The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-02 00:00:00

would be attended with immediate anarchy, and the temporary
dominion of all the most unprincipled in the lower ranks of the
suffering poor, and God knows our, wicked-laws are tending
rapidly to increase their number.
" All seem to be agreed that the most effectual plan would be
to effect a union between the lower and the middle,classes.
Without this, I am persuaded nothing can be done, and it is
right they sh, uld be united, for they both suffer from the giant
monopoly. But some speak as if nothing more were required.
It is true the united demand of the people obtained Catholic
Emancipation and the Reform Bill, but these two great mea-
sures left the control of the national wealth, secured by the
Corn-law, still in the hands of the Aristocracy.
" For what purpose, then, ought the middle and lower classes
to be united? Not in order to prepare for war on the principle
of physical force. This, even were it successful, would throw
us back into a state of semi-barbarism from which ages might
not redeem us. Why, then, adopt a menacing tone if war be
not intended. But these are, there must be, other means by
which a united people may thwart the measures and resist the
power of a dominant but small party. What are those means ?
To the solution of this important question permit me to call the
attention of your Conference.
" I would premise, as established facts, that we are pre-
eminently favoured by our insular position for commerce, and
by our natural resources, and the character of our people, for
the economy of manufactures ; that our population cannot now
be fed by our own agricultural produce, and that importation
of food to a considerable extent will therefore be indispensable;
that this, in connexion with the wicked sliding-scale, will un-
failingly keep up the price of food to the famine mark ; that
the famine price of agricultural produce will prevent our people
from buying clothing ; and that the hazardous nature of the
corn trade will prevent the free exchange of our industry fur
the surplus food of other countries ; that gaunt hunger thence
arises to our own people, and the nakedness both of our own
people, and the people of other countries ; and that the anal
issue will be, the loss of our manufactures, as well a• the im-
mense capital now embarked in them, which is rapidly disap-
pearing, and the utter ruin of urr national greatness.
As I solemnly believe this will be the consequence of our un-
wise Legislators, saying, in effect, " You shall buy no corn
from other countries till you give us a famine price for all we
can grow," let us say in feturn," We will frustrate your wicked
intentions, and use none of your corn so leng as we can get a
supply from other countries, until the law permits us freely,
and without restraint, to exchange our labour for the food of
other countries." _ .

" On this principle of trade, 1 beg to recommend that the
Anti-Cern-law League resolve itself into an Anti-Corn-law
Trading Company. or, at least, that it should originate the for-
mation of such a Company, to carry on by its agents, or other
connexions, the barter of English cloths, cutlery, stoneware,
&c., &c., for the corn and provisions of other countries, par-
ticularly of America.
" From all I have read and heard, I am led to conclude that
America alone might supply all our wants, and consume all the
products of our industry which we could spare. A gentleman
of my acquaintance, wh.• has lately made a tour of observation
in America, told me only last week, that to his knowledge men
in America, possessed of large estates, and immense stocks of
grain and cattle, were actually in rags for want of money to buy
clothes, and because barter was impossible.
" Now, if such a Company were immediately formed, with
agents, or perhaps a corresponding Company in America, for
the purpose of barter, and if all the members of the Anti-
Corn-law League, manufacturers and work people, were to
pledge themselves to use no other grain but such as the Com-
pany might import, I am persuaded that, in a few months, all
our starving people would be well fed, and the unemployed
operatives and machinery would be in full activity. The Com-
pany would pay the 20s. duty for British grain; would soon be
low enough to raise the duty to the highest point) and still be
able to provide the best foreign flour at 2s. 6d. per stone;
while, at the same time, British flour might be reduced to, say
20d. per stone, which, if the corn trade were conducted as at
present, by speculators under the sliding scale, would cost the
community at least an average price of 3s. 4d. per stone.
Thus, even those who should wisely pledge themselves to con-
sume no British flour, however cheap, would save 104. per stone,
and likewise obtain full employment, while those who were not
so pledged would pay Is. 8(1. per stone less for the flour. All
this reduction in the cost of provisions (for it would soon em-
brace all provisions) would be expended on clothing, &c., and,
restore our languishing home trade. So that the benefit of
such a measure would be great, and immediate, and general ;
while it would greatly subdue the ruinous and destructive
policy of the monopolists.
" Some place their hope of rediess only upon agitation, as if
agitation were an ultimate power, and seem to take some sort
of pleasure in the existence of distress, upon which agitation
lives. Those inconsiderate persons might on such ground ob-
ject to this measure, but the very fact of the existence of such
an Association, and in the ease of those who may be prevailed
on to enter it ; the sacrifice it would appear to require wou'd
always keep them alive to their grievance, and would admit of
the grateful agitation conducted by the Anti Corn-law League,
until yerfect and unrestricted freedom of trade be established by
the laws of Britain. Then would wealth flow in channels
which have been hitherto empty and dry ; and the diffusion of
wealth thus produced would directly and certainly lead to a
more equal distribution of political power.
On" On this account the Universal Suffrage party should art,
first for the repeal of the restrictivelaws, and then their ulti-
mate object might be accomplished without the horrors of a
revolution. It is extremely doubtful whether even the best
organised revolutionary efforts could effect in Britain so exten-
sive a change in the political system as they demand.
" I implore the Anti-Corn-law League to give my proposi-
tion their calm and serious consideration. Whether it is not
the best ultimate measure that could be adopted, and in what
way it could best be carried info effect. I am aware these are
great difficulties in the formation and success of the scheme ;
but perhaps every other scheme will be found to be beset with
greater difficulties, and to be less certain of success.
" The League may depend upon it that the present domi-
nant party in the State will cling to power, and refuse exten-
sion of the Suffrage, only that. they may be able to maintain
the monopolies in which they are directly interested ; much.
less will they give up the monopolies for which they hold
power, until they exhaust all the moral and all the physical
force, which their present position places at their command.
am, dear Sir, your obedient servant,
" ISA AC HOLDING.
"P. S. A letter from me on the above subject. headed
Suggestions for the Consideration of the Anti-Corn-law
League,' was inserted in The Sun, of 3d March last.—l. H."
A DELEGATE (Camberwell) said he had heard the re—
marks just read with much pleasure, hut it would take up a
considerable time in bringing into a working slate. He was
sorry to hear that they were near the close of the Conference,
as far as the metropolis was concerned, and he should make a
proposition sin the subject to the Committee. There was
nothing like the present body sitting in London, mild he wished
to make some some provision for continuing the work after-
the Conference should break up. lie should propose that a
society be formed in London, to be called the National
Society, to do every thing it could for the good of the country
and to be permanent in its sittings.
The CHAIRMAN (lid not think this was a proposition that
could be made to the present meeting, but if he would take it
on himself to work it out, they would lend it every assistance
in their power.
Mr. BRIGHT then addressed the meeting. Be said he fe?t
called on to make a few observations on the state in which they
found themselves. Some persons appeared inclined to ask
what the Conference had done during its session. One thing
it had done most decidedly—it had put the Government and
the Monopolists more clearly in the wrong than they were be-
fore the Conference assembled. He had formed pail of seve-
ral deputations to the Executive Government, and for himself,.
had they not brought it on themselves he should feel com-
miseration for every man in the position of a statesman,
who, before any number of his fellow-countrymen, was forced
to argue in the same manner, and support the same cause as
they had done at the meetings with the deputations, As for Sir
R. Peel, 'they believed he held precisely the same opinions as
the deputation; it was impossible for any man with his know-
ledge of the state of the country, of business matters, and the
principles of political economy, not to be acquainted with the
real opera( ion of the Corn-laws ; he must find his position ex-
tremely difficult with regard to his argument. It was not to be
wondered at that he stated in the House of Commons his dis-
satisfaction with the general impression conveyed by the reports
of those interviews, though lie could not point to any one fact
actually misrepresented. The general impression they con-
veyed was certainly that the Ministers had cut a
ea-es unfavourable figure. Sir James Graham said
something of the same kind, but the only fact that had come
out was, that he himself was guilty of the only mis-statement
then made. When he said that Mr. Fielden had stated the
amount of labour thrown out of employ by machinery to be 35
per cent., during the last three or four years, the Deputation,
whether Mr. Fielden said so or not, did not believe it.
With respect to the Press, some portion of the London papers,
had done immense service to the cause, and be trusted, before
the Conference separated, they would mark their grateful sense
of that service. There was one journal, however, the Times,
which, though favourable to the repeal of the Corn-laws, had
omitted doing that good to the cause which its influence enabled
it to do. He could not sit down without adverting to the infa-
tuation of some manufacturers, who, though from the depressed
state of commerce they were going fast to the Gazette, still.
sent communications to the Government, stating that the
present distress arose from a temporary stagnation .in trade.-
hich would be remedied by a good harvest ; and this they dud
merely because the party to which they bclonised advocated the
commercial policy which was proving so ruinous to their in-
terests. After a few further observations, Mr. Bright read
the following address;—
"TILE CONFERENCE OF THE NATIONAL. ANTI-CORN-LAW
LEAGUE TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.

" We are about to separate; "e would address you upon the
position of our cause. In February last, we assembled in this
metropolis, to urge upon the Government and the Legislature
the necessity of repealing the Cern-law. The band of mono-
polists who have usurped the Legislative power, disregarded our
remonstrances, and laughed at our warniuga. They triumphed
for a brief season, and again sanctioned the miseries of famin
by statute. We were baffled for a moment, but were tot
east down. From that time the prospects of our country have
become mere gloomy—commerce and manufactures have
declined—wages have fallen—food has continued scarce and
, dear, and agricultural and manufacturing operatives have felt
the hand of affliction heavier and heavier.
" Again we have assembled—again we have proclaimed
from the heart of the empire the impolicy and the wickedness
of the Corn-law. We have sought and obtained interviews
with the Members of the Executive Government. and have
addressed them with a freedom which the consciousness that
we were the expression of the public voice nn a question which
affects the safety of our country authorised and enabled us to.
do. We have forced upon the attention of Parliament, by re-
peated discussions, the unwelcome subject of the national dis-
tress and its remedy. We have sent, through the public Press,
to the remotest corners of the country, facts and arguments
which will become the seed of the great principle of industrial
freedom.
"We know that our labours have not been in vain. Public
sentiment is running strongly, irresistibly in our favour—the
the Premier injustice they vote for cannot be.. defended;
monopolists in Parliament are mute, conscious that the foul
him-
self having completed the demolition of the fallacies upon'
which they have been accustomed to rely. The time for argu-
ment is past; our opponents seek safety in a morose and obsti-
nate silence. The question is now narrowed to one of might
against right. We have fought the good fight thus far, and we
shall fight it out. The hope which animated us four years ago,
is still present with us. It burns brighter— itpoints to an early
victory.
But the present is a time of awful importance. We lower
that the springs of national wealth and power are rapidly drying:
the existence up, and that the disease which isnow preying upon the resources
nenc
of of t thhee
country peril
i which
of our country may soon get beyond the reach of remedy. We
swouldurreu
undo t conceales ;
they m
from
emenace
the i
mrn y e
pray they may be averted. We would say to you, look to your
representatives ; the majority of them have 'basely sold you.
Give them no rest. 'When they visit your boronghs and coun-
ties, tell them the law .made-famine must be put an end to, that
Let the millions must be fed. deputationswait
upour
them, that they may know
to be trampled in the dust for ever. To the constituencies
who have presented such men to Parliament, we would say,,,
' Make instant 'atonenient for your error, by urging upon your
Members the difficulties which surround you. Tell them, the
people must live even though party perish.'
" Fellow-Countrymen,— gn are not responsible for the evils
of the
present, nor for the calamities which may be in store.
We have warned the Government; we have instructed the
people ; we depend upon your intelligence, and upon the fears,
of the Monopolists. We know how dangerous is the crisis
through which we are passing, and we cannot conceal from
ourselves and from you, that there are breakers e--head, and