The Sun.
London, England, 1842-12-30 00:00:00

R. PEEL. We should like to see the corms-
pondence that has recently passed between cer-
tain noblemen and gentlemen, the substance of
which has been made known to the Premier.
We should like to hear the oral communications
which are continually made by the Premier to
his familiars, and from squire to squire, to give,
if possible, a tone to the public sentiment that
may enable the Right Hon. Baranet to boast of
the unaltered and. unalterable attachment of the
landowners to the principle of protection, and to
the present sliding scale.
" The time is fast approaching," adds the Con-
temporary from whom we have borrowed the as-
sertion, " when it will be known whether Sir
R. PEEL will be allowed to consult the welfare
of the country, or whether he will renounce the
principles he professed last session, and become
the passive instrument of a short-sighted and
mistaken avarice." As we have said already,
Sir R. PEEL will do that which he is compelled
to do ; he has no free will in the matter. If
the grumbling of the farmers increase, if
rent continue to fitll, and if the League presses
forward with vigour and zeal, Sir R. PEEL will,
in the language of our Contemporary,
"consult the public welfare" by abolish-
ing the Corn-law. If, on the contrary,
the farmers should think that this is but
one bad season, and should go on hoping and
trusting, as the landowners have cunningly re-
commended, at the same time promising them
some small assistance, and a relaxation of rent ;
if the industrious and injured farmers should
therefore make no serious and bitter re-
monstrances to the idle landlords, and
quietly sacrifice their little remaining ca-
pital to pay the utmost amount of rent
they can pay ; if agricultural meetings should
speak boldly ; and if at the same time the fall of
prices should relax the zeal of the League, and
make some of its most active members more
eager to profit by present advantages than pro-
vide for future prosperity, then Sir ROBERT PEEL
will not consult the welfare of the country, and
will not alter the Corn-law. He relies, probably,
on the contingencies we have pointed out. He
promised cheapness, and cheapness is come.
That will be a sufficient shield against the de-
mands of the League, unless most vigorously-
pressed•;. and if the landlords continue vehe-
mently to clamour for protection, he will do their
bidding. In that case he will prepare for him-
self imperishable disgrace, and for his country
indescribable disasters.
Mr. STURT, at the Blandford meeting, being
one of the resolute protection men, said, under
the burdens the agriculturists have to bear they
are not able to contend with unlimited com-
petition. How can he suppose, then, that the
manufacturers, who share all the burdens of the
State with the agriculturists, can bear them ex-
posed to unlimited competition, and bear the ad-
ditional burden of the bread-tax ? To shut out
competition is to shut out trade, to ruin the ma-
nufacturers, and deprive the agriculturists of
customers. 'Will that raise the price of wheat ?
Whether it will or not, lie and his friends still
cling to the law which promises them a high
price for that produce.
We are not much surprised at the ignorance
and prejudice of the landowners, however much
we deplore them. The word " law" implies settle-
ment and stability, and so the landlords speak of
the law of last session as the settlement of the
question. But however feasible it might be for
the leader of a predatory tribe to settle that their
next piratical excursion should be to Britain, and,
therefore, make that a law; or to establish that
another leader should share with him in the
command; or however feasible it might be for
the successful pirates, become landowners, to
settle a division of the booty, or even to agree
amongst themselves, for their common defence,
to organise themselves into tens, and hundreds,
and shires, and, therefore, establish or settle
such a general means of defence—between such a
law and the settlement or establishment of the
price of a commodity there is no analogy what-
ever. Hence, while the settlement and establish-
ment of tailings and hundreds has existed in
England for ten centuries, or from a period an-
terior to ALFRED to the present time, the law
settling and establishing the price of wheat could
not be maintained unaltered for twelve years, and
has failed every year in accomplishing the object
intended.
The price of wheat depends on the quantity of
corn grown and the number of mouths; on the
quantities of other things to be given for it,
and the number of persons requiring it; on the
quantity and value of money in circulation, both
of which are effected by bank issues, and are not
settled and established by the law ; and it depends
on the cost of producing the wheat and other
things. Now, no one of these elements of the
prices of wheat is, or can, be settled or esta-
blished by law; and, therefore, the law which
keeps out foreign grain cannot possibly settle or
establish the price of wheat. The attempt to
settle and establish it by law is, therefore, as
errant a piece of folly, but being replete with
mischief, much more wicked, than an attempt to
regulate the seasons themselves.
Experience amply confirms this theory. The
law since 1815, intended to keep up prices, has
been a complete failure; the price falling at
times to 30s. and 395., while there has been a most
rapid increase of manufactures and of people.
These are obviously the circumstances which at
other times have forced up prices, and wanting
which the law would have had no such effect,
any more than the swearing of fishwives at Bil-
lingsgate. We pity and excuse the somewhat
natural prejudices of booby squires who jump to
the conclusion, because the law settles the suc-
cession to the throne that it can settle the
pbrltelueseorf commodities; we can pardon them their
and their bullying, for they have been
nursed in conceit and pride by the deference of
other men ; but we cannot excuse Sir ROBERT
af3nEdE L for
bli
pricesmaintaining a
which w
knows
to
as en tnt
ol et
effect that object ; and he will receive no pity,
should his attempt draw on him the execration of
mankind.

A great deal more depends on this question of
free trade than most men imagine. Year after
year the lower classes want food, and the middle
classes struggle in vain to improve their condi-
.
non ; year after year are the dispositions of all
soured and embittered; year after year the ill-
will of man to man, and of class to class, in-
creases; year after year fraud is strengthened
and honesty weakened; year after year, by the
operation of hunger, distress, and disappoint-
ment, do rancour, hatred, and all the evil pas-
sions, become predominant, and beget wide-
spread disorder, discontent, and anarchy. All
these are the consequences of restriction and
distress.

We went through a trying period of long and
' expensive war without suffering half or one
quarter as much at home of distress and discon-
tent as .we have suffered since; the peace. The
people were then prosperous; the law did not
prevent them from obtaining food ; the wonder-
ful inventions of WATT, while the success of our
Navy ensured the general safety of our com-
merce, gave to our industry and our wealth the
most extraordinary extension. By their means
the nation was prosperous, not, as is sometimes
foolishly said, in consequence of a war wastefully
carried on, but in spite of it ; and contentment
and loyalty grew with the products of commerce
and the steam-engine.

If the mistake, however, were then and
since made of ascribing internal tran-
quillity to good government, instead of
ascribing it to mechanical inventions, how
much more may we now dread the mistake
of ascribing the terrible discontent, not only with
the Government, but of man- with man, and of
class with class, which now exists, to some inhe-
rent wickedness which coercion may put down,
instead of tracing it to the general distress caused
by our restrictive laws ? Another invention of
equal importance to the steam-engine, instead of
now relieving our distress, would increase it ; and
thus the wonderful ingenuity and skill of our
people, which, under no other restrictions than
those imposed by circumstances, carried the
nation happily through au arduous contest, are
converted, by the restrictive laws enacted since

the peace, into dire curses. Nothing less than
prosperity and contnttnent on the one iln.;;A,
with all the bland and kindly emotions which
spring therefrom; and distress, discontent, and
anarchy on the other, depend on the right solu-
tion of this great question of freedom of trade.
The progress of population carries civilization
with it; and when we find the nation deteriorat-
ing in morals as it increases in numbers, we are
forced to conclude that our political system is
terribly erroneous.
On this account we cannot believe that Sir
ROBERT PEEL is so self-degraded as to have
made up his mind to be the instrument of the
ignorant landlords in endeavouring to continue
the restrictive law. We know that like all
politicians he loves power, and is not very
scrupulous as to the means of acquiring it. We
believe, therefore, that if the preservation of his
own power depends on maintaining that system,
he will try to maintain it. Hence it is the
business of the public, operating through the
League and on the landlords and farmers, to
make the preservation of his power and the
maintenance of the system hopelessly incom-
patible. In spite of some Bobadil-talk the land-
owners are dreadfully alarmed at the success of
the League, and the growing discontent of the
tenantry. A few weeks more low prices, and
the continuance of the existence of the League,
will suffice to rouse the tenantry against the
landowners, and convince Sir ROBERT PEEL
that he can only remain in office by conceding
the abolition of the Corn-laws. Till public
opinion becomes decided we suppose that lie
will hold his judgment suspended, and will then
again, as before, make his conduct square with
his presumed interest.

Mr. O'CONNELL'S letter, combined with the
avowed resistance tolevying poor-rates, will have
convinced the public that Sit ROBERT PEEL has
not got over the difficulty of Ireland. He can
only rely on the landlords of that country. The
hulk of the peasantry, with their leaders and

their priesthood, are, politically speaking, ra-
ther his enemies than his allies. He not only
supports, he favours and extends a Church which
oppresses them, and which they hate. But
how are the landlords disposed towards
him ? They complain in Ireland most
bitterly of the effects of the tariff. Rents
are falling ; rates cannot be paid; land is ac-
tually in some places deteriorated fifty per
ccnt.; and, taught by Sir ROBERT PEEL, the
the:landlords universally, we believe, ascribe the
fall in prizes and in rents to his new laws.
His difficulties in Ireland must increase ; for,
without conciliating the peasantry and the
Catholic priests, he is alienating from him the
landlords, and. their dependents and friends.
Now comes the proposition to make them
responsible in the first instance for the
poor-rate, which! will add fuel to the
flame, and make his work for Ireland
more arduous, probably, than his work for
England. With what subject he will begin
when Parliament assembles, we cannot conjec-
ture ; but his task will be much more severe than
last session, while the confidence in him, which
might enable him to succeed, will be much
diminished.

A large agricultural meeting was held at
Blandford, Dorsetshire, on Saturday, which was
attended by the three Members for the County
Lord ASHLEY; Mr. STURT, and Mr. G. BANKES,
all good Tories, and friends of the farmers. Many
speeches were made on the occasion,.all distinguish-
ed by that moderation and content which have
generally prevailed at. Tory gatherings, since the
party have obtained their objects, the expta3ion
of the Whigs and place and power. Railings
against the doings at Court have ceased, the
speeches are full of loyalty and devotion
to the Sovereign, and even O'CONNELL
and the Irish priests escape abuse. The
late alterations in the Tariff and the Corn-laws,
naturally formed topics of discussion, and as the
opinions of the speakers are entitled to some
weight, it may be useful to refer to them. The
Speeches certainly display a different tone from
that evinced at some other agricultural meetings
held in the adjoining districts, for they all lead
to the conviction that many of the landlords are
determined to make every possible resistance to
further changes. One of the toasts given by Lord
ASHLEY was " Live and let live, and let well alone.'
and Mr. STURT declared his determination to
resist to the last. " I believe I may state," said
he, " that I am uttering the opinion of all the
landowners and farmers of England, when I say
that we do not require such protection as may
injure the general interests of the nation—that
we do not require any further protection than
such as will prevent us from being crushed by
foreign competition.—(Hear, hear.) In the
situation of this country, and the burthens
we have to bear, we are not able to contend
with unlimited competition; and while such
is the case, it is our determination, with all our
might—and our might is great—(Cheers)—that
there shall be protection, that we will have fair
protection.—(Cheers.) We wish this to go forth
to the public, for we require nothing but
justice. We, are ready to meet our fellow-
countrymen upon the merits of the case ; we
will submit the question to fair reasoning, but
we are not to be cajoled, or flattered, or frightened
out of protection."—(Tremendous cheering.)
Lord ASIILEY is equally explicit on the course
which will be pursued by Sir ROBERT PEEL next
session. "The Anti-Corn-law League," said his
Lordship, " will neither drive the Ministry, nor
will it lead the people ; and, notwithstanding
Earl FORTESCUE'S prognostications, I do not
think there will be any attempt to introduce
further changes during the next session of Par

liament.—(Loud cheering.) Ido not apprehend
any further changes, and I know that many of
those who voted in favour of the late alterations
did so vote because they considered them
as the settlement of a great question."
Mr. I3ANKEs expresses himself h :similar terms,
and it may therefore be taken for granted that
if Sir ROBERT PEEL proposes any further altera-

tions as regards the sliding scale and a fixed duty,
he will be opposed tooth and nail by the agricul-
turists. " I have no wish," says Mr. BANKES, " to
overrate the agricultural interest, or to pretend
that it is exclusively entitled to attention over all
the other interests of the State, but I will not
consent to see agriculture undervalued. I will
not consent to see its interests put out of the
place which they are entitled to hold, and ever
have held, since this country became a great and
a happy nation." The Minister is thus placed
between two fires. The mercantile body, the
shipping interest, and the Anti-Corn-law League
call for further concessions, and the landlords
and parsons as loudly call for protection. But
the great question is, whether they are really
protected by the present law, or, whether i
would not be for their interest, as well as tha
of

e tenant, and all the rest of the

community, that all the absurd restrictions
on trade should be completely abolished. Pos-

sibly Sir ROBERT PEEL cannot resist further
change, and, in that case, there will be the same

feverish excitement and anxiety about the future

which at present injure alike the landed pro

prietors, traders, and manufacturers.

Of all those Tory country gentlemen who, but
a few weeks since, gave pretty broad hints at
public dinners, meetings, &c., of their willingness
to conform to the altered circumstances of the
times, as respects agricultural matters, and to
give up the doctrine of " protection"—that
darling crotchet, which they have so long held
with the tenacious grasp of a bull-dog—of all
those Tories who have thus expressed themselves,
there is scarcely one that has not taken fright at
his own novel declaration, and denied that he ever
spoke but as a farmer's friend should speak—that
is to say, in favour of " protection," and against
any further modifications of the Corn-laws.
They have been shamefully misrepresented—is
the cry of one and all—by that satanic instru-
ment of mischief, the Public Press ! The Re-
porters have entered into a sort of fiendish, Ca-
tilinarian conspiracy to misinterpret their every
sentiment; to saddle their speeches with a host
of highly objectionable substantives, adjectives,
verbs, and adverbs ; and to induce the " pensive
public" to imagine that they said "Yes," in refer-