The Sun.
London, England, 1829-11-16 00:00:00

7

Id) Nnerica have a General
'for: matterit .in which all the. States are
14014isterestecla 'wkiile the concerns of each
tnanaged.:'' in separate Legislatures.
.--;4„11*-pot (is,ls,happily observed by Jefferson)
1.•-contfolt on or concentration of powers.
1;444 their distribution, that good Government
is effected. Were not this great country alreadt
divided into States, that division must be made,
that each might do for itself what concerns itself
directly, and which it can so much better do than
a distant authority. Every State again is divi-
ded into counties, each to take care of what lies
within its local bounds; and each county again
into townships, or wards, to manage minuter de-
tails; and every ward into farms, to be governed
each by its individual proprietor. Were we di-
rected from Washington when to sow and when
to reap, we should soon want bread. It is by this
partition of cases, descending in gradation from
general to particular, that the mass of human
affairs may be best managed for the good and
prosperity of all." Such is the beneficial effect
of division for the management of local con-
cerns, that even under that feudal monster, the
Germanic Empire, harassed as the people were
with collisions of authority, and with tribunals
of appeal, compared with the decisions of which
those of our Court of Chancery are rapidity it-
self, the numbers of centres greatly promoted
improvement ; and Germany, notwithstanding
its inferiority to France in soil and climate, was
always advantageously contrasted with it before
the Revolution. Each little State, by having
its attention confined to a small number of ob-
jects constantly under its view, was enabled to
manage them in a different manner from that in
which the distant provinces of a great empire
are usually managed. We cannot help think-
ing that a distribution of administration is
essentially called for in this immense empire.—
There are certain matters that concern the
whole, and again other matters which con-
cern only the different members. The old sys-
tem of England, in some measure, left local mat-
ters to each of the colonies and dependencies ;
and to this circumstance we are no doubt indebted
for the rapid improvement of them. The first
great departure from this system was the Incor.
porating Union with Scotland, which, as the two
countries are geographically connected, and as
Scotland was left to its own laws and institutions,
was, perhaps, on the whole, productive of good.
But the Incorporating Union with Ireland is of
a different character, because it deprives a country
with a population large enough to occupy a Le-
gislature with its concerns, of the share of at-
tention to which they are entitled. There can be
no question that both England and Ireland have
lost by this union, because the time wasted on
Irish affairs is taken from the consideration of
English affairs. There are questions connected
with Ireland alone sufficient to engross Parlia-
ment for the next four years. The single ques-
tion, as to the best mode of providing for the
superabundant population, whose competition for
land, as a means of subsistence, keeps the coun-
try in a state of constant anarchy, is sufficient to
occupy Parliament far a session at least. The
English Members know nothing of Ireland, and
they will not concern themselves with the ques-
tion ; but then, as there is but one threshing-
floor for the harvest of the whole of our posses-
sions, while the Irish Members have possession of
it nothing else can be done. In the interim
between the discussion of the affairs of Hin-
dostan—a most momentous question, coming
on ; the -affairs of Ireland Upper and Lower
Canada, the Capa of Good Hope, Australasia,
and the superlineaeßce of the mode in which
-- the Colonies, with separate tagislatures, gave.
effect to the views of Parliament, as to the treat-
silent of slaves, we shall have, by way of relief;
the trivial matter of considering changes in our
domestic laws, and our system of judicial admi-
nissrasion. With respect to Ireland in particular
there can be no question, that with all tile faults
of its Parliament, improvement proceeded more
,-,apidly tinder it than since the Union. But
ilreland has never had fair play. It was kept in
slavish dependence on this country till the
,American war, and measures dictated by the
narrow views of particular classes in England
were forced on the Irish Parliament, while time
best laws of that Parliament were rejected here.
After the armed Volunteers had conquered the
independence of the Irish Parliament, its Con-
54itution must have purified itself from time
obia„Lis defects in it. All that was wanted was,
that England should abstain from interfering with
the domestic ,airs of Ireland. The Catholics
could only be kept clown by the aid of English
men and English money ; and a Parliament
chosen by all would have attended to the interests
of ails But it is not enough to point out what
is right ; the people must be prepared for the
doctrine. Now we do not believe that time
people of England are prepared for the views of
Mr. O'Connell. The question involves, in
some measure, the ascendancy of England, be-
cause any scheme corresponding to a federation,
misapposes a representation of all the separate in-
sessasts. At present the local legislature of Eng-
land has a great majority in the decision of the
affairs of the Empire.—Morning Chronicle.
It is said that one of the next measures to be
brought before Parliament will be a Bill for new
modelling the Welch Courts, and increasing the
number of Judges in Westminster Hall, and
which measure, it is added, is expected to be-
come a law previous to the circuits ; but how
this can be we do not see ; for considering that
time spring circuits commence, in general, in time
se.t week of March, and Parliament will not
m.
• to business, in all probability, till the
procee.. , i
second week: n February, there will he only
passing. through
three weeks for :lie measure
into consideration
both Houses, without .ilking
expf.eted from a
the opposition which may 11:
if not the whole, of the Prins:Li:lllV. To
part
be sure, a measure for increasing the nun;!ser of
the Judges in the different Courts in Westmin-
ster Hall comes with a singular aspect al the
very moment when a vacancy in one of the
present number has been allowed to exist for
four months, and up to the heart of the Term,
and when the business of the Court of Exchequer
is said to have devolved, upon one occasion,
upon one Judge only. As far as Westminster
Hall is concerned, the one thing wanted is not,
we believe, so much an increase in the number
of Judges, as a more equal distribution of their
labours. One of the twelve Judges, it is well
known, undergoes nearly, if not quite as much
labour as the whole of the other eleven : and
those of the King's Bench, generally, twice as
much as the eight Judges of time other two
Courts put together. But we do not say that
on time circuits more Judges are required ; and,
whether the Welch jurisdiction be merged in
that of our other Courts or not, there can be
little doubt but that both the- civil and criminal
affairs of Wales ought to be confined to persons
of higher professional attainment than Welch
It is to be hoped,
Judges have generally been.