The Sun.
London, England, 1845-03-14 00:00:00

that it was high time to try if some other and better sys-
tem could vot b. devisid. He contended that a free trade
in corn would be tare advantageous to the f liner and
the agricultural labeurer ; nay, more beneficial to them
than to any other class ef the community. flow incon
sistent was it in the Right Hon. Baronet to admit fat
cattle which sold at Smithfield at a nominal duty, and
refuse to admit the food with which they were fattened.
He (Mr. Cobden) said, give a free trade in corn and we
can make cettle flit at home. lie contended that by this
protective system farmers throeghout the ceuntry were
rendered more ignorant of their own interests than any
otht r cless. Let the House consider the Right lion.
Bari net's policy. Take the crude of clover for instance.
There was now a higher duty upon it. How many coun-
ties were benefited by the protection of clover ? Scot-
land imported clover from England. He would venture
to say that not ten counties in England were interested
in the importation of clover. Certainly, Ireland was not.
Take the article of beans—in the rich. districts of Essex
they grew wheat and turnips. The cultivation of beans
was very limited. In Wiltshire they could not grow
beans enough fur their own consumption. How many
counties were exporters of beans?— very few. How
many would be benefited by the one strict, d imparta-
tion of them? Even where they were grown in great
quantities, and on strong soils, they were not grown for
exportation in one case out of ten. The majority of
farmers grew beans—not for sale, but for home con-
sumption—and, therefore, it did not matter to them
what the money price was. Take next the article of
oats. How many farmers calculated upon oats as
a means of paying tie it rent—a very insig-
mficant number. They grew oats to feed their
horses, and for domestic consumption. Then, as
regarded the article of hops grown in Kent and pa • t of
Wereestershire. Was it worth while to tax so many for
the benefit of the few ? Then as to cheese. There was
not one farm( r in ten who manufactured his own cheese.
Cheese was manufactured in Cheshire, Gloucestershire,
Wiltshire, and partially in Derhyehire and Leicester-
shire. Were these cheese manufacturers willing to eve
dure the duty upon oats, in order to have their cheese
protected ? He thought not. They wished to fatten
their cattle, and have oats duty free.—(Hear, hear.)
Take the whole district of Wales, the Deans of Wilt-
shire and Sass, x, the Cheviot Hills and the Grampians,
where the fleck masters were, and they would one and
all exclaim, t` We are not benefited by your protection."
What they wanted was provender of the cheapest and
best kind, which they coul i only have by the free im-
portation of the article. Thus they would be enabled
to fatten their cattle and fertilise their lands. The far-
mers in Hertfordshire and Sussex, who are mostly arable
farmers, were deeply interested in having a free import-
ation of food for their cattle. Their chief object was to
fertilise the land, which, under the present system, they
could not do. lie had conversed with several practical
farmers in various parts of England, whose views en-
tirely coincided with his on the subject of free trade.
A Mr. Nathaniel Hutherton, a farmer in Wiltshire,
assured him that, upon 400 acres of land he could in-
crease his profits to the amount of 280/., paying the same
rent as at present, provided there was a free importation
of foreign .grain of all kindre He would buy 500
quarters of eats at 155., or the same amount in beans or
peas at 14s. or 15s. a sack, to be fed on the land or in
the yard, by which he would grew additional 160
quarters of wheat and 230 quarters barley, and gain an
increased profit of 300/. upon his sheep ar.d cattle. His
plan embraced the employment of an additional capital
of 1,0001„ and he would pay 150/. a year more for labour.
Another farmer, Mr Lattimore, a mest intelligent man,and
ho stood as high in public estimation as any farmer in
Hertfordshire, said that last year he paid 2301., the en-
hanced price on beans - and oats, in consequence of the
restrictions. In short, the fa mers were as anxious for
a free trade in corn as the members of the Anti Corn-
law League themselves. He could enumerate a long list
of farmers who were as much in favour of free trade
principles as he (Mr. Cobden) was. Upwards of a hun-
dred farmers were subscribers to the League fund, com-
prising some of the most intelligent men to be found in
the kingdom. Last year he paid a visit to the Lothians,
and had interviews with twenty-two farmers, some of
whom. paid more than 1,0001. a.year rent. He spent
two or three days there, and never met with kinder or
more intelligent people. They were all adverse to re-
strictions. They said, "Let
.us have Indian corn,
Egyptian beans and Polish oats to feed our cattle, and
then we can compete with any country in the world. It
was the greatest absurdity to deal with coffee in the
way they at present did. They sent coffee from Cuba
to the Cape of Good Hope, in order to bring it back
again under the law ; but it was not a greater absurdity
than to send ships to Icheboe for guano, whilst they ex-
cluded the Indian corn, Egyptian beans, and Polish oats,
which would be productive of a thousand times more
benefit.—(Loud cries of " Hear, liner.") The Anti-
Corn-law League had hull reproached with edeocatieg
a system which would throw land nut of cultivation ;
but his (pinion was, that, so far from doing so. they
would make poor land productive. I) not let it be said
that they desired to draw labourers from the cultivation
of the soil, in order to obtain cheaper labour at the fac-
tories. Let the landlord and farmer act on the same
principle as the manufacturers, and there would be no
idle hands in the rural districts. A great deal had been
said about disturbing the revenue, but he believed
that neither the revenue raw the agriculture of the
country would be permanently settled until the
corn laws were abolished. It was pretty clear that the
condition of the labourers could not be much depreciated.
Men with wages of 7s. a week had not. much to lose.
It was further stated that the manufacturers should be
most anxious for the welfare of the agriculturists. be-
cause the home consumption of manufactures was by far
the best. He admitted that the interests of manufac-
ture and agriculture were in a great degree identical,
and because he was anxious to promote the interests of
both he wished a free trade in corn. How could a
pauperized rural district—for paupers they were and
must be on 7s. a week, purchase from the manufacturer?
Why, they had exported more of manufactured goads in
one year than had be, n consumed year, after
year, by the whole of the agricultural peasantry.
He did not believe that throughout the whole of Eng-
land and Wales, if they might take the experience of
the last few years, that any labourer consumed through-
out the agricultural districts manufactured goods at the
rate of more than 68. 6d. per annum. By the returns
which he had seen, the agricultural population did not
consume more than a million and a half per year;
and if they referred to the consumption of exciseable
articles, they would find that, on an average, no agri-
cultural labourer consumed more than after the rate of
Iss. the year ; and that if the whole amount were to be
calculated of those articles which were subject to the
excise duties consumed by the peasantry, the amount
would not be more than 700,0001. He would, therefore,
unhesitatingly assert, if there were to be an alteration
of the present system, the gentry of England would
have nothing to risk by the chance. Quite c, rtain was
he, that there was nothing to risk by inquiry. During
the last session there had been great belief entertained
that much was to be feared from competition. But he
believed that after his statements were made that
all the assertions which had been made to excite that
fear would go for nothing. It was apprehended that if
the ports were opened for the free importation of corn,
that corn itself would be procured for next to nothing.
But this session, he believed, would be the last in which
such a feeling would be entertained. Jr twenty shillings
were imposed upon a quarter of corn, it just enhanced
the price to the people of this country to that extent.
But it was not to be supposed that if such duty of
twenty shillings were to be reduced, or altogether taken
off, that the price of corn would necessarily fall
,to the
extent of that reduction. The fact was, that all the
corn introduced into this country bore a double
character.—(Hear.) The chief part of it came from
Dantzic, and the price at.Dantzic was nothing more than
a nominal price—a price ruled by the condition of cir-
cumstances in this country. But the price of corn when
introduced into this country was a real price. He would
ask the Hon. Gentleman to refer to the circumstances of
1838. During July and August in that year, when
there appeared a prospect of a bad harvest in this coun-
try, wheat, before that it nowledge bemuse a certainty, was
little more than 20s. ; while in December, when this
knowledge became a fact, and the country was requiring
large supplies, whe,,t, rose to nearly double that price.
And, if Hen. Gentlemen would tax their memories, they
would recollect that during the three following years,
1839-40-41, the price of wheat at Dantzic ranged at 40e
—(Hear, hear ) The leaders of the agricultural interest
did not allow their tenantry to partake of the advantages
which they scorned so assiduously to desire for them.—
(Hear, hear.) As an exemplification of this assertion—
he would refer to the conduct of the Hon. Member for
Shoreham (Sir C. Burrell). He was the chairman of the
National Flax and Agricultural Improvement Society.
He (Mr. Cobden) held in his hand the first report of the
state of the flax agricultural population ; and he should
be surprised if, after the complete digestion of the state-
ments in that report, the Ministry ventured to talk any
longer about protection.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Wawns
paid a visit to Sussex some time a: o. Ile had had the
opportunity of hearing the opinions of the Hon. Ba-
ronet the Member for Shoreham. Now he (Mr. Cobden)
felt a great interest in Sussex, and he was glad to have
the opportunity of citing authority of such unexcep-
tionable character. He hoped the Honourable Ba-
ronet would forgive him—indeed he felt assured
that he would forgive him—if he referred to
the circumstances of a certain dinner, which was ap-
pointed for the purpose of celebrating the anniversary
of this association, After the usual toasts of the even-
ing, the Hon. Baronet had given as the great feature of
the day," Success to the flax-growing population of the
.country." Now, what was the fact—a quarter of wheat
was precisely of the same value as a cat. of flax Yet,
on a quarter of wheat they imposi d a duty of 20s. while
on a cwt. of flax they imposed a duty of ld. They
might perhaps say, that this was all very true ; but it
was nectssary to impose such a duty on wheat,
because it came from abroad. Why, the
whole of the flax, or nearly the whole which
was consumed in the country, came from the Baltic, as
well as the wheat which we received from Dantzic.
Now, according to the notions of the Hon. Baronet, the
protection on flour ought to be tvt ice as much as on
wheat. He expected to hear that the Hon. Baronet had
turned agitator, in order to restore the duty on flax.
Yet what was his surprise to see in the Times, a week
after, and that positively stated, without any doubt or
circumlocution in the assertion, that the Hon. Baronet
had forbidden his tenantry to grow flax.—(Hear, hear.)
He was aware that there was a prejudice in existence
that the growth of flax was injurious. But this was a
prejudice very much like other prejudices, he believed with
but little foundation; and he believed that the culture of
it would tend to improve the condition of the labourer.
What was the condition of the agricultural labourer at
the present time ? He believed that the agricultural
labourer was in less distress, and that this alleviation
had arisen solely from the low price of food. Ile knew
that in the manufacturing districts it was an invari-
able rule that wages varied with the price of food. That
when food was low the position of the workmen was im-
proved
prove(land he re'oiced to find that the agricultural
;
labourer was in a better state, and he could .not but