The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-22 00:00:00

limits had been assigned to his power. There was
another point which deserved attention. The Prince
who was to be called to the Regency was the
same that should be called to the Throne, if the
young King should cease to exist—a dangerous circum •
stance, as had been clearly proved by recent examples.
The exclusion of females fro:n the _Regency had been
set up as an incontestable system, and he was asto-
nished at hearing that sentiment advocated by those
very men who contended for the principle that the
King reigned but did not govern. He should at all
times, and under every regime, maintain the Salic
law, the effect of which was to prevent foreigners
getting a footing, on the steps of the throne, but with
regard to a Regency he considered that no one would
better preserve the rights of her child intact, and
transmit it to him more faithfully than a mother.
The Chamber should not act as if France was a
country of yesterday; for ages past she had exercised
a powerful influence in Europe. Let it not be feared
that the military spirit of France would not accord
with the government of a female Regent. Did not
the victories of Landau and Fribourg, and the cap-
ture of Mentz, take place under the Regency of Anne
of Austria ; and was it not on the other hand the
Regent d'Orleans who signed the treaty of 1717,
which condemned France to demolish her fortresses
under the inspection of English commissioners ? Was
it not he who, by signing the treaty of Quadruple
Alliance, destroyed the grand policy of Louis XIV.?
He concluded by conjuring the Chamber in the in-
terest of their country, to expunge from the Bill the
clause of exclusion which had been introduced into
it, and the right of hereditary succession.
M. Villemain said, the arguments put forth by M.
Berryer now were erroneous. He represented that
under the old French monarchy the nation had rights,
and exercised rights in delegating the Regency.
This was observed. The King named by will one
Regent, and the Duke of Epernon, sword in hand;
forced the Parliament to appoint another. Where
was a nation's rights, or any rights here ? No ; the
nation was deprived of no rights by the constituent
assembly when it made a Regency law, nor by us
when we make another. 'Thus wrong in theory, M.
Berryer was also wrong in fact. Female regencies
were not always peaceable and prosperous. Was that
of Catherine of Medicis to be regretted ? The Re-
gency of Anne of Austria was signalised by some vic-
tories, by the sword of the first Prince of the
blood. But anarchy and weakness followed.
Need he point out the Fronde, from which so much
disorder proceeded, and no liberty? There was no use in
recriminating against the past ; but it should be borne
in mind, that regencies of old were supported by
what was called a Court. A Court such as that
of Louis XIV. was not a set of gilded domestics. It
was a brilliant and aristocratic staff, composed of men
distinguished for courage, talent, birth, and wealth.
Such was the support of a female Regent. But a
Court like this no longer exists, and in lieu of it we
have legislative and national guarantees. A Regent
with designs before him will add strength to a govern-
ment, but cannot be menacing to liberty. He will be
less powerful than a King, and by the events of 1830,
M. Berryer has shown, that even a King cannot over-
step constitutional barriers with impunity.—(Bra to.)
Though the Honourable Deputy had refrained from
stating what ought to occur to persons guilty of such
conduct, he (M. Villemain) should not follow his
example, but would tell him, that the dynasty which
tell in 1830 deserved its fall, and should never rise
again.— (Loud approbation.) There were strong
seasons for the mode in which the Regency was de-
clared in the Bill. First of all, a new dynasty ought
to be constantly before the eyes of the country.—
(Yes, yes,)—and, therefore, it was that the system of
the nearest Prince to the throne being entitled
to the Regency had been adopted. It would only
weaken the feeling of attachment felt for the present
family to establish as Regent a Princess, whom they
ill honoured and respected, but who still was a fo-
reigner.—(Loud marks of disapprobation on the left ;
cries of " Order," and a cry of " She is French.")
Yes, he was anxious to declare that she was un-
doubtedly French—eminently so, for the Chamber
tad for the country ; but would she be considered
such by Foreign Powers ? The Honourable Minister,
after having replied at some length to the arguments
of M. Berryer against the principle of making the
Regency hereditary, and the extent of the Regent's
authority, terminated by quoting a phrase used in the
English Parliament in the debate on the Regency Bill
in 1783 :—" To pass a Bill which designates the Re-
gent is to change the principle of the Government,
and from being hereditary to snake it elective. The
Regent has need of as much power as the King."
With an authority of such weight, and the immortal
declaration of the Constituent Assembly, the Bill,
even if feebly defended, would speak sufficiently for
itself, and would deserve the vote of the Chamber.
After a short speech from M. Odillon Barrot, the
Chamber adjourned.
SITTING OF SATURDAY.
(Conclusion of Debate on the Regency Law.)
After a few words from M. r-:::-.44r;.- l'l. ri1.,;(..%
spoke. He began by demanding the indulgence of
'he Chamber, his position being delicate and serious.
It was no longer opportune to awake old party quar-
rels, or to demand why he was on the Opposition
benches. He might have misunderstood the interests
of his country, but his convictions were sincere. And,
now, painful as it might be, he came forward to sup-
port the Government, and combat the Left. The na-
tion said he was profoundly monarchic, he had voted
for an hereditary peerage, and he NS LIS not sorry
for having done so. lie had always stood up
for order when it was menaced ; and now that
the interests of the monarchy were in question,
he would defend them. He had not hesitated an
instant to come forward at such a moment, to
fulfil his duty. He would commence by refuting
the orator who had made a strange allusion to the
position of the Prince of Wales. There was in
France no Prince of Wales enjoying a dangerous
popularity, nor was there any analogy between the
situation of the two countries. Leaving historical
reminiscences aside, which had nothing to do with
the present, he would say that the law, whatever it
was, was conformable to the Charter and our instincts,
even though disagreeable to our party interests, and
ought to be voted. There was no possibility of hesi-
tation for all those who were Conservative, and all in
the Chamber were Conservative, even though their
aim was to ameliorate, and their desire to see politics
take a somewhat different direction. If he could satisfy
his mind and his reason, and have nothing to blush
for, it was all that he required. He would say but a
few words on the law, for he did not wish to make
a speech, but an act. Examining the question,
he had asked himself, what would certain parties
have done were they in power ? Do not let
us launch into the impossible. Let us keep
within the limits of reality. Some spoke of consti-
tuent power which had at times existed. When it
was in the hands of the primary assemblies it was a
nullity. It passed to the hands of a great man.
Napoleon had his Conservative senate. The Restora-
tion had its 14th article. This was above the esta-
blished laws, and so it perished. There was here no
question of adding an article to the Charter, but to
snake a law to fill up a void in the Charter. What !
a Chamber might modify the criminal law or the civil
code, and yet be powerless to provide for the highest
interests of the State ! You had power to abolish
the hereditary right of the peerage, yet cannot name
a Regent. The truth was, it was to an established
power that people addressed themselves in a moment
of need. This was the case in England. We lived
under a monarchy, and we are the subjects of it.—
(Loud remonstrances on the Left.) The word sub-
ject has nothing in it unconstitutional. We are sub-
jects according to law. In England such a word leant
to pride ; the sentiment of loyalty animates every fa-
mily of that country. -He for his part would always
support monarchy against anarchy. He had ever
done so, though without sacrificing his independence.
He had twice resigned office, twice felt, in the
presence of the King, who was inviolable, that
he himself was responsible, and he therefore resisted.
In such a case, he much preferred having had to deal
with the iron will of a King, than with a feeble and
capricious will, such as that of a female Regent.
People were alarmed at the idea of an hereditary
Regent, but an elective Regent produced disorders,
trouble, and corruption. It was no easy matter /14 2
minority to exist, and it was a great ebdeet to give it
life and strength. This is what we should aim at, in
order to approach and resemble the strongl organised
Monarchy of England, that admirable uct of time
ray
and experience. M. Thiers then Pomba ted the several
amendments. Counter-revolution was behind, anarchy
before. It was necessary to avoid both. He had
some time since warned the country against counter-
revolution ; he would also warn it against anarchy.
It would be deplorable if they were to re-commence
the events of the last toll years.
After M, Tillers, speech,
the general discussion
WO closed.
The Reporter of the Law, AL Dupin, then summed
up the discussion, awl, answered the different objections.
Some discussion followed on the amendment of M.
De Sade, to limit the provisions of the Bill to the
accession of the Count of Paris, when a division took
place, and the numbers were :___.
IN' the Regency Bill
Against it • 94
Majority •• • - 216.

HElk MAJESTY'S VISIT TO SCOTLAND.—We have
heard a rumour that the expected gratification of her
Majesty's loyal subjects north of the Tweed is to he
postponed. Proabaidy the state of Scotland, where
the eqlliors do not exhibit themselves as the most do •
die of human beings, has induced her Majesty's ad-
visers to recommend her Majesty to countermand the
orders for her excursion to that part of her dominions.

LOAD BROUGHAM. -• On Monday last, Lord
Brougham passed through York. His Lordship visited
the Assize courts, and, on being recognized, the bar rose
simultaneously. to pay respect to this illustrious member
of their profession.—Hull Advertiser.