The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-29 00:00:00

THE STJN, LONDON, MONDAY MORNING, AUGUST 29, 1(142'.

tioecharacter ol the evidence ; and that a mass of irrele-
vi it statements will be produced, which it will be diffi-
cult either to reject or to receive."
" 35. That which i think holds out the best prospect
Of meeting the views ui Gevernnient would be to read
over all the evideeee its the presenee of the Raja, and any
two or three of his native advisers whom he chores to
select, to confront the witnesses with him at the same
time, and then immediately take down any defence, he has
to offer, as well as to summon and examine any wit-
nesses on his own behalf, whom -he may
.name. This, I
third:, would answer all the real and substantial ends of
justice, and would, it is to be hoped, bring matters at
once to a close.
• " 56. To render this proceeding more solemn, and
satisfactory to all parties, and to remedy any future
misrepresentation that might arise, I would also very
respectfully be; to submit, that should it appear to be
expedient to the Right Hon. the Governor in Council, a
confidential officer of rank might be deputed here for a
few days, for the special purpose of being present at
their final. proceedings, and of reporting the case fur the
infinenatiou of Government.
"57. By the above proceeding, I conceive that this in-
vestigation could at once be brought to a close, amid
affairs here once more put on a satisfactoyy footing.
But I must beg to repeat, that I conceive the suspension
of the Raja's authority necessary to the success of these
measures ; and that without this I see no end to present.
difficulties. It would, I think, in every point of view, be
attended with advantage ; for, even supposing that his
Highness should be able to exonerate himself frozn some
of these charges, yet enough, I believe, will remain to
subject him to any penalty Government may lie pleased
to inflict, and a temporary suspension of this nature
would serve as a salutary warning to him for the future,
as well as a lesson to the country at large, that such
conduct will never be passed over with impunity.
"58. Indeed, it is very much to be feared, that with-
out some decided step of this nature, affairs here will
not admit of any speedy or satisfactory adjustment, for,
as I have before stated, concession will only aggraVate
the present evils. The more we show ourselves disposed
to overlook what has occurred, the more extravagant
will the Raja's demands become ; and by such a line of
policy we will-be involved in a labyrinth, froM which it
will perhaps be difficult to extricate ourselves.
" 59..8at if we now show our deterniinationto act
with firmness and vigour in punishing these intrigues,
there can be little doubt that this mode of proceeding
will be attended with the best effects, and that it will
tend to restore our character and influence throughout
the country, both of which have materially suffered by
the extraordinary and unprecedented license so long as-
sumed by this Durbar, and which, if permitted to con-
tinue, can only end in its final ruin."
(Extract of a Letter from Colonel ()vans to Government,
15th November, 1838.)
"20. Whatever may be the Raja's reply, however, it
appears evident from the Minute of the Right Honour-
able the Governor-General, that some ulterior and final
proceeding is meditated; and, if such be the case, would
it not be wiser that such proceeding should at once take
place ? and thus prevent all the mischief and intrigue
that will immediately be put in operation by the Raja, on
the receipt of this Yad.
"21. The evils that it will produce are clear and evi-
dent, the good problematical ; nor will it, I fear, bring
us at all nearer the close of thew proceedings, which is
the grand object to be obtained. It will, on the contrary,
probably delay, nay, perhaps, in the eed, entirely frus-
trate this desirable consummation ; inasmuch, as if the
witnesses be tampered with, ant the Raja be permitted
to burden the PRESENT SIMPLE STATEMENT OF FACTS
with loads of irrelevant evidence, supplied both by his
own ingenuity and that of his Bombay advisers, any
Commissioner: hereafter appointed may be involved in a
labyrinth, from which it will be very difficult for them
to escape."

OTHERS.
Soobadar Sewgoolam Sing
gaviltlar Chundur Sing
• C;osiit Nfaloo
Alpha Mhareek
Abba Parusnees
Elojee Mohitey
Abba Mohitey

SECOND, OR JOUDPOOR CASE.
BRAHMINS..
Krustmajee Chintamun Agassey
Babjee Myputteo
Parsotum Anund
Rugho Punt ausalcul
ICaxc® Punt Bundrey—before named
Guvind Row Dewan—befort named

OTHERS.
Elojee Afohitey—before named
Appajee Jadno
Wittoo Bogania •
Wi t too Pa teykur
Kedaree Mania
Dhoondee Katia
Abba Mhareek—before named
Abba Parusnees—before named
Dinkur Row Mohitey

THIRD, OR GOA CASE.
BRAHMINS.
Wasdeo Shastree
Dajeeba Waeed
Balkoba Kelkur
Moro Punt JOS(4?
Hurry Punt Patuk
Narain Bhut Chitty
Rowjee Kotnees
Khundoo Venktesh
Kasoo Bueherow
Gopal Jayram Kolutkur
Abbajee Narain Josee
Moro Punt Putwardhun
- Nilo Abbajee Burkunkur
Sunjeewun, Brahmin
Pursotum Anunt Gosavree

Vishnoo Kesoo Dewasthuly
Ballajee Punt Nattoo

fiasee Sewram Bundrey—before named
Ramehundur Gungadirur
Josee. Dufturdar, or Dajeeba ,Tosee
Rajaram Bhut Moondlee
Govind Row Dewan (confession)—before namel
Vishnoo Punt Funseekur
Narain Bhut Sidhpy
Sewram Bhut Ladkur
Ballajee Punt Jogleekur
liarbhutbin Ramehundur Bhut liulbia
Ramehundur Sadasew Bhut Abhienkur
Dhoondoo Vishnoo Aptey, Government vakeel
Sawunt Ware°

I collie now to a consideration of the merits of the two
latter charges against the Raja; and it must always be
remembered that upon these no trial or hearing what-
ever has been granted him. I have perused repeatedly
Sir R. Grant's minute of the 24th of May, 1838, on the
Joudpoor case, and I have found it, I must say, weari-
some reading. In the name of common sense, are Princes
in India to be deposed because vagabonds at enmity with
them say that verbal messages were sent to a dethroned
Irince, in the destitute situation of Appa Sahib of Nag-
poor, requesting him " to make preparations to join in a
war against the English," and " to exert his interest with
the Sooltan of Constantinople to let the Russians
pass through Turkey to India," and because it is stated
that a sword was authorised to be sent in a veena to
such dethroned Prince, whom the Dewan requests to
send 25 or 30 Lacs, to enable the Portuguese troops to
capture Nagpoor ? Unworthy of serious thought as these
charges are, I do not believe them. Elojee Mohitey,
one of the leading witnesses, was an adherent of Appa
Sahib of Nagpoor, and was denounced -by the Raja to
Captain Grant Duff as an intriguer; and, as for the story
of his destroying the letter and the shoes (S.P. 209),
he couples with this service an alleged promise by the
Raja, to make his mother give up to him some disputed
property. It would surely be natural for the• Raja to
pay useful service to himself, even at his own expense,
and at any rate at the expense of others Yet the mo-
ther of Elojee Mohitey was not, I believe, compelled
by the Raja to make the surrender in question.
What is the plain inference ? Why, that Elojee
was dissatisfied with the Raja, and that his
Highness did not mind about him. Abba Mhareek, an-
other leading witness, is connected by marriage with
Elojee Mohitey. I -cannot stop to say, more upon this
paltry charge, of political communication hostile to the
Britit,h Government with a fugitive and a beggar ; and
one, moreover, who seemed to have taken up the idea of
becoming a religious ascetic ; and we are called. upon to
believe that this silly, useless treason, had been going on
for years I As for the principal features and characters
in the Goa case, let us suppose a gang of robbers taken
up. They are found to be connected with a coining shop;
the officers proceed to it, and find quantities of false
money and tools for making it, and on asking for
explanation, they are answered by the principal
coiner, "Coin money—:o be sure we do, and a very good
thing we make of it ; I trust that we shall long do so; we
have the Queen's authority." " Oh, very well," we may
suppose the police-officer to answer, "I am happy to
hear that we are with respectable people ; I find all is
right here ; now you will, doubtless, be good enough to
show me the Queen's authority." "Why, yes," the
chief coiner will reply, -` I certainly would have great
pleasure in obliging you, as you are so polite, but the
fact is, the Queen's authority was given verbally ; and it
may be as well to mention—not to any of us, but to that
highly venerated individual, the late head of our
firm, who died about a year ago ; and you per-
ceive, Sir, we are all in mourning for him ; and
we have, I assure you, Sir, a great many witnesses.
to prove that that departed saint did really state that he
had such authority !" Now, I ask, could such an ex-
planation be listened to gravely ? And yet I declare
that it seems to me parallel to the position of Nago's
company with reference to the Raja. There is nothing
to show that Nago required any authority from the
Raja for anything he did. He wrote treasonable letters
in the Raja's name, and made and appended seals us he
pleased ; and he carried on this for twelve years ! Can
any one believe this ? And who was this man ? A
Brahmin, as well as the rest of his party, who are also
principally his relations; and the principal, Nago Dea-
rao, died on the 30th July, 1836. and he was a servant
of the Swamee of Sunkeshwur, one of the heads of the
religious feud between the Brahmins and other castes.
But there are letters from Don Manoel, and the signa-
ture, if not genuine, is a far better imitation than would
have been necessary to deceive the Raja ! These letters,
and the extravagant treaty and notes of instructions,
stated to have been communicated by Don Manoel,
are found only on Nago's party and as for the
goodness of the signature, ir forged, it would
have been necessary to forgo it well, if, as I be-
lieve, it was intended to deceive those who under-
stood Portuguese signatures better than the Raja did.
The attempt to connect the Reja with Nago, and his
company is beyond measure weak. The particulars of
Dr. Herculano's intercourse with the Raja, and of Nago's
interviews, are meagre and unsatisfactory, and are incon-
clusively shown. The Doctor, though alive, has not
given evidence, and the persons who do depose are
Brahmins of most indifferent character, and members of
that party of intriguers who, admitting themselves to
be so implicated in transactions of this nature,
and having upon them the evidence of their
guilt, are under the necessity of impugning
the Prince, whose name they have so unwarrantably
used. Tejeram, the banker, committed, lam told, some
years ago, u fraudulent bankruptcy, and came under the
corrective operation of the Raja's Adawlut ; his books
and evidence have been ably commented on by General
Robertson, in his speech at the Court of Proprietors last
July. Sir Robert Grant's minutes on this case, amidst
;he loads of matter which they contain, seem to me to
exhibit scarcely an occurrence that can justly be said to
affect the Raja ; and certainly none that, if his High-
ness had had the hearing which he solicited,
he would not, in all probability, have entirelydisproved.
And what a host of improbabilities present themselves
to prevent our crediting this charge ? I will enumerate a
few :-Ist. The extravagance of the plot. Sir Robert
Grant admits, in many passages of his writings, that it
is almost too absurd to conceive ; and I would remark,
that surely it is not very satisfactory to be forced to be-
lieve that which one cannot explain or conceive. 2d.
The improbability that the Raja 'should place such un-
bounded trust in Brahmins, whom it is well known he
hated r:nd distrusted, and by whom similar feelings were
entertained against him. 3d. The improbability that for
so many years those enemies, who perpetually showed a
desire to ruin him, should not have betrayed him. Sir
Robert Grant admits also that the knowledge of
his intrigues was widely spread. 4th. The weak-
ness of the evidence, as admitted by Sir Robert
Grunt in several passages in his writings. sth. The
enormous powers of Nago. Gth. The distress of
Nago's followers after hie death, when they Lad it in
their power, if the intrigue would last, to extort what
money' they pleased from the Raja. - 7th. The absence of
proof that the Raja sent to secure-Nago Dearao's papers
after his death—the more especially as Sir-R. Grant ac-
counts for Nago recovering the Raja's supposed papers, by
saying, "To the ex-Viceroy discovery might be incon-
venient ; to the Raja it was ruin irremediable." Bth.
Disreputable character of the principal witnesses. 9th.
Intriguing character of the Swatnee of Sunkeshwur, who
may thereliire well be suspected to have lent himself to
plots against the Raja, to whom he was notoriously
inimical. 10th. The circumstance of Don Manoel's
successor and political opponent, Senhor Peres da
Silva, never having exposed Don Manoel's in-
trigues ; had they existed, he must have disco- ,
vered them, . and would have denounced them.
I consider the Goa plot more clearly than any
other a Brahmin plot for the ruin of the Raja.
Brahmins have been engaged in all quarters to furnish
evidence, nor is there any room for surprise that the
evidence taken at different places should correspond, if
we suppose, as I do, that Balajipunt Nattoo at Sat
tarn directed the whole intrigue, and suggested in each
case where evidence was to be got, after he had taken

NAGO DEORAO'S SERVANTS.
Augee bin Feerajee.
Sukhojee bin Limbajee.
Venkapa bin Pillajee.
Hybutee bin Jotajoe.
Pattoo bin Sooltaujee.
6 Khundoojee bin Tookajee

35 OTHERS.
Tejecram, banker.
}lissur Bbngwan.
Balaram Cbuprasee.
Abba Parusnees—before named.
Pandoorang Rao.
Dinkur RJw Mohitey (confession)—before named.

The numbers, therefore, are as follow :
Brahmins. Other Natives.
5
6 9
*35 6

Ist, or Sepoy Seduction case
2d, or Joudpore case
3d, or Goa case

46 22
If those occurring in more cases than one, are numbered
separately.
And
Sepoy Seduction case
Joudpore case
Goa case

4
*33

42 17.
If those occurring in more cases than one, are num-
bered only once.
I must say that where so much depends upon the verbal
evidence of the witnesses, I think it very fatal to the cre-
dibility of these charges that the native witnesses against
the Raja should be more than two to one Brahinins,
whom he always :disliked, and was at no pains to ccnci-
hate, the more especially when, as in the Goa case, one
is required to believe that he placed unbounded confi-
dence in those his known enemies—and enemies, too, of
the most vindictive and unscrape!ous character, inflamed
by religious bigotry, and supported by religious zeal. •
I have adverted above to effects such as might have been
expected from the steps taken to procure evidence by the
officers of Government. In page 111 of the first volume
of the Sattara Papers, raragraph 3, the case of Bkow
Lely is referred to ; this person appears to have volun-
teered to furnish Lieutenant Darnels, for a considerable
reward, with papers which would prove the Raja's
treason. Colonel Ovens mentioned the proposal being
entertained, and when he fai!ed to produce the papers at
the time agreed upon, allowed him a longer period. • He
failed in the end, but it is suspected, not without grounds,
that his intention was to get the required papers forged !
In pages (190 and 191) of the same volume will be
found mention of three documents, said to be, one a letter
from the Raja of Sattara to the Viceroy of Goa, the two
others, in the Mailman language, but in Roman letters,
from the Viceroy to the Raja. All these are disowned
by the Nago Mundullee, or party (who have letters, con-
taining the same matter, but authenticated in a better
way they imagine). Now, who then forged these dis-
honoured letters ? Certainly not the Raja's friends. It
must lia-sa been clone by enemies of the Raja—aye ! and
by enemies, too, who knew something of what was pro-
posed, or intended to be proposed by those enemies who
produced the documents stated to be authentic, since
they correspond in matter with those'documents. After
this disclosure, I confess it surprises me that the
Government did not strongly suspect that forgery by
the Raja's enemies was abroad. I come now to the
consideration of the question of the probability
of a Brahmin conspiracy against the Raja. Colonel
Ovens, in his letter dated May 29, 1841, par. 12., S. P.
iii., 24 and 25, considers it as a fiction, mentioning the
number of -Brahmin witnesses, as above represented, viz.,
21 out of 44, while he observes, "If any conspiracy ex-
isted, it was on the part of the ex-Raja and his Chit-
nayees, to trample on the Brahmins, and to elevate the
rival caste of Purbhoes, to which the Chitnavees be-
longed." Now it is undoubtedly true, that in this feud
the Raja took the part of the Purbhoos, and surely that
alone makes it likely that Brahmins would rather plot
against the Raja than for him. • What was it that, some
short time back, filled us with grief ? What but the
confederacy of the Affghans against us ? And why did
they confederate against us ? Doubtless because they
considered we had trampled upon them. It is 'against
those whom they deem to trample upon them, that men
usually do conspire. My excellent friend, Mr. Wil-
loughby, in his Memorandum of 31st Oct., 1841, S. P.
iii. page 13, is not, I think, at all more successful upon
this point, for what does he say ? Why, that it was not
likely that the Brahmins should conspire to pull down a
'Endo° Prince, whose territories would, under the cir-
cumstances, be likely to be transferred to the British Go-
vernment. To that I answer that the question is not whe-
ther the Brahrnins would be likely so to conspire or to
rest tranquilly under their fig-trees. It is an undoubted
fact, admitted by all, that numbers of Brahmins did
engage in intrigues for some object or another, and are
we thought credulous because we believe that revenge
being the strongest passion of the mind, or nearly so,
the object of the conspiracy should have been to put
down a Prince whom they disliked, and who disliked and
provoked them ? aye ! even though his territories might
fall into the hands of the English ? Is it not, I would
ask, infinitely more improbable that the Brshims should
intrigue for the benefit of their enemy ?—to augment
his power, so that from trampling upon them he might
grind them to dust ?—and can ens-thine be more un-
likely than that Brahmins should intrigue to restore to
power, in India, by our ruin, the bigoted and ceteel Portu-
guese, the most implacable enemies whom the Hirsdoos and
the Hindoo superstition have ever had, with the single ex-
ception of the Mahometans, and hardly that ? The con-
jecture I consider extravagant and unjust towards our
Government—we are liked better than the Portugueee,
whose tyranny end forced conversions, I imagine,
are remembered better than Albuquerque's glory,
and if our Government in India is to stand
until Brain: ins league with Pcrtugneee to subvert it,
depend upon it eel have a long term of empire yet. It is
to be remembered, too, that those who believe that the
I3rahmins' insigne was against the Raja, and not for
him, and for Portuguese, do not, as the other side have
done, require this to be taken as proved. They desire
full and free inquiry only. They say, " Do not upon one-
sided evidence alone (inadequate to establish it story not
in itself unlikely) &elate that to be beyond a doubt
which is glaringly imnrobable, aiid require.s, before it
should be credited, the s:ronqest and most severely
scrutinized evidence. In short the Goa case appears to
me to be a masa of violent, improbabilities. as an
intrigue for the Raja's benefit, and on his behalf. And
this case, it is admitted, is glue strongest of all.
For Sir Robert Grant in the 4th paragraph of his Mi-
nuteofo2f4htilat A3lrahlyu,
telBo3iB.,3(lSat. 208) ; and 7th para-
graphdeclares the Goa case to be muceillB3sBtrSng. eir).tilln23t6h,e)
Joudpoor case, while he admits in paragraphs 8 and 15 of
his Minute of 30th Jan., 1837 (S. F. 1., pp. 68 and 69),
and in paragraph 3 of his Minute of 15th August, 1837

(S. P. i., 92,) and in paragraph 3 of his Minute of
31st lay, 1838 (S. P. 1., 235), that the first, or

it is

care that it shou:d be there. How suspicious, I might Slioy case, was a weak un, .
say how conclusively eondemnatory, the vast number of ; also to be remembered that neither on this case
Brahmin . witnesses. I ha.e taken from Colonel Ovens' , nor on the Joudpnor ease has the ltaja had any hearing
letter, of the 15th of November, 1838, which I consider whatever. To crown the incredibility of the Goa plot, a
the hest authentie•document for the pfirpose, the.nam:s great authority, the Right Hon. Sir John Cam Hobhouse,
of Ikahmin and other native witne:4ses; and I find the Bart., the late President of the Board of Control,-has ex-
number much beyond, that stated in Colonel Ovans' pressed his total disbelief of this charge at least in the
letter, of the 25th of November, 1841.—5. P., iii. 24, 25. Nlowing words taken from his speech hi Parliament,
The following is the list:— i delivered on the 23d June, 1842, as published by Bldg-
, FIRST, OR SEPOY SEDUCTION CASE. way, Piccadilly :
BRAHMINS.. „ • " The Hon. Member has also accused me of believing
Soobadar Gooljar Missur that the Raja of Sattara was about to bring 30,000 Pot.-
Purushram, perfumer luguese from Goa to invade British India. Where the
liasee Punt Bundrer Hon. Member learned that, I know not. I have seen.
Untajee (confession) some trumpery statement in a newspaper to that effect,
Govind Row Dewan (do.) but there is not a word of truth in it. As President of
• the Boahl of Control, I know that those charges were
brought against the.Raja of Sattara, but to way that I
believed them is what the Hon. Gentleman has not the
slightest fouadation for saying."
I can only say that I have always been simple enough
to think that the charges were believed by those who
sanctioned the dethronement of the Raja by Sir James
Cantle, because he would not certify by his signature that
he was guilty of them ! If the gentlemen behind the
bar, would say that they do not believe them, it would
spare me mush trouble, and, under the circumstances,
considering that, there are, on this side of the bar, be-
lievers staunch, good, and true, in most of what the
Court tell them. I think :hat it would be but fair to state
particularly what it is that is expected to be believed.
It becomes now necessary to take a review of the con-
duct of the Raja, subsequently to the appointment of
Colonel Ovens, as acting Re.ident. Col.,nel ()vans ar-
rived at Sattara on the 15th June, 1837, and had an in-
terview with the Raja on the 19th, which is reported in
his letter of the 24th of June, 1837, from which the M-
lowing is an extract :
"4. (Accompaniment 1 contains the substance of the
conference.)
"5. As regards this document I will only at present
remark, with reference to the sixth paragraph, that I
beg leave respectfully to call the attention of Govern-
ment to the fburth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of my
letter of the 23d instant, in which I have stated, that
that Commission (of 1836) being a secret one, no copy
of any part of its proceedings could be given, and that
the two members alluded to avoided waiting on his
Highness, in consequence of the situation in which he
stood ; but that they had not the slightest reason to be-
lieve that he had anything further to communicate in
regard to his case.
"6. In the interview above alluded to, the Raja showed
an inclination to put himself into my hands, but as my
communications with him at this crisis are necessarily
reserved and distant, in accordance with my instructions,
this feeling on his part must be expected to wear off.'
In reply to his frequent allusions and remarks on the
sultject of the Commission, I gave him distinctly- to
understand that the whole case had been referred for
the consideration and instructions of the Government of
India.

"7. I also informed his Highness that his yad of
fifteen paragraphs would be forwarded to Govern-
ment, &c."
The following is an extract from the report of the
interview :
" 3. That his first and only object was to preserve the
favour of the Government ; that as to his raj, he would
give that up and go to &flares, but he wished to clear
himself from this stain in the eyes of Government and
the world ; that as to' the Dotter, or anything else of
that kind, it was with the view of obtaining a hearing,
and of making his case known ; that ninny things now
occurred to him which had not at the time he came
before the Commission ; and all he prayed for was, a
thorough investigation, as without it he could not be
satisfied. 'lt was better for him,' he said, to lose
all, than to live in this sort of doubt.' '
"6. He wished, therefore, now to have what he begged
for at the time, a copy of the evidence against him, that
he might consider and answer it. The Commission had
gone without seeing him, and he had bad no oppor-
tunity of entering into further explanation then, but he
hoped now he should be permitted to do so, and then he
would be content, whatever might be thesdecision.
"11. However, if the Governor would only write to
him a few words, saying that he had the welthre of his
'Highness's Government at heart as much as his own, he
would be satisfied, and would at once unburden his mind,
and conceal nothing—every thing else will be disclosed.
12. I begged that he would repeat this declaration
to prevent mistake, and, as he laid so much stress upon
it, that he would give it to me in writing ; and the ac-
companying is the original sent by his Highness to this
effect.
" 13. Throughout the interview, and in reply to his
appeals to my own opinion, I told him that I was the
servant of the Government, and, as such, I had only to
carry the orders of Government into effect."
His Highness's yad (Memorandum) to the effect re-
presented, stated that when the letter he solicited was
received, lie would tell all regarding the false accusation
against him. It is probable that he could then have
ventured to name Balajipunt Natoo as the originator_ of
the conspiracy against him. The letter which he soli-
cited nes one which, by a British and Superior-Govern-
ment. might well have been given to a native and com-
paratively powerless Prince, of admirable character, if
it had been desired to serve him ; except only, that
whereas it contained the expression of a willingness to
aid in effecting his Highness's designs, of course this
should have been limited to "designs meeting the appro-
bation of the British Government." A letter much to
the same effect was sent to the Raja by the, lion. Mount-
stuart Elphinstone, on the 12th September, 182 G.
Could anything, I would ask, be more proper than the
Raja's conduct on this occasion, and anything more chil-
ling and repulsive, than that of the Acting Resident,
agreeably to the orders which he had received ? The
Raja's request, which he twice made, that he might have
a copy of the evidence against him 'in the Sepoy seduc-
tion case, was not complied with, on the plea that the
Commission being secret, no copy of any part of its pro-
ceedings could be given to any one, as it' any one ever
heard of a trial so secret, that the evidence against the
person accused could not be had by him in writing. His
offer to relinquish his territories, provided only he
could obtain a hearing, was treated with neglect.
The letter of favour which he begged, the Governor at
once resolved to withhold, because, he said, the terms of
it " might be construed to imply that Government had
acted unjustly towards his Highness." Could Sir R.
Grant have looked forward to September, 1839, he would
have seen the unfortunate Raja dethroned for declining
to sign an admission that he was a traitor ! lie offered
again on the 17th July to abandon his territories for a
full and fair investigation, and how was this noticed ?
The Governor in his minuSe of the 21st of July, 1837,
concurred in by the Board, writes :—" Ido not think
any notice should for the present be taken of this
communication, which, I think, betrays the Raja's
uneasiness, arising from a consciousness of guilt."
Strange that the man who was conscious of guilt
should act in this way. He boldly protested his inno-
cence, and offered to divest himself of any possible
"'means of concealing guilt. If guilty he would, if timid,
have confessed, and, if bold, would never have offered to
resign his power. No one could act in this way but an
innocent man. But other parties there were who, lam
of opinion, undoubtedly did betray guilt some months
before. I allude to the Soobadars. Y From the 35th par.
of the Governor's Minute of the 27th April, 1837
(S. P. i., 83), I feel convinced that they at that
time felt all the terror of approaching, detection,
from which the Governor's reception of them
must haye - proved a most welcome relief. The
Raja again, on the 26th July, 1837, repeated his
offer to abandon his throne for a full and fair inquiry,
and on the 28th the Senaputty and Dinkur Row Mohitey
waited on the part of the Raja upon the acting Resident,
and begged humbly for his advice, which his instructions
of course withheld him from granting. The tormenting
inquiries, the political inquisition, it may well be tailed,
went on without interruption—for a time tae Raja was
applied to by the acting Resident to procure the
attendance of witnesses, which lie seems never to
have failed to do to the extent required, but
after a period the acting Resident summoned and
detained the Raja's subjects as he pleased. I
cannot think, without pain, of the degradation to
which this high-minded Prince was reduced at this un-
happy period, while his Brahmin enemy, by British aid
too confidingly given, was stealthily, but surely, work-
ing his destructi mn. I cannot wonder that his Govern-
ment was disorganised ; I am almost surprised that. ho
did not, in despair, leave his country, and search for a
retreat in any quarter where he might have been per-
mitted to go. He was without a friend able to defend
or aid him, and lie was hiniself in the grasp of those who
could annihilate him in an instant ; but he still continued
firm in the belief that in the end justice would be done
him ; and kept as he was at arm's length by the Resi-
dent, who, also, he was sensible, was occupied, with
the assistance of Balsjiptint Nattoo, in making out a
case against him, he strove, by every channel or means,
to open a communication with the British authorities.
Mote "intrigues," as they were called, were engaged in ;
these were easily met—all his correspondence, I imagine,
has been intercepted, and what does it show on his part
but an earnest desire to be permitted to make
his INNOCENCE CLEAR ? for as to the stories
of Ms intendCd appeal to the Russians or the Paella
of Egypt, these are, I imagine, quite abandoned. I
must say a word or two about this intercepted corres-
pondence—a good deal of it appears commented upon in
the minute of the Governor of Bombay, of 24th August,
1838. It does not seem to contain much of moment, but
is it therefore useless to the Raja ? It is anything but
that : it would, indeed, have been of little use to him,
had it been allowed to pass without examination—inter-
cepted it is valuable. In searching out and scru-
tinizing the Rajas supposed
might often be at
autho-
rities, withont a clue to guide meal,
fault—but, if the Raja's intrigues were real, he and his
confidants with whem lie was corresponding, intimately
intrigues, the British (
with all 111,ew‘i 'et)plul set
hile)kyti rruntosn's• would u mustahrxli: ;117:to
feared
e had
e
detection.urce.; from
n'erg iittri:iaisttittesi°d'tion .
And can it be conceived, that in all this con-
siderable quantity of intercepted correspondence there
would not occur repeated allusions to this or that person,
place, or thing, happily screened from search ; fears lest
discoveries might be made here or there ; precautions
taken to prevent these, and so forth ! There cannot be a
doubt of it. I consider the Raja's intercepted correspon-
dence quite sufficient of itself to demonstrate his perfect in-
nocence against evidence far stronger than he has to en-
counter. The Court of Directors receiving reports of the
protracted inquiries which the Bombay Government was
conducting, intimated to the Governor-General on the
13th June, 1838, and the Secret Committee on the 22d
January, 1839, the latter, after receiving the Governor-
General's minute of 23d September, 1838, stating his
change of opinion—" that it would not only be a waste
of time, but seriously detrimental to time character of our
Government to carry on any further inquiry into the
matter ;" and in the letter the Secret Committee
desired that proceedings might be stayed until Sir James
Carnac arrived. It is quite clear that the sentiments of
the Court of Directors at this time, were favourable to the
*lncluding six servants, not Brahnai, as, of Nago I)eorao.

Raja, for Mr. Forhes, or the etii April, 1840,
(6. P. i., 361) says—e. The universal impression at the
India House, confirmed by his own known opinions on
the sub ect, was, that the new Governer was empowered
nut only to suppress all further inquiry, but to consign
the enites question to compiste oultviou. One vote, at
least, in the Court of Die...cows was cordially given to
the candidate for the vacant Government, one voice was
raised in congratulation, that among many grounds of
qualification Sir James Carnac felt for the wrongs of the
Raja, and was resolved to stay his protracted persecu-
tion." And Mr. Lyall, the chairman, said in the Court
of Proprietors on the 14th July, 1841 :—" He (Sir
James Carnac) left this country determined, if possible,
to save the Raja, but, when .he got out to India,
and became better informed of his conduct and his pro-
ceeilings, he changed his opinion." Since then hiS opi-
nion was changed ; it follows that it was previously le-
i vourable. No information, however, as to the guilt of
the Raja was acquired, which tt as mot in England before
Sir James Carnac left this country. MatterS remained
in the state to which we have traced them until Sir James
Carnac's arrival in Bombay, nothing having taken place
in consequence of the Governor-General having deter-
mined. on first making another reference to the Court.
The new Governor at first intended to address a latter
of remonstrance, or rebuke to the Raja, and forgive him,
and surely every one must deeply regret that this was not
dune. In truth, the Rajah scarcely deserved rebuke, and
least of all, from the Bombay Government ; but this much
respect to authority and the British name seethed indise
perusable ; but when the letter which he intended to send
was submitted to the Governor-General, his Lordship,
he his letter of the 11th July, 1839, stated that he
thought it too harsh, and especially as the ob-
ject was to preserve harmony ; and as, besides,
if the Raja replied in a tone of offensive defiance,
and refused to let the subject drop, the strong mea-
sure of his dethronement, it' necessary, must be sanctioned.
The Governor-General suggested that as amity was to
depend upon the reception of this letter great care
should be taken in the preparation of it. One would
have thought that, considering the great importance of
having this letter suitably worded, it would hardly have
been a superfluous precaution to have sent the Governor-
General a revised draft for approval. Not only was this
not done, but the letter itself was swamped, at least so
far as we see ; and, instead ofits transmission, a measure
was adopted which undoubtedly was exactly that which
the enemies of peace and of the unfortunate Raja would
heve desired. The Governor, after proceeding to
Sattara' at an interview with the Raja placed
before his Highness for his signature a memorandum,
admitting his guilt on all the charges, far more
offensive than the letter which the Governor-General
thought too harsh, and beyond measure more degrading,
as requiring to be signed by himself. It was presented,
too. at an unfortunate moment, when the Raja became
first aware that he whom he thought his friend, and
from whom he expected to have the healing which he
had been so long denied, was about to treat him us others
bad done. And why was it, unless free and full pardon
was granted, that the hearing was not given ? Objec-
tions as to the Raja's sovereignty, and as to the servants
of Government composing a tribunal for the trial of a
case in which the Government was in fact a party,
occurred, and further, "that such a Commission
as has been recommended would appear quite 'in-
expedient, unless we were quite certain of the result."
The Raja in vain protested his innocence of all dis-
loyalty, and solicited to be heard, and again and again
offered to abandon his territories for a time, until inves-
tigation was made, and the confidence of the British
Government was restored. His conduct, I should say,
showed not only that he was conscious of innocence—it
showed that he felt it impossible that on fair inquiry any
one could be found to condemn him. He was answeled
by the Governor that " had lie (the Governor) come to
Sattara to inflict the penalty incurred by these violations
of the treaty of 1819, further inquiry might perhaps have
been considered expedient, but as he had come to over-
look and not to punish, this was quite unnecessary."
Compare this with what followed, and is it not wretched
sophistry ? What right had the Governor, because
what he thought was an advantage was declined by the
Raja, to make the Raja'; situati n worse than it would
have been, as he admits, had he come to punish and not
to pardon ? Repeated efforts Were made to induce the
Raja, to sign the memorandum, but in vain ; anii ho was
therefore, cn , sth September, 1839, dethrone, in
consequence, it was stated in the proclamation, ()fits hay
ing been conclusively established to the conviction of
the British Government, that "he had for a series of
years held clandestine communications, contrary- to the
'stipulations contained in the fifth article of the treaty,"
that. " he had cherished ambitious designs, hostile to the
British Government ;" that " he had advanced claims
and pretensions incompatible with the letter and spirit of
the treaty ;" and that "he had conducted hint self in a manner
subversive of the alliance formed between the two States."
It has been said that his Highness objected to additional
articles to the existing treaty, which were, however,
merely to the effect of those then in force. He cer-
tainly might very properly have dune so; for how could
he tell that he might not thus be called upon to sign a
new engagement every year to abide by the treaty, and
thus furnish at least a disagreable inference against him-
self; but, if the Government had desired to show
that his objection did'not arise from his being obliged to
admit his guilt; and, if they were willing to waive so
wanton an insult to his Highness, they might have ex-
punged all that was offensive in that way. As to the
preamble, it was evidently most offensive, and was cer-
tainly not drawn up in a spirit of friendship, but in that
of conquest. Had it been otherwise,. the Raja's sup-
posed designs, which it must not be forgotten had
never been proved, might have been alluded to
as " unfortunate disagreements," or by some similar term.
Nor do I see that it was at all necessary to alluded to the
conviction of the British Gweernment that his Highness
had been, guilty of intriguing ; and considering how that
conviction was produced, I cannot but think that the
British Government would have been more a gainer than
the Raja by all omission of it. Remarks have been
made that without some special pro Vision in the treaty,
the persons who had given information against the Raja,
and whom we were bound to defend, could not have
been protected. Those who say so cannot surely bear
in mind sufficiently the control over the Raja which the
British Government had the means of exercising, through
the advice artiele and our superior power ; for although
I think Colonel Ovens' construction of that article is too
comprehensive, still there can be no doubt that it war-
ranted every interference that could be thought in the
least reasonable on the part of the British Government.
It is merely requisite further to mention, that, when de-
throned, he received a pledge that his private, property
should be respected, provided be submitted peaceably ;
that he did so submit, and that in breach of that pledge,
a quantity of his property was made over to his brother,
the present Raja, because " the distinction" between
the private and public properly of a Sovereign was " one
not ordinarily recognised in native States," although
it was recognised in his State, and with the
knowledge, and by the advice of the British Government.
The same reluctance is observable in this third act of the-
drama, to subject the evidence procured against the
Raja to fair scrutiny, as in the two former ones. • Is
there any wonder at this ? We have seen what that evi-
dence is. Look at it in the Sepoy-tampering case, filled
with :fatal discrepancies on the part of the only two or
three witnesses who depose to anything of consequence.
Look at it in the Joudpoor case, full of nothing at all,
and yet that nothing told us by interested witnesses.
And look at it in the Goa case, a mass of absurdities sup-
ported by witnesses so unworthy of belief, and altogether
so incredible, and so little ail' sting the Raja, that the
Right Hon. the late President of the Board of Control
will not submit to have it said that he believe 4 it.
And upon these charges the Raja has of been heard in
his defence, for it is impossible to call a hearing the
process by which he was declared guilty of the first
charge. The Court of Directors, in glaring inconsistency
with the letter of the• Secret Committee of 22c1 January,
1839, entirely approved all the proceedings of the Bum-
bay Government of September, 1839, and this without
expressing a cause for their change of -sentiment. Such
cause, indeed, it would have been difficult to produce,
because every fact and information relative to the Raja
was in the East India House previously to the 22c1 of
January, 1839, when the Committee stated it to be their
opinion " that it would be not only a waste of time, but
seriously detrimental to the character ef our Govern-
ment, to carry on any further inquiry in the
matter." We have heard it often observed
that the Government must be the judge in
political questions like the present one. All
will agree in this ; but surely it will not be contended
that it is necessary for the Government to decide on one-
sided evidence only, as has been done in this instance.
It has been said that the Raja's conduct evinced obliquity
of intellect. Let us shortly review the proceedings of
the authorities, and see what they display. The Govern-
ment sanctioning a conviction, when the person tried
was not allowed to be present at the trial, until all the
evidence aeainst him had been taken. Sir Robert
Grant and the Bombay Government expressing their
full persuasion of the Raja's guilt, while expecting to
try him, and the Governor recording minutes to that
effiett, amounting to nearly 600 paragraphs, and flattering
himself that he would be likely to conduct such trial im-
partially ; the refusing to the Raja copies of the
evidence against nun, on the ground of secrecy, as if any
evidence given on a trial could be secret from the person
accused ; the procuring of evidence by deputing per-
sons who had given evidence against the Raja, to their
friends in gaol, eepected to give similar evidence ; the
evading, on every occasion, the grant of is fair hearing
to the Jinja, and then at last dethroning him, because
he would not admit his guilt ! Where shiill we find
obliquity of intellect, if we are not to look thr it here ?
The?, the Governor-General, first discouraging. further
inquiry ; next, in imitation of the Bombay Government,
recording his full persuasion of the Raja's guilt,
while expecting to try him, and then approving
the Raja's extraordinary dethronement ? And,
finally the Court of Directors, first strongly disapproving
further inquiry, and then, without any new fact or in-
formation against the Raja, sanctioning that remarkable
step, by which a Prince, who had borne for sixteen
years the highest character, and was untried, and, with
scarcely less certainty: innocent, was hurled from
his throne, because he would not make him-

self unworthy of it, by falsely signing himself
a traitor—where shall we find obliquity of intellect
if we are not to look for it here ? The Raja's principal
misfortune, at this moment, is the nurnbsr and magni-
tude of the faults (,f his adversaries. Against this array
of faults, what do we find the conduct of the 'Raja 2 It
is simple and consistent throughout, and totally incom
patible with guilt. When accused, and throughout the
inquisition to which he was subjected, he summoned and
sent to the Residency persons accused with himself,
and witnesses as required by the Resident. Far from
shrinking from inquiry, he perpetually courted it, and
repeatedly offered to surrender his territories temporarily
into the hands of -the British, provided only a full
and fair ir.quiry into his alleged offences were
made ; and, finaly, when unable to obtain a hearing,
this man, who had not shown the least desire to screen

Tim WEST INDIA MAIL Th ngernentsti7i:
tween the Lords Commissioners: of the Board (if A . r-
rGalit3 and the Right Host. Lord Lowther, the Postulastelio
ierali respecting the transmission of the Ilres Inci'ly
mails twice a month by sailing ackets, are 11°i! , oat
concluded.. Twelve 10-gun brigs are now fit ti-th yr
with all expedition at Plymouth, as packet 4 for the p be
pose of conveying the Madeira, jainalea, (and Lettishtill rile
West India Islands), Panama, New Orleans, le
Guiana, Surinam, and Mexican mails, which
up at the General Post-office. St. Martin's-le-Gr:PI-Lill
t e Ist and 15th of every month, and forwaried ria d to
mouth. The average time of the voyage from an, :s
Falmouth and the Vest India Islands, 31e.siot:,`S'c,''.:a
.Tmputed at 57 days. The Madeira, Breli"s; IP'
Buenos Ayres mails will be alto conveyed bY,lle'nress,
jesty's brigs Linnet, Penguin, Swift, Crane, l'.l tie
Petrel, and Ranger, on the first Tuesday of ever": ,11-1°
The time • from and to Falmouth is ou an ave!,3,b„ tell
will be title
days. From August to January the packets Wlu -„.),,' f 0
Rat. Pernambuco and Bahia on their outward p.ass!'6o,-,e-
-vi to Janeiro, and the other six months on their 1,4_ in
'pad. This new arrangement of the Post-office l'eeri
consequence of the continued complaints that have .°10,...
made to Government by the merchants uf London, L'N,ce
pool, Manchester, and Glasgow, of the delay te,' t'iii-
experienced in transmitting and receiving their cries
gence from our West India Islands, South Auleri"' 5.
India Mail Company. the Brazils, by the steam
y. We regret this b' ffe,
&lent] t
rbertigusraareto
4) hope the Post-office authorities are not abo, .
se formerly in .use,
will be for the w
a st h
ke a
tio lads
those
re 0 tpttaeskyesttse:mo c -I, af
nibee saaelltelarOt bout to
'One. '
On S ~ d bik
aturday, at the Insolvent Debtors' C°llr-t!
Lord George Loftus (son of the Marquis of Ely) tuernher
schedule, previous to obtainin a hearing for Peceed to
next. In his affidavit he stated that his father refus,rison
pay his debts. His Lordship has been in the Fleetinsing
since February last, and has had an alloWanee low-
that time of 61. per week from his father, the same a „rile
ance which has been paid him a great many Years. 11-10,
debts, in the aggregate, are set forth at 15,25 U, of "' the
9,1511. are without consideration. In the year 1838,,_nt
Marquis nf Ely paid debts for the insolvent to the est'_'4.l
of 3.0001. The insolvent stated that many of his dcuv
arose from having become party to various bills of Cie
change fie. Captain the Hon. F. W. Byng, for which.cth
never received any consideration, and on three of whi;c_
he was in custody. The insolvent was formerly fin ',,id
sign in the Grenadier Guards, which commission he
41-11,0,
some time ago. Amongst the items in the schedule, .
.4.
are extracted, as extending from 1836 to the prese!:
year. " Paid for admission to places of amusement
iii:,
braries, &c., 1,20 C-1" " Lost by play and betting dur
this time, but of which I can give no particular aecoion!
about 10,0001." There does not appear in the ale
coo"
any property fbr the creditors, who are principall;l:
posed of persons who figure in " bill transactions. W
Air -
RECOVERY OF A SHIP AND HER CARGO.------ • ,it
Fraser, of the Submarine and Salvage Establishment,.
I.B'
',-
London, has succeeded, after many difficulties. in savn
the whole of the valuable cargo and stores of the Alrea"
can ship Baptist Merrick, sunk off Culansoog, on thccnas
of Holland, a month ago. Amorg the cargo was a quantitY
of valuable machinery, which has been got up in as Pc,'",,re
feet a state as if it had jy. ust left the manufactory. -",,'
ship lay sunk in a very exposed situation, insbdried i
the sand, and open to the whole North Sea. Mr. Fraser
was engaged, with his divers, for several days vat(
water, stopping the principal leak::, and plsnhing Nhe'll
over, and succeeded afterwards, by means of his all':
rants and iron whales, in saving the cargo, which lt,
valued at upwards of 7,0001., and is now in possession 0
the underwriters.

those supposed to b© joiUi offenderswith himself ; who