The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-16 00:00:00

EXCLUSIVE DEALING.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Stu.--Having laboured, though very feebly, in the
cause of domestic industry, I cannot doubt that you
will recognize my right to comment briefly on the
following observations which appeared in your excel-
lent paper :
" Can England and Ireland ever cordially unite, if
all commercial intercourse is cut off? If-an Irishman
is to be hooted for wearing an English hat, would not
an Englishman be hooted in turn for wearing Irish
linen ? Commercial intercourse forms the best bond of
friendship, and if we wish to live in unity, there must
be an end to national distinctions, and the words ex-
clusive dealing must be banished from our language.
What would become of the Irish if they were shut up
within their own island, cut off from all commerce
with other nations, forbidden to buy in the cheapest
market, or sell in the dearest ? In a few years the
farmers would be ruined, manufactures would dis-
appear, the people would relapse into a state of bar-
barism, and in process of time would devour one an-
other like the wild beasts of the field."

As these observations may very fairly be construed
as applying generally to the movement for reviving
Irish industry, I feel it to be my duty-, on behalf of
the great majority of those engaged in that move-
ment, to disclaim all connection with the doctrine of
"exclusive dealing," in the common acceptation of the
words. I cannot, however, deny that in doing so we
may appear to quarrel only with the expression, while
'vve.adhere to the principle. It is enough for us, how-
ever,' to be able to discern a distinction between blind
exclusiveness and mere preference—between a course
of action which generally proceeds from enmity to
others, and one which 'originates in a just sense of
duty to ourselves.

' It can scarcely be denied, certainly it cannot be
disproved, that the revival of national industry is cal-
culated, above all other means, to relieve national des-
titution, and render Ireland, what in her present po-
sition she can never become—peaceful, prosperous,
and happy—the willing ally, not the discontented
and dangerous slave of a country, whose pros-
perity she envies, and whose power she has
has been taught to fear. He who calmly reviews the
history of Ireland, and surveys, with an unprejudiced
eye, her present political and commercial position,
must admit that the only hope of reviving domestic
industry rests in the peaceful determination of the
people, to yield to the voice of reason and duty, and
give to the productions of their own country that
' preference without which even legislative favour
wonid be .vain. When the peculiar circumstances of
Ireland are considered, when we call to mind the
means by which our manufacturing industry has been
annihilated, and when we glance at the obstacles
which lie in the path of its revival, can it be deemed
either unreasonable or impolitic to demand that pre-
ference, which, if prudently bestowed and perse-
veringly adhered to, would prove more powerful
than capital or protecting enactments ? The prefe-
rence to.-which I allude is subservient both to price
and quality ; for it.• can be proved that, in natural
talent and acquired ability, the Irish artisan knows
no superior; and those who are acquuinted with the
country are aware that her manufacturing resources
are more varied and extensive, and can be rendered
available more cheaply, than those of any other land.
This species of preference, therefore, amounts in
effect to exclusive dealing ; but I would ask, is there
an Englishman ready to condemn us for pledging our-
selves to relieve the Unparalleled wretchedness of our
country, by affording to her immense population that
employment which would prove the panacea of all her
woes ?

You may reply by desiring us to enter the field
of competition fairly, and not resort to the aid of
pledges. As well may you bid the sucking babe
contend with the full:grown giant, as call upon the
famishing (because unemployed) artisan of Ireland
to compete with the capital of England, unless you
secure to him the enjoyment of the preference alluded
to. Without such an assurance, his infant exertions
would fall paralysed before the mighty power of his
triumphant rival. We require no sacrifice to be made
by our countrymen in favour of domestic industry,
for we are confident in the capabilities of our country,
and in the skill of our artisans ; but if it should ap-
pear (which we deny) that the productions of native
industry could be undersold by those of foreign work-
manship, we would, in such a case, feel ourselves war-
ranted in reason to call upon the Irishman to weigh
the rival productions in a more just scale
than that of mere intrinsic value. The land-
lord should consider to what extent his in-
terests might be advanced, and his personal. safety
ensured, by supplying the people with that employ-
ment, to the want of which nearly all their crimes
may be traced. The trader, and every other class,
should consider how greatly their condition would be
improved by the general prosperity of the country,
and whether it would not be more for their advan-
tage to expend, in fostering domestic industry, those
heavy sums that are now wasted in maintaining a ge-
n oral Poor-law.

Your observations respecting " commercial in-
tercourse" are, in the abstract, both just and rea-
sonable, but cease to be so when applied to the
peculiar case of Ireland. " Commercial intercourse,"
you wisely observe, " forms the best bond of friend-
ship." Apply this to Ireland, and then describe the
nature, and state the extent of that friendship, which
our commercial intercourse with England has ce-
mented. Is the mere export of that food for which
the people are pining, and the import of those articles
which deprive them of employment, a species of com-
mercial intercourse worth upholding? Is it a mark of
friendship to destroy our manufacturing industry, and
tell us we must be content to remain an agricultural
country, and produce for others that food which our
population require for themselves ? Is it a mark of
friendship, after having established a market for the
sale of that produce, after compelling us to accept
your terms, to break faith with us, and, instead of
maintaining our agricultural, in return for your ma-
nufacturing monopoly, to open, as you have done, to
the world that market which you taught us to consider
as exclusively and permanently our own ? I would
not have it supposed that I disapprove of this 'policy.
On the contrary, I consider it, generally speaking,
wholesome in its nature, and seasonable in its adop-
tion, and I allude to it only for the purpose of afford-
ing a just perception of the real nature of our •" com-
mercial intercourse," and of the species of friendship
which it is calculated to produce. The picture of
cannibalism which you draw from the supposition of
our being " shut up within our own island," is cer-
tainly sufficiently frightful to excite general conster-
nation among those who mistake mere asser-
tion for proof. As I do not belong to that
class, I cannot participate in your fears until
you prove them to be well founded. Till then
'I fear that • we, Aall; still remain 6:thyprtg 7to
the di-Alen:that it Werebetter for theiniseraVe pOPu-
lation of Ireland to resign their commercial intercourse,
and sell in their own, rather than in a foreign market,
and to purchase the productions of native industry in
preferenceto 'those of other countries. The farmers
whom you state " would be ruined," I consider would
have a steady and remunerating (because a domestic)
market secured to them, in place of the one, which
you have opened to the world—and if you require
our surplus produce (should we have any), you must
take it, but if you can procure it cheapear elsewhere,
you will reject ours without ceremony, whether we
manufacture for ourselves or not.
The manufactures, which you say " would disap-
pear" (alas! where are they ?), would, I contend, re-
vive and flourish ; and, instead of relapsing " into a
state of barbarism, and devouring one another like
the wild beasts of the fields," I am convinced • that
national prosperity would Le the reward of national
industry, even though confined to our OA n shores;
and that employment would enable our destitute mil-
lions to relieve their own necessities with a portion
of that abundance, which it is an outrage against
nature to export, until the wants of those who raise it
are supplied.—l remain, Sir, your obedient servant,
Limerick, Sept. 9. J. B. ALTON.

ALLOWANCE FOR PICICIIiG UP DROWNED BODIES.—
At an inquest, held on Monday before the Coroner of
London, at the Vestry-room of St. John's, Horsley-
down, the foreman, a licensed-victualler, stated that a
watetman had mentioned to him, that day, that he saw a
corpse floating down the river, and abstained from pick-
ing it up because the allowance of half-a-crown would not
remunerate him for the trouble he should have. The
Jury concurred in considering the allowance too small,
and that the public advantage required that it should be
increased. The Coroner said he was always anxious to
do what the interest of the public required, and he should
in future allow five shillings for bringing on shore a dead
body ; and more than that in cases where unusual cir-
cumstances, or more than ordinary trouble, entitled the
parties to it.
A large bonded warehouse, situate in Galton-street,
Liverpool, the property of Sir John Tobin, and occupied
by Messrs. Graham and Taylor, containing large stores
of sugar, coffee, &c., was for the most part consumed on
Tuesday night by a destructive fire. It is not known
how the fire originated ; in emptying the stores, a
labourer was reverely bruised and crushed by a fall of
bricks, and lies at the hospital in a dangerous state.
GROSVENOR HOUSE.—The Marquis of Westmin-
ster has long contemplated some improvements in the
exterior of this spacious mansion. The Noble Lord has
accordingly made up :.is mind to remove the houses on
the right and left, the leases of which have expired, and
to erect a magnificent screen of columns in front, in a
line with Grosvenor. street. The model is to be taken
from the facade of the late Carlton House.
A few days since, while a party of gentlemen,
friends of the Duke of Buckingham, were out shooting
with his Grace, 11. Humphreys, Esq., of Buckingham,
shot Captain Dewes accidentally. The escape was for-
tunate, a great part of the contents of Mr. Humphreys'
gun were received in the pockets of the Captain's shoot-
ing jacket. Mr. Stone, surgeon, of Buckingham, ex-
tracted a considerable number of the shot from Mr.
Dewes' person; one was found near the gentleman's eye.
Lord Redesdale has taken Lacly W illiam Ben-
tiqek's spacious mansion, overlooking the Green Park,
in Park. place, called Vernon House, for a term,