The Sun.
London, England, 1842-01-13 00:00:00

vated.patriotism, and the highest energies and virtues of
the human character, they at the same time frequently
foster into vigorous activity the most reckless and profli-
gate pretenders.* •
\Ve, however, are disposed to forget all the political
aberrations to which we have referred, to make a proper
,distinetion- between the few who huue wrecked and corn-
' prUMised a valuable cause, and the mass of the working
classes who demand and who deserve inimediate
enfranchgement.
We meet as the .legitimate representatives of the
Mov.--ment Party among the middle classes, as ardent
friends of progressive liberty, but at the same time as
advocates of -social order ; as men who are conscious of
the existence of Wide-spread wrong and suffering, which
we believe to be the consequence of class legislation ;
As men who are anxious for a wide and equitable ex-
' tension of popular rights, without wishing to jeopardize
the' security of property, or the safety of valuable in-
stitutions ; as men who while they will resist an arbi-
trary and selfish Oligarchy on the one hand, will. not, On
the other, be passive or consenting tools to hand over our
country to the horrors of a French revolution.
All that the middle classes require, and which they
evidently must have, before they lend their resolute and
undivided energies to the furtherance of another grand
democratic movement, are satisfactory and reasonable
guarantees that their assistance,- when afforded, will not
be abused ; and that generous and general exertions for
the enfranchisement of the millions, will not be the pre-
lude to the licentiousness and anarchy of revolutionary
France, where; after massacres in her streets, and civil
war in her provinces, their revolution in favour of liberty
ended in the establishment of one of the most gigantic
military despotisms that ever existed since the downfal
of the _Roman Empire. These views are thus also for-
cibly stated in a recent number of the Nonconformist :
" The labouring classes are destitute of any stake in,
the country. They have nothing to lose in a general
convulsion of society. Discontented with the station
assigned to them by Providence, they want nothing but
the power, to put forth their hands against every right
which Government secures to us. With the franchise in
their hands, and, by consequence, legislation under their
controul, property would no longer be safe. Should we
invest them with political power, we must prepare otir- I
selves for a general scramble. The dignity of law would
be violated—confidence in its protection would be speedily
sapped—a carnival of 'the worst passions of our nature
would be proclaimed—an indiscriminate crusade against
all our institutions would be undertaken—a reign of
terror would forthwith commence—and universal anarchy
would terminate, as it always has done, and always will
do, in the establishment of a military despotism."
Such unquestionably, are the fears of a large and in-
fluential proportion of the middle classes, whether well
or ill founded we pretend not to decide. All that human
wisdom can divine upon the subject, is or ought to be
drawn from the experience of the past:—Political power,
moral independence, and mental culture, should go together !
Wherever the first has existed independently of the last,
the results have been disastrous, whether it has been
wielded by the monarch,or the multitude.
One of our objects is, to propound a practical scheme of
political reform, which, while it is based upon first prin;-
ciplesomy is our honest and conscientious conviction,
come into immediate operation to-morrow, without the
slightest insecurity to life, liberty, or property; this we
take 'to. be a desideratum. For this purpose we shall
alter the "Charter" where we deem it requisite, but in no
one instance, except where such may bethe case.
We now enter upon its consideration. It purports to
be " An Act to provide for the just representation of the
people of Great Britain and Ireland in the Commons
House of Parliament." It provides that there should be
1. Annual Parliaments. •
2. Universal Suffrage.
3. Equal Voting Districts.
4. No Property Qualification. •
5. Voting by Ballot, and
6. Payment of Members.
We will, in the first place, see to how many of theSe pro•
positions we can agree, before we state our objections
what remain.

We commence, then, with " Equal Voting Districts."
Are have no objection 'whatever to this contemplated
arrangement. The present voting districts are so un-
equal and unfair, that almost any change in their ar-
rangement must be for the better. .
" Voting by Ballot." To this we of course make no
objection, but will upon every practicable occasion give
it our zealous and effective support.
"No Property Qualification." Though we do not as
practical men entirely agree as to the expediency of this
proposition, yet, actin upon the principle with which
we. set out, of agreeing in-all cases where we can without
a compromise of our integrity, or honest convictions, we
shall hot insist upon any particular property qual,fication,
as a sine qua non. We should however insist that a
Member of Parliament (and .a Peer also, if we could)
should be at least twenty -fire years of age ; so as to 'far-
nish- us with reasonable guarantees of his discretion And
capacity for his important public trust ; and in this re-
quisition we are borne out by the example of America,
as well as, by the old republics of Greece and Rome. As
a matter of choice, we would nnquestionably rather that
legislators should be men of some fortune, and at least of
middle age—as the first of these accidents would secure
a strong personal interest in the security of property,
and the second a maturity of judgment as far as age
could confer it. • But as we apprehend that " in this old
European world of ours," and particularly in our day And
generation (other considerations being equal), men of
property would alWays be preferred, we leave this clause
of the charter untouched ; and pass on to the
‘.‘ Payment of Members."t We agree at once to this
proposed arrangement, upon the principle that any one
who devotes the whole of his time and energies to the
public service, deserves a proper remuneration for his
exertions. The 500/. per annum as proposed in 'the
Charter, is an equivalent to which we make no:demur ;
at the same time it must be understood, that we agree to
this proposition on account of its abstract fairness, and
not with the design of tempting into the Legislature the
political adventurer, or the demagogue ; we furthermore
have less objection to this contemplated arrangement in-
asmuch as it is merely revertingln principle and practice
to the ancient usages of the' Constitution.
It may not be improper, or out of place here, to quote
Sir W. Blackstone, by way of shoWing that the payment
of Members is an old Constitational custom, coeval with
the House of Commons itself :
At page 174, Book 1; c. 2, he says—." As for the elec-
tors of Citizens and burgesses these are supposed to be
the mercantile part or trading interest of this kingdom.
But as trade is of a fluctuating nature, and seldom long
fixed in a place, it was formerly left to the Crown to
summon, pro re nata, the most flourishing towns, to send
representatives to Parliament ; so that as towns in-
creased in trade, and grew populous, they were admitted
to:a share in the Legislature. But the misfortune is, that
the deserted boroughs continued to be summoned, as
well as those to whom their trade and inhabitants were
transferred ; except a few which petitioned to be eased
of the expense, then usual, of maintaining their Members,
four shillings a day being allowed for a Knight of a
Shire, and two shillings for a citizen or burgess ; which
was the rate of wages established in the reign of Edwan
the Third."
The next proposition of the Charter is that of " An.
nual Parliaments." We consider that Triennial Puha-

is bound to do every year, or oftener if need be. Not that
he is, or ever was, obliged by these statutes to call a new
Parliament every year; but only to permit a Parliament
to sit annually for the redress of grievances, and dispatch
of business, if need be. These last words are so loose
and vague, that such of our Monarchs as were inclined to
govern without Parliaments; neglected convoking them
sometimes for a very considerable- period, under pretence
that there was no need cl them ; but to remedy this, la.
the statute 16 Car. 2d, c. 1, it is enacted, that the sitting
and. holding of Parliaments shall net be intermitted above
three years, at the most ; and by the statute 1 W. and
M., st. 2, c. 2, it is declared to be one of the rights of the
people, that for redress of all grievances, and for the
amending, strengthening, and preserving the laws, Par-
liaments ought to be held frequently. And this indefi-
nite frequency is again reduced to a certainty, by Ist
6 W. and M., c. 2, which enacts, as the statute of Charles
2d had done before, that a new Parliament shall be called
within three years after the deterrninatioe [l. e. dissolu-
tion] of the former."
And again,
Page 189 (Book 1. c. 2), "The utmost extent of time
that the same Parliament was allowed to sit, by the sta-
tute 6, W. and M. c. 2, was three years ; after the
ex-
piration of which, reckoning from the returns of the first
summons the Parliament was to have no longer-con-
tinuance. But by the statute 1 Geo. 1., statute 2, c. 38 (in
order, professedly, to prevent the great and continued
expenses of frequent elections, and the violent heats and
animosities consequent thereupon, and for the peace and
security of the Government then just recovering from
the late rebellion) this term was prolonged to seven years;
and, what alone is an instance of the vast authority of
Parliament, the very same house that was 'chosen for
three years, enacted its own continuance for seven. So
that, as our Constitution now stands, the Parliament must
epire, or die a natural death, at the end of every seventh
'year ; if infitTannei di Ted by theltiVarprerog,ative."
It thus appears that at one time annual, at a subse-
quent period triennial, and still more recently septennial,
Parliaments, were equally the custom of the age and the
usage of the Constitution. To argue, therefore, that
Parliament. should be again annual, because - they have
been once annual, is evidently begging the queation, as
precedent might as readily be pleaded for triennial, or
septennial, as for annual Parliaments. The duration of
Parliament is evidently a matter of expediency, not a
question of principle; and must be ultimately settled by
public opinion, guided it is to be hoped by the experiene,,
of the past—equally avoiding the present great length of
the British, and the ephemeral duration of the American
Parliaments. The advantage of a knowledge of the past
is to teach us what to adopt, and what to avoid. History
ought to be the text-book of the politician ; it is philoso-
phy teaching by example: •
As it is impossible, in consideration of this subject, to
escape from frequent and almcist perpetual references to a
country whose institutions are of a more democratic
character thin our own, and where the greatest political
experiment is now trying that ever was_ attempted since
the world was, we will here briefly quote the recently
published opinions of two eminent men, one of Edin-
burgh, the other of Boston, United States, as to the con-
duct of the young democracy of America, and the future
prospect of the Republic. We will not extract from
Hall, Hamilton, or Trollope, or any writer known to be
hostile to American institutions ; but from meal whose
liberality of sentiment and literary reputation entitle
their opinions to consideration and respect.
Mr. Combo says, in the course of a valedictory Ad.;
dress to the people of the United States, " I met with
few British subjects who, however much they might
have advocated Universal Suffrage at home, continued to
admire it after experiencing its effects in the United States."
Again, " Here you Executive is feeble, and when a
general excitement seizes.your people, your laws are as
cobwebs in restraining them. You have established
Universal . Suffrage, placed supreme authority in the
hands of your majorities, and no human means short of
military conquest can deprive that majority of its sway.
You have chosen public opinion for your chief regulating
influence, and it is impossible for you to substitute for it
any other. An ignorant public opinion is to the wise-
and good a revolting tyranny.
" In no country which I have visited has such an array
of delinquencies, committed by men in confidential pub-
lic situations, been exhibited, as has met my eye since I
came to the United States.
" As you -do not wait until your voters, who wield the
destinies of your country—who make peace or war—who
make and unmake banks—who make and unmake tariffs
affecting industry to the core—and who make and un-
make even your schools, colleges, and churches—l say,
as you do not wait until ape has given them wisdom and
experience, but place the helm at once in their hands, and
allow them to act, while they are still full of young
blood, anti all the energy, confidence, and rashness that
attend it—you are called on by every consideration to.
perfect your schools so as to 'communicate to them the'
dictates of a' wiAotn which cannot be dispensed with, and,
which Will-not otherwise be attained.
" Does your education enable your people to under-
stand and decide upon them ? [i. e., questions of bank-
ing and currenby, hard specie and sub-treasury schemes,
Sze.] No ! Yet your people act whether they under-
them or not : they vote the supporters of paper into
power, and paper flourishes. If evil ensue they vote the
advocates of specie into power ; and paper and credit
go" to the wall. They try the experiment. But what an
awful experiment ! How mny thousands of individuals
and families are ruined by the violence'of every change.
" Here you commit power to the hands of nearly every
man who has attained his majority. Your population
doubles every twenty-three or twenty-five years. The
actual majority of your voters is probably under thirty-five.
or thirty-sir years of age. There is no other country in
the world which is ruled by men so young and -So inexpe-
rienced." ,
Dr. Channing, of Boston, an eminent writer, whose
name belongs alike to the literature and history of his
country, in a letter written to Henry Clay, of Ken-
tucky, in 1837, on the subject of the Annexation of
Texas, says :
" In one. respect our institutions have disappointed us
all. They have not wrought out for us that elevation of
character which is the most precious, and in truth, the
only substantial blessing of liberty.
" A spirit of lawlessness pervades the community,
which, if not repressed, threatens the dissolution of our
present forms of society. Even in the old States mobs
are taking the law into their hands, and a profligate
newspaper finds little difficulty in spring tip multitudes
to violence. Men take under their own protection the
rights which it is the very office of Government to secure.'
The citizen, wearing arms as means of defence, carries
with him perpetual proofs of the weakness of the autho-
rities under which he lives. The substitution of self-
constituted tribunals for the regular course of justice,
and the infliction of immediate punishment in the moment
of popular frenzy, are symptoms of a people half re-
claimed from barbarism. Add to this, the invasions of
the rights of speech and of the Press by lawless force, the
extent and toleration of which oblige us to believe, that
a considerable portion -of our citizens have no compre-
hension of the first principles of liberty.
" It is an undeniable fact, that in consequence of these
and other symptoms, the confidence of many reflecting
men in our free institutions is very much impaired. Some
despair. That main pillar of public liberty, mutual trust -
ainongst citizens, is shaken. That we must seek security
for property and life in a stronger Government, is a
spreading conviction. Men who talk in public of the
stability of our institutions, whisper their doubts (per-
haps their scorn) in private. So common are these ap-
prehensions, that the knowledge of them has reached
Europe.
" When you (Henry Clay) and I grew up, what a deep
interest pervaded this country in the success of free in-
stitutions abroad I With what throbbing hearts did we
follow the struergles of the oppressed ! How many
among us were ready to lay down our lives for the cause
of liberty on the earth ! And now who cares for fr co
institutions abroad ? how seldom does the topic pass
men's lips ! Multitudes, discouraged by the licentious-
ness at home, doubt the value of popular institutions,
especially in less enlightened countries ; whilst greater
number, locked up in gain, can spare no thought on the
struggles of liberty, and provided they can drive apros-
perous trade with them, care little whether they are bond
or free.
" That the cause of Republicanism is suffering abroad
through the defects and crimes of our countrymen, is as
true as that it is regarded with increased scepticism
among ourselves. Abroad, Republicanism is identified
with the United States, and it is certain that the Ame-
rican name has not of late risen in the world. It so
happens that whilst writing, I have received a newspaper
from England, in which Lynch law is as familiarly asso-
ciated with our country as if it were one of our esta-
blishments. When I visited England fifteen years ago,
Republican sentiments were freely expressed tome ; I
should probably hear none now. 11fen's minds seem to
be returning to severer principles of government ; and
this country is responsible for a part of this change."
We quote these extracts by way of showing that this
lawlessness and recklessness, existing in connection with
annually recurring elections, and the youth and inex-
perience of the electoral body, (and, in our opinion, as
well as that of American writers, partially induced by
both,) impresses reflecting men with a very natural fear
that similar results might accompany similar political
institutions in the old world ; and makes them therefore
anxious, while they contend for Universal Suffrage, to
provide such reasonable guarantees, as may secure nil the
advantages and blessings of liberty ; without the fear of
adarchy or the evils of licentiousness.
The next proposition in the Charter that we propose
to consider is, " Universal Suffrage." To this we make
no objection, only requiring greater guarantees than
those set forth in the Charter. As, however, this is
a most important feature in the whole Charter—being
a question of principle, while all the other conditions are
merely modes of applying it, or carrying it into practical
operation—we will here state our views with acceracy
and precision; in order that we may not be liable to fu-
ture misconception or misconstruction.
The-Charter sets forth in that part of it where i
begins to assume the definite shape and form of an Act
of Parliament,---
" That ". whereat' to ensure as far as it is possible by
human forethought and wisdom the just Government of
the people, it is necessary to subject those who have the
power of making the laws to a wholesome and strict
responsibility to those whose duty it is to obey them
when made,
4n4 whereas this responsibility is best enforced
through the instrumentality of a body which emanates
directly from, and is itself immediately subject to the

e‘ hole people, and which complete
ielings and their interests.
" And whe g as as the Commons House of Parliame'i
now exercises in the name and On the supposed behalf
onthe people, the Power of making the laws, it ought
order to T. lfil with wisdom and with honesty the
great duties imposed on it, to ,be made the faithful and
accurate representation of the people's wishes, feelings,
and interests."
Be it therefore enacted, " That from and after the
passing of .this Act, every male inhabitant of . these
realms be entitled to vote fin• the election of a Member
of Parliament ; subject, hOwever,
ditions : to the following -ton-
: 1. " That he be
_a native of these realms, or a fo-
reigner who has lived in this cotintry„upwards of 'two
years, and been naturalized.
2. " That he be twenty-one years of age.
3. " That he be not proved insane, when the lists of
..
voters are revised.
4. "That he be not convicted of felony within six
months froni and after the passing of this Act.
5. " That his electoral rights be not suspended for
bribery at . elections,. or fir personification, or for
forgety of election certificates ; eccordiag to the penal-
ties of this Act.
6. " That he shall have resided six months in the
town or district for which he votes, prior to the day of
election or registration."
This last proviso, as it respects residence; is not pre-
cieely inserted in this order of place in the Charter, us
we think it should have been ; we have, however, in-
serted it here ourselves, in order to census -nt upon it in
due course. Indeed, it seems so intimately bound up
with the .other conditions, that we apprehend the non-
insertion °tit here originally- must have been an oversight.
To the first, third, fourth, and fifth conditions, es
above, we agree at once, and concur in their propriety ;
but to the second and sixth we have objections, and pro-
pose to superadd in both cases some few qualifying con-
ditions. We Will begin with the second clause, " That
he (the elector) be twenty-one years of age." Instead
of this we propose that the clause should read 'thus :
" That he, (the elector), be at least' twenty-five
years of age."
We do this for various reasons. First, in order to se-
cure a maturity of judgment on the part of the elector ;
secondly, on account of the increased chance that a man
by this time will have acquired a " local habitation and
a name ;" thirdly, on account of the defective state of
education in this country at present, which makes it ne-
-AsSiii to superadd this arlditione‘e-guarantee- ; . and
fourthly, on account of the general fear among the
middle classes of the rashness, inexperience, and reck-
lessness of young men without family ties, settled habits,
or practical experience. •In thus proposing to raise the
qualification-age for electors, we do not in the slightest
degree interfere with the principle of "equal rights,"
which we shall, as the free citizens of a free state, keep
steadily- in view ; our main objects, are to extend the
franchise to an hitherto unprecedented extent, while at
the same time .we hope to secure the support of. the
middle classes by furnishing guarantees with which the
Movement Party among them maw be satisfied, and
which may induce their general and effective support.
As this advanced qualification age may to some appear
new and startling, and to others arbitrary or capricious,
we propose to show that, hi conferring important poli-
tical power upon individuals, it has been the custom in
all Republican countries, from Athens downwards, to
insist upon guarantees, sometimes of age, sometimes of
property, and sometimes of both together, before they
instrusted their citizens with offices of high trust or
responsibility. We propose, further, to show,; that the
qualification age for electors has been various 'in various
States, both ancient and modern, and that. it is at-pre-
sent different in France and England, Holland and,
Belgium.—ln ancient Rome no patrician or commoner
could hold any public office until he was twenty-four
or twenty-five years of age. The first office he could as-
pire to was that of Questor, or public treasurer. It lot--
lowed, of course:; 'that he could not hold any higher or
more importan oilice,. until he had arrived at a stall more
advanced age. A Senator wes obliged to be 25 years of
age before he could take his seat. . He must, further,
have previously borne some office in the Magistracy, and
be seised or possessed of an estate of not less than from
6,0001. to 7,0001. A Censul (an officer with almost
kingly power) was obliged to be 42 years of age. A
Dictator (or ac-teal Emperor, pro tern.) must have first
served the office of Consul, and of course must have beial.
43 years old and ;upwards. Augustus made a law(that
no man should have the freedom of the city eilthout a.
previous examhiation into his merit and character.—ln
Athens, a citizen must be 30 years of age- before he was.
eligible as a member or juror of the Relic; or Court of
Judges. Beyond this a citizen must be 50 years of age be-
fore he had the privilege of haranguing in the Ecciesia, or '
public assemblies, upon State affairs. All the officers of the
State and Magistracy were destined by Solon to be fill
-from the first three classes of the richer citizens—the
fourth, or poorest class, being ineligible to office, but;
, having the right of voting in the public assernhlieS.—
f:ln,Sparta, a citizen was not allowed to take any part in,
public business until he was 30 years of age, and then
et man of ordinary station was thought forwnrd and.pre sinning who intermeddled punch with . politicel affairs.
-4 Spartan was not eligible for elivtion to the :.;mate
Until he had passed his 60th year. ---ln Veniee•.(onct of
the Republics of the middle ages), no .nuldezaan Could
take his.eat or fete in the. Grand Council, till he had
' attained the age o 25 years,e--111 Florence, a:citizen, at
one time,--to be eligible 'to tiny
.oflice in the Alagistraev,
wa a obliged' to be !.30 years of age:--ln GCllo,
,the nolii-
lity globe were' 'capable 'of holding-- the ehief offices in
the Ili-public. No person, either, could be elected Doge
until he was 60 years old, and had left olf busiess years before.—ln Holland, at the present anise, nn
as 'o 15
men can be a member of the Lower House who is le than
jbetee years of age.—ln Belgium, a Senator must be
.lb ree
years of age. and pay
.direct taxon to the amount of
1,000 florilw,
.or 85/. yearly. A member of the Cham-
ber of Depute.; . must he twenty-jive years of age, and
pay direct taxes to the amount of Si.- annually. He. is
paid for his public services, is bile the Chambers are in
sessioe, at the rate of 161. per month. After the Revo-
4utioiain Belgium, a National Congress was assembled
at Brussels, to settle the Government, consisting of 200
Deputies, who were elected from the various provinces
by all tax-paying persons above 25 years of age.
..
. In France, before the Revolution of July,
an elector
was, obliged to be thirty years of agee After that event,
in 1831, the qualification age was reduced to twentyv,ve
years, where
,it
onow remains, There is further, a property
qualificatif 200 francs required with an elector... At
the same time, 1831, the qualification for a Deputy was
reduced from 40 to 30 years of age; and the property
qualification front 1,000
.to 500 francs. No Peer can sit
or-vote in the French Chambers until he is 25 'years of age.
In England, the tenure of the franchise is arbitrary
and various; generally it is a property qualification, but
the lowest qualification is that of a freeman, who is en-
titled to -tote for Members of Boroughs when he has at-
tained his.2lst year. .
-
In America (partially -copied, of course, from English
institutions), the electoral qualification is 21 years of
age, and six months' residence. 'This latter proviso is,
however, sharriefullY violated by both parties.
In the general dovernment of America a Representa-
tive must be 25 years old, a Senator 30, the President
35, and the Vice-President 3.5.—1 n the State of Maine,
a senator must be 25 years old, and thp Governor 30.
In the State of Massachusetts, a Senator must be possessed
in his own right, of a freehold within the commonwealth,
of the -value of 3001. at least, or possessed of personal
estate to the value of 600/. at least, or of both, to the
amount of the same sum ; and must have been -an in,
habitant of the commonwealth for the space of five years
immediately preceding his election. The Governor must
have been an inhabitant of this commonwealth for seven
years preceding, and must be possessed in his own right
of a freehold within the commonwealth of 1,000/4 and
must declare himself of the Christian religion.--Iti Nest •
Hampshire, a Senator must be possessed of a. freehold
estate, in his own right, of the value of 2001., lying
within the State: he must. be 30 years; of age, sial an
inhabitant of the State for seven preceding, years. A
Representative mast have been an inhabitant of the
State for two years, and must have an estate within the
.district of the value of 1004; ono half ofwhich mast be
a freehold in his own right. The Gov,:roor must. La'
t,stata, of the value of' sod,: ; one half of which 11111,41)(:! a
tthileirstltyteeafirse- (s)ef:igi'vy' -emarisstprhe7eclehbir al tull'llinlti:tbiltia4te a49)1.
freehold in his Own right. A Councillor, of whom tliere
must be six, for advising the Governor in the exeCtitive
part of the Government, must have an estate Of-the
value of 5001. ss limn the State; 3001. or more of Whieln
must be freehold in hisown right ;he must he thirty
years old, and an iuhnbitant of the -State for -seven years
' preceding.—ln the state of New York, the. Governor
must be a freeholder, and thirty years old. All electors
must have paid a. tax. to the State or county, assessed
upon their real or personal property, oamust have per-
formed military duty in the militia of the State.-.--
Pennsylvania. A Senator must be twenty-five years
old, and an inhabitant of the State' four years before
his election. The Governor must be at least thirty years
of age, and have been a citizen and inhabitant of the State
seven years before election. The electors must have
paid a. State orcounty tax, and have resided in the State
two years before the election.
All the other States of the American confederacy have
similarly varying provisions respecting the qualification-
age of their Representatives and Governors, as will be
seen on reading the note enumerating the whole at the
bottom of the column.*
It thus appears that in the most democratic country of
the world, the collective wisdom of its sages and politicians
have devised numerous guarantees of age and property
as security for the conduct, patriotism, and capacity of
their public men. We wish sincerely, for the sake of
human nature and public liberty, that they had devised
some such guarantee for the probity. of their electors ;
then their institutions, both in theory and in practice,
might have been the pride and wonder of the world.
Our last and concluding example in favour of an ad.
winced qualification age, for offices of trust and respon-
i sibility (and the franchise is a trust of grave and serious
' responsibility), is the evidence of the approbation of the
Deity himself, in the only government especially insti-
tuted under his immediate euperintendenee—we mean
the theocracy of the Jews. •Mere, it was ordained by
the original appointment of -Moses, that the Levitoes-- •
who were priests, scribes, lawyers, &e.—were not to be
allowed to enter upon their sacred and peculiar
be
diis.
till they were 25 or 30 years of age, and were. to
charged from their performance at 50. As it is written
in the Book of Numbers, ch. 4, ver. 3, they wereti caa
~
do the work of the tabernacle of the,
einnd in the dth
" from thirty years old and upwards
-
and upwards, they shall go into wait upon
chapter it is said, that " from twenty an;'d atreeseyrevaitcseooldf
the tabernacle of the congregation.ost immemorial custom ma Thus it seems, from e
••, a all ages and natr,ms •
ut
that•the w • oul• t'
prescription, •
of freedom, hu
which there has been portionany ,
always
provided various guarantees for public security ; that
tion age, which
is not sanctioned by pwreeceilPllrept and hi igat
—not only actopied by the first and civilised
,atilimilitseigimiudiamt:eriet
nations of the old world—not only vatimed by the