The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-04 00:00:00

ascendancy was adopted by him, and if he did not
become its opponent, he would sooner or later become
its victim.

The SPEAKER having then read the Addr2ss *from
the Chair.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said—l regret 1 cannot give,'
with perfect satisfaction to myself: a silent vote in favour!
of the Address proposed for the adoption of the House,'
as some misapprehension might exist, if some
.one j
longing to this side of the House did not express the
opinions. we entertain with regard to certain • points in
that Address.' I shall, therefore, venture to trouble the
Muse with a few observations,' before it comes to a
conclusien upon this subject to-night.—(Cries of "'Heart
hear.") I must first observe, that I most • heartily
concur in the sentiments ! contained in the commence-
ment of the Address proposed by the -Noble Lord, mid
I assure her Majesty that we most heartily concur in
them, and join with the feelings of:gratitude to Almighty
God:on aceourit of the birth of
.the Prince, expressed in
that Address. (Hear, hear, from'. the Opposition
benches.) • I feel, both on public grounds and as re-
spects her Mtesty. in the uniform exercise of the prer
rogative that is vested in her Majesty, and the manner
in which she has exercised it from • the commencement
of her Majesty's reign till the '• present day, as well as
• on account of that happiness of which she is so welt de-
serving, that I cannot give a silent vote for the adoption
of this Address, though it-may seeena to combine in it
the elements of public and private felicity.—(Hear.)
I heartily congratulate her Majesty, that the ally of her
Majesty has attended in person to be the sponSbr fot the
Royal Prince, whose- christening has been lately cele-
brated, and, I trust, with that
_Royal Personage, cele-
brated as he is, no less by his station and
'abilities than by his wisdom, we shaltalWays continue
On terms of cordial amity.—(Hear, hcar.) With regard
-to other parts of the Address, which relate to Foreign
Powers, I must express my concurrence in the sen-
timents which have been expressed. I am rejoiced
to, hear that our relations with Persia have been
not only restored but placed on a pc,rmanent basis,
and that with regard to all the Powers of Europe we are
on the most amicable terms. I trust that any difference-
or causes of dissension which may remain with •regard
to the United States of America may be satisfiietorily
adjusted—whether it was wise to send such a mission
to that country, is a point which • I do not feel
called . upon to give any opinion, .
,or whether
it was better to send a Special CommiSSiOn, to
America for the purpose of adjusting those differeinies.:
Those who thought it best to adopt that course are re-
sponsible for it, but I can osly hope that it may be sa-
tisfactory ; for we all feel in common the benefits Of
peace, and of that commercial intercourse which
strengthens and blesses all nations.—(Loud cheers.)
Sir, I ate come to that portion of her Majesty's Speech
which relates to the domestic- situation of the country ;
and I must say with regard to that portion of the Speech,
with the greatest satisfaction to those topics to which her
present Ministers have advised her -Majesty to advert.
---(Load Opposition Cheers.); "What those measures
may be which the Right Hon. Gentleman may think
proper to introduce with regard to. the finances of the
.country,=what those other measures may be for regu-
lating the iinpOrtatiOn of commodities from foreign coun-
tries which the. Right Hon. Gentleman's colleagues may
think it proper. to .introduce, I know not ; perhaps it
may happen that when I become acquainted with
theirdetails, I may not be able to give them my support.
'But it is satisfactory to me to find that with regard to
the nature of the measures which her Majesty's -present
Government have 'advised her Majesty to recommend
to the consideration Of ParliaMent, their principles are of
a-nature precisely similar
.to those which' the- late Mi-
nistry recommended- to the consideration of Parliament.
.Questions ;which, in our hands, were said
.to be calculated to excite discord between class and
class, to create disturbances throughout the country, and
to inflict: incalculable injury, are now it seems those
questions which are to be submitted to the House by
her Majesty's • present advisers, as the measures
beSt • calculated to get rid of our financial difficul-
ties,.. remedy the distresses of the country.
—(Loud OppoSition chcerS%) The Noble Lord, who
moved the AddresS -to;night, and who in moving it
gave promise. .of his - future career in this
House, told his constituents before he was elected that
nothing could possibly be worse than the mode in which
the late Ministry proposed to treat the financial difficul-
ties of the country,(Cheering). I cannot but rejoice
to find that now the leading men of all parties are agreed
that all attempts • to relieve our financial difficulties
and distresses, must be conducted on the same principle;
that all are agreed that the stale of our finances require
the serious attention of Parliament ; that all are
agreed . that our finances ought not to be
allowed to continue, year after year, in their
present state; but I do say, that whilst you attempt to
remedy the state of our finances, you are bound to take
into your consideration the laws respecting the trade
and commerce of this country—(Hear, and cheers)—
laws which impose a heavy taxation upon the people,
not for the State—(Cheers)—not for the Crown—(Loud
Clicers)—.-not for the-Exchequer—(Continued cheering)
'—bitt for the sake- of `different classes.— (Loud and
long-Continued- cheering.) My Right Honourable
Friend; near . me in his statement in April
last 0f,.• the
.finances. of the country, stated that it was
necessary 'to • improve the finances by invigorating the
resources, - and improving the general trade of the
country, and -!:•that thereby we should im-
proVe • our finances.—(Hear, hear.) Was he wrong,
-I ask; ih laying down hose principles ?—(Loud
cheers.) • During the recess we have had various
ineastares proposed, and there has been a notion i
encouraged that her Majesty's Ministers were dis-
posed to:act in accordance with some of these schemes.
There .were first of all the delegates of the Ten Hours
BilLThese gentlemen, after several interviews with dif-
ferent members of• her Majesty's Government, by which
considerable theatrical effect was produced, and in
which, after a vast deal of stage display—these
Gentlemen Delegates of the Ten Hours' Bill, who after-
wards turned out to be the Socialist Editor of some New
Moral IT'oad—(Cheers and laughter).—encouraged the
.hope that the Government would adopt the measures
of relief which they had proposed ; but it now appears
from a letter written- within these few days by a Noble
Lord, I know not whether lie be present. or not—(Hear,
hear, from Lord. Ashley, who was in the side gallery)
—and whose sincerity I honour, that the Right Ho-
nourable 'Gentlemen who I believe, is actuated
by motives not less sincere or • praiseworthy,
than those_ actuating the Noble Lord, but who acts
With more wisdom and more caution, has now declared
himself ready to oppose any Ten Hours' Bill, and I I
rejoice to hear it, because I believe that if
any measure ' for the limitation of -the. industry I
and labour of our manufacturers should be even
entertained by Parliament, it w ould cut at the
root of our vast manufacturing interests, and 'conse
quently of our national prosperity.—(Loudcheers.) At
another time we were told that the Governthent con-
sidered an extensive scheme of emigration as a measure
well a
calculated.as tnumber
iintboerof
alleviate
peoplethee
er distresses Of the° country,
that
`to
the public expense to the colonies. Abe
ltertatenrspiouirsted beent
published within these few days, written by the direction
of the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Depart-
ment, declaring that no such scheme of extensive end -
gration is entertained.—(« Hear, hear," from Lord
Stanley.) The Noble Lord . seems to contradict
me. I know not whether I am to conclude that some
such scheme is still
.entertained, but if so, at alt events
we have heard no mention of it. If the • subject should
be brought forward I shall for one be ready to. dis-
cuss it ; but until the Noble Lord gives notice of his
intention to propose
.some such extensive scheme of
emigration at the public expense, I for 'one. must
disbelieve it..—(Cheers.) Then, again, during . the re-
cess, I have frequently heard it contended that a great
portion of the party now in power were opposed to the
New Poor-law, that such a tyrannical measure as the
New Poor-law could tie% er be supported by a-so-called
Conservative Government, and that if they did not repeal
the law,_ they would, at least, abolish the Commission ;
but when hook to the last appointment which has been
made to that Commission, an appointment which does
equal credit to the Government and to the Secretary of
State for the Home Department, and one of which
I highly approve, I canoot but say, that no-
thing could be such a complete practical refuta-
tion of the notion that the present Government
would repeal the New Poor-law than that up-
pointment.—(Loud cheers.) I am glad to find
that the Right Honourable Gentleman—disclaiming
all these empirical propositions for relieving the distress
of the country, propositions in my opinion only
calculated to enhance those distresses has
adopted those sound principles which have been
propounded by all theoretical writers, . and. by.
all men who have at all studied the subject—
principlesmeasures
nd proposedwhich b yhmt.leme •
beenlate
Government
on
were the
founded, a
left by that Government as a • legacy to their suc-
cessors, cheers)—
wthheichcoulttarruys—t
wßight
the Statute-book of this country.—(Cheers.) The Itt,cr
leksahra'llhseeaer, before long on
coenssporrisn'c;oiletso
Hon. Gentleman has given. notice respecting. the Corn-
laws. As that notice stands fur a few days hence
I think it most inopportune to enter into details, or
now -to discuss the principles of that question but
one thing I beg-leave to say, and that is, that I request the
Government, and the Right Hon: Gentleman at its head, to
consider the course which the discussion of the Corn-laws
haS taken since I gave notice of 'a motion for their
cussion in May last—how little has been advanced in fa-
vour of the Right Hon. Gentleman's principle, that is
adherence to the sliding scale, and how mach haS been
stated, not by the members of One party or another,
but by an impartial consideration of the Corn,laws,!
and the Corn-laws only, on the part of the public at
large, in favour of the principle which I proposed,
that is a moderate fixed duty.—(Hear, hear.) I hope
Wiire the Government propose their scheme they
Will consider whether it is a scheme likely to be enacted
into a law with a prospect of endurance.. —(Cheers.) I
can readily yield to the Honourable Gentleman, that if
he propose an alteration in the Corn-laws with the
support he has, he is likely to have no difficulty
in obtaining the assent of this and the other House of
Parliament ; but I beg of him seriously to consider what
mischief must take place if the result should be, that no
sooner has the Royal assent been given to it than the agita-
tion on the COrn-laws willcommence afresh in the country
—that the public should feel that they had
been falsely and wrongly dealt with, an that
it was necessary, by petition or otherwise,
to obtain a re-consideration of the subject.—(Loud
cheers.) Some Gentlemen may, perhaps, think
that the passing of an Act OF • Parliament
upon this subject will be quite sufficient
to put an end to all discussion and discontent; but I beg!
to tell them that this will not be the case—that great
as the anthority of Parliament may be in this coun-
try—(and I wish it may be always, - great)—
still that authority cannot supersede and override
the conclusion of sensible and reflecting men, drawn from
workingo their observation of the any measur
e—
. (Cheers) —and with respect to the farming interest, as

to every - other -interest, I - believe 'would --be
.the greatest - possible mischief that can .• -happen,
to them,- if, • after the new law •is - passed,
their
fefeelings'
should be, that they could-not- make'an agree-
ment with their landlords, or venture on a bargain with
confidence, for such must be the case if they apprehend that
the new law will -not endure.-7-(Cheers.) The Right
Honourable Gentleman has an- opinion. -.that un-
der a fixed duty -such would • be the case, _ and
therefore, doubtless, he would. not propose a scheme
on that • principle ; but if he - have 'considered
since we last met all that has been . urged by. ex-
perienced men—.by men, for example; such as
Mr. Hubbard, who has N% ri tten 'a very -able pam-
phlet in support •of the fixed- duty, I trust, the
Right Honourable Baronet •is -not- disposed to give
-
further. j opposition - -to -• that principle,—(Hear,—(Bear, hear.)
1 will not enter further into that subject,
seeing that we
shall have shortly an Opportunity of recurring to that
question. Ican only assure the House; in the words ofLord
Melbourne, that that-justice which was net done to Lord
Melbourne's Government, we will endeavour to do to the
. Government which has . succeeded us. It' the mea-
sures which are now brought-forward With respect "to
import duties, shall 'be found' to be measures foUnded
upon right principles, we shall= cordially give our assent:
If they are measures which we think ought to be amended
we shall state 'fairly and candidly what amendments
we think ought .to be ' introduced. With respect
to one phrase in • the Speech, and one phrase
in the speech of the Noble Lord who moved the Ad-
dress, with respect to new taxes, perhaps it is hardly
necessary to say that I think there -is nothing in the
Address- WhiCh-is- now proposed Which pledges the
House of Commons to the imposition of new taxes.
I think • the words • themselves are exceedingly
Cautious. The words -of her Majesty are—" I
feel - confident that, fully sensible of the evil
which must result frem. a continued deficiency of this
nature during peaCe, you will 'carefully consider the
best- means of averting it." These words, I
consider, leave us perfectly open to maintain
the principles if We should so think tit, that we main-
tained as a Government, that it would be better, seeing
that the-expenditure of late years had been increased
by temporary causes, and- seeing that it was a great
evil to propose new taxes, unless they were al)-
. solutely necessary—(Cries of "Hear; hear ")—that it
would be better rather to wait and see the-result of a new
•moditicatien of our commercial system than to resolve to
itnpwe new taxes. (Hear, hear.) • I-do not wish to say
that such will be preciselyy-the course which I shall
11,11.0 w. - I shall be - • ready tif hear.- -the- statement
which the Right lion. Gentleman will doubtless make as
to the whole course which he means to pursue, and cer-
tainly if I am not able to support him in the plan which
he proposes, I will take care to give bun due
notice of any • point upon which I may wish
to take the sense of the House. Sir, I will only
end by sa.;-ing that it is a great satisfaction to me that
upon this occasion, when we are to congratulate her
Majesty upon the birth of a Prince, there
is nothing in the remainder -of the Address which
will prevent me from giving it my cordial assent, and
whatever differences we may have hereafter, or whatever
dissension may spring from the' measures hereafter to be
proposed, I trust that there is nothing which will pre-
vent the House from giving its unanimous assent to the
Address.

Sir R. PEEL rose, and said—Sir, I cannot be sur-
prised, although I am gratified to have the Noble
Lord's advice, that upon this occasion we should unani-
mously—whatever be our divisions—whatever be the
prospect of future conflicts—that we cordially concur ,
in presenting an Address to her Majesty-, which contains
the heartfelt congratulations of this House on the event
which has recently occurred, and which has given new sta-
bility to the Throne and the Government of this country.
Sir, having long held the opinion that there was incon-
venience in calling upon the House on the first day of its
assembling without the means of previously ascertain-
ing the antiments which might be contained in
the Address -- that there was inconvenience
in calling upon the House to pledge itself ta positive measures,
my colleagues and I purposely framed the Address in a man-
ner which we hoped would not provoke the collision of the
House, we felt perfectly certain of the unanimous concurrence
of the House in that part of the Address which conveys
congratulations on' the event to which I have referred,
and I am perfectly convinced, that if the event has
completed the domestic happiness of her Majesty and
her illustrious Consort, it has also added at least to the
private and domestic happiness of almost every family in this
country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Noble Lord very lightly
touches! upon those parts of the Address which refer to
our foreign affairs. In all those parts of the Address he pro-
fessed his readiness to concur. He expres-ed his satisfaction
at the conclusion of a treaty with the Court of Persia, and at
the prospect of the permanent establishment of amicable relations
with that Court. I cannot allude to the subject without bear-
ing
my testimony to the cordial co-operation which the
diplomatic Minister of this country has received from Russia.
The sense of common interest in the Court of Teheran
might well have induced that country to accede to our proposals,
and it might have been expected that, quite independent
of all foreign influence, we could have established friendly
relations with Persia ; but there might possibly be
obstructions—(Hear, hear)—an attempt to interfere with and
imrede those amiable relations, but I am bound
in justice to the Emperor of Russia to state, that there Las
been by his authority on the pat t of his agent every effort to
influence the Court of Persia to re-estab:ish amicable
relations with this country.—(Hear. ) Sir, the Noble . Lord
seemed to intimate some doubt as to the policy of sending a
special mission to the United States. I think the Noble
and LeJrned Lord should bear in mind that some of the causes
of difference between the United States and this country have
long existed, that the attempt on the part of various Govern-
ments, by means of corre.pondence, to bring them to a satis-
factory conclusion, has failed, andthat the continuance of those
unfortunate causes of discord leads to freehand increased irritation;
and it certainly has appeared wise to her Majesty's Govern-
ment, without implying the slightest reflection on the very
able Minister alio is now in the United States (Mr. Fox)—but
it has been thought advisable to send a person who has,
held a station in the councils of this country,
and who is fully possessed of the views and intentions of her
Majesty's Government, to the United States to attempt, by
some other mode than that which has hitherto been resorted
to, and hitherto at least has not been successful, to effect
which would be a great object for the interests
of humanity. and civilisation throughout the world, namely,
the restoration of perfectly friendly and cordial relations with
the United States ' • or I should not speak of friendly relations, I
should rather speak of the termination of existing differences than
the restoration of friendly relations ; but if those existing diffe-
rences can be altogether extinguished I say the extinction of
them will be not only for the common interest of -the tiro
countries, but for the general interest of humanity
and civilization throughout the world.—( Hear, hear.)
He had been influenced by a sense of public
-duty. The sacrifice he was called on to make, he
made cheerfully, because ' - he concurred in opinion
with her Majesty's. Government, that in considering the
relation in which we stand towards the United States,
and the opinion in which he is held in that country, no
individual could be snore welcome than the one
that had been appointed.—(Hear, hear.) I am not
aware of any other topic with regard to our
foreign relations on which to advert.—(Hear.)
The Noble -Lord referred to some of the plans
of -her' Majesty's Government for the relief
of the • domestic embarrassments of the country. ,
The - Noble Lord said he had heard various
schemes suggested, and that he was pleased to find that
no reference had been made to the plan of a general
emigration.—
(near, hear.) I think the Noble Lard
must Have had sufficient experience in public affairs to
know that because certain measures are imputed by the
public press to the Executive Government, it did not
thence follow that they were to be immediately proposed.
I thought the Noble Lord would not advert to the ap-
pearance of a paragraph in the newspapers, imputing
certain plans to the Government. I thought the Noble
Lord was perfectly aware of the exceeding
.
inconvenience , of adopting certain lines of
policy, because they may have appeared in
the public kapers.—(llear.) The Noble Lord then
referred to interviews winch the Ministry had with
certain deputations
.from the manufacturing districts.
Sir, I am rather surprised that the Noble Lord should
have spoken with such asperity of the Social deputies.
It was true the Members of her Majesty's Government had
such interviews, but they never thought of conferring upon
any of the deputation the high honour of presentation.
Sir, It is perfectly -true that I, for one, had an interview
with - a body of persons who, I believe, called themselves a
deputation from the manufacturing classes in the North.
I -do not know what course the Not le Lord would have
advised me to pursue with respect to seeing them. Dces
he- think that it - would become a person in my situation to
have declined an interview without first inquirirg into the elm-
' racter of those who had requested that interview ? I had no notice
of the-names of= the persons; nor did Linquire into them, and
let-them have been who they might, I should have received
them without the slightest inquiry of their political opinions,
if I had, as I bad at that time, sufficient- leisure to do so. I
saw those persons who called upon me, and they certainly de-
ceived me so far that I thought they were deputies from the
working classes, and that they were not only deputies
but they were well tc-
-s
ucteciian interviews
A
gbuscilnaessess, upon , the subject of which
, fgraosiniateldhcsweithwortkhien
they called upon me. I conversed with them, but I was no
party to .the publication of the report.—(Hear, hear.)
I was never consulted, and I never expected it would be pub-
lished.—( Hear, -hear.) I must be allowed to say that I de-
oug ought not to be published with-
i.n_whatt is stated byi
erecate extremely the publication, of these interviews with
Ministers. At least they i
aso
l'idiensiisrtaebrlea.t
be-
cause the tendency of the communication is this, it discourages
out ascertaining from ththeelglirne.iasteesrt, wdhiffeethreenrcheetacs qtouitehsceed,
was surprised
and the Minister question may be put for the purpose
may answer it, con..
obtaininglo.efport ,
hear.) I
the free and continual idniteerrceoruarsteendee.hnicuyh.....(
Hear,
cent of the when I saw the
statesinten-
tion
iti er oi
if,
brotheadlyspeaker.
hf
hate
ashaaw t
very
intention of deriviug-
anyinn°dramatic effect advantage from any the' House tit was calculated to
produce, and I can assure.sent that until I found out
that some part of the per_sonsr
hadi ebeen were connected with the
newspapers, I thought I
.....(Hear,. conversing with men who
represented working men._
._thehear, end laughter.) With
k
t to the Poor-law, I thin
.Noble Lord must have at
respect
the apprehensions that had once put an end to
when
paragraghs in the newspapers, he considered what had
recently occurred. I row approach that portion of the
Address which involves a subject of the most serious considera-
tion. lam quite sure the House will not expect me to enter
at any length into the subjeet of them, as the reading of her
Majesty's Speech by the Speakert was preceded by a statement
from my self that I would, on he first day consistent with the
convenience of the House; submit the views of her
Majesty's Government on this most important subject.
• notice for Wednesday upon the subject of the Corn-
laws,l have given a
and I must now postpone altogether the discussion of any
subject connected or colaterately connected with the question,
untd I have an opportunity of bringing it in the regular
form before the House. It was my. intention to have imme•
diately brought under the consideration of the House the whole
question of the commercial and financial condition of
the country, and to have submitted it at once
to the knowledge and consideration of Parliament.—( Hear,
hear.) I am precluded, however, from taking such a
course by considerations connected with the - public service.
On- the _ part of. her Majesty's Government I asserted,
vti.en, the .House separated under the impression that
one—l
the recess should be a long gave, on the part of her
Majesty's Government,
us
an assurance that that recess
should be occupied by . so a careful consideration
of all the great subjects which pressed upon
their attention. I undertook, on the part of the Governmeet,
to review' all the great questions coneectei with 9Wr MTh'
and
perfectlyinformation,o d

THE SUN, LONDON. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4. 1842.

1 mercial and financial condition.—.(hear, hear.) I undertook,
also, that, when Parliament re-assembled, there should be
I no unnecessary delay in br.nging the subject under their consi-
‘ieration, but. that the Government, upon its responsibility as a
Government, would be prepared to submit to the House its
views, and the practical measures by which they proposed to
carry those views into effect. That pledge I am
prepared to redeem. I should ask for no further delay in
bringtng those questions forward than the time which is essen
tially necessary for the due management of the public ser-
vice. I propose with respect to the financial policy of
the Government as soon as a sufficient vote of supply shall be
taken in a. Committee of Ways and Means. I propose
at once to proceed to the statements I have to make. I do
not ask for the postponement of the Budget until all the
,services of the year shall have been voted. Ido not ask for a
postponement of what is called the Budget, until-that period
of the year when it usually takes place. So far as concerns
the Government they are now prepared to state their
views upon the subjects to which I hate alluded.—( Hear,
hear.) As I said before I should have wished to state those
views simultaneously, so that the House might judge upon the
whole of them at once. But I think it would be inconvenient
that her Majesty's Government should postpone the consideration
of the measure on the Corn-laws until they were enabled to
propose a resolution in a Committee of Ways and Means. That
advantage, therefore, I must forego, and I shall bring forward,
in the course of next week, our proposal upon that.
subject. As soon as in a Committee of Supply
the estimates, or such a portion of them as shall be imme-
diately necessary, will have been voted, I shall then, on
the the earliest possible day, in a Committee of
Ways and Means, state the views of the Government
upon the financial policy to be adopted, interposing
no other delay whatever, except such as may be necessary for
a consideration of the estimates which may be presented
to the tsommittee of Supply. I trust the House will
at least approve of the fairness of the course which we
mean to pursue. I shall, on the part of my
colleagues, say that we are prepared toredeem the pledge which
I gave before the separation of the House last Session. After
having carefully eonsidered those subjects—after having in-
stituted such inquiries as we thought advisable, we are
now prepared to submit to the House those measures
which we think • the interests of the country require.
We shall submit them in that manner in which they can
most conveniently be brought under the notice of Parlia-
ment and upon the responsibility of the Government. They
are the measures which, looking at the various and complicated
interests of the country—looking at the extreme difficulties of
our financial position—they are the measures which, in our
judgment and opinion, it would be most advisable to adopt.
It will be for the House of Commons to determine whe-
ther they shall approve of our views—whether they,
shall ratify our measures— or whether they shall
adopt in preference to there other views and other
measures for the i elief of the distress of the country, and for
the promotion of its industry, which may be proposed by the
Opposition. —( Cheers.) .
Mr. VILLIERS said that he did not rise to dissent from
the liberal generalities that they had heard that evening, for
he shared in the general satisfaction at the promises contained,
or perhaps the admissions implied, in the Speech.--(Hear,
hear.) Indeed, a greater discouragement to those who pinned
their faith on the promises of monopoly, or a more auspicious
sign for those who were struggling for freedom, could hardly
have been given—( Hear, hear)—and he, for one, heartily re-
joiced to see that, notwithstanding the vast influence which the
landed proprietary possessed and exercised, socially and poli•
tically, there was a power beyond them in the general
opinion of the country, that they dared not resist.--( Hear,
hear.) And though for some years past they seemed
to be indifferent to the mischiefs of their law, vet when
the evils of this law met with general detection, they wisely
'shrank from maintining it.—( Hear, hear.) He would not,
however, dilate on the subject at this moment, against the
wish of the House; he chiefly rose to add the expression of hi.
hope to that of the Noble Lord's, that the Right Hon. Baro-
net, whom the propsieters appear now to have invested with
complete power to do what he deemed right, would seriously
consider its what way he could deal with the Corn-law, with
the view to its permanent settlement—( Hear, hear)—and, for
this purpose, he hoped that he would well weigh what- had
been the effect of deferring so long the settlement of this ques-
tion. —( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had said truly, that
the present system was quite discredited among all who desired
any change ; and it was true what he said, that there,was a party
in the country who do not desire to see the present law com-
muted for a fixed duty, but that party was larger when the
Noble Lord proposed his plan than what it was now—
( Hear, hear)—and what he (Mr. Villiers) wished
the Right Hon. Baronet to consider was, whether the public
mind had not now undergone a great change as to the principle
or policy of imposing a tax at all on the food of the people—
( Hear, hear)—and whether, by dint of distress and discussion
during the last five months, there was not more unanimity
now against the propriety of taxing the food of the community,
than the most sanguine could have expected—( Hear, hear)—
and whether any settlement could be deemed satisfactory short
of leaving the trade in food free ?—( Hear, hear.) He firmly
believed, that during the last year, the folly, the cruelty—he
could almost say the crime—of this law, had been generally de-
tected, and would not much longer be endured—( Hear, hear)
—and lie believed that the wishes of thousands, nay, millions,
would not be consulted, if the earliest convenient opportunity
was not taken of bringing the whole question of the imposition
of any tax upon the daily food of the people before the House,
and this he new gave notice lie should do.--4 Cheers. )
Mr. ESTCOURT—It cannot be denied that the
agriculturists of this country are •at this moment plac,d
in a very extraordinary position. The Noble Lord has
desired toy Right Honourable Friend to take care
that he proposes such measures as shill calm the
existing agitate n ; but I hope, at the same time, that those
measures wilt not be founded upon any regard to that agitation,
that it will not be adopted in order to raise or put down
agitation, but with a due regard to the interest of
all classes in this great country. A t the present moment
the agriculturists know well that they have just sustained
a great loss in the Queen's Council—the Duke of Buckingham,
whom they have lost, is known by them
,to have been for
many long years the champion, defender, and friend whom
they were wont to look up to; that through many long gars
they placed all their confidence in his assistance.
We know, too, that they hare List his services,
at a moment when the other great branhes of ' the industry of
this country are puttit.g in ' their claims for the
to' al abolition of that landed ' protection whieh he de-'
fended ; at the very moment when they are plaCeV
in these circumstances they do not see their accustomed.
friend. However, I am certain that no man acquainted
with the general feeling of the agriculturists will deny that they
are not adverse to any change which in the wisdom of
her Majesty's present Ministers may be considered neces-
sary. All they ask is, that they may be redeemed from the
anxiety under which they are at present oppressed, and I thank
my Right Hon. Friend for fixing the earliest day for taking
into consideration those changes.—(Cries of ‘' Question.")
The SPEAKER then moved the adoption of the Address,
which was agreed to.
A Committee was then appointed to present it.
Sir G. CLERK moved that the notes and proceedings of
the House be printed.
Mr. GLADSTONE moved for a return of the duties on the
importation on corn, as we understood.
NEW WRITS.

New writs were then ordered for the borough of Taunton
in the room of Mr. Bainbridge, and also forClaekmaman.

Sir R. INGLIS gave notice that he would on Monday next
move for the appointment of a Library Committee.
The House then adjourned.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

GLOBE. —Extraordinary pains are being taken by theConse r-
live press to convince people of the fact that, though the Duke
of Buckingham has receded from the Ministty, he is still its
and that he will do nothing whatever to thwart its gene-
ral pol Ly. This intimation of the Duke's future course
says but little for the independence of his Grace's character,
since it is impossible that his intentions can be known
unless there has been some understanding between his former
colleagues and himself, enabling the organs of the Government
to announce that the "farmer's friend' is still to give his sup-
p,rt to the Mintstry. It is not often that a member of a Cabi-
net can secede from it and still remain its friend, and, in fact,
as the sweetest wine makes the sourest vinegar, it may
be laid down as a general rule, that analienated friend becomes
frequently a bitter enemy. Stanley and Graham, after leav-
ing the Whig Administration, were never satisfied till they
succeeded in overthrowing it, and the Duke of Buckingham
can hardly be expected—if his separation from Sir Robert Peel
is not a mere trick—to feel anything but soreness against col-
leagues who have rejected his advice, and turnedhim off in pre-
ference to adopting it. It is at all events strange that the
Duke should have quitted the Cabinet under circumstances
which enable the organs of the Government to announce that his
Grace will still give it his support. And we can only perceive in
the affair of the Garter a loop- hole for getting out of the mystery.
It is not very creditable to the Duke of Buckingham that he
should be pretty generally understood to have his hands tied
instead of his leg, by the Garter in question; and that he has
consented to rceive it as the livery that shall mark his continua-
tion in the service o: the Minister who gives it him. It is this
Garter that prompts the Duke of Buckingham► to sing, or al-
low others to sing for him.
" So warmly we met, and so fondly we parted.
That which was the sweeter e'en I could not tell,
The look that at meeting Peel's sunny eyes darted,
Or the gift of the ribbon that marked our farewell.'
If his Grace really coincided wills Sir Robert Peel on all ques-
ticns but that of the Corn-laws, we could understand a gene-
ral cordiality being consistent with a special alienation be-
ta•een the two men ; but when we happen to know', that upon
the only matters with regard to which thet,,Ptrewier's inten-
t.ons have transpired, the Duke tit Buckingham maintains
whay opposite views, we eanunt , trace the contin„ued adhesion
of the latter to any other motive than the one we have already
hinted at. Upon the Corn-laws Sir Robert Peel has made,
up his mind, and here his late colleague and himself are unde-
niably at issue, while upon the facto! v question we find, front
the Times of to-day, that the Premier has come to a resclu-
lion, in spite of all his bowing and scraping to the short•time
gentry, entirely opposed to their views, and to those of the
Duke of Buckingham,who declared his concurrence in all of them.
It is clear that the Tory organs are either premature in stating
that Sir Robert Peel's Government will have the Duke of
Buckingham's support, or that the latter is so held by the leg
through the medium of the Garter, that he is not at liberty to
go in any direction he may desire. We shall not venture to
decide so nice a question as that which turns upon the Duke's
independence' or his consistency.
STANDARD.—The usual topics of congratulation are, it
has been seen, fully noticed, and those incidents that are
peculiar to the time have a proper consideration. The aus-
picious birth of an Heir-Apparent, and the high cam-
pliment paid to our Queen and to her people. by the
personal attendance of the great head of the Protestant,
family upon the Continent, a Prince as eminent for his amiable
qu'alitica and private virtues, as for the high place in the
world which he so worthily occupies, are spoken of in terms of
becoming gratitude and exultation. For the rest the Speech
is frugal of promisee. The Address speaks for men who have
the confi lence of the country, and who are under no neces-
sity to borrow a transient oblivion of their misconduct
by engagements which they do not intend to respect, or
by diverting the public mind from the real business of the na-
tion. What the nation wants is rest. We have had more than
ten years of empirical government, and the lesson which the
advisers of the Crown draw from the long series of mis-
chievous er unprofitable experiments, is the conclu-
sion that the time for a suspension of the experimentalising
course has at length arrived. The urgent question of the
Corn-laws indeed requires that these laws be taken into
consideration, not with a view of abandoning, or even modi-
fying their principle, but in order to give full efficacy to
that principle, now for the first time submitted to the trial
of successive unfavourable seasons. It has been found
upon this trial, that the regular succession of figures in the
sliding scale does not ensure a corresponding regularity
of adaptation, but the reverse ; and means will be proposed to
remedy this defect by substituting in the higher division of
the scale for the terms which now enable the money specu-
lators to oppress the native grower on one side,
and to deprive the consumer of the full benefit of the
law on the other, different terms, which shall facilitate the
introduction of fore•gn grain when necessary, but only when
necessary, without depriving the people of any portion of
the advantage intended for them. If this object can
be effected, as we trust it will be, a vast reinforce-
ment will be afforded to the princiile of protection,
and native agriculture will obtain a security that
must ensure its rapid advance to a point at which, defying.