The Sun.
London, England, 1829-12-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE puma JOURNALS.

The fate of the Spanish expedition against
Tampico has at length become a matter of his-
tory, as indeed it never could have been one of
serious doubt with those who knew any thing of
the people of Mexico, or of their universal ab-
horrence of the Spanish yoke. It may be re-
membered, that even within these few weeks, the
most absurd fictions were circulated against the
Mexican cause and its supporters. Santa Anna

vas unquestionably " a traitor ;" " the Mexican
troops were deserting by hundreds ; and the
force of Barradas had increased from 3,500 to
5,000 men : so well fortified is Tampico, that
Santa Anna could not venture to attack them,
and on the point of receiving reinforcements
from the Havannah." One thorough-going print
repeatedly assured its readers, that Barradas had
seized, not only Tampico but Vera Cruz, a for-
tress which he could not have reached without a
month's marching, in the face of an active and
spirited enemy, and without the means of trans-
porting three days' subsistence for his troops.
The capitulation of the whole Spanish force,
with its arms, colours, and ammunition, took
place on the 11th of September. The fort on
the water side was delivered up by its garrison
on 'the 12th, :and on the 13th Tampico was
wholly evacuated, and immediately occupied by
the Mexicans. It was of little consequence, ex-
cept as a saving of expense and bustle to the
Republic, whether this boasted expedition of
Ferdinand was to be destroyed a few weeks
sooner or later. Such a powerful corps of in-
fantry, cavalry, and artillery was on its march for
Tampico from the interior, and would have
joined Santa Anna before the end of September,
that had the Spaniards been five times as strong,
they could have made no fight. It is acknow-
ledged that Ferdinand could have no hope of
recovering any of his old American colonies,--
and least of all Mexico, which is the most
powerful among them,—without an extensive
co-operation on the part of the inhabitants them-
selves ; and the truth is, that the Camarilla was
grossly deceived on that head by the boastings of
the Spaniards expelled by law from Mexico,
who assured Ferdinand that a force from the
mother country need only show itself on any
part of the coast, when thousands of malcon-
tents would join, and conduct it in triumph to
the capital. So little was such talk to he re-
lied upon, and so complete and general was the
anti-Spanish feeling, that men of all parties
forgot their mutual quarrels, and even Bravo,
and the other political exiles, besought the Go-
vernment for permission to return and defend
their country. An honourable instance of this
national sentiment, as contradistinguished from
party spirit, is related of Santa Anna himself,
who was no sooner placed at the head of the
army of operation, than he begged to have for
his second in command Major-General Lan-
dero, an excellent officer, but his own bitter
personal enemy, whose name, in fact, appears as
an executing party to the capitulation. In-
stead of whole bands of Mexican soldiers de-
serting to Barradas, it is stated on good autho-
rity that the invader was not joined by a single
native Mexican. Some curious facts are in cir-
culation as to the indirect views with which

this abortive enterprize was undertaken, and the
results which Ferdinand flattered himself that •
he might contrive to draw from it. In his gro-
pings about for money wherever that useful ar-
ticle could be begged, borrowed, or purloined,
the beloved Ferdinand was induced to believe
that the wealthy Spaniards banished from
Mexico would render him solid assistance. A
sort of bargain was accordingly struck between
them. Says Ferdinand, " Give me money, and
I will send an army to restore you to your
country." " Send an army," was the response,
" to conquer Mexico, and we will give you mo-
ney." Well, some hard cash—not much—was
furnished to the beloved as an encouragement ;
and when the expedition, such as it was, had
sailed—" Now," quoth he, " look, what I have
done for you—hand out money—a great deal of
money—mountains of money—for I know you
have them." " Call yeu that an expedition ?"
cried the indignant capitalists : " verily Don
Isidore Barradas and his companions might as
well have stayed behind at Cadiz." Now
it must be understood that the I lispano-
Mexican exiles knew perfectly what they were
doing when they made this reply to Ferdinand's
importunities for a portion of their remaining
dollars. They were not in Spain when they
ventured thus to pluck him by the beard. Like
wary negotiators, they would not trust him whom
no human being had ever yet trusted with im-
punity; but they put the Pyremtees between
themselves and the oath-breaker, and fixed their
head-quarters at Bordeaux. Another interest-
, ing absurdity is related of Ferdinand and his
more favoured counsellors on this occasion. The
secret, but most serious, motive with that para-
gon of Kings for attempting the re-conquest of
Mexico, was less of a political than a financial
nature. Driven to desperation for means to
carry on any semblance or shadow of a govern-
ment at home, and dreading the vengeance of
the Spanish clergy if he should so far yield to
necessity as to acknowledge the debt incurred
under his own constitutional Government, he was
told that by recovering the mines of Mexico, but
by no other earthly expedient, could he escape
the recognition of the Cortes bonds. One of his
Ministers gave a pledge to Ferdinand, that if he
could only despatch troops sufficient to take and
keep, for even a few weeks,' possession of any
point on the coast of Mexico, so as to persuade
foreigners that the Republic was unable to dis-
lodge them, such a proof of his Majesty's power
would be manifested, and such a prospect of the
eventual subjugation of Mexico unfolded, that
he might negotiate on any exchange in Europe
a loan to whatever amount he pleased. The
bait was swallowed, a money negotiation is said
to have been opened in consequence, and now,
after the catastrophe of Tampico, it may be
judged with what probability of success. It ismore
evident every day that the present system of the
Spanish Government is drawing towards a mise-
rable dissolution ; and it may be fairly added,
that no end of such Government, let it come
when it may, can be more ignominious than its
existence for the last five years has been to this
age and to the Spanish nation. As for any
future attempts by Ferdinand upon the Repub-
lican states across the Atlantic, they must
be subjects more of ridicule . than alarm. If
the wise— policy pursued by the Mexicans
in the recent instance—of leaving the ad-
venturers to , waste and rot, unless an over-
whelming, force can be at once brought
against them—be adhered to on future occasions,
°
no posgble mischief, beyond that of a little tem-
porary inconvenience, can ever be inflicted by
ISI
opwa ienv
er uponatit i
ct
il
pi eastee
ainfant
wpaolw
of e r s.
any
NsVucehdforainl °tit;
j projects. If we did, we might be among the
I foremost to suggest again
to the British Govern-
imeut the justice of that course at which we not

tong ago hinted,—namely, an intimation to Spain mont," attributed to Sir J. Mackintosh, which
that the universal interests of peace and con;- contains the following passages :—" The mind
coerce required her to desist from such vexatious of Dumont moved onward with that of the re-
disturbances of both, especially as we had given formers of jurisprudence throughout Europe.
an early and decisive rebuke to republics, He the , does not needlessly question te singularities
when they meditated, and were preparing an at- ! of his venerable master ; but his attachment was
tack upon the Havannah, which, if made, would ~
to the main stock of reforming principle. Those
unavoidably, but for England, have succeeded. who knew him need not be reminded, that if
We do not regret nor disapprove of such our ' its principles have any tendency to a cold and
interference. The well-being of our own West low morality, they were in that respect altoge-
Indian colonies required it ; but since the first I ther defeated by the nature of Dumont ; a man
and most direct operation of that interference of the utmost simplicity and frankness, of a most
was in favour of Spain, so common justice may unusually affectionate and generous disposition.
demand that with the leave of England neither A man of so much letters and wit could not have
Colombia nor Mexico should be exposed to mo- worked into his practical nature any indifference
lestation from Cuba.—Times. . j to art and accomplishments, to real learning, or
We must desist from publishing the letters of to the only eloquence which deserves the name.
the farming interest, as it is called, or they
will prove to us, that if a man had 100 acres of tempt for love of native
country as a prejudice."
land, rent and tithe free, and were paid 2001. Again : "He was wholly untainted by poli-
a-year for the expence of cultivating it, he would tical or philosophical bigotry, which has cor-
be 3001. annually out of pocket by the exercise rupted so many of those who inveigh against
of his skill and labour ! There are some other every form of that vice. His friends at Ge-
circumstances to which we would allude, which neva, at Paris, or in London, were very far
are of much more importance, and which will from sharing his peculiar opinions. Surrounded
ultimately prove of much greater benefit to the by fifty-three nephews or nieces in the first
farming people•than any exaggerated account of or second degree, the issue or progeny of three
their present sufferings. Commerce and manu- sisters, he treated them with a patriarchial ten-
factures are obviously improving, and they are derness, very foreign from the scorns of some
iinproving while the price of corn is low. These Epicureans for ' the charities of father, son, and
facts are clear : let but commerce and manufac- brother.' " What is meant by a low morality
comprehend. Thetheory
tures obtain their due extension, and the price we do not exactly of
of corn will not long be low ; neither will the morals adopted by the class of philosophers al-
people require to have it low ; our artisans will luded to may appear in the eyes of Sir James
soon be able to pay a better price. But if it partial and erroneous, or his objections may lie
be attempted to raise the price of corn first by not so much to the theory as to the conduct of
certain individuals professing a partiality for it
artificial means, away go our manufactures ;
with whom he has come in contact. If his ob-
and if they perish, where are the consumers
jections are to the theory itself, the theory ought
of corn to be found ? Corn becomes finally
to be attacked—if to the conduct of individuals,
and irrecoverably a drug of course. Our manu-
the question assumes another aspect. If M. Du-
factures ars improving in a very singular way,—
mont's morality was warm and elevated, why
that is,to say, almost by stealth. They have
been silently withdrawing from great places, are we to ascribe this warmth and elevation to
-the power of his nature to counteract the ten-
under the direction of pettifoggers for the sup-
where combinations, and -weekly contributions;
dency of his principles, while we attribute the
port of contributions exist, and are establishing
/ow and cold morality of another individual to
themselves in the most obsure retreats. Where the tendency of the principles themselves ? If
is Ponder's-end ? Can any body tell us where the principles tend to a cold and low morality,
Ponder's-end is ? In that place is a vast silk we may allow the instance of an individual pos-
s
crape manufactory, as we unexpectedly find by a sessed of a warm and elevated morality to be a
police report, carried triumph of nature over principles. But if we
on by Messrs. Grout and
both, we believe, persons of the utmost are to infer this tendency from the conduct
J3aylis,—
of individuals, we enter on a very deli-
respectability,—the former very honourably dis-
cate investigation. We ought to be sure
tinguished by some inventions or improvements
that nature, or rather temperament, has had no
in his trade. You do right, gentlemen, in
choosing this Ponder's-end as the scene of your part in the peculiarities in the character of
honest industry. Have nothing to do with the individuals, before we venture to throw the blame
combining, conspiring operatives of Norwich—
on any theory they may have adopted. We
withdraw all your concerns from thence. We regret to see a man like Sir James Mackintosh
(for there is little doubt as to the authorship of
'milts, that are carrying on happily and thriv-
could say as much of some other silk establish-
the article) shooting with poisoned arrows ; for
in these passages he evidently insinuates that
ingly, though at reduced wages. We hope the
those who have embraced the principles adopted
proprietors will never admit to throw a shuttle,
by M. Dumont are cold and selfish, indulgent
or toss a beam, any of the creatures from Spiral- to themselves, and harsh and tyrannical towards
fields, whose webs have been cut from the frames,
others. lie may have fallen in with some indi-
and who do not know the perpetrators of the
victual or individuals of the character he has here
mischief. Let them work upon the roads, where
ascribed to a class ; he may have reasons for dis-
there is now a want of hands. The manufac-
liking these individusls ; but it is hardly fair to
turing greatness of England is not to be put to
strike at the class through these individuals. As
the hazard by the humblest part of the agency
to the indifference to art and accomplishment, to
which it employs. We recur now to the consi-
real learning, or to the only eloquence which
deration of the agricultural interest, and the
deserves the name, he can hardly suppose that a
claims which they are putting forth to attention.
metaphysician can have the susceptibility for
If the price of corn, and other rural produce,
poetry and painting of a poet and an artist.
be low, how are landlords to live ? Have they Hobbes considered orators as men destitute of
gone down to the rents, we ask, which existed
judgment ; and Locke considered Sir Richard
before the great war began ? The clergy, or
Blackmore the greatest of poets. If a second
tithe-owners, we see disposed to throw back a
Homer were to come in contact with Mr.
part of their revenues, for which, in truth, they
Bentham, lie would probably consider him as
work ; but their example is very imperfectly fol-
fit a subject for his Panopticon as any other bel-
lowed by the rent-owners, who do nothing, ab- lad-singer. No man makes it areproach to a pain-
solutely nothing, for what they get. Reduce
ter or poet that he is not partial to metaphysics.
the rents, and the country will at once be
Why then expect that the philosopher should
more thriving. But the landlords pretend,—
combine with the patience, coolness, and preci-
and they throw their pretension into the shape
sion which enable him to analyze the human
of a question,—if the rents be reduced, how
mind, the love of exaggeration and of excite-
is the interest of the national debt to be
meat characteristic of the Poet ? But to return
paid? Ye Powers ! do the rent-receivers
to the charge of cold and low morality—we must
pay the interest of the national debt ? In the
confess, with all respect for Sir James Mackin-
provisions of the property-tax which was once
tosh, we do not believe that there is any founda-
most vilely imposed, were not all possible pre-
tion for it. We suppose he includes Mr. Mill
cautions taken by Mr. Pitt to spare the agricul-
in the class of Epicurean Philosophers. In the
tural interest, in order to secure its support ? masterly work recently published by that great
The national debt would never have been at half
man (for Sir James is too candid a man to allow
its present amount but for that body; and did
political differences to stand in the way of his
they not say that they would shed the last drop of doing justice to merit,) there is observable
their blood, and spend their last guinea, in the
throughout an earnest endeavour to raise the
support of Mr. Pitt and his measures ? And
character of our species, to inspire men with an
now, abolish rents altogether, and the interest of
ardent love of virtue. lii discoursing on the
the national debt will be paid with ease ; reduce
importance of praise and dispraise, Vol. ii. chap.
rents, and it will be paid with proportionate faci-
-23, he observes, " It is a matter of common
lity. It is notoriously the great body of the people
and constant experience, that we have associa-
that pay the taxes : put them at ease by dimi-
tions of painful consequences, with the idea of
Dishing rents, and their consumption will infallibly
the unfavourable disposition of our fellow-crea-
increase the revenue : there is no sure source
tures—associations which constituted some of
of revenue but consumption. The property-tax,
the most painful feelings of our nature. This it
besides its vexatious and inquisitorial character,
is which is commonly expressed by the terms
was a mere trap for simple integrity.—lbid.
loss of-reputation, loss of character, disgrace, in-
It is not alien to the subject of the preceding fan„.. In some instances, the association
remarks to speak of the present state of pub- rises to that remarkable case, which we
lie morals. The increase of gin-drinking, and have had frequent occasions of , observin„, a •
that of suicides, murders, and all kinds of vio- when the means become a more important
lence, are cotemporaneous. Every day's journal object than the end, the cause than the effect, it
informs the public of these sad effects of gin- not unfrequently happens that the idea of the
drinking ; it is therefore with peculiar pleasure unfavourable sentiments of mankind becomes
that we notice the first attempt on the part of the more intolerable than all the consequences which
magistracy of the metropolitan county to con- could result from them ; and men make their
ts
troul the mischief. We hope their efforts will escape from life, in order to escape from the
be assisted by Government, and by the Legisla- tormenting idea of certain consequences, which
ture as soon as it meets. We refer our readers at most would only diminish he advantages of
for the present to the article headed " Increase living. Nor is the idea of postthumous disgrace
of Gin-shops." But in addition to the mea- less operative than that of posthumous fame, and
sures therein described as very properly adopted, from the same species of operation. In men,
is there no hour at which public-houses in gene- in whom the associations which constitute the
ral, and more particularly these pestilential sties, pain of disgrace are strong, though not suffi-
ought to be shut up ? Why no not the police ciently strong to restrain them from deeds which
enter them at that hour, and convey infor- incur the execration of mankind, the thought
mation to the magistrates if they are kept of what they have done is agonizing. Along
open. But if it be desirable to bring back with it constantly rises up, before them, the idea
the people to the use of beer and porter, of the condemnatory countenance, the condem-
it is no less so that this, the natural beverage natory sentiment, the retributive acts of every
of Englishmen, which in truth when good is human being the idea of whom is presented to
better than all the wine of the continent that the them. They are never at rest. The idea of the
labouring man can purchase, should be kept pure horrid deed or deeds becomes associated with
and unadulterated. There are now strange stories almost every point of their consciousness. At
afloat of the poisons inserted into it, not by the every moment it rises up in their minds, and
brewer, but by the publican. Till some remedy along with it the overwhelming train of ideas
can be devised for stopping this evil, it should be
with which it
well understood that no publican once convicted cases this state of mind is called remorse, and
of the practice can ever afterwards have a licence. is generally regarded as the most perfect state of
We wish he could be prohibited from ever after ff
su ering to which a human being is exposed.
taking a draught of wholesome beer or porter - . . . . . Of those notions,
again so long as he lived ! But the brewers that which involves the act of praising and blam-
themselves must aid in the detection of the mis- ing, is in constant and strong operation. It
creant. Before dismissing this subject, we may is from the great use made of those acts in the
mention that a sketch worthy to rank with the education of children, and even in the rude ma-
celebrated engraving of Hogarth has just been naoement of them in the nursery, that praise and
published by Cruikshank. The most eloquent blame acquires the influence in most cases, the
language that oratory or poetry ever employed, is ascendancy in some which they are sure to eau-
not so forcible as this striking appeal to the dram- else over us. It is this sensibility to praise and
drinker respecting the frightful consequences of
blame, in other words, the associations we have
his habits—/bid. with them, which gives its effect to what is called
In the Ninth Number of the Foreign Quar- Popular Opinion, or the popular sanction ; and
terly Review, just published, there is an inte-. when the acts of justice, beneficence, fortitude,
resting article? entitled 44 Notice of M, Du- and prudence of other Well are the objects of it,

the Moral Sanction ; Popular Opinion being
a phrase which expresses the praise or :blame
which the people bestow, and the Sanction being
the good or evil consequences which men are ac-
customed to associate with that praise or blame.
" In the present state of education, the praise
and blame of most men are very erroneously be-
stowed, with great precipitation, commonly in
excess upon small occasions, with little regard
to its justice ; blame being very often inflicted
where applause is due, and applause lavished
where blame ought to be bestowed. When
education is good, no point of morality
will be reckoned of more importance than
the distribution of praise and blame ; no
act will be considered more immoral than
the misapplication of them. They are the
great instruments we possess for insuring moral
acts on the part of our fellow-creatures ; and
when we squander away, or prostitute those great
causes of virtue, and thereby deprive them of a
great part of their useful tendency, we do what
in us lies to lessen the quantity of virtue and
thence of felicity in the world.' We are sorry
to say that there is but too little in this country
of the enlightened benevolence which Mr. Mill
has here described in such glowing language.
We do not mean to charge our countrymen with
any deficiency in kindness in the common rela-
tions of life ; but we have no hesitation in say-
ing that they are little, indeed, to the care of
those whose duty it is to diffuse as extensively as
possible the principles of an enlightened and
comprehensive morality. We cannot conclude
without observing, that if there be any truth in
the rollowing passage in Mr. Mill, Sir James
might look elsewhere than to the class to which
he has alluded, for a low and cold morality.
" It follows (says Mr. Mill) from what has been
said, that. there can he no real patriotism, no
pointing of the qffection, the motive, and dispo-
sition, steadily to the good of the whole, with-
out preference of any particular part, except
either in men of elevated minds and affec-
tions, in whom the larger associations, ge-
nerated by a good education, controul the
narrow associations, growing out of a particu-
lar position ; or in men whose position is such
as to give them pleasurable associations chiefly
with individuals of the general mass, whose good
has this happy quality, that it is always identi-
fied with that of the community at large. The
group called a party or class generate associa-
tions, which have produced great, we may say
terrible effects in human life ; and which thence
deserves a great degree of attention.. . . .
Where the inhabitants of a country are divided
into classes, a ruling class and a subject class,
the members of the ruling class have hardly any
sympathies except with one another ; in other
words, have agreeable associations with the
pleasures and removal of the pains of hardly any
persons but those who belong to the same class.
In this class are contained their parents, their
brothers and sisters, their sons and daughters,
their companions, whether male or female, and
their friends ; the manners of this class are to
them the only agreeable manners ; the morals of
this class the only virtue. It hence appears,
that the principal part of the associations which
make the idea of country an affection, are, in
their case, connected exclusively with the good
of their own class. When their own acts, as
causes, are associated with accessions to this
good as effects, the motive created is that of bene-
fit to the class. Patriotism, in their case,meana
literally, Ist., affection for their own class ; 2dly,
the motive to benefit that class ; and 3dly, a
readiness to obey that motive." We could easily
enlarge on this subject, but we shall quit it for
the present.—Morning Chronicle.

trade in silks, a free trade in gloves and ribands,
but they will not have a free trade in butcher's
meat. No, in that article there must be, under
their auspices, monopoly and its consequent ex-
tortion. When the Civic patriots insist upon
a free trade in foreign manufacturers, what do
they do !—They insist upon our own manufac-
turers, who are oppressed with a greater
amount of taxation than any people in this
world ever before laboured under, entering into
competition with French manufacturers, who
are comparatively untaxed. They might as
well match a man upon crutches to run for a
silver cup against one who had the natural and
healthy use of all his limbs. Who can be sur-
prised that the cripple is left behind in the race,
and that the very exertion which urges him be-
yond his strength leaves him in a worse state of
debility than before ? This is the sort of free
competition of which the Common Council have
been the noisy advocates. But they will not
allow Mr. Clark to calculate upon what price
will allow him a reasonable profit, and sell to
the public accordingly. They will not allow
him to subvert the monopoly of the butchers,
and establish the principle of a free trade in the
city market. But mark the difference between
this free trade which the Corporation opposes,
and the free trade which it supports. We have
shown that in the one the competition cannot be
fair or equal, because the competitors are obliged
to start in very unequal condition ; but in the
other all are on equal terms. The taxes and
other expenses which the monopolizing butchers
have to pay press as heavily upon Mr. Clark as
on any one of them. If he can afford to sell
meat at five-pence halfpenny per pound and
make a profit, so can each of them; but they
are not content with reasonable profits; they
must have eight pence and nine pence the pound
for what would yield them a sufficient profit at
the price that Mr. Clark sells it. If a por-
tion of the exorbitant prices, which they have
been for some time past taking out of the
pockets of the public, were to find its way
into the empty coffers of the farmers and gra-
ziers, and enable them to bear up against the
pressure of the taxes, there would be some sense
in keeping up this artificial rate of prices. But
the farmers and graziers are breaking down on
every side—their stock is selling under Sheriffs'
writs and distresses for rent, in many places, at
not one-fourth of its value, in some places at not
one•tenth, and the butchers are not satisfied un-
less they can sell their meat at the same prices
which they got when the high rents were paid in
full—when the fairs and the markets were alive
with the busy competition of eager and opulent
purchasers—when corn and cattle could not be
reared fast enough for the demand—when the
produce of the farm was solid wealth to its pos-
sessor—when the pastures yielded abounding
riches, and the plough turned up gold. But,
notwithstanding the support of the patriotic Cor-
poration of London, the butchers' monopoly
must fall before the firm, united, and energetic
resistance of the public. The sordid persecution
of Mr. Clark by his rapacious brethren will do
more to excite the public feeling against their
insolent monopoly than any thing that has yet
occurred. We hate tyranny and oppression of
all kinds, whether practised by a Government
upon the people, or by one portion of the peo-
ple themselves upon another. We had written
thus far when we received a copy of a requisi-

If it be true that the butchers of the new
Fleet, alias Farringdon Market, gave notice to
the City that they would quit their shops if Mr.
Clark were allowed to . carry on his business in
the market at the cheap prices at which he had

ticketed his meat, it throws considerable light
upon the manner in which the exorbitant dear-
ness of one of the prime articles of human sub-
sistence has hitherto been sustained. We have
in this one fact a complete solution of the cause
why the prices of butcher's meat remained ex-
travagantly high, while the prices of cattle and
all sorts of farming produce have sunk ruinously
low. It establishes beyond all dispute a combina-
tion of the butchers against the public, to put in
their own pockets all that the farmers and
graziers lose by the depression of the fairs and
markets, and all that the land-owners are ob-

liged to return, in abatement of rent, to their
industrious but insolvent tenantry• It is not
long since we felt it our duty to expose and hold
up to reprobation the scandalous conduct of
those great coal-owners who combined to swell
their already overgrown fortunes by withholding the
supply of another necessary of life to the inhabi-
tants of London, except upon terms which make
a winter's fire a luxury to persons of moderate

income. For such combinations there seems to
be no remedy save in public opinion making it-
self heard through the Press. If the combination
of butchers have made the Corporation of London
yield to their threats, it is well that neither the
confederated extortioners nor the chartered pa-
triots can trample on the public interests, or op-
press an individual, without being called to an-
swer for it at the bar of public opinion. Has
Mr. Clark received a notice to quit his shop in
the New Market in consequence of the remon-
strance or threat of the butchers to the civic

tion, now in progress of signature, addressed to
Alderman Waithman, calling on him to convene
a meeting of the inhabitants of Farringdon Ward,
to express their sense of the conduct of the Com-
mittee of City Lands. We are glad that such
a case of oppression is met in this manly and
determined manner. If the people do not put
down such a combination as this, they will de-
serve to be the victims of petty tyranny for ever.
A Correspondent very judiciously remarks that
St. Monzas's Day is near. On that day we
trust the inhabitants of the different Wards si ill
mark their sense of the conduct of such COMMOR
Councilmen as have lent themselves to this mon-
strous proceeding.—Morning Herald.

powers, or has he not ? That he has received
a notice to quit there can be no doubt, for we
have seen the original notice, purporting to be
signed by the Deputy Comptroller, a copy of
which we gave yesterday. If this notice has
been given in deference to the expressed deter-
mination of the combined body of butchers, it is
one of the meanest acts of subserviency we have
ever heard of. The Corporation had it in their
power to crush this confederacy against the pub-
lic interests. They had only to take the threat-
ening butchers at their word—to accept their
notices to quit—and their shops would soon be
occupied by others who would sell at reasonable
prices to the public. Instead of doing that,
they turn the man of reasonable prices out,
that the monopoly may be unbroken. They had
certainly a strict legal right to dispose of
their property to what tenants they pleased ;
but it is rather unfortunate for the claim to
liberal principles which the civic patriots set up
that they exercise this strict legal right, not in
favour of, but against their darling principle of
free trade. Did not the Common Council pe-
tition against the restrictions on trade ?—did
they not petition against the Corn Laws, as
creating a monopoly, and raising the price of
bread ? I-lave not the walls of te Civic Par-
liament repeatedly echoed the sentiments of the
" liberality" of those very persons who compose
the Committee of City Lands, and who now
eject an honest citizen from the Corporate soil
because he will not join in the monopoly which
makes meat exorbitantly dear ? The Common
Council will have a " free trade" in corn—a free

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.