The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
TIMES.—In our late remarks upon her Majesty's
reception by the modern, degenerate representatives
of the magnanimous and enthusiastic Bailies Nicol
Jarvis, Macwheeble, and Little John, we ventured to
anticipate that the " Highland welcome" which
awaited Queen Victoria would show, at the same
time, what were the real feelings and opinions of the
Scottish people, and, by the contrast, put still further
to shame, if shame in such a case were possible, the
cheese -scraping pride and candle-saving dignity of the
Town Council of Edinburgh. Our anticipations have,
of course, not been disappointed. Highland hospita-
lity, Highland truth, and Highland loyalty, have once
more proved themselves worthy of their ancient repu-
tation, and have again redeemed and maintained, as
they were wont of old, the honour and character of
Scotland. We will not pay our Highland friends
the bad compliment of saying that we unfeignedly re-
joice that it is so, for this would imply that there
had been a time when we doubted about the matter ;
hut we may be permitted to express our satisfac-
tion that her Majesty has given her northern sub-
jects the opportunity of once more expressing their
loyal adherence to the Throne, and their personal
attachment to their Sovereign. A progress of this
sort is, we conceive, in a national point of view,.
chiefly beneficial, in that it communicates between,
and mixes and blends into a greater unanimity, the
feelings, the sentiments, and the principles, of the dif-
ferent peoples composing this great empire. Politics,
for instance, and especially Scotch politics, have a ten-
dency to become local and peculiar. The visit of the
Court infuses new blood into the system. The ex-
istence of a school of politics different almost in kind,
though ranged under the same parties and the same
names, is brought home much more forcibly by its
actual presence and operation among the people, than
it ever could be by any distant contemplation of its
tenets, or even by a visit to its ordinary and proper
scene of action. Scottish politics have long been very
distinct from, and have also long and gradually been
assimilating themselves to, English. Scotch Toryism
has been a more personal,* more clannish, perhaps a
higher and more disinterested, feeling than English.
The hereditary succession, which forms one of the
main features of the constitutional monarchy of these
realms, but which in English politics has ever been
regarded as distinct from the fundamental principles
on which government in general, and monarchy in
particular, are based, has in Scotland been almost
exalted above both. Certainly it has been held to
constitute an integral element of all government—an
almost necessary condition to the claim of civil obe-
dience. Many other points of difference might be
suggested ; but the one just named is perhaps as re-
markable as any, and has proved as enduring. , Not
the 100 years of English intercourse that have elapsed
since the Union—not the 150 years that have elapsed
since the establishment by law of Presbyterian church
government—not the Edinburgh school of philosophy
of the latter end of the last century, or the party
which has sprung from it—not the Reform Bill itself,
and the consequent growth of a party simply Conser-
vative (though that party is a large and an influential
one), have availed to overcome the peculiar andfeudal
spirit of personal reverence which has distinguished
Scottish Toryism ever since the days of Montrose.
On the other hand, Scottish Whiggery has, we
think, contrived to find " beyond the lowest deep a
lower still." There is no necessity here to re-
capitulate the somewhat musty examples of canny
self-seeking with which every reader of Dr. Johnson,
or rather of Boswell, is doubtless acquainted, and
which have illustrated the annals of Scotch Whiggery.
Indeed, it has not been with the purpose of drawing
wider the distinction between the subjects of her Ma-
jesty dwelling north and those dwelling south of the
Tweed that we have adverted to the above circum-
stances. It has been rather with the hope of promot-
ing and furthering the amalgamation of the two peo-
ples, in feeling, in character, and ultimately in insti-
tutions--of realising, if possible, still further the
union which has existed in law for upYeards of a cen-
tury, and which, by the increased facilities of inter-
course, will now probably become, sooner or later, a
union in deed. And, doubtless, if complete and per-
Pet union he meant, it is not possible, until by a long-
continued legal union the habits, the manners, the
institutions, and the religion of the two peoples be-
come more and more one and the same: This has
been gradually the case with Scotland and England;
we doubt not that it will ultimately be more so.
Doubtless a Royal progress, such as that now made
by Queen Victoria, has the very best effect in tending
to promote, though insensibly, this desirable consum-
mation.
CHRONICLE.—We are in hopes that we see in-
dications of some good likely to result from the late
unhappy disorders, in compensation for the great evil
which they have undoubtedly occasioned. It will be ,
a great point gained if the conduct of those who in-
stigated the people to disorder, be set in its true light
before those who have been their dupes. The feelings
of the masses are more open to conviction than their
judgment; and it will probably not be until in some
actual crisis the working people shall have found.
themselves left in the lurch by the cowardice or
treachery of their present leaders, that they will begin
to scrutinise more narrowly the .character of those
leaders, their pretensions to lead them, and the sound-
ness of the views which they put forth. The late out-
break was calculated to produce this result. Acting
upon the advice constantly given by O'Connor and his
confederates a great body of the workmen in the ma-
nufacturing districts entered into the late strike, and
its necessary concomitants of riot and disorder, in the
hope of bringing about the establishment of the Peo-
ple's Charter. The instant the agitators found the
matter getting serious, they thought only of their own
safety, withdrew from the scene of action, and left
their dupes to struggle and to suffer alone. Conduct
thus openly base was calculated to disabuse the
people ; and we are happy to see that the influence of
the Chartist leaders has been seriously shaken by
their conduct during the recent occurrences. We see
that Bronterre O'Brien, who of late appeared to be
couched under the influence of O'Connor, is now
again assailing him, and charging him with the gross-
ee.t treachery to his followers. The Chartist papers
ring with similar denunciations, emanating some from
anonymous, some from open accusers. What effect
these accusations have produced, it is impossible as
yet to estimate with any degree of accuracy. But it
is clear that O'Connor is reduced to a mere defensive
position towards his own party. And when once
charges so' obviously trne, are openly made against a
demagogue, it is not likely that he will long escape
detection and desertion. The late occurrences, too,
must have had a good effect in showing the
working people how hopeless it is for them
to attempt to carry their own objects in despite of
the opposition of all other classes of society. Mr.
Richardson, a Chartist leader of some note, says
in a letter on the late occurrences, recently published
in O'Brien's paper, "To be candid, I fear Chartism
has received a terrible blow, from the effects of which
it will require some time to recover." "Every one
mud be aware, from the formidable opposition of the
middle class during the late movement, that much
remains to be dime before the people have the slight-,
cst chance of gaining the Charter, either by Moral or
physical means. The physical force of the middle
classes in the disturbed districts was tremendous ;
sivery town swarmed with horse and foot patrols of
the middle classes," &c. It appears that these Char.
tist leaisrs had taught the people to expect that the
middle classes of their countrymen would sit still in
apathy, or lie dawn in terror, while others were
ravaging their property. It is well, at any rate, that
thty are undeceived on this point ; that they should
see that big words will not suffice to over-
throw the present frame of society; and . that
their present leaders, bountiful in words, have no
disposition to
The two leasons taus resort to deeds in their behalf.
result of the late us taught the people, by the
ill-advised movement, have already
begun to produce abetter •
Every day there is exhibiting
disposition among them.
wrong numbers of the working people
a strong tendency
quit the
ranks of the " physical force" people
tho;Se svho desire to attain -their ends
and join
to
with
ouens. Both sections of the ends by peaceable
same, constitutional
Chartists,it is true,
seek the same, or almost the
consists constitutional
chaages. But the difference not merely in
the means by which the two sections
ChartistsPrapose to attain
ore that the
mere
their great end. The peaceable
s establishment of Universal Suffrage by
e ofrble
in-
fluence of opinion, must be a matter of considerable
time, and must be preceded by the co-operationthe
middle classes. Instead, therefore, of repelling
aid of the latter, according to the false counsels the
soef
O'Connor, they insist on a reconciliation of the middle
and working classes as the first step to be effected;
and in the interval that must elapse ere the Charter
shall have made sufficient progress in public opinion,
they are desirous of uniting with the middle classes in
the effort to remove common grievances. If the Charter
is to have adherents (and that the feeling of the great body
of the working classes is strongly aroused in behalf of
an extended suffrage cannot be doubted), it is some-
thing gained if the great body of its adherents profess
doctrines of peace and moderation, and co-operate
with other great bodies of their countrymen instead
of thwarting every attempt to secure improvement.
We shall have some compensation for the calamities
of recent disorder if, in consequence of them, such an
improved state of feeling grows up between the classes
now separated by an unnatural and mischievous hos-
tility. Much will have been gained if a futile out-
break and its chastisement teach the working people
to abstain from objects beyond their grasp, and avoid
the leaders that have betrayed them. They will then
naturally seek leaders among that middle class, whose
interest is the same as their own, and whose intelli-
gence qualifies them to guide them. They will then
direct their attention to practical grievances, and,
with the sympathy of their countrymen, labour to
.remove the common cause of the common distress of
el classes in the country.
..11BRALD.—If Manchester Magistrates could fix