The Sun.
London, England, 1829-09-07 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIG-ENCE,

FRENCH PAPERS.
(From the Gazette de France, Sept. 3.)
PARIS, SEPT. 4.—We find to-day in the Ger-
man Journals nothing but reports which require
confirmation, and some of which have been already
disproved by the latest London Journals. Thus the
\ruresnburg Correspondent announces, under the
head of " Belgrade," that the French and English
fleets, consisting of 28 meu•of-war, have entered the
Black Sea, and that Turkey is now placed under
the protection of those two powers. The accept-
ance of the treaty of 6th July is still spoken of as
certain. The same Journal adds, that a greater part
of the troops of the Grand Vizier had happily ar-
rived at Adrianople. Lastly, it is stated that the
quarantine ordered by the Austrian authorities on
the frontiers of the Principalities is now 40 days.
This last news is the most probable, since the plague
has broken out at Odessa and the neighbourhood.
The King of Naples will pass through the south
of France on his way to Madrid with the Princess
Christina, sister to the Duchess of Berri, who is
now going to ascend the throne of Spain.
(From the Messager dea Chambres, Sept. 4.)
SECOND EDITION.

PARIS, SEPT. 4, NOON.—The following are the
bases upon which it is said that Russia will consent
to treat : Ist, The entire or unrestricted execution
of the Convention of Akermann 2dly, The ces-
sion of two places on the Asiatic coast of the Black
Sea. 3d, An indemnity of 100 millions of Spanish
piastres (.500 millions of francs). 4th, The occu-
pation of Varna and Bourgas, as a security for the
payment. 3th, The free passage of the Bosphorus
and the Dardanelles.
SYRA, JULY 10.—The last accounts from Candia
state that the English Consul, after his installation,
had sent his interpreter to the Candiot Chiefs to
persuade them to lay down their arms, telling them,
that as by the Treaty of the Gth July their island is
to remain under the Turkish dominion, they must
not expect any success from their enterprise.—
These paternal exhortations have not produced the
effect which the Consul expected, for the Greeks
continue to harass the Turks, who are obliged to act
on the defensive.

(From the Monitfur of Friday.)
LISBON, AUG. 19.—(PRIVATE CORRESPOND..
ENCE.)--The Princess Dowager of Brazil, _Donna
Frances Benedicta, died yesterday morning, at half-
past four o'clock, at the age of 83 years, and in the
17th day of her illness (a bilious fever), a disorder
which at present prevails in this capital. The death
of this Princess has been greatly felt by all those
who are about her, and who knew how much vexa-
tion she had endured since the return of her nephew,
Don Miguel, to Portugal.
(From the Journal des Debuts of Friday.)
PARIS, SEPT. 4.—The resignation of M. Cha-
teaubriand cannot be accused of ambition or pride.
He is not induced this time to enter the Opposi-
tion, by even the encouragements of an august
Prince, the heir of the throne; nor driven from
office by a sudden aggression. He had received no
personal attack when he adopted the present course;
nothing induced him to proceed thus but his con-
science.

(From the Constitutionnel of Friday.)

PARIS, SEPT. 3.—THE CHARTER ACCORDING
TO THE ARISTOCRACY.—M. de Polignac had, Pt
first, so marked an aversion, that to avoid swearing
to observe its provisions, he avoided sitting in the
Chamber of Peers for a year. The example of
England, and particularly the progress which has
been made by the doctrines of the Society of Jesus
in France, appear to have dissipated his scruples and
his repugnance. He will now make protestations in
favour of our fundamental law. He will even, if
necessary, take the word of M. de Bourmont, as a
pledge of his candour. He is convinced, that by
means of a good law of election, which will make
France a real rotten borough, the Charter will be
mose profitable to the aristocracy, than even ab-
solute power.
The English Aristocracy, which seems to have
deputed him to be the reformer of our InstitutionF,
and the director of our policy, has already traced out
to him by its Journals the course we ought to pursue.
It has recommended three measures, and its affec-
tion towards France is a pledge that they are well
selected. The first is to reform the law of elec-
tions, so that the aristocracy may be always certain
of having an incontestable majority. The second,
to reform the law of succession, so that the terri-
torial property which gives power may remain un-
divided in the families of the aristocracy. The
third, to make such a law with respect to the Press
that there may be no security in manifesting one's
opinion except when it is conformable to the inte-
rests of the Aristocracy and the Catholic Clergy.
The results to which the English aristocracy
wishes to lead us by these means are easy to per-
ceive. There is no longer any means of re-esta-
blishing servitude as it existed in the good times of
the feudal system ; if the restored aristocracy endea-
voured to spare the population and attach it to the
land, that would be more dangerous to it than to
France. It is no longer possible to transform
France into a family estate, of which a prince would
have the absolute disposal, on condition of sharing
its proceeds with his courtiers. The re-establish-
ment of the regime, founded by Louis the Four-
teenth, is not less possible than the feudal regime.
There is a third system, which it is much more
practicable to establish ; and that is the one of
which England presents us the model, and which
M. de Polignac has just endeavoured to establish,
and that is the general slavery of the industrious
classes by the aristocracy,.tinder constitutional forins
and names. _

In that system, which the English Government
perfectly understands, the legislative power belongs
exclusively to the members of the aristocracy. The
public offices which lead to honours and fortune, be-
long only to men invested with legislative power, to
their children, or relations. The; people who la-
bour, are the property of public functicinaries. The
English aristocracy manages the industrially elesset.
with great skill ; it leaves them the means of pro-
ducing wealth; each individual may choose
arc

checked. The labOurers are as free in their indus-
try and their commerce as bees in a hive.
Bat this labour is no more advantageous to tht
labourers than the honey to the bees. The Aristo-
cracy, by means of the taxes, which it alone has
the power of imposing, absorbsthe greater part of
their produce, and is distributed under different
names to the different members of which it is com-
posed. The Parliament is, in fact, a machine which
pumps out the tithes of the people into the hands off'
the Aristocracy ; but, as it is an intelligent machine,
it leaves to the industrious classes what is necessarf
for their labour.
The English Aristocracy allows some popular
men to come into the Parliament, which is for its
benefit. If men for whose advantage alone the in-
dustrious class is burthened, exclusively composed
the Legislature, it might compromise its power by
requiring more from the people than it totild pay.
The popular men in the Chambers take care to ad-
vertise it when it is exposed to any danger. The
Opposition in the machine of Government performs,
in fact, the office of the valve in the steam-engine.
The exercise of aristocratic power being attached
to the possession of great landed property, it an be
conceived bow younger brothers cannot have any
share in the real estate which their parents leave at
their decease. The children of an aristocratic family
wordd, in fact, all fall into the vulgar ranks, if they
shared in equal parts the property of their patents.
The eldest then keeps to himself the landed estate,
to which is attached the exercise of aristocratic
power ; and he then makes use of that power to en-
rich his younger brothers at the expence of the in-
dustrious classes. We are much mistaken if we
imagine, that, in England, all the property of an
aristocratic family devolve exclusively on the
eldest:: the latter takes, it is true, the real pro-
perty, which is exclusively the family property ; but
the younger brothers have for themselves the eccle-
siastical benefices, richly endowed sinecures, or
offices, which the public is forced to pay. Ali this
property is considered as the patrimony of the fa-
mily, for we cannot too often repeat it, the aristo-
cracy places among its property, not only the land
which it possesses directly, but also the industrious
classes on which it imposes at pleasure, and the in-
come of which it shares.
The aristocracy of England, which moat not be
confounded with the English people, will never pre-
vent the industrious classes from belonging to any
but itself, if it ran prevent it by any means. It
feels that its own power, founded on the labouring
classes of 'the countries subjected to its own empire,
will never be uncontested, until the same classes
every where else shall be possessed by one family
or caste. So we see it always make common cause
with barbarity against civilization. It takes part
with Austria against Italy ; with Don Miguel
against Don Pedro; with the Turks against the
Greeks. If it sometimes declares for the defenders
of liberty, it is only to get hold of their affairs, and
deliver them to their enemies. Every where that it
perceives any germs of liberty, it runs to corrupt or
stifle them.
If we judge of the projects of the Poligac Mi-
nistry by the previous ones of those who compose
it, and by the revelations of the English Ministerial
Journals, we may know beforehand what is the
transformation which the Charter is destined to un-
dergo in their hands. Frenchmen will be equal in
the eye of the law, whatever may be their
titles and rank ; but the mass of the people
will be struck with political incapacity, and all the
public offices will belong to the aristocracy. They
will contribute indiscriminately in proportion to their
fortune to the expences of the State ; but the aris-
tocracy will reserve under the name of pensions and
appointments the portion which it will have paid,
and will share the rest. They will be admissible to
the civil and military offices, but they will not really
be admitted except according to the pleasure of the
aristocracy. Their individual liberty will be gua-
ranteed ; no one will be arrested or prosecuted ex-
cept according to the terms provided by the aristo-
cracy. Each may profess and practise his own reli-
gion, but no one must express an opinion contrary
to the belief of the Romish Church. The French
will have a right to print and publish their opinions,
so that nothing is said contrary to the interests of
the Church and Aristocracy. All property will be
inviolable, and yet the aristocracy may subject all to
such contributions as it shall think proper.
Such is the Charter which the Polignac Ministry
will give to France, if it can obtain a majority in the
Chambers and the King's consent. It is for the
lectors to see whether it becomes them to agree to
such a regime; its fate is in their hands.
FRENCH Fotins.—Five per Cents., 110 f. 109 f. 95c. ;
Three per Cents., 80f. 95c. 90c.
FOREIGN FUNDS.—Neapolitan Rentes, Cert. Falc., 86f.
30c. 20c. ; Royal Spanish Loan, 721 ; Rentes Perp.
d'Espagne, 47if. 43f. ; Haytian Loan, 370 f.