The Sun.
London, England, 1816-09-28 00:00:00

ENGLISH MANUFACTURES in

A German raper :(i e New illemdmin) contains
-the following judicious Remaeks "'On the .Ippre.;
hensions expresso-1.-pi many Quurters'af 'Ger:hong qt.'
1-the Inu►tdatio►r of that Country -taith.lirilish
-itufaetUTC"-:—• •

" Since the year 180i3 thet etlis's'beeh'sq much i
-spniten, tirrit ten, proclaimed, And decreed agains.
comotercid drapotim of England, hiltt ligainet
the merchants Of the continent, whowere hKia 'to
e intuly factors of the Fnglish, Anti to carry oti
all their hilliness with English ca;,itals, agninit
the nitinopnliking spirit of the English commerce,
thi:r, as generally hippens trith things that Fire
-often repeated, almost every body has begun to
believe it ; and now When the most dangerous
enemy of the English is fallen, and the enter of
Iris empire seems devoted to the Engliih interest,
frprehen si n upon this head begin to he
swore lively thirn:ever..- If we . express tt view
of the suhjeet, we previously declare thatpoll-
'tical measures against foreign commerce are here i
wholly out of the question --such measures,
we mean, as are designed indirectly to compel
the ntz4intnent of political ends, on the recovi-
tiou of certain principles ; as, for example-, was
at least the pretended object of ,the Continental
System. Whether measures have .beitefi.:
vial or ruinous influence on inland trade and in-
dustry is here quite indifferent. The judgment
on the propriety depends npon this, via. whether.
they are maculated to .ibtain the political ends,
and whether these end* are. worth the immediate
sacrifice necessary to attain. them. In this point
of view, Atuith Inds
,the English Act of
Navigation fully. justified, and favours the naviga-
tion necessary for the defence of. Great Britain,
bt the expence of foreign trade, because security
bas the precedence of riches.

04 But even independently of these pntitical
ends, we readily allow, that to a country where
reennrgettireS, bean Of bfgll import duties, or
entire prohibition of eoods which might come in
competition tc i:h them, have been carried to such
a height as to employ a'great umber of hands, it
'would occasion very actions confustlin end ineon.
venience, If these limitations Were suddenly re.
tnoved, and the ntanufacturecrulned.

":We also - allow, that where eettain protittc,
titans -Of industry are subjected .to duties the
ttpon foreign articles of tile same kind. But.Wlik.
the exception of these three cases, we are utpthl6
to comprehend how, according to the principles
of political ecnnotn, the of the' con'
sumption of foreign goods.(especially of the Eng'
list,' which are so distinguished for their cheap-
Mess), by high duties or prohibitions, can he jus-
tified, Here is not the place and after whit has
been said by classical writerti on this subiect, fit
svould seem presumptuous to go into a minute de-
till and examination of the argument ; wo there-
fore confine ourselves to proposing to our Opp;
tents the following questions

"Whether, in order to found or extend a ne* branch of
industry;which is tolte entployed in the production ofarticli
Ititlierto obtained frpnt abroad, a new capital is not required ?
Whether, by the limitation of the importation of foreign
roods, and the monopoly thereby granted to the native.
against the foreigner, the capital of. the whore social h-erdy is'
increased; or whether merely a new direction is given to a-
part of it, as if it were forced fir an artificial dam out of that
channel in which it ball hitherto flowed, in consecpumee of
sutural inclination.idectivity), in, 6rrier to matte it run in.&
:Jew one ? Whelfter the vsryeiretitts.statice that ansrtificiul
dam is necessary to direct the capital Into this clsatinel,
.pqd
iteep it there, is nut the Ind knot' that the one in which it
was before was far better adapted to the natural relations of
the country, mute independent, and therefore ta'ore advatt7

•
tageotts to the individiral and the public, than this new
blanch ? 'Whether, by giriug a people cause to make
themselves an article which they ought hare purchased
at a. cheaper rate, they are not hindered from increas-
ing their capital by that part of their revenuct which'
they would hare spared Whether the fisther oaf rs fa-
lolly could he called prudent, who, in order to disburse as
little money iss'posslble, should think fit to hate his shoes and
, clothes (ill) mode at Value., and neglect for this the labours
of his own. limper occupation ? Whether it would, not be
considered as highly absurd, by prohibition or enormous tax-
tit inn of West India sugar, to keep up the admirable comm.
factory of sugar from best-roans; and whether it is not
tquslly thought less qlstringly abMrd, by stopping nr limit
in the competition, to impose on,the chuntry another branch
of industry, which perhaps is not 'guiles() unnatural, yet
stilt is not conformahle,to the natural relation of the. court.
try and its inhabitants? Whether (since the greet now of
teoney to Englinol is a sobject of . calculation and la-
truntation), this nusliey dells not fulfil its deitinatien as
a tncans of batter, when it 'is sent to &foreign conntry fur
goods, (not gratis in the form of contributions, tiotatiens,
fie. Ste.) since it is with the produce of our own miner,
that it, a native production., or must tioe come from
foreign countries in return for our productions ? Farther),

vtitther a systviti of connueref, which, if the pruprised

waf; Attained, and all nations should adopt the principle, that
only re productions should he' imprirted, and only gonds
completely Linirhcd he exported, puts an end to all trade,
and, consequently, to itself ;;--teltet her, we say, such a system
c44is he the right and true .one Whether, 'opposing the
opposite system, that is, thu produce of commerce to be

11:•efi npmt, we may teat conceive, that a,* in civil the the

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