to a certain set of Pro-
testants is to benefit the Catholics I cannot pretend to say,
unless, indeed, the Right Hon. Gentleman means to say,
that he wishes to oppose the claims of this class of Protes-
tants, in order to unite them in a body with the Roman
Catholics, and induce them to make common cause in the
prosecution of their general claims—(Hear, hear.)—So
much for the religious liberty which the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman appears inclined to extend to the country. Permit
me now to say a few words as to the civil liberty which he
wishes to extend to the country ; and I must observe,
in the outset, that I never heard anything more pre-
posterous than that observation, looking as I do to the
political career which the Right Honourable Gentle-
man has pursued for the last five-and thirty years.—
In making this observation, I do not allude to Parliamentary
Reform, because I know that it has been unjustly and
unfairly stated, that my Noble Friends on the other
side were pledged to that question. It has often been agi-
tated in this House, but I do not recollect at this moment
that my Noble Friend (the Marquess of Lansdown) has
ever expressed a decided opinion upon it. There is not in
the House any man who stands higher in my esteem than
the Noble Marquess, and I am anxious to do him this
justice. If the Noble Marquess was a friend to that ques-
tion, he was so on the most just and moderate principles,
and might fairly be looked upon as the most moderate of all
Reformers.—(Hear, hear.)—For myself, I do not see that
there exists such a decided opinion in this country upon
the question of Parliamentary Reform, as to make it a sine
qua non on the part of any Gentleman to take office. I,
for one, have my own opinions upon that question ; my
notions upon it have never changed ; Y havealways thought
that a Reform ought to be gradually and temperately
brought about, in order to meet that which has lately
been denominated "the march of mind."—(Hear.) This
has been my opinion, and for this I have been called a
traitor to the great cause.—(Hear, hear.)—And yet, my
Lords, singular as it may appear, the very persons who so
attacked me, are those who hold opinions precisely in uni-
son with mine upon this question.—(Hear, hear.) Your
Lordships hare been here told, and you have read elsewhere,

that the Right Hon. Gentleman is the friend of Civil and
Religious Liberty. M 1 Lords, we have, within the last few
years, had enacted some laws which greatly infringe upon
the liberty of the subject, and greatly curtailed that liberty.
Let me ask your Lordships if there be any one of these
Acts of which the Right Hon. Gentleman has not been a
powerful supporter.—(Cheers from the Opposition. )—Now
I have as uniformly opposed those motions, and if it is
meant to be contended that the Right Hon. Gentleman
wishes to change his opiniOns, the matter might easily be
set beyond doubt. Let my Right Hon. Friend, in either way,
only introduce a motion for the repeal of that odious and de-
testable Act—an Act which I consider the greatest infringe-
ment of the liberty of the Press. I mean that Act which,
makes the second commission of a political libel transpor-
tation for a certain period. Now this is a matter capable
of instant proof. Let my Noble Friend (the Marquis of
Lansdown) only bring forward a motion for the repeal of
this Act, and he will find in me a ready and zealous sup-
porter; but I fear that he will, at the same time, find in
the right Hon. Gentleman an able and zealous opponent.
—(Cheers from the Opposition benches. )—Upon the
grounds which I have just gone over, your Lordships will see
that it is impossible for me to lend my aid and co-operation
to the present Alinistrv.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)_
I must now declare that my situation in this House is
most perplexing. I find myself without any political connec-
tion ofany kind ; and I feel the strongest regret at being obliged
to differ from those friends, with whom I have been so long
and so uniformly in the habit of acting. With those Noble
Lords I, to a certain extent, have the pleasure of agreeing,
but that agreement dces not diminish the pain I feel at
being separated Lore those with whom I have acted during
the whole course of my political life.—(Hear.)—l take no
part in the Opposition. I form no part of it; because the
principles it professes are from mine, wide as the Poles
asunder.—(Hear.)—l cannot, for the reasons I have already
stated, join the Administration, but I pledge myself that I
shall, upon every occasion, give them my most strenuous
support whenever I can agree with them in principle (hear).
Your Lordships will, I am sure, do me the justice to
believe, that in taking this course I am not raising the
standard of party. Those who have witnessed my Parlia-
mentary conduct for the last few years, must have oh •
served that I have been gradually withdrawing from pub-
lic life, and that however anxious to benefit my country,
I have to regret that I am not as usual able to take a part
in her Councils. lam not now so active as I have been ;
I cannot now attend public business, and sit out debates,
as was formerly my custom.
" Non eadem est eetas, non mess."
Arc wish has been, and still is, to come here and give my
vote upon any question which I think of importance to my
country—(Hear, hear.)—l do not wish again to embark
in that troubled sea, which I have during my whole life
navigated, God knows with how little success ; but I
have the gratification of knowing, that, in every act of
mine, I have had the satisfaction of an approving eon -
seience.—(Cries of hear.)
At the close of the Noble Lord's speech, a number of
Noble Lords left the House.
CORN LAWS.

Lord REDESDALE said that he was desirous of post-
poning until next week his resolutions respecting the Corn
Laws. The Noble and Learned Lord took the opportunity
of expressing his hope, that although to the Corn Bill and
to other measures of his Majesty's Government he might
feel it to be his duty to give his opposition, it would not be
supposed that he did so from any factious or improper mo-
tive. He trusted that the whole tenour of his Parliamen-
tary conduct would show that he was not justly liable to
such an imputation.
Viscount GODERICH declared that from him the
Noble and Learned Lord would river hear any such im-
putation. That was not the wry in which he (Lord
Goderich) was disposed to meet fair and honourable argu-
ment and opposition.—(Hear.)

After some further conversation, we understood Lord
REDESDALE to fix Tuesday for his motion.—Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, MAT 10.
The House met this evening at four o'clock.
DISSENTERS' MARRIAGES.

Mr. W. SMITH brought up the Dissenters' Marriage
Bill, which was read a first time and ordered to be read a
second time on Monday next.

SALMON FISHERIES.

Mr, H. DRUMMOND presented a petition from the
Guildry of Perth, against the Salmon Fishery. Similar
petitions were presented fsom the Proprietors of Salmo❑
Fisheries on the River Tay, and from the Corporation of
Stirling.
Mr. HLTME Moved for returns connected with the
_General Post Office Delivery.—Ordered.
On the motion of Mr. HUME the House resolved itself
into a Committee on the Fraudulent Bankruptcy (Scot-
land) Bill, which passed through a Committee, and the
Report was ordered to be received to-morrow.
Vpon the motion of Mr. HERRIES, the Irish Auction
Duties Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be
committed to- morrow.

The SPEAKER called upon Mr. Macqueen, Mr. W.
Horton, and Lord John Russell, each of whom had mo-
tions on the orders of the day, but as they did not answer
to their names, upon the motion of Mr. HERMES, the
House adjourned at a Quarter before Five o'Clock.