The Sun.
London, England, 1842-01-12 00:00:00

was 21 originally fixed upon, we e fear that no very satis-
/ factory solution could be given. In our opinion it was an
, arrangement originated in times of superstition and
monkish ignorance, when astrology and alchemy were
popular, and physical science was in abeyance. In those
days an absurd factitious importance was attached, among
other follies and fancies, to the number 7. This aggre-
gate of units happened to be coincident with the days of
the Creation, with stars and planets, with the days of the
week, the colours of the rainbow, &c,. thus :-
7 stars (Pleiades),
7 wise men of Greece,
7 heavens, ,
7 days in the week,
7 colours of the rainbow.
The 7th day was consecrated and set apart in the Jewish
law, so was the 7th year ; and 7 years multiplied by 7
years, or the 49th year preceded the rear of Jubilee.
Tere were 7 fat kine and 7 lean, 7 full ears and 7
blasted, 7 golden candlesticks and 7 branches. In the
Book of Revelations there were 7 churches, 7 *spirits, 7
stars, and 7 lamps, 7 seals, 7 angels, 7 vials, and 7
plagues. Beyond this, in Scripture History, there were
7 clean beasts and 7 unclean, 7 altars and 7 trumpets ;
the Jews were 7 years building their temple, and were
commanded to forgive their offending brethren 70 times
7. A 7th son was, perhaps is now, considered as a sa-
vant; but the 7th son of a 7th son is a very Solomon
perforce I
These remarkable coincidences, among other reasons,
induced the Sages of the middle ages to attach a won-
derful importance to the number 7 : there was evidently,
they thought, something so extraordinary in it, that no
doubt there were other occult coincidences in nature, and
in man, that would still further corroborate its mystic
and, almost magical properties. This, till the time of
our immortal Bacon, was the rule for philosophising
an hypothesis was hastily taken up from some few coin-
cidences or startling facts, and then nature and the uni-
verse, matter and mind, the elements and seasons, land
and sea, mountain and valley, the treasures of the past
and the promise of the future, were all pressed or tor-
tured into the service, to illustrate or substantiate a no-
tion that was as false and fleeting as a summer cloud.
Hence the origin of a man being pronounced of age at
21 : it was three times 7 ; and of course it must be a
marvellous proper age. No matter whether he were
flever and competent before that time, still he had not
passed the magic line, and of course was unfit for self-
government, or political enfranchisement. Human life
was further divided intoranciful periods of 7 year' du-
ration, at the end of which periods some remarkable
change was supposed to have occurred in the physical
constitution ; but the most remarkable changes were
those which arose from or accompanied the periods when
the 7 could be multiplied by an odd number, as at 21, or
3 times 7-35, or 5 times 7-49, or 7 times 7-63, or 9
times 7—which latter was called the grand climacteric.
Should this impression of ours, as to the orgin of this
electoral arrangement, prove to, be ultimately correct,
what attention need be paid to, for what respect is due
to, such an arbitrary qualification age ? Or how comes
it to be mixed up in men's minds with so grave, so glo-
rious, so sacred a principle as " the equal rights :of
man?" We have endeavoured to show the absurdity of
its origin, and we have further demonstrated, from the
example of America, the practical mischief of its operation.
If in a country like America, where education is so
universally diffused, and where every man is in such a
situation of easy security and happy independence, there
are so many mischiefs flowing from, and apparently in-
separable from the circumstances of youth and rashness
being admitted to the exercise of political power ; what
must or might be the natural consequence of admitting
in this country all young men of twenty-one years to the
exercise of the franchise indiscriminately ? From the
absence of a system of National Education in England,
the people are as a whole necessarily only partially in-
formed ; they would therefore be liable tp be caught or
imposed upon by every passing novelty, and thus become
the unconscious dupes and tools of designing adven-
turers. They have at that age too generally no settled
habits, no family ties, no fixity of residence, and no in-
terest in the locality. Every impartial and observii g
man, who; has candour or moral courage; enough to
avow his opinion, must feel that such men, at such an
age, are unsafe depositories of so important a trust as
the elective franchise ; and that it would be far better
they should enter upon it when their judgment were
matured, when they had acquired an increased interest
in the locality, and had furnished society with some
reasonable security of their good conduct as citizens and
members of society. It would undoubtedly be better,
even for themselves in the long run, as their interests and
social happiness are so intimately bound up with the
well-being of society as a whole ; and any important
mistakes in legislation would affect them more immedi-
ately, more seriously and extensively, than any other
cl uss in the empire.
We now resume the sixth and last clause of the Charter
that we propose to alter, or amend :—" That he (the
elector) shall have resided six , months in the town or
district for which he votes, prior to the day of election cr
registration." We propose to alter thi&residence quali-
fication to twelve months instead of six; our object in
this instance being to provide a reasonable guarantee
that electors are bona fide residents, and have a real in-
terest in the locality ; and to guard against, and ex-
clude, wanderers, adventurers, thoughtless, reckless, or
desperate characters, who would desecrate their electoral
rights to purposes of faction, or of interest. We know
that in the Atlantic cities of the United States, where
there is a six months' residence qualification required
for an elector, there are annually thousands of newly-
arrived aliens (Irish or foreigners) polled, who have
no right to vote whatever ; we, think, therefore, that
the middle classes have a right to this reasonable
security ; and we further feel confident, that the work
ing classes would be more faithfully, fully, and fairy
represented in consequence of its insertion and adop.
tion, than with a residence qualification of shorter du.
ration.

We now introduce a few extracts from Sir W. Black-
stone to show that according to the theory of the British
Constitution, Universal Suffrage is the law of the land,
and, further, to show his explanation of the reasons
which induced our ancestors to provide property guaran-
tees for electors :
Page 171, Book 1, c. 2—" As to the qualifications of
the electors, the true reason of requiring any qualification
with regard to property in voters, is to exclude such
persons as are in so mean a situation that they are es-
teemed to have no will of their own. If these persons
had votes they would be tempted to dispose of them under
some undue influence or other. This would give a grew,
an artful, or a wealthy man, a larger share in elections
than is consistent with general liberty. If it were pro-
bable that every man would give his vote freely and
without influence of any kind, then upon the true theory
and genuine principles of liberty every member of the com-
munity, however poor, should have a vote in electing those
delegates to whose charge is committed the disposal of his
property, his liberty, and his life. But since that 'ran
hardly be expected in persons of indigent fortunes, or
such as are under the immediate dominion of others, all
popular states have been obliged to establish certain
qualifications ; whereby some who are suspected to have
no will of their own are excluded from voting, in order
to set other individuals, whose'wills may be supposed in-
dependent more thoroughly upon a level with each other."
Page 158, Book I,e. 2—".ln a free State every man
who is supposed a free agent, ought to be in some
measure his own governor, and therefore a branch at
least of the legislative power should reside in the whole
body of the people."
Page 185, Book 1, c. 2—" Every man in England is, in
judgment of law, party to the making of an Act of Par-
liament, being present thereat by his representatives."
Page 139, Book 1, c. 1 (already quoted by Mr. Joseph
Sturge)—" For no subject of England can be constrained
to pay any aids or taxes, even for the defence of the
realm, or the support of Government, but such as are im-
posed by his own consent, or that of his representatives
in Parliament."
It thus appears from the authority of the first com-
mentator upon the laws of England, that Universal Suf-
frage is fully sanctioned by the theory of the Constitu-
tion; though at the same time we are all well aware that
there never was a period in our history when it has been
practically carried out ; or when there were so many men
possessing the elective franchise as at the present day ;
whether compared with former ages, as to actual numeri-
cal amount, or relatively at any period, compared to the
whole population in existence at the time.
We propose, then, to make no further alterations in
the document called "-The People's Charter:" the sum
and substance of our amendments amount to this:—
admitting and adopting the
.principle'of "equal rights"
to its fullest extent, we have in three instances increased
the guarantees against youth and rashness? against roving
adventurers, and the abuses and inconveniences proved to
be the result of annually recurring elections. We be-
lieve the Charter, with the exception of the points we
have altered, to be a document of great ability, and
one which (with these amendments) we now commend to
the sober and serious perusal of the middle classes gene-
rally. We propose to subjoin our amended Charter at
the end of this address, and we believe in our consciences
that fit might come into practical operation to-morrow,
not only without the slightest prejudice to public tran-
quillity, but with an incalculable advantage to the morals,
liberties, and social condition of every subject of the
British empire. We believe it would increase the self-
respect
of every working. men in England, Ireland, and
Scotland. We believe that it would qualify him to main-
tain himself in social happiness by his industry i and we
further believe, that he is entitled to it by the theory of the
constitution ; and that, beyond and above all this, he is
entitled to it by the inalienable right of every man,
however poor, to have u vote in electing those delegates, to
whose charge is committed the disposal of his property, his.
liberty, and his life."
We shall wait some timC to ascertain how far our
Amended Charter is, likely to meet with general support.
If it be approved of, we can then take ulterior measures
for petitioning, or for some combined national movement
in its behalf. We see no reason why we Reformers of
the Midland Counties may not, by reducing politicaVab-
stractions into a practical form—recognizing firet'prin-
ciples, but adapting them to English society—origmate
a new democratic movement that may restili in the
broadest and most extensive concessions to' 3opular li-
berty. We are, geographically, the heart 'of the coun-
try : let us, then, imitate the action of the heart, and
send forth our vivifying influences throughout the length
and breadth of the land. We invite the Movement
Party of the middle classes—vve call upon the united
democracy of the country—we invite all Reformers of
every grade and shade, to amalgamate with and join us;
and we promise them in return the regeneration of the
Empire.

"" In the State of Connecticut, the Governor roust be 30
years of age. All Electors must have a freehold estate of the
value of seven d9llars in this State, or being enrolled in the
Militia, shall h.ve performed military duty therein for one year
precedin.—ln the State of New Jersey, Electors must be
worth 6(1 proclamation money, clear estate, in the same, and
must have resided for a year in the county preceding the elec-
tion. The Governor must ber an ibhabitant and freeholder in
the county in which he is chosen, and worth at least 1,0004
real and personal estate in the county.—ln the State of Dela-