The Sun.
London, England, 1829-09-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS•

Information reached Government on Sunday
that the Russian Commander-in-Chief had con-
sented to an armistice with the Turks along the
whole line of his operations, on -the 29th O.—
The news, as will be seen by our city article,
produced a favourable impression on the price of
the public funds. It ought, however, to be
recollected that the cessation of actual hosti-
lities, though gratifying as the first step towards
the establishment of a final accommodation, is
not necessarily productive of any pacific arrange-
ment. An armistice is not a peace ; and the
asquiescence of the Russian General in a propo-
sition to delay his advance upon Constantinople
till he has heard from St. Petersburg'', is no
proof that the answer of Ids master will be
favourable to the establishment, on the pro-
posed terms, of permanent tranquillity. The
Allied Ambassadors, after consulting the mode-
rated temper of the Sultan, have again offered
their mediation between the contendiug parties.
Their guarantee could of course only extend to
the disposition of the Porte to treat, and not to
the particular stipulations of a definitive treaty,
which a military commander could have no autho-
rity to conclude. But as the Sultan at the
eleventh hour is brought to the confession of
weakness, and has expressed.a desire for peace
on reasonable terms, a hope may be entertained,
from the moderation and prudence of the Res-
sian Government., that extravagant claims will
not be advanced to mask the ulterior assertion
of ambitious designs. It is said that the Turk-
ish Ambassadors arrived at Adrianople on
the 27th ult., and the Russian General gave
orders for the cessation of hostilities along his
whole line on the 29th, The next arrivals must
be extremely important.— Times.
We have often heard it alleged, that the
brewers have a direct interest in the House of
Commons, which can " bring to the scratch" on
any critical occasion between sixty and seventy
votes ! Whether this calculation be numeri-
cally. correct, we know not; but it seems un-
doubted that some monstrous force must be at
hand to overpower for many years, and in the
face of national resentment and disgust, the men
of landed property, whose produce is discouraged
—the public, whose health and comforts arc im-
paired—and the Government itself, whose love
of fair dealing towards the great body of the
King's subjects must be grievously thwarted by
that most odious of all monopolies which the
brewers of the metropolis and elsewhere perpe-
tually exercise over the consumption of the ar-
ticle manufactured by them under the name of
porter. There is no slave like the occupier of a
public-house which has been licensed (and they
are all so licensed) on the representation, os
through the interest, of a brewer. No matter
how abominable the trash with which he is com-
pelled to supply his customers, nor how loud
their complaints of being poisoned by his bever-
age, instead of refreshed by it ; nor how in-
tense his anxiety to furnish them with more
palatable and wholesome liquor—vend the per•
nicious potion he must, or quit the premises,
which he holds on no other tenure than that
of serving out whatever vapid or leporous
draught the brewer, who is at once his land-
lord, patron, wholesale merchant, and arbitrary
tyrant, thinks fit, through the alehouse-keeper,
to impose upon a helpless neighbourhood.
power of selling beer ought, on the face of
things, to be no more obstructed or restrained
than that of selling potatoes. If the care of the
public morals be adduced as an apology for such
an encroachment on the first principles of com-
merce, why should such an enormous power as
Ithat of granting or withholding the privilege, be
placed in hands where it is, and ever has been,
notoriously jobbed for selfish and rapacious pur-
poses ? If a guarantee for the observance of
decency and propriety must be exacted, let it be •
so precise,.and at the same time so general, that
every man who wishes to embark in the business
of a publican shall know distinctly what legal
obligation he must satisfy before he can become
one ; but do not leave it to a quorum of justices,
prompted by a secret cabinet of brewers, to. re-
fuse licences on personal or incideHtal grounds,
which affirm nothing adverse to the reputation
of the applicant, or to the reasonableness of his
petition, but sullenly rest upon the sic nolo of a
brewer's partisan, waiting to receive his cue on
behalf of some favoured dependent. The Jus-
tice may have even a more hateful motive for
the abuse of a prerogative from which there lies
no appeal. He may have feelings of pi irate
animosity towards a respectable applicant, or of
secret predilection for the most worthless. He
may have premises of his own, whereof a license
might increase the value twenty fold ; for though
brewers in person cannot grant licences, there is
nothing that we know of to prevent an indivi-
dual front canvassing his brother justices to join
with him in setting up any tenant of his own
to vend the beer of a friendly brewer, and thus to
serve the interests ofd pair ofjoblisireroosafattt: vioc:e,,cilicce,y;',fhla on
been l
time for a justice of peace to interfere would he
after scootitnicm
breach
and
acof
recordedpeace o
the
or
his statement of the fact to the sessions, the ma-
gistrates there assembled might resolve to con-
tinue or withdraw the licence of the publican
whose premises had been the theatre of transgres-
sion ; but in no case ought any lower authority
than that of the sessions, ana after the verdict of
a jury, be suffeied to deprive a man living lye
merchandise of hia bread. One result of seleit
at e gnsive ceasis)tiot
attil,:iabn thed
more
0 rei
ienrtiropar
'Oattit(i)ti of nor re ex-
abl
e enaracter,
into the class of venders of malt
Liquor by retail.
That the number of publi.
'Amuses might be
needlessly or thischievoilee'-
y multiplied, without
the restraint imposed by the arbitrary power of
the m toivrate rabsurd a ,i an apprehension. The
superfluous number, like any other redundancy
of sueVy in open market, would bring its own
ttwe ; for the want of custom would soon com-
pel the unlucky speculator to betake himself to
some more profita'ae business. If the want of
respectable custom shoulfl induce kbp.publ:ican to
make his house the resort of abandoneai charac-
ters, and the scene of riot or other, illegal pro-
ceeding, the police is within ca11.,-and the law is
brought speedily into action But one deploy
able consequence of those aesoitiete upon the bee
trade, of which the licence-late forms so prole,
neat and oppressieT a part, is the check thereL
, J
given to tha progress of that trade--and the
comparative, rapid, and frightful growth in the
nonauanption of spirituous ligtuors. We quote
the following_ paragraph upon taat
pmt trout the
Ii v Winburols i • • ew, alre ,4dy mentioned, and the
passages succeeding it, as supports to true general
argument :

If additiatial proofs be wanted of pernicious
effects af this system, they are at Ir.nd. ft is an
iveftth to common sense to say, that it contributes to
the support of morality anti sobriety. Aro morals
and sobriety likely to ha much promoted by a sys-
tem, the effect of which is to substitute ardent
spirits in the plug of malt liquors ? Rut that such

is the case, is proved by the official accounts, printed
by order of the House of Commons (20th March,
1825). It appears, for example, that during the
17 years ending with 1827, while the population
had increased nearly 3,000,000, the ale licences in
England and Wales had hardly been augmented,
—their number is 1810 being 49,061, and in 1827
only 49,327. The case, however, was very diffe-
rent with the spirit licenses,—their number having
increased from 37,011 in 1810, to 42,599 in 1827 ;
so that, under this most moral, or, as Bentham
would call it, sobriety-preserving system,' there is
an increase of 266 ale licenses, and 5,588 spirit
licences ! With such official facts staring us in the
face, one must be sceptical indeed not to admit that
the duties, difficulties, and obstructions laid on the
manufacture and sale of beer, have taken effect. In-
deed, it may be hilly presumed, supposing the pre-
sent system to be maintained for a few years longer,
that beer-drinking will be as little in fashion in Eng-
land as in Italy. We shall then, no doubt, be, as
we are at this moment, the most moral and religious.
people in the world ; and we shall also add to our
other numerous excellences, that of being the
greatest gin-drinkers." • • * *
" If, after all that has been already said, any thing
further were required to evince the destructive na-
ture of the present system, it might be found in the
fact, that almost the whole of the late extraordinary
increase in the spirit licenses has taken place in the
metropolis, and in those districts where the brewers'
monopoly is most complete. In the home-brewing
districts there has been little or no increase. It

should also be borne in mind, that owing to the
mode adopted in London, and other great towns, of
retailing spirits in glasses, generally of no defined
measure, to a person standing at a counter or bar,
hundreds if individuals may be served, and frequently
are so seated, is a very small space of time. But to
drink of his beer comfortably, a man must have some
time, and perhaps also a pipe, and a newspaper. It
is plainly, therefore, for the interest of the publican
to encoufage the sale of spirits in preference to beer.
And, with characteristic sagacity, legislators, justices,
and parsons of the land, join together, by laying
oppressive duties, prohibitions, and restrictions, on
the manufacture and sale of beer, to augment the
gieward bias. If blue ruin do not rapidly spread its
ravages amongst us, it is not for want of legislative,
and worshipful, and reverend encouragement.
" We will now bring into a short compass the
various duties affecting malt liquor, before it can be
drunk by the lower or middle classes ;

" Mali duty (nett amount) £3,340,000

. . _
" Beer duty (ditto) 3,200,000
64 Maitstmie licences
" Biewers lieences 164,000

441,000

" lip duty (nett amount of 1828)
" Increased rent 0f50,000 public-houses
At the rate of 20!. per annum each 1,000,000

£3,165,000

" We have clready seen, that from a fourth to a
firth of all the malt manufactured in England is used
in the houses of the rich and the great; and we
have also seen that the beer brewed by them is
wholly exempted from the beer duty. Deducting►,
therefore, one-fourth, or 835,0001., from the malt
duty, and one-fourth, or 110,0001., from the hop
duty, on account of the malt and hops used by the
privileged classes, it is plain that the whole of the
remaining duties and charges, amounting to the
enormous sum of 7,220,0001., must fall entirely on
the natural and healthy beverage of the lower and
middle eiasses.

-5‘ It appears from the Parliamentary paper, No.
51, September, 1827, that of the total quantity of
malt made in England find Wales, in 1824, 1825,
and 182 C, 21,647,000 bushels were, at an average,
made use of by public brewers and victuallers; and
it is now seen that the aggregate nett duties and
charges, exclusive of the hop duty, impo•ed on this
malt, amount to 6,889,0001., and, adding to this
600,0004 as the expense of collection, we have a
total suer of 7,489,0001., being at the rate of very
near 7s. a bushel. But the average price of barley
does not exceed 4s, a bushel; so that it follows
that the material of one of our great na-
tional manufactures,---that the first luxury, if it b 3 not
rather a necessary of the poor, is subjected to taxes
amounting to the unprecedented sum of 1751. per
cent. ad valorem! This, we are inclined to think, is
the greatest stretch of fiscal rapacity of which inc.-
tlern Europe has to boast. The rich man buys his
Port, Burgundy, and Champagne, his tea and
coffee, on paying duties which, though abundantly
high, do not in any case exceed 100 per cent., or
20s. in the pound. Not so the pooe man. Justice
is meeted out to him with different measure, He
cannot touch a glass of beer without being liable to
a duty of 175 per cent., or of 355. in the pound.
" That the landlords have great influence in Par-
liament is evinced by the divisions on the Corn
Laws. Why, then, do they not exercise it to relieve
the only treat manufacture belonging wholly to the
land, from the duties and prohibitions by which it
is thus weighed down ? They have it in their
power to double ti 3,2 demand for barley, without in
any respect injuring the revenue. If they continue
quietly to toiorate the preset system, it will show
that they are as indifferent to te4
owninterests as
to those of the public.
" It is contended by some that the malt duty
ought to be entirely repealed, because it is not pos,
sible to assess it fairly; that by lessening the con.
oumption of barley, it occasions a loss to the pro-
prietors of light land snit.able for barley and turnips,
frost which the proprietors of land suitable for wheat
And oats are totally exempted. we are not dis-
posed to attach much weight to this staLerriant• It
is not of the imposition of duties on mait, b;,:t pf
their abuse, that we complain. If taxes be not laid
on income, they must be laid on commodities; and
to make them productive, they must be laid on
those in general demand. But we era sure we have
aiready stated enough, and far more throe enough, to
show that the present mode of charging the duty on
malt is about the very worst that rapacious igno,
ranee could devise. The officers ought, on no ac-
count, to be allowed to interfere either directly or
indirectly with the manufacturer; but the duty
should be ascertained either by measuring the grain
before it is put into the cistern, or attar.
t
is in the cistern, Of after it is taken out
of it. The existing regulation; did not repress,
but augment, smuggling and fraud. Their on'y ef-
fect, as we have already stated, is to deteriorate the
quality and raise the price of malt, to put the malt-
ster in the pwer of the officer, and consequently t&
drive out, and 1,-,Tp out of the trade, many respect-
able persons, who would otherwise continue to en-
gage in it.
" With respect to the 13er duty, it ought to be
entirely and unconditionally
Mr. Sadler has been delivering himself of a
furious tirade, at Whitby, against the Fitt Trade
System. His speech, as it appears in the York
Herald, oc,eupies a whole page :
" And first (he says), if we turn our eyes to the
agrict:lturists—who, if calculated as Adam Smith
intimate, in reference to the employments solely
dependent upon them, which in our census are
placed in the other class, will amount, as I have
proved elsewhere,. to two-thirds of the industrious
part of the comanni;ty—l say, turning to the agri-
cultural operatives, wi;:kt is their condition ? The
farmers of the kingdom tze on the verge of ruin ;
many of them are already inextricably engulphed ;
poverty and distress pursue,and have already reached
them. The labourers, in entire counties together,
are in the deepest distress, and are aisnost univer-
sally pauperised; and their distressed condition has
had its full share in reducing the manufacturing ope-
ratives to a like or even a worse condition. With'
tens of millions of acres of land wholly uncultivated,
millions of which are amongst the richest coils in the
world; with millions more, especially in Ireland' not
half laboured; and with an incredible and increasing
number of hands out of employment, and whom we
must sustain, though we wholly lose their labours,
things have been at length so happily managed that
we habitually employ the labourers of distant coun-
tags (applause) while ours are idle; call theirfields

into cultivation while we neglect our own; furnish
with capital foreign rivals in other branches of in-
dustry which they will assuredly employ against us,
while we voluntarily diminish the national re-
sources ; and still our population is inadequately,
and, relatively speaking, dearly fed."
Mr. Sadler is an orator, and exaggeration is
of the very essence of oratory. "We habitually
employ the labourers of distant countries while
ours are idle." How do we contrive to requite
the labourers of distant countries, if our own
labourers are idle ? We had imagined that
labour was the foundation of all wealth, and no
country would give you the produce of its
labour for nothing. By this new theory of Mr.
Sadler's, however, it seems the other nations of
Europe are so obliging as to toil for the mere
pleasure of allowing its to remain idle. In all
times there has been some cuckoo-cry for the
people of this country. At present the cry is
for trade, though, God knows, there is not much
freedom to boast of.—Morning Chronicle.
The last intelligence from Constantinople
amply confirms the accortnt in the Chronicle of
,
Saturday. A paragraph which we have copied
from a cotemporary of last night, details the
exertions of the Representatives of the different
Governments, and the success with which they
have been already attended. The Turks are
now in that condition in which alone Turks can
be brought to reasonable terms; for they have no
idea of forbearance from any other cause than
fear ; and they would have interpreted modera-
tion, on the part of their enemy, to the impos-
sibility of conquering them. They will now be
sufficiently humble and compliant ; and the
Mediating Powers will, we trust, experience no
difficulty from either of the Belligerents. The
Emperor of Russia, when he put his armies in
motion, issued a Manifesto, stating the object
of the war, and the terms on which he would
make peace. He distinctly disclaimed all views
of territorial aggrandizement, though lie cer-
tainly, at the same time, used language with re-
gard to indemnification for the expellees of the
war, and guarantees for the future good conduct
of the Turks, which letive room for latitude of
construction. It will immediately occur to
most people, that it is much easier to ask
an indemnification for the expence of
the war from Turkey, than to obtain one ;
and it may be thought also, that there can be
no guarantee for the safe passage of Russian
vessels through the Dardanelles, short of occu-
pation of the country. That Turkey is with- 1
out the means of raising the money at once may
be easily conceived; and that the Russians will
not quit their conquests till they are indemnified
may also be taken for granted. But if there is a
good understanding among the different Powers,
which we believe there is, it is not impomible
that what took place when France was occupied
may be repeated ; that the Powers may gua-
rantee a loan to Turkey for the indemnification,
and to secure the re-payment of the money as
well as strengthen the executive, furnish such a
contingent of troops for the occupation of Thrace,
as may be necessary. The French Papers are
anxious, for the sake of popular effect, to attri-
bute their new Ministry to England, and it suits
them also to represent the present posture of af-
fairs in the East as humiliating to us in an espe-
cial degree. This may be all very clever in the
way of party politics. A little time, however,
will, we doubt not, show that the Government
of England has acted throughout on much surer
grounds than they give it credit for. In fact, we
do not believe that there is any disposition at
present in the European Governments to extend
their dominions. Russia was certainly very
much hampered on the side of Turkey, and may
not have been sorry that the obstinacy of that
Power furnished her with a good pretext for the
steps she. has taken. But having laid her old
enemy prostrate, and tamed the Turks suffici-
ently for all time to come, she will be satisfied.
She will at all events find it expedient to appear
satisfied ; for we do not believe she will, in the
teeth of her own declaration, with all the great
Powers looking on, venture on an attempt at
territorial aggrandisement. There is, however,
one difficulty—the disposing of the Asiatic con-

quests. The conquests in that quarter, afford-
ing, as they would, an easy communication from
the Black Sea with the Mons-Caucasian pro-
vinces, would add greatly to the value of the
latter, which, at present, are a heavy burden to
Rassia. Besides, the Armenians, who have

shown so marked a preference for Russia, have a
claim on her, not to be abandoned to their old

oppressors. We foresee the difficulty will be in
this quarter. It is of immense consequence to
the great Powers to set their faces against all at-
tempts at conquest, as opening a door to wars
and revolutions. One encroachment justifies
another ; and the best policy is to resist the first
attempt. Even the dismemberment of Turkey,
on the side of Asia, is an ugly precedent. Hence,
we have no doubt that England, Austria, and
Prussia, and even France, will look with great
jealousy on any such dismemberment. A little
time will now serve to threw light on the views
of the parties.—Bid.
There never was a greater deception in a
nauie than in that of " free trade," as applied
to the circumstances of this couutry. If the
manufacturers of Great Britain were in a situa-

tion to enter into free competition with the ma-
nufitcturers of the rest of the world, then, Pro•

yi,de.4 the tariff.; of other nations were as Mimi]
as our Lyn,- " free trade" would be, in fact,
what it is in name, 4;0 reciprocal benefits would

flow from it. How stand;, 019 case at present ?
Trade is free in our markets to thoge foreign
manufacturers who can produce their goods at
an expand considerably below the cost of pro-
duction in Eng4nd ; but it is not free in reality
to our own manufacturers, because the taxes
raised to pay the interest of spp millions of
debt enhance the cost of production so roue!' as
to operate upon native goods, in a great mea-
sure, as the prohibitory system used to do upon
foreign manufactures—that is, keep them out of
the market. The manufacturers are under the
ne.c;e444ty of endeavouring to overcome the diffi-
culties 14.1 this state of things places them
by substituting La.4,inery as much as possible
for human labour. If tsney
,etriuloy men instead
of machinery, they cannot aff'Srli ,to give them
wages that can procure any thing like a con-i-,
fortable subsistence. Hence the wretched

condition of those artizans ire general who

are in actiial. employment, while thou•
sands are put otitt 0 work altogether.—
The political economists vie pprpetually
talking of the evils of over-populatiPo, .41?(:1 ykt
they approve of that state of things which makes
tb,2 manufacturers substitute the powers of wood
and iron Or the bones and sinews of living men,
and thereby irtc,,weqses all the evils of over-popu-
lation. What do iitti,cimy theorists and the

wcaehers of a heartless philosophy" care for
the misery and destitution which are y4pw)y
overspreading tha. face of this once prosperous
country, and converting her hardy, generous,
manly population into one vast mast of Lazza-

roni ? Their system takes not into calculation
any thing but the increase of " capital," at what-
ever expellee of human suffering or public mo-
rality it may be obtained—or, at least, appear to
be so. Their maxin is quocztnque mod° rem—
their paradise the place " where wealth accumu-
lates and men decay."—But their calculations
prove in the end as false as their morality. In
a nation where the industrious classes of society
become impoverished and demoralized, the pro-
sperity of the whole system of society is sapped
at its base. Never was there so much luxury
and external splendour among the higher ranks
in ancient Rome as when the population, whose
vigour and virtues constituted the stamina of the
empire, were sinking into wretchedness and de-
basement ; and the power that awed the world
was hastening into rapid decline. There are, no
doubt, many who have more feeling for the poor
than political economists display in their theories
of " improvement," who were induced to join
in the cry for what is called " free trade" by
the fascinating influence of the name ;—they
were dupes to the specious promise of the
term; they believed that " free trade"
would be in practice what the words implied.
They did not take into account the circum-
stances of the country, which precluded the pos-
sibility of our manufacturers entering into free
competition with those of other countries, who
paid little, if any taxes. Thus a fine and showy
term imposed upon their understandings, aLd
they assisted in making the prosperity of Eng-
land a sacrifice to the magic of a name. But
those have more to answer for whose systematic
object it is, and long has been, to raise a wall of
separation between the rich and the poor—to
make " capital," or the appearance of it, the
standard of all worth, and to immolate the vir-
tues, the honour, and the moral prosperity of the
country on the altar of Mammon. Do we say
that all the existing misery of England is owing
to "free trade ?" by no means; but we say that
the consequences of the breaking down of the
system under which English commerce rose
from its cradle into the display of its giant
energies, has greatly aggravated the distress
arising from other causes. This is becoming
more apparent every day to all but those who
are wilfully blind. Even Mr. Huskisson, if we
may judge by some expressions that have fallen
from him in public, does not view the extensive
scene of misery which comes within the horizon
of his scheme without feeling the confidence in
his favourite system shaken. He was seduced
by the praises of the " philosophers," who
dandled him into popularity in the press. We
suspect that the daring hand of Mr. Sadler,
backed by the force of sad experience, has some-
what deranged his honours and made them sit
rather awkwardly upon him. He has already
thrown out an intimation of the possibility of
"modifying" his opinions—any qualification of
such errors must eventually lead to retracting
them. But whether the author of the system be
flexible or obstinate, certain it is that his own
experiment has disproved his theory, and the
scope which he has had for carrying his visionary
speculations into practice has established their
confutation.—Morning Herald.

One or two of our contemporaries are profuse
in their commendations of Sir E. B. Sugden, on
account of a recent visit paid by him to the un-
fortunate persons confined in the Fleet Prison
for contempt of the Court of Chancery, and look
upon it as the certain harbinger of some stre-
nuous effort on the part of the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman to reform all the abuses that either
exist or are imagined to exist in the practice of
this Court. We have no wish to detract from
the merit of Sir E. Sugden, although we fear
the expectations of our contemporaries are some-
what too sanguine. We trust the miserable ob-
jects of his attention have reaped more substan-
tial and immediate advantages from his presence
among them than any which his zeal or energy
in the cause of reform are likely to produce. If
we had any reason to suppose that this visit was
paid with a view to diffuse a notion _ of the

Solicitor-General being peculiarly anxious to
qualify himself for a Chancery reformer, the re-
collection would be forced upon us that the most
ostentatious reformers have never yet, upon any
occasion, been the most judicious or successful
ones. Nor could we in this case escape the sus-
picion that the desire to purchase a little popula-
rity at a cheap rate was the leading motive of the
Learned Gentleman, since it is quite certain that
the prisoners in the Fleet could give him no in-
formation bearing at all upon the subject of
Chancery reform, of which he has not been fully
in possession for at least twenty years, during the
whole of which period he has we believe been a
strenuous advocate of the existing system..
Nothing indeed is more easy than to talk of the
evils that spring from the present practice of the
Court of Chancery, and nothing more difficult,
if we may judge from the degree of success which
has hitherto attended every attempt, than to
suggest any remedies which would not be likely
to produce evils still more extensive and perni-
cious.—Morning Post.

The Procris gun-brig, Captain PA GET,
arrived at Kingstown on Thursday, from a cruise On the
coast of Scotland. The Right Hon. the Earl and Countess
of ERROL visited Captain PAGET on Saturday, and were
honoured with a salute of fifteen guns. The Procris
sailed on Monday morning for Cork.

FROM A CORRESPONDENT.—A large sea
fish was thrown up dead on the Ynysfechan shore, near
Llangranog, on the 20th ult., of the following dimen-
sions—length 28 feet, and IS in circumference ; its mouth
so lirge that it could easily swallow three men at once ;
its lower jaw is longer than the upper—has a very large
tongue, and remarkable teeth in the hover jaw, about
eight inches long, three broad'at the botton, and one and
an eighth thick across the mouth, quite cloie to one an-
other. Its belly is like half-inch reeds moulded by a car-
penter, and in colour a lightish blue; back rather of a
yellow cast; its flesh is very like swine's, and produces
good oil. It weighs eight tons, and is supposed to be a
whale.--[" Very like a whale."—En.]—Carmarthen
.journal.

FRIGHT 74Y A LIVING GHOST.-011 the
night of ow last Martinmas market, a dreadful and me-
lam:l:Ay noise was heard by the landlord end domestics
of a house in this town, which alarmed them to spell a
(le4ree, that they one and all declared it must be a ghost.
On making an elaborate search, each individual with his
cudgel to protect himself, and in readiness for resistance,
the landlord took courage to open the window blinds—
when, to the great astonishment of the party, the ghost
that had caused such general dismay proved to be a Dun-
eta'n gnat. Of course the intruder was speedily silenced ;
but the circumsi:aing, snid our informant very gravely,
should be a warning to all go,t dplers to give notice to
the inhabitants in their neighbourhood, before spell ani-
mals can hereafter molest them at untimeous hours.—in-
verness Courier.

STATE OF THE TOWN.—We are happy to
tta4 *at .infle our last publication, masters and men have
sp far approximo,74? that in one factory, (that of Messrs.
THACK4AY, in 4ncoatB.4 tke winners have returned to
their employ upon modified Prices. What the precise na-
ture of the agreement is we are unable to cay. The town
has'enjoyed its usual quiet until yesterday, when some
hundreds assembled round the mill of illmsrs. BIRLEY, in
Oxford-road, and after giving several shouts, indicative of
sentiments, proceeded to the mills of Mr. D. Hour
and Messrs. fh-kintrpap. Not one act of violence, how-
ever, occurred;' but (4e wil9le multitude ultimately dis-
pereed peaceably.—FlVanchester 4drertivw,

SECOND EDITION.
SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock,

THE LONDON GAZETTE

OF THIS EVENING.

Whitehall, Sept. 21.
The King has been pleased to present the Rev. John
Brown Patterson to the church and parish of Falkirk, in
the presbytery of Linlithgow, and county of Stirling, va-
cant by the death of the Rev. James Wilson.

The King has alio been pleased to present the Rev.
John Imray to the church and parish of Longiide, in the
presbytery of Deer and county of Aberdeen, vacant by the
death of the Rev. Thomas Kidd.

The King has also beers pleased to present the Rev.
Francis Carman to the Church and Parish of Tealing, in
the presbytery of Dundee and county of Forfar, vacant by
the transportation of the Rev. George Todd to the Church
and Prrish of Dundee.

Commission in the Royal Carnarvon Rifle Corps, signed by
the Lord Lieutenant of the county of Carnarvon.
Lieut. William Chapman, half-pay Rifle Brigade, to be
Adjutant (with the rank of Captain), vice Sewell, dec.
March 28.

Commissions in the Wilts Yeomanry, signed by the Lord
Lieutenant of the county of Wilts.
Devizes Troop—T. H. S. B. Eqcourt, Gent. to be
Cornet, vice Pollhill, promoted. Dated Sept. 3, 1829.
Salisbury Troop—H. Everett, Gent. to be Cornet, vice
the Hon. H. B. Arundel!, tesigned. Sept. 4.

DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY.
William Abbott, Aldersgate-street, coal-merchant.
BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED.

William Taylor, Lombard-street, stationer, from Sept.
25 to Oct. 2, at tile Court of Commissioners.
BANKRUPTS.

John Smith, Western-place, Portman Green, Maryle-
hone, to surrender Sept. 29, at eleven, Oct. 2, and Nov.
3, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Pdterson, Bou-
verie-street, Fleet-street.

Robert Alexander, Great Coram-street, Brunswick-
square, bookseller, Sept. 29, at ten, Oct. 6, at nine,
and Nov. 3, at eleven, at the ornhill. Parton and El-
lk St. Mildredj.-court, Poultry.
John and Robert Thomson, Liverpool, merchants, Oct.
19, 20, and Nov. 3, at one, at the Clarendon-buildings,
Liverpool. Holden, Liverpool; Ellis, Walmsley, and
Gorton, Chancery-lane.
Charles Spicer, Margate, victualler, Sept. 25, Oct. 6,
and Nov. 3, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners.
Vandercom and Comyn, Bush-lane, Cannon-street.
Joseph Marshall, Foleshill, Coventry, ribbon-manufac-
turer, Sept. 29, at six, 30, at ten, and Nov. 3, at eleven,
at the King's Head Inn, Coventry. Austen and Hobson,
Gray's-Inn, London ; Troughton and Lea, Coventry.