The Sun.
London, England, 1829-08-14 00:00:00

GERMAN PAPERS

BERLIN, AUG. 4.—We have just received an extra-
ordinary Supplement to the Journal of St. Petersburgh,
of 29th July, containing the detailed report of Count
Paskewitsch on the victory over the Scraskier of Erze-
room. We shall give it to-morrow.
Muracn, AUGUST 4.—Her Majesty the young Em-
press of Brazil left this city to-day at noon, with
her suite, in eight carriages. Her Majesty will first stop
a few days at Manhehn with the Grand Duchess Ste-
phanie, and then proceed to Ostend, where all those who
are to accompany her Majesty to Brazil must be by the
16th instant. The frigate which conveys her to Brazil
will touch at Plymouth, where she will have an interview
with the Queen Donna Maria da Gloria, who remains
in England, at least at present. Part of her Majesty's
suite will go before in the packet to announce her arrival,
which is expected to be about the beginning of November.
Her Majesty's brother Duke Augustus accompanies her
Majesty, though his health has been of late very indiffe-
rent, from a wish to make the parting less affecting to a
beloved sister, and her voyage more agreeable, and also to
be able to bring back certain information to her family
from her new country. The Prince will stay about
a year.
. _ _

The parting of the young Princess from the Royal
Family is said to be most affecting.
BRUSSELS, Auc. 9.—A British Cabinet messenger
passed through here yesterday afternoon, with despatches
from London for Vienna.

His Excellency Count de Celles, Ambassador at Rome,
arrived here yesterday.
Monsigneur Ostini, Papal Nuncio in Switzerland, who is
expected at Ostend, will wait there for the new Empress of
Brazil, whom he will accompany to Rio de Janeiro, where
he is entrusted with a Mission from the Pope' to the Em-
peror Don Pedro.

HASTINGS.—The curiosity of the people here
has been much excited by a person, evidently a gentle-
man, dressed as a Spanish Minstrel, with a guitar : he
styles himself the Wandering Troubadour. There are va-
rious reports as to who be is, but we 'lava heard from
very good authority that it is no other Earl
who is known to be a very eccentric character : the fol-
lowing is a verbatim copy of a notice sent to the libraries
by him :

" The Wandering Troubadour, to-morrow, Monday,
from twelve till two o'clock, will be within the walls of
the Castle, singing deeds of Love and Glory.—August 9,
1829."

He has already reaped a rich harvest here. He is staying
at Deudney's Marine Hotel.—Brighton, Gazette.

Behold once more a rupture of the bond of
amity and confidence which united the people to
the Monarch ! Once more behold the Court
with its ancient rancorous feelings,—the emigrants
with their prejudices,—the priesthood with its
hatred of liberty,—interposing betwixt France
and her King. What she has gained by forty
yearS of toils and of misfortunes is wrested from
her ; what she repels with all the power of her
will, with all the energy of her desire, is forcibly
imposed upon her.
AVhat perfidious councils have succeeded in
thus misleading the prudence of Charles X., and
in impelling him, at an age when the prime con-
dition of happiness is tranquillity, into a new
career- of discord ? And wherefore ? What
have we done that our King should thus sepa-
rate from us? Was there ever a people
more submissive to -his laws? Where has
the regal authority experienced the slightest
affront, or justice any obstacle to its power?
Has not religion been always an object of respect
to us ?

A year ago, at this very period, Charles -X.
went on a visit to his northern provinces ; we
entreat him to call it to mind, with what testi-
monies of affection and gratitude was he re-
ceived ! The pleasing image of a father sur-
rounded by his children then became a delight-
ful reality. Now, he will still find every where
faithful subjects, but grieved by an unmerited
distrust.

That which constituted in an especial manner,
the glory of the present reign, and which rallied
round the throne the hearts of all Frenchmen,
was moderation in the exercise of power. Mode-
ration ! At the present moment this will be im-
practicable. Those who now rule the affairs of
France may wish to be moderate, but they can-
not. The hatred their very names awaken in
every mind is too deep to be repressed. Feared
by France, they will become formidable to her.
Possibly they may at first stammer out the words
" charter" and "liberty :" but their awkwardness
in articulating these words will betray them :
they will be regarded merely as tokens of fear or
of hypocrisy. What liberty, gracious Heaven !
what sort of liberty is theirs ! What equality are
we to expect from them ! But, what will they
do ? Will they seek a support from the power
of the bayonet ? Bayonets, at the present day,
arc shrewd and intelligent; they understand and
respect the law. Incapable, as they are, of re-
maming three weeks in power with the co-exist-
ing liberty of the press, will they take it away
from us ? They cannot do it but by violating
the law sanctioned by the three estates ; in other
words, by putting themselves out of the law of
the country. Will they destroy the charter which
rendered Louis XVIII. immortal, as well as
established the power of his successor ? Let
them think well of it. The charter now pos-
sesses an authority against which all the efforts
of despotism will be unavailing. The people
pay a milliard to the law ; they will not pay two
millions to the ordinances of a Minister. Illegal
taxes will raise up a Hampden to overthrow them.
Hampden ! Must we again recall this name of
war and trouble ?—Unhappy France !—Un-
happy King !
Truth must be spoken, and things must be
called by their right names. The Ministers now
going out did not give in their resignation ; the
whole of them, except M. Roy, were displaced.
M. Roy alone had the option of remaining in
the Ministry ; but he nobly refused to detach
himself from his former colleagues. France
will know how to appreciate this generous deter-
mination.

M. Bourdeau is appointed First President of
the Cour Royale of Limoges, in the place of M.
Gaujal, who succeeds M. de Cardonncl, de-
ceased, in the Court of Cassation.

According to the terms of the ordinances, it
does not appear that M. Frayssinous, Bishop of
Hermopolis, will have a seat in the Council.
During the absence of M. de Rigny, M. de
Montbel, and M. Courvoisier, the Council will.
consist of three persons—the Prince de Polignac,
the Count de Bourdonnaye, and the CQunt
Chabrol de Crousol. These three personages
meet, at present, at the hotel of the Minister of
the Interior. The late Minister still continued
at the hotel. He thought, very justly, that be
might dispense with paying his respects to the
new corners, and he has accordingly had no com-
munication with them.

It is believed that M. de Martignac will not
delay his departure for Switzerland. France will
long regret a Minister of admirable skill, whose
intentions were pure, and who only wanted the
firmness necessary to resist miserable Court in-
trigues.
It is remarkable that Messrs. de Saint Cricq
and Vatismenil are the only individuals of the
late Ministry who have been denied those little
consolations whereby ministerial disgrace is
sought to be mollified. What is the secret
of this ?

The first notification of the Royal pleasure
was made to M. de Portalis.

It is certain that M. de Belleyme has resigned
the Prefecture of the Police. His successor is
not known.
(From the Constitutionnel.)

The intrigues of the party, which obstinately
endeavours to paralyze our institutions, have at
last produced their fruit. The extreme right of
the Chamber of Deputies, whence have proceed-
ed so many attacks of the constitutional rights
of citizens, has supplied the Ministry. It would
be folly to dissemble. The struggle is about to
be resumed, with more energy than ever, be-
tween general interests and privileged interests,
—between the friends of the charter and those
who would render it an instrument of oppression,
—between the principle of good and the prin-
ciple of evil. A party, which was conquered at
the late elections,—which saw raised against
itself the immense majority of the nation,—
which, in Parliamentary discussions, never dis-
played any thing like talent,—a party represent-
ing the opinions of another age, and devoted to
despotism, provided that despotism be placed in
its hands,—that party has obtained possession of
its authority. It is about to wield that arm of
power which is tutelary when intrusted to wis-
dom and moderation, but which is dangerous
even to those who use it, when they arc blinded

appeared far from remote, in which the laws still
wanting were expected to be made, the promised
economical reforms to be accomplished, the si-
tuation of the tax payers seriously considered,
manufactures, agriculture, and commerce en-
couraged, and finally, in which sufficient guaran-
tees should place the nation for ever beyond the
reach of all attempts at counter-revolution, It
is at such a period that M. de la Bourcionna,
famous for his categories, and that M. de PP'
lignac, the friend and confident of the Dukatiof
ellington, come into power.
The first moment was one of surprise, mixed
with consternation ; the second was that of con-
fidence in right, energy in resolution. The tran-
quillity of France was supposed to Le lassitude ;
but those who thought so have been deceived.
Some unimportant divisions in the national• party
have been regarded as its complete dissolution.
This is another great mistake. The calmness of
nations is a proof of power ; all dissensions cease
when liberty is menaced, and when order itself ig
put in hazard. We are certain that all citizens
who are friends of liberty and order will now be
more than ever united, will rally round the Char-
ter, give reciprocal support in their legitimate
rights, and take up those legal arms which will
enable them to make new triumphs. •
What is melancholy in such an event is, that
it is generally attributed to the influence of Eng-
land, the sworn enemy of our prosperity and our
liberty. It is a ferment of division and weakness
which she wishes to excite in France, at the cri-

tical moment when all the powers of Europe are
about to be called upon to decide on the Greek
question, and on the affairs of the East. The
calm of France, the national energy which only
awaited the moment for a generous appeal, trou-
bled the councils of England and Austria. It is
certain that the Bourdonnaye Ministry will make
a diversion in the interior. What a source of
satisfaction for Metternich and Wellington !
Moreover, if we consider the composition of
the new Ministry, we perceive in it only men of
marked mediocrity. M. de Polignac has only

,cen noticed in the Chamber of Peers as one 0-1

the members in the lowest scale of talent and in-
fluence. The parliamentary degree of M. de la.
Bourdonnaye presents nothing memorable, ex-
cept his revolutionary opinion respecting catego-
ries intended to decimate France, and which Don
Miguel might advantageously study. Besides
yielding to every breath of opinion, he has been
alternately absolutist and constitutionalist, accord-
ing to the circumstances of his situation. M.
Courvoisier, the orator of the Ministry, would
be forgotten had he not sent his children to Fri-
bourg to study morality under the Jesuits. M.
de Bourmont is better known by his conduct at
Waterloo, than by his military talents or admi-
nistrative experience. M. de Chabrol, if public
report may be believed, only holds his place for
M. de Villele, who will again become the Mini-
terial pivot.

Meanwhile the fall of the funds has been the
necessary consequence of the announcement of
the new Ministry. Men of property and capi-
talists feel that they stand in need of security.—
They are afraid of any thing which may lead to
political convulsions. This mark of opinion wag
never more strikingly manifested than at the Ex-
change yesterday. The fluctuations are not yet
ended.

(From the Quotidienne.)

The change effected is an important event :
we can perceive this in the language of the Li-
beral journals. If we regard it with relation to
external affairs, we find in it a return to social
ideas, which are calculated to give security to
Europe, and to put an end to the troubles of
every kind ►which vex it. We fancy that a great
personage in the north will not contemplate this
change with pleasure. In the political system of
the Quotidienne, there is perhaps a reason for
entertaining hopes from it. There must be an
end to those theories of policy, which summon
absolutism to the aid of liberty. Liberty con-
sists in order, and it would be putting the pros-
perity of countries to too great a hazard to risk
it in a battle for piracy and sedition. We may
be told that this is a Ministry imposed -by the
English system,--a piece of folly that must be
supported as many others have been. It is cer-
tain that we behold new doctrines—doctrines
which give an assurance of universal peace ; a po-
licy which extends beyond the precincts of a club,
and which is confined neither to the ship of
Donna Maria, nor to the vagabond tent of the
President of Greece. The Duke of Wellington
is nobody in a Cabinet where the Prince de Po-
lignac appears in the first rank, with other names
which the restoration has held up to view, and
which even usurpation respected.
If we consider the subject, in relation to our
internal affairs, we find that it ought to become
an occasion of security, unless all our hopes
shall prove but a cruel illusion, and the spirit of
division shall survive the measures which seem
calculated to annihilate it.

The Moniteur states that the feuille des Le-
n :flees will be intrusted to a Bishosp.. 'Last night
at eleven o'clock, we were informed that this
Bishop was the Bishop of Hermopolis. It is
observed very justly to-day, that this choice,
against which, in other respects, we should have
nothing to say, may appear to be a kind of
affront to the Grand Almoner of France. It
will be recollected, that the Ministry for Eccle-
siastical Affairs was composed of the highest
functions of the Grand .Alinonry. It will be
natural and just to restore them.

(From the Courrier Francais.)

THE
ic thel d notG e ebren smeisaeevi
denniistech,oloonl
lrfmesetoiltilnmene(ilesct
Ministry
PARIS, AUG. 10.—THE MINISTRY AND
FUTURE.-Under
we live, good God ! It was generally agreed,
Uunntdrye—r mu'illidaetrfowrimiatorfegGimose-e%
aorfuyai
nnc,tatvir.ayoisiriil
appointed,3eb ,ruettnh teepitrlilcii either
e country. Thus,
that under a Representative Government nothing
was to be done which had not some motive that
might be avowed, nothing of which the cause
fraudu-
lentw washe
electionsM against de t
hVei
of
the Ministry
ictalhlwewn
of
froe ned.
Representative accordance
with those of
prinT-
ciples
en
Government
was obeyed. This Government was false, it is

true, but its forms were respected. When
Villele's Ministry was turned out, after the
elections of 1829, a law of Representative
Government, which is the Government of opi-
nion, was also obeyed. Opinion was against
the Ministry, and its voice was listened to. By
the appointment of the new Ministry, will the
Chamber—will public opinion—be satisfied ?
Neither the one nor the other. On the con-
trary, they are both braved and irritated. What
then has happened ? We have no longer a Re-
presentative Government—we have no longer
even the appearance of it—we have not even a
Government of good pleasure ; we have chaos,
confusion, and vertigo.
It was thought that the present Chamber
would not agree with the Villele Ministry ; they
were not even brought together, and now to this
Chamber a Ministry, a hundred times worse, is
given. What then has happened within eighteen
months ? Undraibtedly the Chamber did not
fulfil all its promises ; but has it ever shewn any
wish -I'n. the return of Villele's system ? When
tk-e Chamber of Peers lifted up M. Bucher in
FaVour of M. de Peyronnet, what a large ma-
jority of Deputies repelled this hazardous at-
tempt ! It is then plain that the men and sys-
tem of Villele's Ministry are hated by the present
Chamber, as they are execrated by the whole
people. They are now not to be re-established
merely ; they are to be strengthened ; and appa-
rently the frauds of 1824 are to be combined
with the proscriptions of 1815. Has the Cham-
ber then any attachment to the Jesuits ?—Quite
the contrary ; nevertheless the apologist of the
Jesuits is re-established, and a Minister brought
into the Cabinet, who has praised them so as no
member of Villele's Ministry ever dared to do ;
the direction of public education is to be con-
fided to this man, who in public instruction can
et nothing but a parcel of religious orders. Now
therefore, we are to have a Ministry who do not
represent the majority of the Chamber, and re-
present no part of the nation. In deciding on
having a Ministry from the minority, have distin-
guished talents been selected? Far from it; what-
ever, it possessed obscure and unskilful has been
'carefully chosen. M. de la Bourdonnaye has
been nothing for two or three Sessions, and we
only think of him in conjunction with the cate
gories of 1815. M. de Montbel has done
worse than M. de la Bourdonnaye in the last
two Sessions—he has spoken several times. If
the Government wishes to connect itself with the
trifiiiT counter-revolutionary movement which
was visible in the Chamber of Peers, it ought at
.cast to connect itself with those who made a
figure on that occasion, such as MM. de Ville-
franche, de Rouge, &c. &c. But it has sent, it
has chosen M. de Chabrol, who was coy. In
thus braving the opinion of the Chambers and
the national voice, perhaps it had for its object
to satisfy those masters of different interests
which collect in groups beyond the Chamber ?
Not at all. Will the Magistracy, for example,
demand M. Courvoisier for their Chief? Have
they not in their ranks persons on whom this
high dignity would have fallen more conveniently
and gracefully ? Have not the teaching classes
a right to demand something superior to M.
Montbel ? Is it supposed that the army desire
General Bourmont ? Take care not to have
stash a thought. That brave and loyal army suf-
fered with some impatience the Ministry of M.
de Clermont Tonnere ; and it was never sup-
posed that such a successor would be allowed to
follow. The army will, like all France, feel this
unexpected blow.

What then is in view ? on what did they rely
on nominating a Ministry in opposition to the
Nation, to the Chambers, to the great bodies of
the State, to all the interests who fight under a
common flag? This is neither false policy nor
unskilful combinations ; but, as we have already
said, it is folly.

Is it not natural, in seeing a Ministry rejected
by all the strength of the nation, to believe that
it is disposed to leave the legal path and try
measures of violence ? But for this pu►pose
something must be relied on for support. A
General who has saved the country has the
soldiers on his side, and all that part of the po-
pulation who are seduced by the glare of glory.
In this case where is the victory—where are the
prejudices ? There is nothing but an uneasy
nation—a country overwhelmed with taxation,
with a ruined commerce, a paralysed industry, a
suffering agriculture, and tax-payers unable to
meet the public demands. By a Parliament in-
fluence, by an active solicitude, by a benevolent
moderation, the Government ought to make it-
self felt in a country so suffering, particularly
when the people, calm and resigned to its suffer-
ings, only require employment and a market to
have the means of supporting their intolerable
burdens. In place of this they receive the
Jesuits, the Categories, and Coups d Etat.
Perhaps M. de Polignac means to copy what is
passing in England—that he means to change
men without changing measures—that he will
follow Whig principles in employing the Tories'
pure presumption. In England there is no
faction which desires to destroy the Constitution
for the behoof of absolute power—there is not
a Priestly party hungry for gold, for power,
and for vengeance. M. de Polignac is the in-
strument of this faction—by it he is placed in
power—he will submit to its yoke even though
be has not beforehand laid it on his neck.

The late MiniStry was certainly feeble, timid,
and even too little rational for its own interest.
We are not, however, surprised that no one of
its Members could co-exist with the present Ca-
binet. Something has been said of the delay of
M. Roy. It appears, however, that at the deci-
sive moment the refusal of this Honourable Peer
was very firm. He declared that the new system,
and the composition of the new Ministry, ap-
peared to him impolitic and dangerous, and that
nothing would make him consent to unite him-
self to it. There is, therefore, an entire rupture
between the past and the present. We have
launched on a new sea with M. de Polignac for
our pilot, and M. (le Bourmont for our general,
when many foreseeing men have predicted long
ago what other honest and well meaning would
not believe, is to be tried with more rashness and
less capacity than when M. de Villele tried it.—
The re-action will not be immediate ; it will not
begin to-day or to-morrow. The first words will
be soft—the laws will at first be respected, and
men unharmed ; and, perhaps, the Government
will be so conducted till the Chambers meet.—
But the promise is rash, and the design impos-
sible. By the Ordinance of yesterday, all those
insiiiiiitents;:iifirgi:7ary power which R. de Mar-
tignac, so imprudently preserved, tempering
them a little, will return to their violent courses,
and defiance and hostility will again begin be-
tween the people and the Administration.
On the other hand;- what will M. de Polignac
and his colleagues do except increase the num-
ber of their adherents, calling around them a
reinforiemenrtifiXongregationists, as formerly
_ the Leaguers "Ted, recruits "of lansquenets.
They will n unskilful timidity of
tP,
f9s

the late Ministry ; they will place in every office
men they can rely on ; that is to say, ready to
violate the laws to manufacture the electoral
lists, and prepare for an election either by fraud
or violence. If the good sense of the public—
if the integrity of the Judges—make shipwreck
of their manoeuvres, then we shall have coups
d'etat excused on the score of necessity.
In the meantime what will become of public
credit, of trade, and of our foreign policy ? It
is of little consequence ; we have M. de Polig-
nac for our Minister ; and when we seek for the
cause of his elevation, we see nothing but a fo-
reign intrigue which will throw us out of our
proper alliances, and drag us along in the wake
of England. Will it be said that M. de Polig-
nac is Minister here, as Wellington is in Eng-
land ; that it is in both countries a Tory organiza-
tion—an appeal of the Crown to its most faithful
servants, to execute, by their means, the most li-
beral measures? A pleasant parallel—Wellington
is sometimes in England. He is the most import-
ant man, and his is the most celebrated name in
the country. And what is M. de Polignac ?
A courtier without talents and without real
power. 'Wellington, with or against his will,
from calculation or policy, was obliged to eman-
cipate Ireland ; he has done an immense thing
for public liberty. What can M. de Polignac
do ? Re-establish the Censorship, destroy the
electoral guarantees, and change the law of Elec-
tions. What else can he do ? Let us cast aside
this ridiculous parallel. We have not a Tory,
hut a Jacobite Ministry. We have not a Wel-
lington in the Administration ; but, freedmen,
the followers of Wellington—men who went
over to him in the field of battle, and who will
not be able to defend against Council the dignity
of the throne and the country.
If, however, England and Austria have de-
sired to receive themselves the assistance of a
submissive French Cabinet, will not this servility
of our policy drag us into an immense war ?
Will Wellington say to the Emperor Nicholas,
that strong in the alliance of MM. de Polignac
and Boutmont, he forbids him to pass the Bal-
kan ? And is France, instead of being a neu-
tral and predominant power, to become a subal-
tern auxiliary of England, and spend her blood
and treasure for a Ministry the most anti-national
ever yet seen in France ? To make war, a Mi-
nistry must belong to the age—it must be po-
pular—it must rally around all that is noble,
energetic, and wealthy, and it must inspire con-
fidence ; will the new Administration effect these
things ? By the public mistrust it is condemned
to be either impotent or arbitrary. It lowers
public credit by its mere existence ; it threatens
liberty, and excites dread ; it announces a con-
test between power and the interest of the people..
The best thing it could do would be to paralyse
France ; but can it do this with a Chamber of
Deputies, and the public voice to kindle enthu-
siasm ? The Liberty of the Press belongs to
France : the elections are under the guardian-
ship of the Tribunals ; that the Ministry delays
or hastens its attack on these liberties is of no
consequence ; it requires that they should be
destroyed ; it requires every thing which France
dreads—the Censorship, arbitrary power, and
even it requires M. de Villele.