The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

all entitled to compete for even the lowest degree
of the College ? They were not. (llear,
helm) And this was a serious loss to all Roman
Catholic laymen. Fellowships had been and were the
means of success, in after life, of talented men. The
Irish bar,numbered distinguished men, whose only re-
commendation at first was, having taken up a degree at
one of the universities. No, they would be satisfied
with nothing but an equality, and the first step to this
was the throwing, open Trinity College. He dissented
from the Charitable Bequests Bill. The majority of the
Roman Catholics were opposed to it. Dr. Murray him •
self, who, to his honour had accepted office under them,
had declared that he was opposed to many parts
of this Bill ; and at first he went to the Castle—
s perilous thing for a Roman Catholic bishop to do
—to remonstrate against several of its clauses.
He communicated with- Lord Heytesbury, and it was in-
timated to him, that changes were to be made in the
Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of
State for the Home Department, had not yet spoken in
this debate, and perhaps he would say what changes
were to be made. There was another mistake made,
which was this, that the Bill restricted the right of
devising property beyond a certain time. That was a
mistake, because they allowed personal property to be
conveyed, and they should follow the same rule with re-
gard to real property. In Catholic countries abroad
large tracts of territory were devised to the Roman Ca-
tholic Church, but there was no apprehension of such
an occurrence in Ireland. It could not arise for a con-
siderable period at least, but at all events, they ought to
have communicated with the Roman Catholic prelates,
and perhaps if they did so they would have their assent.
It was a fact, that the Irish people were suspicious of
the present Government. It could not be forgotten, that
transactions took place last year, to which he would not
snore particularly allude, which were not calculated to
conciliate the favourable opinions of the Roman Catholics
of Ireland to the Right Hon. Baronet's Government.
He would not c n the present occasion expatiate or dilate
upon them, but they were such as not to make the minds
of the people of Ireland anticipate any favourable mea •
sures from his Government His Hon. Friend, the
Member for Louth, was more sanguine in his anticipa-
tions than he had ever known him before. He expected
a great deal from the Land Commission. Why were
not the contemplated measures mentioned by the Right
Honourable Gentleman, as he had the report ?
(Laughter, and cries of " There is no report.")
The Chancellor of the Exchequer was given to mirth.—
(Loud laughter.) Ile was one of the most merry, cheer •
ful, and hilarious persons in the House—(Laughter)—
he was most artificial in his mirth except when on his
legs making some solemn statement, when he approached
almost to lugubriousness.—(Continued and increased
laughter.) He would ask the Right Hon. Gentleman
whether there was any thing ludicrous in his not know-
ing whether the report of the Commissions was before
the Commissioners or not. Then the Registration Bill
was not mentioned in the Right Hon. Gentleman's
speech. That was adverted to by his Noble Friend.
The conduct of the Government on that Bill was made a
matter of criticism by his Noble Friend. He described
the course pursued by Lord Stanley on that measure,
yet the Right Hon. Gentleman had not referred to the
subject, and he now asked the Right Hon. Gentleman,
the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whe-
ther he intended to bring in a Registration Bill, and whe-
ther he would verify his aphorism that conciliation
had reached its climax.—(Cheers.)
Sir J. GRAHAM said that he had not intended to
offer one word to the House, but as the Right Hon.
Gentleman referred to him so directly, and asked for an
answer from him with regard to two questions that he
thought he wouldl act disrespectfully towards him and
the House if he did not answer both of them, though
in doing so it would not be necessary to pro-
long the discussion for any considerable period.
First, with regard to the Registration Bill, he had no
hesitation in saying that it was the determination of
her Majesty's Government to propose an Irish Registra-
tion Bill.—(Hear, hear.) As to the period of its intro-
duction. that would depend upon the progress of the
financial measures, the measures relating to academical
instruction, and the question of Alaynooth, which had
been indicated by his Right Hon. Friend, and which
should be coasidered in all their details. A measure
then on the subject of registration would be introduced
which he hoped would be brought to a final and satisfactory
conclusion. He hoped that was an explicit answer to the
question of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Right lion.
Gentleman touched upon other topics of great importance,
one of which was the Bequests Bill, for which he thought
that her Majesty's present Government deserved some
credit from the Roman Catholics, but he said that one or
two mistakes were made with regard to it. It was allowed
that the measure was conceived in a fair spirit, and was
executed in an analogous spirit. With regard to the
first defect stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman, which
had reference to the bequeathing of real property, it was
their object to assimilate the law of Ireland to that of
England. They acted in this respect upon principles of
policy, and he could not therefore hold out any expecta-
tion that any alterations of the law would take
place upon it. (Hear, hear.) With regard to
the other point, they stated distinctly, when
they were introducing the measure, that it was
not their intention to place the regular clergy of
Ireland in a worse position than they were in when the
measure was introduced, It was thought by many that
the effect of the general enactment might be held by
lawyers as equivalent to a repeal of certain clauses of
the Relief Act, which were levelled against the regular
clergy iu Ireland. They thought it necessary to guard
against such a conclusion by, he believed, the 16th
clause, which enacted that nothing contained therein
should be considered a repeal of the clauses of the Re-
lief Act ; but there was a declaration in the last clause
of the Act, to the effect that nothing. therein contained
should place them in a worse position than they were
before ; and the law officers of the Crown being con-
sulted on the subject, gave their opinion that, by the
joint operation of the clauses, the regular clergy would
not in any way be damnified. Those opinions were be-
fore the bar of Ireland and the Irish people, and • he had
not seen those opinions controverted. Their opinion
was, that no alteration was necessary, for they rested on
opinions in which they were disposed to confide.—
(Hear, hear.) He had no hesitation in telling the Right
Hon. Gentleman that the conversation to which he re-
ferred, between the Lord Lieutenant and Dr. Murray,
was correctly reported to him, and he thought that the
greatest credit was due to those Prelates who, in spite of
the obloquy cast upon them, did what they thought
their duty—(Bear, hear)—in connexion with their holy
office. The Lord Lieutenant gave Dr. Murray an as-
surance, that it' her Majesty's Government thought the
regular clergy would be damnified by the opera-
tion of the clauses to which he referred, they
would, on their own responsibility, propose an
alteration in the law.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Con-
sidering how much the various other subjects alluded t
were exhausted, he felt he would not be justified in con-
tinuing the discussion any further, and he hoped the
Right Hon. Gentleman would admit that to the two
questions put to him he had given a plain and direct
answer.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. SHAW said that the University of Dublin was
open to Roman Catholics for the purposes of education.
Every honour was accessible to them, with the excep-
tion of scholarships and fellowships.—(Laughter) It
should be recollected that the University of Dublin was
founded for Prote!datit purposes, and rot only for Pro-
testant purposes but for the purposes of the Established
Church. lie begged leave also to correct a popular
error into which the Noble Lord, the Member for Lon-
don, had fallen with regard. to the state trials. The
Noble Lord said that there were eo names omitted.
That was not so. There were only 24 names omitted, as
he believed, from pure accident, though on the face of the
record it was said that GO were omitted ; and he ad-
mitted that Lord Denman could not travel out of the
record.
Lord PALMERSTON said, as to the proof given by
the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken—of
the University of Dublin being open to Roman Catho-
lics, except fellowships and scholarships, appeared to him
to be the same as before the Relief Act it. was said
that the army was open to Roman Catholics, bearing
commissions, from ensigns upwards. His Noble
Friend, was so completely vindicated by his Right lion.
Friend as to casting unfounded imputations on the Go-
vernment, that it was not necessary to say another word
on that subject. But his Noble Friend reminded the
Government of the fact, which nobody could deny, that
owing to the conduct and language of the great party by
which the Right lion. Gentle:Liam was supported, the
Irish people looked with suspicion upon every boon
coming from the Right Hon. Gentleman. That nobody
could deny ; but he would admit, that if the Right Hen.
Gentleman went on in the spirit in which he had intro-
duced his intended measures with regard t Ire-
land, he might go far to conquer those suspi-
cions. Instead of agreeing with an Hon. GL n-
Cern= who spoke behind the Right Hon. Baronet that
concession was the parent of demand, he would rather
say that concessions were only given to long-continued
demands ; and, unfortunately, those concessions were
often made in a way which deprived them of all their
grace and advantage.—(Hear.) He entirely concurred
in those expressions of satisfaction which fell from the
Hon. Mover and Seconder of the address as to the visits
va,hieh had taken place between foreign Sovereigns and
1,111. r. own Queen. He should think those visi-s,lsesides
tending to benefit the countries whose sovereigns inter-
charged the friendly intercourse, would also tend to
preserve the peace of the world. But at the same time
it was impossible not to feel, after what had taken
place last year,
that some limitation should be
put to .
anticipations of that description.—(Hear.)
Only last year, on both
sides of the Channel,
after the visit of their Sovereign to the French King at
the Chateau d'Eu, expressions were uttered on both sides
of the channel, in both Chambers ina Paris, and in that
House, of the pm feet, and cordial,good understand-
ing existing between the two countries. What was the
benefit of a cordial understanding s.betehe en the two
,ut-ii,ertirthere was
countries? In ordinary eircumstances
disturb the
no occasion of excitement or anything
existence of such a cordial understanding, the
it was chiefly felt by those who represented
two countries; and who were interested in twin':
on a good footing with each othee But the
trite benefit of a good and cordial and, rstanding between
two great countries, was chiefly felt when there arose be-
tween them questions which, were it not fur that good
understanding, would be calculated to interrupt friendly
relations between those two countries. He was grieved
to see, owing to what, he must say, was a mismanage-
ment of both Governments, the cordial understanding
of which they boasted last year failed on the first occa-
sion on which it was brought into question. There was
one thing which seemed to be admitted e by
hids hersanction Majesty's
ivt to.
Government, whi"h he could not g
It seemed to be admitted that Mr. Pritchar was 110 ler
Majesty's Consul at Otaheite.
.If he understood the facts
of the ease, he was in possession of the commission of
Consul, granted to him by the Government of this coun-
try as Consul in the island of Otaheite. Hehad been ,
told that he was to be removed to another district, but he
had not received any official orders on tho subject. He

had suspended his official functions quo ad the intrusive
French officers and Government, who took possession of
the island, whose Government he did not acknowledge,
and to whom he was not accredited by his own Govern-
ment ; but he was still in the performance of his
' duties as Consul with regard to all British subjects
coming to the island to trade as merchants.
He was, most di, tinctiv, therefore, an officer holding a
commission under the British Crown as Consul. Now,
he agreed with his Noble Friend, that if there had been
any charge against Mr. Pritchard—if it could be shown
that he ever engaged in leaguing with the natives and
inciting them to resist the authority temporarily es-
tablished in Otaheite, in such a manner as could be sup-
posed injurious or inimical to that power, he (Lord
Palmerston) was prepared to admit that whether consul
or not, the authorities there would be fully entitled to in-
-1 quire into the circumstances, and if found guilty
of those offences that he should be removed.--
(Hear.) In arguing thus he was not establishing
any distinction between the Consul and the mere civil
subject. In either case he held that they would be
liable. But it was still incumbent on them, even in
causing him to withdraw, to show a prima facie case
against him, in which it would be laid before the
French Chambers. The documents lately laid before
the French Chambers, and now open to the public, cor-
responded with the papers laid before that House during
the last session, and in these not a shadow of miscon-
duct was exhibited to justify Mr. Pritchard's removal
from the island. If they read with attention the state-
ment offered to the French Government, it amounted
only to this, that ho was a person who was suspected
of being liable to susp'cion. (Laughter.) No
charge could be shown then, in justification of
such cruel, insolent, and outrageous treatment, carried to
such a pitch that even the French Government admitted
it was indiscreet and oppressive. Another thing which
added to the ground of complaint was, that Mr. Pritchard
was invested with the consulate character at the time of
the outrage, and that he was in company. with an officer
commanding the only British ship lying in the harbour,
and he therefore might be considered under his escort
and protection. He said, therefore, that this was undoubt-
edly a great injury and outrage, and he said also that it was
the fault of the two Governments. Why was that ? Whe-
ther considered as ordering or accepting, any man of
common foresight might have known that such a system
would lead to collision with the French Go-
vernment, for what had been the condition of Ota-
heite before this time ? For thirty or forty
years the island had_been governed by a theocracy,
and British missionaries had been the medium of in-
struction to the people. But the French established at,
once violently and suddenly a military form of Govern-
ment, and the spiritual wants of the natives were at-
tended to by Catholic instead of Protestant ministers.
Was it possible that this state of things could continue
without a struggle on the part of the mission in posses-
sion—a struggle which would involve the two Govern-
meats in a discussion of the most disagreeable character?
The Government of England had expressed great anxiety
to maintain a good understanding with France,
and the result was before them. He could not help
saying that the two countries showed a want of
foresight which did little credit to the sagacity of either.
The British ought to have foreseen the events wt ich
afterwards occurred in Otaheite, and they might perhaps
remember the advice they gave the late Ministry when
referring to their relations with China, they said that
there ought to be a stout frigate on the station. He
should say to them that instead of one they ought to have
had two stout frigates in Otaheite, for if they had had
such a power there, things would have been managed
somewhat more decorously, and without the risk
of bringing the two Governments into discus-
sion. Now the question was, did the Government
obtain the satisfaction which clearly this country
was entitled to? He was not one of those who thought
that where a friendly feeling existed between two coun-
tries, it was either wise or politic to demand a high sa-
tisfaetion for any injury done. But he considered that
the arrangement made was not by any means satisfac-
tory; and from the communications laid before the
French Chambers, it appeared that though no formal
&mend of reparation had been made for what the Right
Hon. Baronet stated to be a gross outrage, yet in the
dispatches sent by M. d'Jarnac to the Minister, an in-
timation was given that the British Government
expected the recal of one of their officers, and it also
appeared that the Secretary of State (Lord Aberdeen)
showed him (b'Jarnac) the draft of a dispatch to the
British Minister in Purls, Lord Cowley, demanding that
Mr. Pritchard should be sent back to Otaheite in a ship
of war. These dispatches might certainly be considered
official announcements. The French Government was
indomitable, and refused to order the return of either of
their officers. They, indeed, expressed to the British
Government their regret at the circumstances, and their
disapproval of the conduct of Captain D'Aubigny, but
then if they looked to the dispatch of the Minister of
Marine to him, they would find that it expressed their
Minister's approbation of his conduct and his apprecia-
tion of that officer's general services. But Mr.
Pritchard was a considerable sufferer in pecuniary
matters. He lost something like 2,0001, independently
of his personal sufferings. Tee estimation in which he
was held by the inhabitants of the island might be in-
ferred from the fact -and it was a flattering testimonial
to his character and conduct—that D'Aubigny an-
nounced, in a general order, that he thought the best
mode of holding the natives in check was to make Mr.
Pritchard's property answerable for the property of the
French Government, and that his life should answer for
every drop of blood shed in the quarrel. He (Lord
Palmerston) was not disposed to say that if her Ma-
jesty's Government were to blame for accepting a small
satisfaction for those injuries, they were not equally to
blame for having brought the two Governments to the
verge of a rupture, through a train of circumstances
which common foresight ought to have prevented. Not-
withstanding the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet,
that he would much prefer that the question of the right
of search should not be adverted to, he must briefly
advert to it. The postponement sought for by the Right
Hon. Baronet was no longer than he (Lord Palmerston)
was inclined to grant him. He was assured the Right
Hon. Baronet asked for the postponement to avoid laying
before the House certain documents relative to that
question.
Sir R. PEEL—You can have them to-morrow.
Lord PALMERSTON said that no man of common
sense but must be aware that they could do nothing to
put down the slave trade without the right of search.
The Right Hon. Baronet sought by the Commission to
inquire into the right of search, evidently to substitute
something else in the lieu of that power, and it had been
even proposed that a French officer should sail in a Bri-
tish frigate, and a British officer in a French one; but
these crotchets he was assured would never meet the
desired end. This indecision of the Right Ho-
nourable Baronet was altogether owing to the
clameur raised .by slave-traers and slave-owners.
Therefore he would say, he would not wait for those
papers, because lie knew enough of the facts connected
with the subject without them. If, indeed, when those
papers should be produced, they should show that the
present Government had, in their negotiation with
that of France upon this subject, been fair and
candid and explicit with France, and that they had
avowed their determination not to give up the right of
search, while they had no objection to the institution of
a commission, then, but nut till then, would he say that
the charge lie had made against her Majesty's Govern-
ment on this subject was not well founded, and he would
retract it.—(Hear, hear.) It might be that something in
the shape of an equivalent to the island of Cuba for in-
terfering with its slave trade, or with the little trade
done in that way in some of the French islands,
would appear by these papers. But this was
a part of the qnestion with which he con-
ceived the English Government had nothing what-
ever to do. The right of search was a measure of
necessity, for the effectual carrying out of which this
House ar.d the country had frequently recorded their
opinions. They had on the journals of the House re-
peated resolutions, giving full powers to the Government
to adopt measures for the effectual suppression of the
slave trade ; in fact, there was no sullect upon which
the nation and the Parliament had expressed so unani-
mously and so strongly their opinion, that it was the
duty of the Government to use all its power to put down
the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) Personally he could
have no objection to the course the Government had
taken on this question ; for if tlfbre was any reason why,
more than another, he should feel proud, it was that the
Government to which he had the honour to belong had,
in 1811, advocated a measure which the Government,
at which the Right Honourable Baronet was at the
head, had not carried out and perfcoted in 1841.
(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Palmerston) should say
that he should look for no prouder disenction to mark
the course pursued by the two Governments than that
he had mentioned. - (Hear.) His Lordship concluded
by saying he would not trouble the House with any
further observations.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS supported the course pur-
sued by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Go-
vernment. He said he would not follow the Noble Lord
(Lord Palmerston), though all the arguments he had
used in support of the coarse he had adopted in reference
to the right of search. The Noble Lord had said that the
Right Hon Baronet had dune wisely in accepting the repa
ration offered by France in reference to the treatment Mr.
Prie:hard had received. He could assure the Noble
Lord that the House of Commons of England and the
Chamber of Deputies in France had given this subject
the most mature consideration.—(hear, hear.) But
upon
the right of search question the Noble Lord had
said so much that it appeared to him (Sir R. Inglis)
that his Lordship appeared to him not to have exercised
that sound discretion for which he was usually remark-
able. His Lordship could of course take credit to him-
self for his laudable efforts in the years 1831 and 1833,
and upon many subsequent occasions, for the suppression
of the slave trade ; but he (Sir R. Inglis) would say
that it was rather inconsistent with his (Lord Palmer-
ston's) public character, to seek to prejudice the efforts
of the negotiations now pending on the right of search
question, by calling it a " mock investigation." Ad-
verting thus briefly to the two principal points in the
Noble Lord's speech, to which he (Sir R. Inglis) wished
particularly to to call the attention of the House, he would
That
they
hsohneiii refer to the statements made by thel Right
Gentleman' on his Lordship's left (Mr.
measures of the prewseenret.
e. at Light lion Gentleman had said that the
G. subjects of interest nearer
that would not give satisfaocvtFiernnmthenthtewpereeopolfe aofchlareralaentedr.
Ile (Sir R. Inglis) believed that those measures were in-
tended by the Right Hon. 13arotnet as measures not only
oifigcohntcliilioant.ioin3a,rbountetw,sergeenaseboour
justice.
!:)e proposed from the
But this he would
or say, that thet no matter what measu'rtelesl".o
ciliation lie might bring forward for Irelajnuadtiaceimust not
oasat:i!eh
expect to pacify the people of that country •
was the conclusion he (Sir R. Inglis) was 'led te
at by the speech of the Right lion. Gentleman (rle
Shell), whose speech just amounted to this, that it
was no use for her Majesty's Government to
grant measures of conciliation, or to extend
the grant to Maynootb, or establish now

colleges in the country, for in fact the Irish
people would be satisfied with nothing short of having
the honours of the University of Dublin open to them.
If such were to be the sentiments of the Irish people, he
(Sir R. Inglis) would say to the Hon. Baronet at the
head of the Government, pause before he granted any
measures of conciliation to Ireland, for the result would
be and he warned those out of the House as well as in it,
that the result would be the total overthrow of the Pro-
testant Church in Ireland.
Lord SANDON made a few observations, in which he
expressed his disapprobation of what he called the
sweeping charges of the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston),
against the present Government upon the Right of Search
question. The right of search was a great obstruction
to commerce, and the difficulties attending it were far
greater than they were some years ago. Inasmuch as
the search was not now confined to a search for slaves,
but was extended to papers, and various other things.
The right of search mast, therefore, in its exercise, be
a great source of irritation. With respect to the other
topics in the speech from the Throne, he thought he
must say that much of the prosperity which was alluded
to in her Majesty's speech, was to be attributed to the
measure of the Government with respect to the circula
tion of the country. He hailed too with gratification
the prospect of the income-tax being continued, as it
would enable the Government to repeal taxes which at
present pressed heavily on the country.
Lord HOWICK could not help saying, that he
thought there was great force in the observation of his
Noble Friend, as he felt that great difficulties arose in
the exercise of the right of search. lie could not how-
ever say that he was altogether sanguine as to the
probable effect of the exercise of our policy, for the sup-
pression cf the slave trade. lie thought the time was
come, when the House and the Government ought
seriously to consider whether that policy was in itself
a wise one or not. He knew that he was expressing
an opinion that would be very unpopular in that House
and the country. No man in that House more abomi-
nated the slave trade than himself ; but, at the same
time, with that feeling, he could not help asking
himself what had been the effect of all the treaties ?
For thirty years they had persevered in those treaties.
and what had been the result'? Why, it was admitted
by the advocates of the existing policy—and he had
himself been formerly one of the advocates—it had been
admitted by all persons that the practical effect hitherto,
after millions of pounds of expense had been incurred,
and the lives of thousands of the bravest and ablest
officers and seamen bad been sacrificed—after all that
sacrifice, not only had they totally failed in accomplish-
ing their object, but they had actually added to the
horrors of the slave trade. They had all seen a work
that was published last year, in which a description
was given of the horrors that were experienced
on board a vessel engaged in the slave trade.
That work was written by the chaplain of the vessel.
He (Lord Howick) firmly believed that, instead of di-
minishing the slave trade, they bad aggravated its
horrors. lie, therefore, thought it became their duty
seriously to consider whether their present policy
was one which ought to be persevered in. They
had been told that negotiations of the utmost im-
portance with respect to this subject, had been
entered into ; but he very much doubted whether
they would be attended with success. He be-
lieved while there was such an interest in the slave
trade that the present state of things would continue,
and that all treaties would be fruitless. He believed that
it was impossible, by any degree of vigilance of their
cruisers, to suppress the smuggling trade of this kind.
He believed that more success would follow from a dif-
ferent policy to that which at present existed. If we
were to abandon that policy he believed that the feeling
of shame for the position in which those nations which
encouraged slavery would be placed before the civilized
world, would have the effect of suppressing the trade.
He firmly believed that a regard to their own honour
ai.d interest would induce the Governments of Brazil
and Cuba to abolish the trade in that part of the world.
It was as easy for them to do so as it was difficult for us.
At this moment great fears were experienced in the
Brazils with respect to the possibility of a revolt, and this
would act more powerfully upon them if they knew they
were not supported by other countries. With respect
to the treaties he could only say that unless
France cordially acted with us in carrying
them out, their effect would be entirely lost.—(Hear.)
He thought it would be :impossible for them always to
exercise the police of the sea with advantage to the
interests of humanity ; and if this was found to be
the result, lie hoped ie Government would have the
courage and manliness to state that it had failed, and
that it would recommend a discontinuance of a policy
which had been tried to its utmost. When it was re-
membered what would be the evils of a war with France,
he thought they ought to estimate the tendency of this
policy to produce such a calamity before, by insisting on
it, they increased the risk of such an occurrence.
The question that an humble address be presented to
her Majesty, thanking her Majesty for her gracious
speech, was then put and carried, and a Committee ap-
pointed to draw it up.
INCOME-TAX.

Mr. HAWES asked, as notice had been given that
the paragraph in her Majesty's speech referring to the
income-tax would be taken into consideration on Friday,
the 14th, whether the trade and navigation accounts
would be laid on the table before that day, and whether
certain revenue returns would be before the House by
that day.
Sir It. PEEL said he would do every thing in his
power to expedite the return of the trade and navigation
accounts, but as they could not all be furnished in time,
he intended to have an abstract of them laid before the
House. The other papers referred to had been privately
prepared by the order of the Government, showing the
amount of revenue received on certain articles during
the last two years. If the Hon. Gentleman would move
for the financial returns as distinguished from the com-
mercial part of them, they should be laid on the table
shortly after to-morrow.
MEDICAL REFORM BILL.

Mr. WAKLEY asked whether it was the intention of
the Right Hon. Secretary of the Home Department to
introduce another Bill this session for the better con-
duct of the medical profession ; or, if he intended to re-
introduce the Bill of last session, whether he intended to
make any alterations in it.
Sir J. GRAHAM said it was his intention to intro-
duce the Bill this session, and that some alterations
would be made in it.
The Hesse then adjourned at Eleven o'Clock.