The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-24 00:00:00

strottr-oF TIM PUBLIC JOURNALS.

It is fortunate that Noble Lords and Commoners, re-
presenting the landed interest, come forward so fre-
quently to tell their story to Parliament, and to expose
to the people the whole pith and mystery of their
omplaints. Lord Malmesbury, who has on many late
occasions put himself in front of the agricultural battle,
murmured loudly on Thursday last, at the effects pro-
duced by a reduction of the duties on the import and ex-
port of British wool; which reduction, on the import at
least, took place in 1824. -His Lordship stated it as on?
crying grievance, that the average import of foreign wool
had increased in consequence from about 5,000,0001b5. to
`21,000,0001b5. This at least is a proof that foreign wool was
wanted by our manufacturers, and that the tax which had
formerly repelled its importation, was a tax on British
industry, and on the body of the consumers. But Lord
Malmesbury forgets that it was the agriculturists them-
selves who pressed upon Ministers the abolition of both
the above taxes; the imputed consequence of which they
now make a-subject of reproach. His Lordship is also in-
dignant enough that the wool grower is only protected by
a duty of 4 per cent. on the value of his produce, while
the woollen-manufacturer is secured by a tax on foreign
cloths of 1.5 per cent. ad valorem. We do not think that
Mr. Huskisson need trouble himself much about answer-
ing an assailant who does not seem to recollect the dif-
ferent claims of a raw material and a manufactured article
to- indulgence from the Legislature. We had always
understood that it Was the approved commercial policy of
every Government with the least pretension to prudence,
to facilitate by all means the entrance of raw materials into
the kingdom, and their departure from it in a manu-
factured state. All this, however, will, we take for
granted, be duly expounded in the next session, if not the
present, when the country shall be fortunate enough
to have a Minister in the House of Peers capable of
discussing other men's opinions and of expressing his
own. A successor to Lord Liverpool is really desirable,
if it were but for common decency. There is an objection
to Lord Bathurst's appointment; which is, that Mr. Canning
could hardly serve in a Cabinet so headed; and that the
country would thus be deprived of the services of its ablest
Minister, at the most exigent and difficult crisis in the
affairs of England and of Europe. The Duke of Wel-
lington's recent visit to Windsor, and his continuance
there for a couple of days at this period, has created some
talk, of course, though it is asserted that no communica-
tion took place between his Majesty and his Grace on the
subject of the Ministry. It is also stated, that Mr. Can-
ning received no intimation, either directly or indirectly,
respecting the King's intention about constructing an Ail-
ministration.—Times.

We extract from the Dublin Evening Post of Tuesday
last, a pretty full account of the very extraordinary pro-
ceedings in that capital on Monday and Tuesday, con-
necten with the Second Reformation. The Archbishop
of Dublin, who was the great actor on Sun:lay last, is the
head of the Second Reformation, with respect to the issue
of which, in a few years, he is known to have expressed
himself as exceedingly sanguine. His Grace has a most
difficult part to play. He is an enemy to education and
the improvement of the people ; and, as his object in 'pro- •
moting the new Reformation is merely to obviate some
apprehended danger in his own Church, he must be in a
-state of the utmost perplexity, between his hatred of the
Catholics and his fears lest the Reformation should fail to
confine itself within the orthodox channel which he wishes
it to flow in. "He took occasion," says the writer in
the Dublin Evening Post, " in the course of his sermon,
to speak of the danger to the Established Church, as well
from its avowed enemies as from its pretended friends ; we
understood his Grace to allude here to some of the Biblical
sects, which have so numerously sprung up in Ireland lat-
terly." To the man who wishes well to his fellow crea-
tures, who rejoices in all that raises them in the moral
scale, who would alleviate as much as possible the evils inse-
parable from human life, the course to be pursued is easy
and straight. He is not haunted with the apprehension
of dangers from the communication of knowledge to the
people, because he is not conscious of entertaining a wish
that more should be exacted from them, than justice and
;ieeessity demand; and he knows that the more men are
01,Ughtened, the more willingly will they submit to the
performance of the duties irepcsed on all of them, by the
very condition of living in society. The enlightened capi-
talist, for instance, has no fear that the communication
of knowledge to men will diminish their regard for pro-
perty, to the sacred respect for which we owe the ad-
vances from the savage state to civilization, and the very
possibility of existing in society. But all who are con-
scious that they wish to possess advantages irreconcileable
with the good of society, ere naturally desirous to retain
the people in ignorance ; for they are aware that though
knowledge reconciles men to support patiently irremediable
evils, it also inspires them with a desire to free themselves
from the evils which are imposed on them by the injustice
of men. Whenever we hear a man express an opinion
bostile to the diffusion of education, we may be sure that
he wishes to promote some unjust purpose. When the
Archbishop of Dublin was examined before the Committee
of ,J House of Commons on the 7th June, 1825, he
eapresse4 the most decided opinion against education.
"Dees yuicv Grace conceive that in proportion as persons be-
,otpe educated and "enlightened, and feel their capacity for civil
and political privilege to increase, their dissatisfaction at exclu-,
gat form civil and political privilege will increase also? should

think so.
." Does your Grace conceiv4 the progress of education to have
een considerable within your observation in Ireland 2-1 believe
it has.
" Does there exist in the minds of the people an anxiety for in-
struction ?—The lower classes in Ireland are extremely desirous
co have what they call learning.
" Then' should their education inereese also, and their exclusion
continue, does not your Grace conceive that the progress of edu-
cation will also measure the increased dissatisfaction which they
will feel at exclusion?-1 am sure that an over-education of the
tower orders will, under any circumstances, create dissatisfac-
tion, and produce mischief."
Under any circumstances, an over-education of the lower
orders will create dissatisfaction, and produce mischief I
is the key to the Second Reformation. We must
educate them with a view to our benefit, and not to their
own. We wish to have them at an advantage, and if we
allow them to see this, they will necessarily be dissatisfied.
We do out wish them to be able to decide for themselves be-
tween the Catholic and Protestant religions, because, if they
could judge for themselves here, they might proceed further in
their inquiries ; we will, therefore, exert ourselves to draw
them over to Protestantism, at as small expence of instruction
as possible. We must shut our eyes in the mean time to
the excesses of the zealots, our pretended friends, trusting
to the evil being temporary, and to our success in discover-
ing means for afterwards promoting that ignorance of the
lower orders which is most favourable to sacerdotal usur-
pation. But cunning as the Archbishop of Dublin may
be, the enterprise on which he has entered exceeds his
ability. He cannot enlighten the people up to the point
favourable to his own views, and then erect a barrier against
further knowledge. Those who have begun will go on in
spire of him; and of one thing he may rest assured, that
whether. the people become Protestants or remain Catho-
lics, they will be less tolerant of abuses than before.—
When we'place a Priest like this by the side of Mr.
Brougham, what a contrast there is between them. We
sm the one man, after undergoing the toils of a laborious
p•ofession, devoting his midnight hours to the composition
a works calculated to lessen the difficulties in the way of
the aenuisition of knowledp to the laborious mechanic,
cheered by the hope that he is at once multiplying the
means of innocent enjoyment, and diffusing virtue, the
companion of knowledge, among his fellow-creatures. We
see the othe.r like the .IVEsei in the Play, looking on ,wery
human being Qs cherishing designs against his pelf, tor-
mented at the same time with a fear of losing his own
stores, and envious Of
those of his neighbour. His refor-
ma..on confines - itself to a wish to draiv from a rival altar
.the offerings that smoke on 14 to his own. But we turn
from the
mortifying_ spectacle, and console ourselves with
the reflection, that even this maxi may be an instrument

for the doing much good, however little it may have been
within his intention.—Morning Chronicle.
The Lord Chancellor, in alluding, the other evening in
the House of Lords, to some Catholic petition that had
been presented, said that, for his part, he would never
consent to the Emancipation prayed for, except much bet-
ter securities were offered on the part of the Catholics
than had yet been offered. This appears to. be the thing
wanting in all the petitions that we have yet seen in fa-
vour of the Catholics. Considering that this is a Protes-
tant State, linked with a Protestant Church, we think
that the least the Catholics could do, when they pray for
equal political privileges, would be to propose such securities
on the part of their Church, as to place beyond possibility
the resumption of power on the part of their Church; for
it might hereafter be productive of bad consequences to
this country if, after granting the Catholics power, it were
used for the purpose of reinstating the Catholic Clergy in
either tithes or power ; for, should the two churches again
come into collision, a civil war might be the consequence.
We, therefore, think the Lord Chancellor was right when
he said; that whenever the Catholic Question was con-
ceded, ample securities on the part of the Catholics should
be given, so far as their Church was concerned.—Morn-
ing Herald.

If legislative partiality could be of any real service to
those who are the objects of it, there is no department of
industry which we should more rejoice to see basking in
the sunshine of Parliamentary favour than the shipping
interest. We are well aware that our commercial marine
not only constitutes a most important portion of our
wealth, but is the source of that naval power which ren-
ders the name of England formidable on every shore.
Those, therefore, who imagine, that, in approving of Mr.
Hoskissonis alterations in our Navigation Laws, we were
actuated by indifference to the shipping interest, err greatly.
Our chief reasons for approving these alterations are,
that their tendency is to increase our navigation. Some
members of the shipping interest regard the deviations
from our ancient enactments, as merely an application of
the general principles of free trade ; and they contend,
that these principles ought not to be applied here, since
they are not applied, except with great restrictions, to
any other mode of employing capital. " Our corn is pro-
tected," they say—" our cottons, our woollens, our silks,
are all guarded by high duties. Why should not our
ships—a manufacture so much more necessary to our po-
litical existence that any of the rest—enjoy the benefit of
a similar protection ?" These notions are founded on
misapprehension. Mr. Huskisson's maritirr.e code pro-
ceeds, not upon any abstract principles of freedom of
trade, but on the plain practical maxim, of purchasing for
British ships admission into foreign ports, by granting
to foreign ships admission into ours. If we could confine
to our own ships, all importation into, and exportation
rom our own ports, and yet have free admission into
from our own ports, and yet have free aJtnission into
the ports of all foreign States, that ' mild be a system
more advantageous to us than any other; but such a
system has long been impossible. If we exclude foreign-
ers, or impose on them discriminatine duties, they reta-
liate upon us by similar regulations • and as our commerce
is more widely extended than that Of any other people, we
are the most likely to suffer, in consequence of the lim'ts
thus prescribed to our cnterprize. Our Navigation Laws
were directed chiefly against the importation of commo-
dities in ships which did not belong either to ourselves or
to the country of which the commodities were the produce.
Suppose this principle adhered to, what country would
sustain more inconvenience than England ? For what
country is there which exports so many commodities of
foreign growth or production ? The quantity, for instance
of articles of foreign origin which we send to Russia, is
much greater than the quantity of articles of origin not
Russian which Russia sends to us ; and, therefore, if the
old maxim of our Navigation Laws were to be adhered to
in our commercial intercourse with that country, the in-
convenience to ourselves would be greater than to her.—
Besides our direct commerce, there is the transit trade
to be attended to. It is the policy of Mr. lluskisson, to
make England, as much as possible„ the grand emporium
of the world, where other nations shall make their exchan-
ges, buying what they want, and galling what they. have
to dispose of. Our old Navigation Laws were, in the
present state of the world, an insurmountable obstacle to
the accomplishment of such views. The alterations in
them promote the extension of our commerce; and the
extension of our commerce cannot fail to bring along with
it the increase of our shipping.—New Times.