The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-05 00:00:00

DISTRICTS.

West—Kensington, St. George
( Hanover-square), Westmin- Four I Four
ster, St. Martin in the Fields, Ye rs.lWint rs.
St. James
North—St. Mary-le-bone, St
Pancras, Islington, Hackney 365,660 162 182 199
Central—Saint Giles and Saint
•
George, Strand, Clerkenw ell,
Holborn, St. Luke, East Lon-
don, West London, City of
London 373,806 188 213 162
East—Shoreditch,Whitechapel,
Bethnal Green, St. George
in the East, Stepney, Poplar 392,40,; 206 228 217
south—St Saviour, St. Olave,
St. George( Southw ark), Ber-
imond.ey, Newington, Lam-
beth, Camberwell, Bother-
!lithe, Greenwich —.438,060 221 243 217

Total 1,870,727 912 1017 942
• It is stated that under the term Metropolis are comprised the
32 districts herein mentioned, which include the City of Lon-
40T1 with and without the walls, the City and Liberties of
Westminster, the out-parishes within the Bills of Mortality—.
and the parishes of St. itLsrylebone, St. Pancras, Kensington,
Fulham, HarnmersmitL Chapelry), St. Luke (Ch elsea), Pad-
dington, St. Mary (Stoke Newington), St. Leonard (Brom-
ley ), St. Mary-le-bow, Camberwell, Greenwich, St. Nicholas
and St. Paul (Deptford), and Woolwich. The population, as
enumerated in 1831, was 1,594,890; and in June 1841, was
1,870,727. The weekly averege for 1838, 1839, 1840, and
1841, was obtained by dividing the deaths in the four years by
208, and the deaths in the four winters by 52.
TEMPERATUhE IN THE WEEKS ENDING
Feb. 19. Feb. 26.
Highest
Lowest
Daily Mean ......... 45 42
General Register Office, Marc 13, 1812.

Mr. WILSON'S VOCALILLUSTRATIONS.—Mr. Wilson
gave the first of his series of entertaina.ents at the Ken-
nington Assembly Rooms, on Wednesday evening, and not-
sviths!anding the inclemency of the weather, the room was
most respectably filled by an audience which seemed heartily
to enjoy the " songs of Auld Scotland." Many of Mr.
Wilson's songs called forth encores, and the entertainment
altogether gave great satisfaction. The announcement of the
second entertainment for next Wednesday evening was hailed
with hearty cheers.
THE VACANT OFFICE _OF TOWN-Ckultic.—The
Corporation wi, it is said, considerably reduce the salary of
the office of Town-Clerk, vacant by the lamented death-of Mr.
Woodthorpe. That able officer had an income of 2,0001. per
annum, bat many of the members of tits Corporation have
always considewd that sum more than an adequate remunera.
tien ; and, it is believed, that Mr. Woodthorpe's successor's
emoluments will not exceed from 1,2001. to 1,500/. a year.
Two or three persons are spoken of as likely to be candidates
for the situation, which cannot be properly filled except by a
man long experienced in the local duties nd laws of the Cor-
potation. •

LONDON
SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 5, 1842.

Sir ROBERT PEEL last night announced, very much,
we believe, to the satisfaction of the country, for, as the
Right Hon. Gentleman said, he had received a number
of letters, urging him to bring the matter speedily for-
ward, that he would, on Friday next, make his financial
statement, and explain his whole plans as to taxes on
trade. His announcement wits loudly cheered, as if the
information were desired by the,frouse and the country.
Lord flowicK suggested, and with some propriety, that the
second reading of the Corn-law Bill should be postponed
till after the financial statement had been made; but no
notice was taken of his suggestion.

The second reading of that Bill was definitively fixed
for Wednesday next, and the Whigs, as Lord JOHN
RUSSELL stated, will take a debate and a division on that
stage, because the Bill is not an adequate settlement of
the question. Although the Whigs still wrangle for a
fixed duty, we are glad to find them protesting against
the re-enactment of an unjust law, and their votes against
it will honourably shake off from them- the infamy of
assenting to a law designed to keep up the price and
stint the food of the people. They are not to be taken
in by the title cunningly and designedly written, the
Corn Importation Bill. It is not a corn bringing-in, but
a corn keeping-out Bill, which corn, but for the Bill,
would be poured in abundantly, the country gentlemen say;
and it ought to be called a Bill annually to starve a
certain number of the people, from the unfounded expec-
tation of thereby keeping up the landlords' rent. But
the nature and effects of this Bill no longer need discus-
sion; it is unworthy of us, and of the public, to discuss
the details of an enactment so monstrous in principle;
and the only question of public importance concerning it
is, how we can get rid of it, either before or after
the landlords have given it the form of law.
We are not sorry to be supplied with an opportunity
of explaining in what sense sundry opprobrious epithets
have been publicly applied to the landowners. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL deprecated in strong and emphatic terms the
abuse which Mr. FERRAND had heaped on the manufac-
turers, and then, turning round, he equally deprecated
the language applied by the League to the landowners,
as if they had, for their own selfish purposes, and not from
the purest integrity, passed corn, and such similar laws.
Now, between the manufacturers and the landowners
there is a great distinction. The former are not the
Legislative body of the empire, the latter are. By the pos-
-1 session of the land, they are paid for their services. They
exclusively form the House of Peers, and they constitute
a large majority of the other House. When the manu-
facturers are attacked in the Legislature, they are at-
tacked as individuals ; when the landlords are attacked,
it is as legislators.
The charge against the manufacturers is, that they
are cruel to their workmen, extortioners, knaves, and
violators of the law. All these are offences for which
the law prescribes, or undertakes to prescribe, punish-
ment, and they ought to be prosecuted before the tribu-
nals of the country. It is not said of the landlords that

t they are cruel to their tenantry and workmen, thought would do more to put down the repeal cry than five
they are obnoxious to the charge. It is not said that thousand penal statutes enforced by the whole British
they are individually extortioners, knaves, and vio- army. Besides there is not the shadow of a pretence
1 lators of the law, though they are just as open to for supposing that one farthing of the expense would
such accusations as other men ; but they are pub- , fall upon England or Scotland. The whole could be
licly accused in the Legislature, and by the Press, i easily defrayed by tolls upon the different lines, and a
there being no other tribunal than public opinion l mileage rate upon the several counties intersected by
to which an appeal lies, of prostituting, to enrich them- them. It is not a little curious to hear Lord ELIOT ob-
selves, the power with which they are entrusted to pro- jetting to such a rate, on the ground that it would fall
vide for the general welfare. exclusively upon the tenants and not upon their land-
To that charge no denial has been or can be given. lords. In their debates upon the Corn-laws, the Tory
Lord JOHN RUSSELL admitted it, when he admitted that landlords contended that the country rate, or cess, was a
they had a bias ; in fact the charge is confirmed by charge paid exclusively by them. It now appears by
every page of human nature. Those who are entrusted the admission of a Member of the Government that they
with power ever have assumed, and ever will assume do not pay a fraction of this tax. Lord ELIOT said :
(they cannot avoid it) that their own interest is coin- The whole of the county cess was defrayed by the occupying
cident with that of the public, and with a view to their own tenantry. Hekunttehwiusnnl subjectwhatobetween arrangement
the ownersment it might
andh oc
tbdeepetriu,oe--
interest alone they have made laws. That is the great posedresd
07) maken (1 on
fact in the landlords' legislative capacity, which the 1)whole expense would fall uponmthearoraccniipe7ere,nwhwo rwe-ornulad derive
League justly denounces ; the bitter fruits of which we little or no advantage from the railway.
are now tasting, and not any facts in their private aft- The law could easily be so framed as to compel the
ratter, or in their relations of mail to man. landlord to bear his proper proportion of the railway
The bulk of the landlords have on this matter, we tax. Nor would the occupier of the land grudge the pay-
believe, a different standard of morality, from the bulk of ment of a rate which would secure to him a safe and
the people, which accounts for the difference of language. expeditious transit for his produce to the best markets in
Their standard is what the law has hitherto prescribed ; the kingdom. We are therefore fully convinced that
the people judge it by a vague notion, perhaps, of natural Lord MORPETH'S plan for making railways in Ireland
tight and justice. The landlords look to practice and was practical, and the principles upon which it was
precedent—the people to precept and principle. In this based were comprehensive and statesmanlike.
country the legislative power has long been in the Tile National Debt is nothing in amount, however,
hands of one class. It was much more so formerly than to the debt of gratitude which the Irish landlords owe
at present, when the bulk of the people were quite dis- to Sir ROBERT PEEL. While the Governments of
regarded, and the majority of the laws were made ex- France, Belgium, Austria, Prussia, and even Russia, are
elusively for the advantage of one class. declaring to the world that railways are undertakings
For example, the protection of property, and notably too vast for private enterprise, and of too much national
landed property, has for ages been the great object of importance to be in any way regulated by individual ca-
the law, and the protection of industry or labour, as price, Sir ROBERT PEEL, with an urbanity of manner
contradistinguished from property, has been an amazingly worthy of the Master of the Ceremonies at the
inferior care of the Legislature. The minds of the Court of Pekin, tells the House of Commons that he
hulk of the landlords are fashioned on that standard, really believes the construction of railways in Ireland
and they think that they do no wrong if they adhere to will be best left to the patriotic enterprise of Irish land-
the precedents of former Legislatures; while the people, lords ! The bitterness of this irony will be felt in
growing in knowledge, reject these precedents, and, as- Ireland. To the injustice of refusing to Ireland the
suming a higher standard, call on the Legislature to do only means of removing the mass of misery under which
that which is naturally just and right, the landlords she,now groans, is added an insulting allusion to the po-
persist, in spite of the growing knowledge of mankind, verty and recklessness of her spendthrift landlords,
:n adhering to old precedents of wrong, done, perhaps, which will long rankle in her breast. Sir ROBERT said :
in ignorance ; and therefore it is that the press and the He declared most sincerely that if he thought such an ex-
people fly stigmatize them in their legislative capacity as feere ddi wunjust, as wrong-doers, and as extortioners by means of by the Government to make 540 miles of railways in Ireland
the law, would be for the permanent and real advantage of Ireland,
The Legislature, it ought to be remembered, is consti- many of his scruples would be thereby removed ; but he be-
toted to protect the right of the bulk of the people, and not eve
Gentlemend i t wouldsilatifaocrtthone
the pirtecriepslteowf
hadcnhte7rnthatattelnZ
o protect the right of the landlords, or what they think with such satisfactory consequences in England—( Hear, hear)
their right. It is not to protect property, exclusively —that it would be infinitely better if they were undertaken by
but industry also. It is to protect the right of the many, private speculation.
The reference tothe example of England, which, in an
or what the many regard and claim as their rights. Its
expenditure of sixty millions in the construction of rail-
chief end and aim—the very object for which it exists—
is the satisfaction of the people, and if it effect not that, ways, could afford, as Mr. FRENCH showed, to throw
t has no longer a just claim to exist. This is so true
away ten millions in useless Parliamentary and law ex-
that it derives all its authority from the consent of the
penses, could only be intended as an insult in talking of so
poor a country as Ireland. However, the question is too
people, and when they boldly withhold their consent
important to this country in a commercial, no less than a
it must cease to be. The landlords, as Legislators, chat-
political point of view, to be thus summarily disposed of.
lenge our obedience ; the manufacturers pursue their
It is the duty of all who take an interest in the prosperity
calling like other men, and challenge obedience ; hence
of Ireland to unite in compelling the Government to
while the press, or the League, arejustified in answering
adopt a policy towards the sister kingdom essential to the
the challenge of the landlords by pointing out their
wrong doing, nobody is justified in attacking individual happiness of her people, and the consolidation of the
English and Irish nation.
manufacturers in the House of Commons and in the

public papers.
We thought Mr. COBDEN put the matter on a right
footing last night in the House of Commons, when he
objected even to defending himself\ in that House
from charges brought against him as a man. The Courts
of Law, and not the House of Commons, are the tribu-
nals to investigate charges of fraud and cruelty against
individuals. At the same time Mr. COBDEN in his own
behalf, and Mr. VILLIERS in behalf of the League, gave
a solemn and direct denial to Mr. FERRAND'S charges.
The House was convinced of the justice of the vindica-
tion, and we'believe the author of the unfounded charge,
will in future, notwithstanding the encouragement of the
aged counsellors beneath—notwithstanding the appro-
bation of the Ministers of the Crown, and the represen-
tative of the Church, be much more sparing of his
vituperation.

The phrase " bribery at elections " is now respected
for its antiquity, and has obtained favour from the
Tories, no doubt, from being part and parcel of the
wisdom of our ancestors. A contest for a borough
where these venerable, though generally poor gentlemen,
called " old freemen," have votes, cannot take place
without money passing from the pockets of the candi-
dates into those of the " calumniated " electors, with as
much certainty as the electric fluid passes from one body
to another by the slightest eontact. In fact, they look
upon the change of ownership as a general law of nature,
which neither Commons nor Lords have any right to
interfere with, and they are not a little comirmed
in this belief by the chivalrous defence made for them
on the discussion of the Reform Bill; not by Sir RonEnT
PEEL or Sir CHARLES WETHERELL only, but by one of
the most Radical Members in the House of Commons.
When two extremes meet, and agree that the old free-
men are all honourable men, why should they change a
practice which works so well, which only takes a little
money from those who have too much, and transfers it
but once in three years to hard-working men, with in-
dustrious wives and large families of starving children.
It is really too bad for these niggardly, political-econo-
mical Whigs to be railing against a custom so beneficial
to the poorer classes, and so very convenient also to gen-
tlemen of independent fortune, to rising Barristers,
Peers' sons, place-hunters as well as pension-hunters,
and to those Honourable Members of the House who
throw self-interest to the wind, and give their votes
only for the good of the public. Would it not,
therefore, be better to legalise at once this
venerable practice ? Endless attempts to put it
down have been made, but without effect ; for,
according to speeches in the House of Commons, it is
extending in every direction. Freemen say, a present at
an election is their birth-right ; 101. voters say it is all
but granted to them by Parliament, for the majority are
the friends of the freemen ; voters worth hundreds
a year are subject to the contagion in one shape
or another, and many with thousands a year sell their
votes, if not for money, for something better. Members
on Election Committees are merciful in the extreme to
the accused ; jurymen, too, are lenient; and even official
dignitaries, such as the Mayor of St. Alban's,
look upon bribery, as a matter of course.
The feeling in its favour somewhat resembles
that which pervaded the minds of humane jurymen
when they preferred mercy to law, and by acquitting the
accused, though conscious of their guilt, compelled the
Legislature to mitigate the criminal cude. We refer the
reader for further information on the subject to the trial
which took place at Hertford yesterday. It is full of amuse-
ment, and not destitute of instruction. The verdict of
the Jury was perfectly just, whatever might have been
the force of evidence against the defendant, and for this
good reason—that more than one half of the Members
of one House are returned by bribery. The average
price of each borough is as well known as
the price of any commodity in our markets, and it is
therefore absurd to obey laws which the lawgivers them-
selves treat as old almanacs. Bribery cannot be put
down till our legislators, as well as other men in high
rank, set the example, and refrain not only from bribing
the poor, but from taking bribes themselves from the
Government in fifty shapes.

We have deemed the discussions in the French Cham-
ber of Deputies on the Right of Search question, the
Spanish question, and the Bank of Rouen, of sufficient
English interest to insert them in our columns. It will
be seen that M. GUIZOT denies that the English Go-
vernment has been truly informed respecting the
existence of a conspiracy in France to upset the
established Government in Spain. This denial is
couched in language which we regret to find M
GurzoT employing. It is the language of trickery
and subterfuge. M. GUIZOT knows well that such
a conspiracy does exist, and he has recourse to trickery
to avoid saying directly that it does not, while he seeks
such an inference to be drawn from his words. He
knows, too, that the KING and Madame Musoz arc at
the bottom of it. But M. GutzoT has recourse to the
lying ecclesiastical distinction between the Minister and
the man. As an individual, he knows the whole affair
of the treason, but not in his official capacity, and there-
fore, speaking in the Chamber as a Minister, he affects
ignorance. Upon this point it is curious to read the
following extract from the Paris correspondence of a con-
temporary, written on Wednesday, after M. GulzoT de-
livered himself of his speech in the Chamber of De-
puties :
' • -

" In the mean time, recruiting is going forward in the depots
of Spanish refugees in France among the subaltern officers of
the Carlist party, a number of wham passed through Lyons on
the 25th, coram Israel, proceeding towards the Spanish fron-
tier. Baron de Meer and General Berton are the prime movers
of the attempt, which is to be made on the side of Catalonia.
They both remained at Montauban for the purpose until the
latter end of January, when, having completed the organization
of their forces, they repaired to Toulouse. On the 21st of
January they received considerable sums of money from various
bankers of that city, and afterwards shifted their quarters to
Perpignan, to be at hand to enter that principality on receipt
of orders from Paris.
M. de Tinan, Aide-de-Camp of Marshal Soult, is still at
Bourges.
" A report having reached the ears of Queen Christina that
the northern Sovereigns intended to stop the supplies which
they have of late allowed to Don Carlos, her Majesty exclaimed
We have him at last. We will take him by famine.' She
mmediately sent for Count Torreno, and it is said that it was
agreed between him, King Louis Philippe, and the ex-Regent,
to make an offer of succour to the captive Prince. This, it is
further said, was the object of M. de Titian's visit to Bourges.
Fortunately, however, the report proved to be unfounded, and
the mission of that officerproved useless.
" The greatest perplexity and confusion seem to prevail in
the councils of the conspirators. The Carlists, who have en-
tered it, propose a marriage between the Prince of the Asturias,
and Queen Isabella; some, however, anxious to save the prin-
ciple of legitimacy, object to her being considered a Queen,
and will only recognise her as an Infanta of Spain. Count
Torreno, who is an anti-Carlist, will listen to no union between
the two branches of the Spanish Royal family, and would pre-
fer a French or an Austrian prince. King Louis Philippe, on
the other hand, is willing to forego his pretensions in favour of
the Duke d'Aumale, provided he obtains for him the hand of
Isabella's sister. The calculation of the King of French
this :
• The young Queen is in a delicate state of health, and not
expected to live, while the Infanta enjoys robust health, and is
likely to survive her sister.' " Impressed with this conviction,
Louis Philippe would make a merit to England of accepting
the candidate of her choice for the throne of Spain, well know-
ing that the Queen, once dead, her husband would have no
claim in his own name, and that the Duke d'Aumale would,
in virtue of the Infanta's birth-right, find himself de facto King
of the country..
" The conspirators likewise disagree among themselves re-
specting the form of the future Government. The Carlists,
and what is strange, the Christino Generals, who fought so
long for the constitution, recommended the establishment of
absolute monarchy. Few advocate the cause of the constitu-
tion, but the majority seem to incline in favour of the estatu
real, which has the advantage of being neither one thing nor
the other."
The Presidentofth dispatcheCouncil,MfirnoimstetrhoefG Woraverr,nhears-rGeceenievreadi
ofth the following telegraphic„
Tlemcen, 16th. —The great tribe of the Beni-Hamer, which
brought 3,000 cavalry in the field, have just made its submission.
It may be affirmed without presumption that all the western part
of the province of Oran has submitted, with the exception of
some small tribes of no importance.
From the Settel to the frontiers of Morocco, Ab-del-
Kader is on the frontier with 200 or 300 horsemen. He i 3
spending his last treasure to enlist some adventurers."—
Moniteur.

Mr. FRENCH'S motion in the House of Commons on
the Irish Railway Question has been productive of one
great advantage—the removal of all doubt as to the in-
tentions of the Government. The Tories adhere to their
old policy of doing nothing for Ireland. This is a state-
ment which we no longer make on the authority of
I)ANtEL O'CoNNELL and the Corn Exchange orators.
It is a fact deducible from the speeches made
by Lord ELIOT and Sir R. PEEL in the House of Com-
mons:on Thursday night. The greatest boon which the Go-
vernment could give to Ireland would be lines of railways
intersecting that fine country, and that boon the Minis-
try point blank refuses. Lord ELIOT, for example,
said :

BOURSE—PARIS, TUESDAY, MARCH 1.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price Price. Prici. Prier.
Vrenel. 5 per Cents ll9 40 ... Ili+ 40 ... 1 930 ... 119 30
4% per Cents.
.. 108
3 per Cants BO 20 80 30 ... 80 ... sn
Bank of Prance
Latfitte Bank 1,011)1. SLaras 11'20 -.1025 —1(20 ...1e25
5,0601 Shares 5050 ...5050 .4050 ...gm°
Belgian Bank
1811 ..
Belgian 5 per Cents.
S per Cent.., 1840 105% ... 105% ... 10574 ... 10f,%
3 per Cents .....
Spanish Active FS ... 25 ... 45 ... :5
Old Deferred ......
Neapolitan
Roman.... lO4, ... 10t7 ..-.104w ..:1047

He would not shelter himself by saying that
H the Govern-
rhyadextpehectmi
oenass.u_re(uHnedaerr.
)contiduerotitohnougt eart
nerergohtnhoerprabilisec
mtilhleauntsotthe Government would not make any advance to say
money, or give the guarantee which was proposed b)
Gen-
tleman who had last addressed the House. There Z.rere how-
ever, other modes of facilitating and assisting railway enterprise,
rise
which the Commissioners pointed out, and which the Govern-
ment thought it would be proper to adopt. The Commissioners
recommended the Legislature to assist any body of capitalists
that might come together for the purpose of promoting rail-
ways in Ireland, by relieving them from unnecessary liabi-
lities, and by establishing one fixed and uniform system of
compensation, with less regard to the extravagant demands of
private interest than had prevailed in this country, and facili.
'fr.o that extent
tate the Parliamentary proceedings with the least possible
expense;—(
that they should also be protected from the ruinous
the
I.d_to be able to lay down
Govern-
meet en
tWeknow
s w
n competitiono wof f
disposed ri
enoughvatlo caos msoi
spfta.
anea )
ri e
H
two propositions as corollaries to Lord ELIOT'S state-
ment of the intentions of the Government. The first is,
that without Government aid, Ireland never will be
intersected with railways, and consequently never can
have her vast resources developed, and her social and
moral condition greatly and permanently ameliorated.
The second, in a political point of view, may appear still
more important to the people of this country ; namely,
that it is only by intersecting Ireland with rail-
ways, and facilitating the intercourse between the
two countries, that their union as one nation
ever can be entirely consolidated. A line of
railway undertaken by the Government between
Dublin, and any port on the west coast of Ireland,