The Sun.
London, England, 1842-10-31 00:00:00

Sold by all respectable Medicine Vendors.

VRAINIPTON'S PILL OF HEALTH.
-,/,.. The manifold advantages to the Heads of Families from the
'sossession of a medicine of known efficacy, that may be resorted to
with confidence, and used with success in cases of temporary sick_
k
ness. occurring in families more or less every day, are so obvious to
o
all, that no question can be raised of its importance to every h
holder in the kingdom. From among numerous testimonials, the
following is respeetfully submitted:—
"Mr. THOS. PROUT, 20, STRAND, LONDON.
" Si a,-.-I have nal use,kCsoaotii,esfra.esttrieeicttleMeaenmcmheusete,
ieratl‘tnlagrcteh
yle2u,
tlS4he2.
re-
sult of my expenence, after repeated trials of FRAMPTON'S PILL
of HEALTH, and I feel it hut justice to state, that in the course of
many years' trial of various aperient medicines, I have never found
results at once salutary and efficient in the relief of the system from
redundant bile, &c. &c. with so little inconvenience; I am, there-
fore warranted in declaring that they supply to me a means long
wanting, of being able to recommend to l' amities, Schools, and espe-
cially Mercantile Men, whether at the desk or on the road, a mos.
valuable resource in an occasi,,nal medicine. And I shall take cre-
dit to myself, if, in giving this testimony, I am the means of making
Frampton's Pills more generally known and appreciated.
" I am, S.r, respectfully yours, WILLIAM SMITH."
The am, ecedented sale of these Pills, arising from the earnest re-
e :emendations
use, renderdations
a oft,,l;e many thousands who have derived b,,nefit from
the ikngthened comment unnecessary ; they are
not put forth as a cure for a'l diseases ti which mankind is liable,
but for Bilious and Liver Compla nts, with their many well-known
ui less, Heartburn,
eor
hteed,,,Lesows silelfseapAeierdetpvdiciej
nitliedteren,etegh;NNesin'a:ffinldi
attendants, Bilious and Sick (lead-ache, Pain and Oppression after
meals, Giddiness, nizziness, Singing Noise in Head and Ears, Drow-
ti:sc
tt strengtheedSpp,°isimfy tfeiocnts'o.fithleeLsitvoeThr,aciihowweilisl,
instead oflistlessness, heat, mina and , and,
stthk;eBfre.salutary ef.
activity, and renewed health, extending'strength
Jaundiced appearance,. .
result of taking this medicine, ea,lae. healthyac-
to good old age, will be the
ing each box. according to the directions accompany.
bold ity T. Prout, 229, Strand London • P s per box; also by the venders of medicines rice Is. I 4d, and 2. 9d.
kingdom. generally throughout the
Ask for FRAMPTON'S PILL of HEAL'T'H and observe the
Name and address of " '1 limas Prep t 221)
Government stamp; 1 , Strand, London," on the

MANCHESTER, FRIDAY MORNING.—The meeting
of the League last evening was one of the largest and
most enthusiastic that has assembled in Manchester
since the recommencement of the agitation. It was
held in the Picture Gallery, Newall's-buildings.
George Wilson, Esq., took the chair, and on his right
were seated Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. for Stock-
port, and Richard Walker, Esq., M.P. for Bury.
Dr. Bowring, M.P. for Bolton and Mark Philips,
Esq., M.P. for Manchester, and George Thompson,
Esq., sat on the left of the Chairman. Amongst the
company present were :—Alderman Walker,
' Alder-
man Brooks, William Rawson Esq., Henry Rawson,
Esq., William Lockett, Esq.; Charles'Cobden, Esq.,
T. Woolley, Esq., J., Corry, 'Esq., and Samuel Lees,
Esq. There. were a great number of ladies present.
Richard Walker, Esq., and Dr. Bowring, had been
specially invited for the occasion, and
The CHAIRMAN opened the proceedings by intro-
ducing the'former gentleman to the meeting.
RICHARD. WALKER, Esq., M.P., then came forward
and was loudly applauded. He said—Mr. Chairman,
ladies, and gentlemen—lf I felt convinced that I had
ability sufficient to discuss this question—and I con-
fess 1 have not, for lam rather accustomed, in the
House of Commons, to give..siient votes:than -make
speeches—(Applause)-- should labour under
some embarrassment ; but, knowing that I have no
new argument to advance, I only bring with me one
recommendation, which is that of a fixed determina-
tion to co-operate with the Anti-Corn-law League in
any strenuous, effort which they may choose to make
for the purpose of removing from our statute-book
that most obnoxious law, which is repugnant to every
sound principle of commercial legislation, opposed to
common sense, fraught with injustice, and, I believe
in my heart, detrimental to every class in the com-
munity.—(Applause.) You have, within your own
precincts, a power of eloquence so commanding,
that it is quite unnecessary for me at any length to
dilate upon this question. It is better understood by
you than by myself. lam quite confident of that;
but, at the same time, knowing that your treasury is
so full of facts that cannot be refuted, that my mite
can scarcely be acceptable, yet I hope you will be
convinced, by my ready acceptance of your invita-
tion, with which I felt myself greatly honoured, that
I am ready to bear my share of the obloquy that may
attach to the League, which is endeavoured to be
cast upon them, I trust unavailingly, by those who
are in the interest of monopoly.—(Applause.) Before
I go into the state of our own districts, I will just
advert to a correspondence which has lately taken
place between one of your lecturers and a Noble
Duke.—(Hear, hear.) I know that Noble Duke to
be a very honourable and straightforward person ;
and I believe he only states what he believes to be
true. He is, however, in my opinion, greatly mis•
taken in the view which he takes of this question ;
and I think, when the people are well instructed, the
people of this country will unite as one man in con-
demnation of this law, both in its spirit and its ten-
dency, in its principles and its details.—(Applause.)
The Noble Duke is a Legislator, and consequently a
public man ; therefore we cannot be indifferent to
the votes which he gives in his place in Parliament,
nor to the opinions which guide his votes; but I be-
lieve him to be very much mistaken upon this ques-
tion, and he will find, ere long, that the people will
arouse from their lethargy, and will endeavour to
erase from the statute book a law which was passed
by partial legislators for their own benefit, to the
detriment of every other class.—(Applause.) Now,
ladies and gentlemen, I will endeavour to state to
you what is the position in which our unhappy
manufacturing district is placed at present. We have
seen, within the last five years, that
,our trade has
greatly declined; the capital of our merchants and
manufacturers has been daily diminishing; the people
are half-fed and half-employed ; the Poor-rates in our
manufacturing towns have increased three or four
fold—(Hear, hear)—our workhouses are crowded
with inmates—(Hear, hear)—the savings of the frugal
and industrious, which were intended to supply the
wants of old age, are exhausted to supply the
,pressing
wants of the day. The polished furniture of our arti-
sans is exchanged for food, or distrained for rent to
their landlords ; their decent Sunday clothing in the
pawnshops ; our shopkeepers behind their counters
wanting customers; in short, we have nearly a de-
struction of the social system. And what must re-
sult from this state of things ? What we have seen
will occur again ; the disruption of social order, the
Magistrates of the district expecting momentary out.
breaks the peace only preserved by the presence of
the military power, our gaols crowded with rioters,
Special Commissions in every manufacturing county,
ships freighted with transports to the antipodes—
(Hear, hear)—and pauperism, instead of being
the exception, will, if not intercepted, become

the rule:—(Hear, hear)—and the efforts of the
League during the last session of Parliament
prevailed upon the Government to make some change
in the Corn-law. That change was, in my mind, of
very limited extent ; it was so small a mercy that I
believe we were so ungracious as not even to be
thankful for it.—(Applause.) The vicious system of
the sliding scale and the average has been retained,
thereby limiting our supplies, as usual, to the nearer
ports of Europe, and denying us those supplies which
we would have in abundance from the fertile plains of
America—(Hear, hear)—where our clothing and our
manufactures of various kinds would be received

as a boon in exchange for their own commodities.—
(Applause.) To this system of policy we may attri-
bute the hostile tariff of the United States of Ame-

rica—(Hear, hear)—and if this vicious policy be
pursued, we may expect the same retribution from
the Brazilian Government, provided we do not re-
ceive, as we ought to do, their coffee and sugar on fair
and equitable terms.—(Applause.) I myself have no
feeling. against the present 'government, provided
that Government will do its duty to the people.—
(Applause.) My votes have always been given in
Parliament with the view of benefiting mankind, and
not of benefiting a party.—(Loud applause.) I shall
continue to pursue that course. For, Sir Robert
Peel, as an individual, I have a very high
personal regard. I knew him in his early days ;
I knew his father. It was his father who gave the
first impetus to the industry of the district in
which I live—(Applause)—and his exalted talents
and private worth have conferred distinction upon the
town of his birth, which town I have had the honour
to represent since the passing of the Reform Bill.—
(Applause.) But I frankly confess I can place con-
fidence in no Government which pursues a policy
which I conceive to be so directly opposed to the real
welfare and happiness of the community at large.—
(Applause.) The people are now in a state of de-
spondence, without help, and without hope; and, ex-
cept we change our system, I see no immediate pro-
spect of their distresses being relieved. I approve
greatly of the plans of the League, and of their pro-
jects in endeavouring to act upon distant constituen-
cies, in order that Members may be sent by them
whose views shall be favourable to those of the League.
My friends, there is a very wide field for the exertions
of the League in this our own county.—(Hear, hear.)
If the repeal of the Corn-laws depended upon the
Members sent by the county of Lancaster and the
boroughs within it we could not carry the question.
—(Hear, hear.) With what face, then, can we go
amongst agricultural constituencies, even when we can-
not in our county return a majority of Members fa-
vourable to the repeal of this law—in this county,
whose interests are so vitally important, and we so
deeply affected by the operation of the Corn -laws ?
(Hear, hear.) Why, my friends, our duty is to work
well in our own field. If we cannot make converts,
let us till the ground and prepare it, and sow good
seed ; and when a general election arrives, which of
course it will do in process of time—how long it may
be first I cannot tell—we shall reap an abundant har-
vest, which will amply compensate you for all the
labour and money you have expended in effecting the
abolition of this abominable law.—(Applause.)
Dr. BOWRING, M.P., then rose, and was loudly
cheered. He said : Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentle-
men, I think I can address to you some words of con-
gratulation, some words of encouragement, which will
induce you to continue to move forward upon that
path upon which you have entered.—(Hear.) I said
that we had progressed ; and wherever I look around
rne, I see marks of that progress. Sir Robert Peel
nimfself is under the despotism of necessity ; he has
proclaimed principles, to which he, and whoever fol-
lows him, must give effect. He has become a lecturer
on political economy in the House of Commons ; and
Sir Robert Peel must carry out those doctrines which
he has declared to be true.—(Applause.) I was told
yesterday-, in London, that already as many as forty
Members had determined to desert Sir Robert Peel,
that they were already alarmed at the concessions he
had made to public opinion.—(Applause.) But I am
told that Sir Robert Peel himself, and certain friends
of Sir Robert Peel, begin to anticipate, that for every
one who shall desert him for the good he is doing, he
will receive the addition of two from our side.—(Ap-
nlause, Like my Hon, Friend, I am not bound to the

car of any Minister, but that Minister I will follow
farthest who shall do most for the people.—(Ap-
plause.) The minds of mankind are open, from
the highest to the lowest, to receive new impres-
sions. Travelling again in that part of England
in which I was born, I mingled a good deal with the
rustic and rural population, and I found, from the
first to the last among them, nothing but the heaviest
vituperations directed against the present Prime Mi-
nister. The language they held was this, to use their
own phraseology—`.Drat him, he's worser than Lord
John ; Lord John only touched the corn, but he has
touched the bullocks. He's worser than Lord John,
and sorry we are that we ever brought him into power."
—(Applause and laughter.) It is my belief that Sir
Robert will listen to much such language in the com-
ing session of Parliament. It will perhaps came tr,
him in more polished phraseology, and be repeated
with every sort of courtesy. But the matter will be
discussed. Bad as the Whigs were, he is worse than
the Whigs, and he must, for his own salvation, go
further, than they dared to do.—(Applause.) Some
of his agricultural friends, however,
have already dis-
covered that their fears were somewhat exaggerated,
and that there is not so much ground for apprehension
as they supposed with reference ,to the inroad of fo-
reign cattle. Sir John Tyrrell aas. assured the Essex
farraers4that-the ~beef of -America is bad; that the
park is unpwlafahloI earl chat the sheep aro made u
of only skin andi wool.—(Applause and laughter.)
Gentlemen, the commercial mind is expanding; it is
becoming greater—it is becoming too great for its
fetters; it must burst them—it must be emancipated.
—(Applause.) Commerce will as certainly get rid
of its chains as ever the slave did, for the commercial
principle is greater than the slave, and its triumph
will be greater.—(Applause.) Among the great ser-
vices which the League has done, I will venture to
refer to those many important collateral questions
which have been agitated in consequence of the per-
petual references made to the burden of the Corn-laws.
How many great principles have sparkled out of these
debates ! How much has public attention been di-
rected to free trade in the abstract, to the pacific
principle as connected with the development of trade,
to the vicious character of our taxation, to the ques-
tion of wages, to the improvement of machinery !
Upon all light has been thrown, and you, who were
charged spe,lially with the guidance of one important
truth, have given birth and circulation to hundreds,
and have brought light into every portion of the field
of commercial and political inquiry.—(Applause.) If
you like, we will trace the progress of things. Since the
great work of Adam Smith, the most important fact
that took place was the presentation of a free-trade pe-
tition in the year 1820. That petition, I believe,
was written by Mr. Tooke, and it was presented to
the House of Commons by the present Lord Ashbur-
ton.—(Applause.) The next important step in the
interests of free-trade was the publication of the " Ca-
techism of the Corn-laws," by my Hon. and Gallant
Friend, Colonel Thompson.—(Applause.) I have
seen with delight that the League and the country
have begun justly to value the eminent services of
that distinguished and excellent man—a man, bound
as I am to him by ties more than brotherly, of whom
I shall not venture to speak as I otherwise would ven-
ture to do. But, my friends, I assure you, a mind
beating with a higher and a nobler benevolence, an
intellect more trained by philosophy and beneficence,
exists not ; and I trust that this country will, ere long,
have the advantage of seeing that gallant man in the
place which he ought to occupy, fighting the battles of
free-trade in the Senate of his country.—(Loud ap-
plause.) His name, I believe, is familiar to you all;
but his multitudinous services, his generous devotion,
his, pecuniary sacrifices, are known but to few.—
(Hear, hear.) Then the next most magnificent step
forward was the establishment of the Anti-Corn-law

League—(Applause)—at whose birth,' had the honour
of being present—(Applause)—whose christening I
also witnessed ; and I believe I can claim for myself
the suggestion of the name it bears.—(Hear.) I have
o mi t
seen that League grow up in goodly proportion,
standing erect in power and in majesty, equal to the
great work it has undertaken; and I salute it with an
" All hail."—(Applause.) Next in co-operation and
in advancement of the same principles, came out the
Report of the Import Duties' Committee.—(Hear,
hear.) When the motion for that Committee was
made in the House of Commons, nobody anticipated
such important consequences from the inquiry. The
first step of my honourable friend, a man again, whose
services are greater than any language of mine can
tfibdheer
elss describe, rnvmi.
believed
movement,
v,
that
Rhimela
inquiries
noiHume—(Applause)—whenf tivfheoawwould
Cdmnbd e
proveded,
indeed, saw
vt tohi at
stimportancevhileh e
ledemonstration b
madepeople
;eopf theelwye
fiof this country were paying an indirect tax of fifty
millions, a great part of which.was a penalty for the
folly of their ancestors, a still greater sum than fifty
millions was taken from them in the dark, by indirect
taxation, by monopolies, the hand of the pilferer being
altogether concealed.—(Applause.) The Report of
the Import Duties' Committee, was; indeed, a grain
of mustard-seed, which has grown
up to a great tree,
so great, so magnificent, that we are all of us
delighted to shelter ourselves under its branches.
We have planted a goodly tree, and you
have watered it ; and Sir Robert Peel has
been shaking that tree, ''' and gathering some of its
matured and healthy fruits.—(Applause.) Now, the
power of introducing most important changes is in
our own hands. I know that we cannot directly force
a foreign nation to alter its tariff, but we can do so
indirectly. Let us buy.—(Applause.) Let us buy,
and we shall find people to sell ; and from the moment
we find a man to sell, he'll take care to pay himself,
otherwise he would give us whathe proposes to sell.—
(Applause.) I was very much struck with an ad-
dress which was presented from the poor and suffer-
ing weavers of Lyons to the Chambers of France on
the subject of free trade. I always refer to Lyons
with feelings of interest, because Lyons, like Manches-
ter, has given a noble example. The silk trade of
France being the most important of her manufactures,
and the least protected, is undoubtedly the most flou-
rishing; and the city of Lyons has always lent its in-
fluence to the attempts which have been made to
emancipate the commerce of France. A petition which
came from the weavers of Lyons, began with these
emphatic words :—" We are poor, we are ignorant ;
but, notwithstanding our poverty, and notwithstand-
ing our ignorance, every one of us feels that
a nation that wants to sell must consent to
buy."—(Loud applause.) These principles I said be-
fore are making progress, progress everywhere. A
few days ago I happened to be in the company of that
most illustrious man, Dwarganauth Tagore, a man
who is a prince among merchants, and a merchant
among princes. I took an opportunity of ascertaining
his opinions on free trade, and he said, after remark-
ing on the anxiety to maintain the monopolies of the
East Indies, after they had opposed that of the West,
" But I observe :that everywhere the same state of
things exists; one man has protection because his
interest is small, and wants much ; another has pro-
tection because his interest is large,
and therefore
deserves protection on account of its importance.—
(Laughter.) One man will have protection because
he is connected with weakness, and that requires
assistance ; another, because his monopoly is associated
with strength, and where there is strength it ought
not to be neglected. It is the same thing everywhere,
in the East and in the West." But, happily, if the
story of monopoly is the same, the interests of truth
are the same.—(Applause.) I-dare say that many of
those around me have read an exceedingly interesting
book which has been lately published by Charles
Dickens, whose tact is so exquisite, and whose bene-
volence and whose sympathies are thrown over so
wide a field of thought and action. Have you read
his account of the factories of Lowell ?—(Hear.)
Of the manner in which they are dressed—associated
even with elegance, of the piano on which they play,
of the libraries which circulate among them, of the
periodical in which they write?—(Applause.) I
wish the working peopleof England would study that
affecting picture, arid ask them selves whether this
state of felicity is owing to any impediment put upon
the improvement of machinery, i
to any "Ten-hours
Factory Bill," to any interference in the question of
wages. Dr. Bowring then expatiated. n praise of the
pacific principle. He characterised commercial wars,
such as those in Affghanistan and China, as absurd
and wicked. He eulogised the mission of Lord Ash-
burton, and its happy termination, and remarked upon
the baleful effects of Lord Abinger s late charge, and
was glad that he had received castigation. He ex-
pressed himself further that our system of taxation
required change, and he dwelt with pleasure upon
Miss Martineau's refusal of the pension proffered her.
Dr. Bowring then concluded in these words :—I did,
indeed, rejoice in the formation of this. League; every
measure you have taken seems to have been crowned
with success ; every day you have grown greater and
more terrible. Your last move is a majestic one.
(Applause.) It has startled, it has staggered, it has
stunned the monopolists.—(Applause.) "Fifty thou-
sand pounds," say they, "from Manchester, from the
men of Manchester, who always do what they pro-
mise to do, and more than they,- promise ! There is
no hope, no salvation for us; —(Applause.) The

the loves and fears of far-off strangers—the dreams
of his neighbours—the fall of a thunderstorm, or the
song of a ballad-hawker, are all elements in the causes
that collaterally affect the morality of our nature.—
(Hear.) Over that, however, and a thousand other
coadjutant forces, the will of man should, and can
exert a presiding potency, and an all-subordinate con-
trol. The power to do this constitutes part of our
moral obligation ; the omission to exercise this power
—a power of which we are all conscious—is
" the head and front of our offending." Perhaps
there is nothing that can be named next to
the power of domestic life, that operates on
our morals with such uniform emphasis as the laws
under which we live.—(Hear.) Let me illustrate
this by reference to circumstances around us. Poverty
is, it is well known, when expressive, in most instances
the mother of crime.—(Hear, hear.) If, therefore,
the laws of a country doom the greater part of its
people to a state of poverty, they become permanent
"ministers of sin"—(Hear, hear)—and as far as they
have this tendency, they are chargeable with the guilt
of immorality.—(Applause.) What an appalling
mass, then, of antagonist power are the governments
of:the world The anathemas uttered in Paradise
t thest
s
ocofnthtaeinebdantihsheeed palemernets-ntsofinimical t
our race.the m
But,6
ala
influence of most bodies of human law is ult:tnately
03-a
s interests
of re
ruinous to the character of the people for whose go-
vernment they were framed. An immoral law is se-
minal revolution ; and, like all other seminal powers,
requires only that time and circumstances should ela-
borate the mighty mischief.- Hence the decline of for-
mer empires. Assyria, 4reece, Rome, Carthage, where
are they ? And the same cause will precipitate, if not
counteracted, our own fall. Immoral laws generally
begin their history by creating false wealth, and
false standands of excellence and power—which again
become the seeds of other evils, and work the ruin of
the State. Take the subject of poverty, in connec-
tion with the spread of religion. A greater obstacle
to the spread of religious truth, and its influences on
the hearts of the people of this country (apart from
the natural indisposition of the human mind to the
reception of peculiar doctrines), does not exist, than
the excessive and wide-spread destitution of the people.
—(Loud cheers.) Take, for example, the small num-
ber of the poorest of the people, who attend the va-
rious places of religious worship. To say nothing of
the sense of shame which keeps them back—or their
inability to pay pew rents—or to leave their Sabbath
contributions behind them. 'How is it possible, even
in well-regulated minds, to disabuse the heart of care
that has already become familiar with the pangs of
hunger ?—(Hear, hear.) Religion commands con-
tentment with some, but surely not with every de-
gree of indigence—or with indigence by whatsoever
cause brought about. God has designed all his crea-
tures should labour; but he certainly has not designed
that they should starve as their reward.--(Cheers.) In-
dustry is necessary to religion ; but where industry
has no labour, how (in ill-educated minds, at least) is
the assertion that " Godliness is profitable to all things,
and has the promise of this life as well as of that which
is to come," to be made compatible with compulsory
mendicity ? The poor naturally interrogate, "Is it
of God that we live on nettle porridge sprinkled with
meal, while the aristocracy, who are no more than we
his creatures, squander more in the gorgeous liveries
of their saddle-horses and in the splendid kennels and
good food of their hounds, than we can procure by in-
cessant toil and mechanical skill ?"—(Applause.) In
vain does the preacher enjoin contentment to such
questioners, or point them to their inalienable free-
hold in heaven. The range of evangelical truth has
no reply to hunger but " Work with your hands,
that ye may eat that which is good." But poverty
bewails, "No man hath hired us." To the rich, the mi-
nister is enjoined to say, " If thou seest thy- brother have
need, and shuttest up the bowels of thy compassion,
how dwelleth the love of God in thee ?" But, for
the most part the admonition is as unheeded as the
ambiguous ravings of the Pythoness. What is the
preacher's alternative ? Either to take the side of the
poor and demand justice from the Government, and
thus drive the rich from their pews by what in re-
venge they will soon stigmatise as " political preach-
ing ; ' or, by passing over the sacred claims of the
population, sunken to beggary, by a few words of
cheap condolence, thus for ever lose their ears and
their hearts.—(liear.) This, we are sorry to say, is
the alternative which many have chosen. We are
the judge of none; but we cannot escape the con-
viction that the pulpit has lost much of its power over
the masses of the people, from the coy and reluctant
advocacy with which it has taken up this cause.—
(Loud cheers.) Sir, let me not be supposed as at all
sympathising with the spirit, and still less with the acts
of some who have stood forward to aid the cause of

political regeneration. Whatever is alien in temper
or conduct from the precepts and genius of the Gospel,
I would and do condemn. But am I, therefore, blind
to the shortcomings and delinquencies of those who
ought to be and might be, from their holy sphere,
the expounders and champions of political morality ?
Far from it. I charge upon their negligence and their
time-serving, those evils in the shape of violence
and tumult, which attach to a movement which is
coldly and scornfully left to be managed by those who
are not possessed of their influnce, their education, or
their wisdom. Look at the influence ministers ex-
erted upon the emancipation question.—(Applause.)
It was said, and not without reason, that the cause
was carried by Quakers and dissenting ministers. Did
they impair their usefulness by so doing ?—(Hear.)
Far from it. They now point, with self-exultation,
to their labours and triumphs in the cause. Tell me
what has given the Baptist and other missionaries the
mighty hold they have upon the affections and confi-
dence of the population of the West India Islands—
a power, by means of which the missionaries, and not
the soldiers—the Gospel, and not the proclamations of
Government, have moulded the hundreds and thousatads
of swarthy and new-born freemen to the obedience
and reverential regard for the law ?—(Applause.)
What ! Why the knowledge that these men stood
boldly by them in their bonds—(Cheers)—rebuked
the oppressor—demanded justice—took the spoiling of
their own goods joyfully, and fought, like Michael,
till the fell dragon of slavery went howling from the
fair islands of the Carribean Sea to find a shelter—but
only for a time—under... the proud walls of the Ame-
rican capital.—(Cheers.) The struggle would he
short if the awful power of the pulpit were turned upon
the famine-creating laws. I would have the pulpit pro-
claim the cause of causes—the master evil.—(Cheers.)
Am I sincere if while I profess to pity the effect, I
conceal the cause ? I am not. Blame the people as
you will, they have justice on their side.—(Cheers.)
The rich forfeit their title in the sight of God to their
expansive acres the very moment they withhold bread
from the poor.—(Renewed cheering.) Now, suppose
the ministers of our holy religion to take their stand
for the people, would the people forget the services
rendered ?—(Cries of " No, no.") No, rather with
what fine effect and appropriate authority might mi-
nisters of religion then appeal to the people, and say
" Godliness is profitable to the life that now is." We
have aided your interests, t not by prayer and sym-
pathy,' but by every means in our power,' to compel
the Government to rem the unjust laws that drive

by the reference I have made to its duties, its oblige-
gations, and its power. But, if we turn our thoughts
' from the ministers of religion to those for whose sake
they minister, what should we say to the moral sta-
tistics which have been produced by the late over-
whelming commercial distresses of our country ?
Who can tell the number of persons who were serious
and devout five years ago, who have returned to the
mire " through the cares f this life ?" In how many
instances has the amended character and type of the
members of Christian churches been deteriorated by
the ever recurring question—" What shall we eat,
and what shall we drink, and wherewithal shall we
be clothed ?" How many persons could be found
whose religious education this hour has been neu-
tralised by the depression of trade ? How many
thousands of religious minds have been driven to
emigrate, no small portion of whom, it is to be feared,
will renounce by the act their native country and
their sacred vows ? 'What number of Sabbath teachers
have disappeared from our schools through want of
decent clothing ? What proportion of the various
religious societies have felt the pressure, and though
they have exhibited no material subsidence of income,
yet to what acts have they been forced, to meet their
current liabilities?—(Hear.) What proportion of seat-
holders have given up their pews from incapacity to pay
the petty subscription for the salaries of the minister ?
How many thousands have been compelled to pawn or
sell their bibles and their psalm-books from the same
cause, and having once overcome the anguish of part-
iug with such hallowed • companions, have been made
calious by repeated sufferings, to their re-possession.
—(ll;ear.) I might ask a hundred kindred questions,
and the only reply of the loaded heart would be—
" Oh, Lord, thou knoweit." I boldly say that the
cases of deterioration and ruin from drunkenness and
crime, so lamentably frequent in our country, during
some years past, lie at the doors of our rulers and
legislators.—(Hear.) On them fall the accumulated
maledictions of those beggared wretches with each
setting sun and morning light. They know the re-
medy as well as we. The history of such men is not
yet written—l neither envy its contents, nor desire to
share its responsibility.—(Hear.) It is an affecting
thought that the youth who are now twenty, were,
when these distresses commenced, only fifteen years
of age. The interim is decidedly the most important
period in our being—(Hear)—and yet all the youth
of the labouring population have passed through
under the pernicious and withering influence of com-
mercial and trading. distress. What an education
The effects, however, will never be worn off.—(Hear,
hear.) Many a promising youth was taken from
school to bolster the 'Sinking fortunes of his
family—(Hear, hear)—and at length, by the same
cause, was driven from the shop too, and now
he is walking the fields and lanes around the
city, a fugitive without vocation, if not a vagabond
without principle.—(Cheers.) ome that were in-
tended for the professions have been compelled to
avert their thoughts to humbler trades, and others,
designed for trades, are now beggars, or what is worse
—soldiers—(Applause)—and some even have com-
mitted crimes to procure a gaol home. Such as have
remained at school, have been reduced to the cheaper
classes, and with great difficulty the payments of their
education have been irregularly made, and in many
instances not at all. A larger number still, who, if
trade had continued good, would have received a little
education, so as to acquire at least the art of reading,
will now never be able to acquire the art of reading
through life, they are now too old to con a primer
with children ; too poor to obtain private instruction ;
and when trade returns they must devote every hour
to provide for the current events of the day. All that
they know must be traditional—(Hear, hear)—they
can test nothing by self-exainination ; and they must
take even their religious knowledge on the dictum of
others.—(Hear, hear.) The urgency of animal wants
predominates, in times like these, over all questions
of self-improvement ; the battle is for life. The ri-
vals increase every hour ; the markets are uncertain ;
the next order may be the last for twelve or eighteen
months ; and, mighty as the pulsation may beat for
knowledge, the youth of our country must turn deaf
ears to her syren voice, till a more convenient time,
which will probably never arise.—(Hear.) Here again
I pause to point out the connection between the
morals of the people and the acts of the Government;
and again I say to the friends of morality, you prune
the twigs, and leave the trunk untouched, while you
seek not to mend the laws. Now, until it can be
shown, then, that there is this connection between
knowledge and morality, or until that connection be
destroyed, the connection continues between ignorance
and vice, and as much more actively as the evil of our
nature predominates over its better inclinations. What-
ever, therefore, increases the motives to mental neg-
lect, makes ignorance inevitable, must be reckoned
among the abetting causes of immorality.—(Hear,
hear.) Sir, I believe the opinion which now so widely
obtains is a just one—that the present prostration of
trade, and its concomitant deterioration of public and
private morals, of which I have only had time to draw
a very faint and imperfect-picture, is caused by pal-
pable injustice in the Legislature of the land. When
the property of labour is set at nought by the aristo-
cratic legislator, he teaches the labouring poor, both
by precept and example, to despise that of others ; and
thus property at once loses its sanction, and crime its
enormity.—(Hear, hear.) The frequency of ruined
tradesmen also enervates the shame of insolvency, and
when it is no longer a reproach to compound with
, one's creditors, the solvent but unprincipled trades-
mon will avail himself of the relaxed detestation of
debt, and such as have less moral courage to sustain
, the struggle for a panic, give up their chances of self-
redemption before they had really lost the game._
But we are told that it is impossible, by the
wisest system of legislation, to prevent these sea-
sons of distress—these visitations of famine. We are
told they are collapses as natural andtc
of rest andessary to the
healthy progress of industry as periods _
sleep to the animal system—(Laughter)—and some
will tell you that, by studious and profound calcula-
tions, they have penetrated the mystery hidden from
vulgar eyes, and can prove by figures that the most
precious portion of a community like ours, should
partially submit to famine as a punishment for being
too industrious, and too ingenious, and too enterpris-
ing.--(Laughter and cheers.) That it is not the
Corn-laws or other restrictions upon trade that have
entailed and 'worked these evils, but the genius of
Watt, and Bolton, and Arkwright, and the avarice of
men who have given employment to millions at home,
that they might clothe the bodies of millions abroad.'
—(Laughter.) These astute arithmeticians—these
patient plodding calculators of a world's Wants and
a people s destiny, who count spindles, and measure
the power of steam, and reckon the taxes of the po-
pulation—and who greatly love the Corn-laws—
(Laughter)—not because they happen to possess land
and realize a few extra thousands by their existence
—ten per cent. on which they are willing to give to
the poor if you will only let them keep the other
ninety—who love these laws simply because of their
wisdom and benificence, and because Sir James
Graham loves them—(Laughter)—who once demon-
strated that they were the most unlovely things that

We have before us a list of nine firms at Mar-
seilles, in'ostly connected with the Corn-trade, all of
which have failed within the last fortnight, the aggre-
gate amount being very large. It does not appear that
they will re-act upon London ;in fact the previous
failures have been the cause of those at Marseilles.—
Evening Paper.
TARIFF PORK (SO CALLED).—We are informed that
advantage has been taken of the admission of Ame-
rican pork, which can be retailed of an excellent qua-
lity at a very reasonable price, to get rid of a large
quantity of old ship's provisions—pork condemned as
unserviceable for sea use ; and that this half-perished,
dry, and unwholesome stuff is offered for sale as the
commodity we are for the future to be supplied with from
the United States. There is, of course, so palpable a
difference between the latter and the article which is
substituted as its representative, that, once seen toge-
ther, one cannot be mistaken for the other; but as
the imposition should not be allowed to be successful,
and as unsound pork is generally believed to be very
productive of disease, we would caution poor people
against the use of it. Good American pork is not
discoloured—that is, rusty—stale in appearance, or
destitute of brine, which are the characteristics of con-
demned naval stores.—Shipping Gazette.
MAIL-CART SNOWED UP.-111 order to prove that
winter in the north has come in like a " roaring lion,"
we need only mention that en Wednesday morning
last the mail-cart which runs between the towns of
Alston•and Penrith, in Cumberland, by reason of the
tempestuousness of the wind, and the great depth of
snow, was completely drifted up on a bleak part of the
road on Cross Fell. The postman being unable to
proceed further, with great difficulty managed to dis-
engage the horse, which was nearly done up, from its
trappings ; he mounted it, and leaving the cart, came
on with the bags. After a stormy and dangerous
journey he arrived at Penrith two hours or more
behind his usual time, thereby losing a post for the
letters which were destined for London by the morn-
ing mails.
WEST LONDON RAILWAY.—Several parties have
applied to us for our views and advice with regard to
the new shares in the above railway. We never give
advice, but we will lay before them the facts as
simply and clearly as we can. About 140,0001. have
been spent on this line, and it is now estimated that
32,0001. will finish it. The proposal is, that 10 per
cent. shall be divided upon this sum before anything
is given to the old shareholders. The question then
is, what traffic will pay 10 per cent. ? If we allow
50 per cent. for working expenses, the amount on
long line is about or under 40 ; then 6,4001. per year
receipts will just do it. But 6,4001. per annum for a
line of three miles, is 411. per mile per week. Now,
if the two short metropolitan lines, with which alone
this can be compared, receive the one, the Greenwich,
2331. per mile per week, and the other, the Blackwall,
1581., it will be hard indeed if this line, with the
London and Birmingham and Great Western at one
end, and the Thames at the oilier, cannot earn 411
per mile per week.—Railway Magazine.
SINGULAR DISCOVERY.—As some workmen were
engaged in removing the materials of the late Miss
Allambridge's house, in Cheap-street, in this town,
they exhumed five sculls and a considerable quantity
of human bones, all at some little distance from the
surface. On removing a yew-tree that stood in the
garden one of the sculls was discovered under its
roots, the lower jaw and teeth in good preservation.
The others were found in different places in the yard,
and even under the flooring of the house. They
were but slightly decomposed ; indeed, the lines of the
brain, in the cavity of the skulls, were clearly trace-
able. The matter excited but little interest, as, from
its contiguity to the abbey, it is conjectured the spot
was formerly a part of those premises ;
no vestige of
coffins, however, was discovered. The former inha-
bitants of the house, doubtless, little thought they
were in such close vicinity with the dead.—Sherborne
Journal.
SHEERNESS.—A SAVING WIFE.— A few days
since Mrs. Lowe, wife of Mr. L
death, Lowe,
died of a lingering disease. Afterowhee, of this place,
look over his deceased
friend, a female, proceeded to
with the assistance of a confidentialrneighbour and
wife's wearing apparel, with aview of making a
,en
dis-
tribution of them among some of her relations, when
to his utter astonishment he found secreted in various
drawers upwards of 6001., of which he was altogether
ignorant ; in one place he found 3601. in gold, in
another fifteen 51. notes, and in a third place a hoard
of various kinds of money, making, as we have before
said, upwards of 6001. Mr. Lowe's occupation was
bfomnrmhelrelysttahtaietno,fhautwahredielnasinfotrhieraeevDoclk-yard, a rather
years past been
superannuated on a very small income. The de-
ceased was a woman of very frugal habits, and must
have commenced saving money many years a o.—
Kent Herald. g

yarLdosahneyßoanodutchieutmhi'rsdLmikiltessztossr;e7
Ao
nb otuhte ar ha hundred
.
ing from Brodick to Lamlash, on closely noticing the
top of the Ben-nods ridge of mountains, contiguous
to Goatfell, there is strikingly observable the form
and figure of a man lying on his back—the head,
brow, eye-lids, and lashes—nose, mouth, and chin—
affording a most accurate likeness of Lord Brougham.
The nose, especially, cannot be better imitated by
the most -eminent sculptor. The neck, shoulders,
body, legs, and feet are also very distinct, well de-
fined, and proportioned. One part of the rock on
which Dumbarton Castle is built yields, it is said, a
correct profile of the Duke of Wellington.
FATAL ACCIDENT.—Saturday morning, at about
heavily laden with bales
half-past six, as a wagon,
of g 003.5, was on its way to the Railway terminus in
Euston-square, when about half way down Turn-
mill-street, near Booths distillery, it came in
contact with a light cart belonging to, and
driven by Mr. George Thompson, a greengrocer, re-
siding at Paddington, and who was proceeding to
Farringdon-market. The collision broke the shafts
short off, and Mr. Thompson was thrown headlong to
the ground, his head coming in contact with the kerb-
stone. The skull was so frightfully fractured that he
expired before the hospital was reached.
Count Danneskiold and suite embarked on Satur-
day
.at the Tower-stairs on board the General Steam
Navigation Company's mail packet, Caledonia, Captain
H. Cheesman, for Haraburgh. The Hon. Mr. Mlles
also left London on Saturday in the same Company, 5
, packet Magnet, Captain R. Stock, for J3oulogne.