The Sun.
London, England, 1829-12-28 00:00:00

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.

PORTSMOUTH, DEC. ;?6.--Ilig Majesty's sloop
Espiegle, 18, 'Comteander R. Elliott, arrived on
Wednesday at Plymouth, with 500,000 dollars on
board, having left Cuba on the 16th ult. The
Arachne sailed thence a few days before her for
Jamaica. Captain Joseph O'Brien and Lieut.
Hermah,, with several other officers, have come
home in the Espiegle.
His Majesty's ship Ariadne, 28, Captain F.
Nlarriatt, C. 8., arrived on Monday at Plymouth,
fr)m the Western Islands, with loss of anchors;
,he left Madeira on the .sth instant. The Sparrow
hawk and Onyx arrived at Madeira on the 12th,
'the Herald the 25th, and the Cygnet on the 29th
November. The Undaunted the Ist December.
The Onyx sailed on the 25th, the Cygnet on the
30th November, and the Undaunted on the 3d
December.
The Henry Porcher transport, Lieutenant C.
Binstead, Agent, arrived at Gibraltar on the Ist of

December, after a very tempestuous voyage, from
Cork, with the head-quarters of the 531 regiment
on board. The Lord Suffield and Stentor trans-
ports, with the remainder of the same regimen',
had arrived at Gibraltar on the 25th November.
These three ships were to sail from thence in a few
days, with the 731 regiment on board, for Malta.
The Volage, 28, Captain Right Hon. Lord Col-
chester, went out of harbour on Monday, and sailed
to-day for South America.
The Alacrity, 10, Commander Nia*, came into
harbour on Wednesday, to be paid off.

The Galatea, 42, Captain Charles Napier, C. 13.,
came into ha►bour on Thursday, to complete repairs.
The Echo steam-vessel arrived on Sunday from
Plymouth.

APPOINTMENTS.—Commander Watling to the
Hyperion, vice Hood; Lieutenant B. R. Owen, to
the Sussex Coast Blockade; Lieutenant J. H. Tur-
ner, to the Galatea.
Arrived on Tuesday the West Indian, Cook, from
London, bound to Antigua, and sailed for her des-
tination on Wednesday. Arrived on Wednesday
the Robert Edwards, Sherborne, Yew York Line
of Packet ship, and sailed the next day; and the
John Echlin, Thompson, from Jamaica, last from
Kinsale, for Hamburg; she will come into harbour

to-morrow to winter. On the 20th instant she
spoke the Weser, of and for Bremen, from Balti-
more, in lat. 49. 29. N. long. 19. 33. W. To-day
arrived the Thames, Stoddart, and the Ottawa,
Douglas, from Quebec, both for London, having
been blown out of the Downs, with the loss of
anchor and cable; the Nautilus, Dunsford, from
Smyrna, for London ; and the Daphne, Spragg, 20
days from Lisbon, for London.

Lille on Thursday afternoon the gig of his Ma-
jesty's ship Volage was proceeding from the Dock-
yard to Spithead, and when at a little distance from
the King's Stairs, hoisted her sail ; at that instant
a sudden gust of wind sprung up, which turned the
boat bottom upwards. The Master, Midshipman,
and the boat's crew were rescued from their perilous
situation by the exertions of First Lieutenant Searle,
of the Royal Marines, of his Majesty's ship Ganges,
who happened at the moment to be at the King's
Stairs, and saw the accident. Boats and people
belonging to the yard were quickly despatched, and
the officers and crew of the gig were picked up and
taken on board the Ganges.—Hampshire Telegraph.
DETONPORT, DEC. 26.—Lieut. James Howard
Turner has been appointed by the Admiralty to act
as Lieutenant on board the Galatea, in the absence
of Lieut. Shortland, of that ship, left out in the
West Indies, on board th• Araehne.

The Bramble cutter, 10, Lieutenant Haswell,
sailed to the Westward, on Wednesday.
His Majesty's ship Sapphire, 28, Captain
Dundas, is expected from South America with
specie and bullion.
His Majesty's ship Sphynx, arrived at Rio de
Janeiro, from Falmouth, the sth of October. The
Tweed sailed from the Cape of Good Hope, for the
Mauritius, the 13th September; and Zebra, for
India, 22d September. The Blonde arrived at
Odessi November 17th, and sailed for Constan-
tinople the 18th. The Athol has arrived at Sierra
Leone from Portsmouth. The Madagascar, from
Egina, arrived at Malta the 14th of October; the
Melville, from Portsmouth, 20th ; Britannia,
this port the 21st ; the Cordelia, from Marseilles,
Nor. 2,1; Erebus, from Tenedos, 3d ; and Renard,
from Falmouth, 9th ditto.

Remain in Hamoazr—St. Vincent, Kent, Druid,
Ariadne, Hyacinth, Vigilant, Leveret, Royalist,
Rayon, Starling, Meteor steamer.
In Barnpool—Britomart.
Sound—Espiegle.
First Lieutenant A. Hendry, of the Portsmouth
division of Royal Marines, has been removed to
Woolwich to fill the vacancy occasioned by the
death of J. Williams Meheux, who died on the 12th
of September, at Fernando Po. Second Lieute-
nant Charles Cartwright Williamson, of the Ply-
mouth division of Royal Marines, has been pro-
moted to the rank of First Lieutenant, and appointed
to the Portsmouth division, vice Hendry, removed.
His Majesty's sloop Pylades, 19, Commander P.
D. H. Hay sailed on Tuesday morning to return to
the Irish station. The Vigilant ketch, 10, Lieut.
R. Loney, caine in front Lisbon, during Friday
night, having landed a mai from thence at Falmouth
early in the day, and having sailed from the Tagus
on the 6th inst.—Devonport Telegraph.

Despatches front Sir CHARLES BAGOT, our
Ambassador at the Hague, for the Earl of ABERDEEN,
were received at the Foreign-office on Saturday morning.
The French Ambassador, the Prussian Mini.
ster, and the Right Hon. Sir STRATFORD CANNING, had
interviews with the Earl of ABERDEEN on Saturday at
the Foreign Office.

The forthcoming Life of Sir THOMAS
MUNRO, from the pen of the Rev. Mr. Gime), will con-
tain, we are informed, a greater share of interesting
and important matter than almost any biographical
performance of modern times. Sir THOMAS MUNRO
entered the military service of the East India Company in
1779, took part in the campaigns against HYDER, under
Sir HECTOR. MUNRO and Sir EYRE COOTE, served in
both the wars against Tirroo SULTAN, and witnessed the
fall of Seringapatam. His great intelligence and intimate
acquaintance with the native languages and customs
caused him to be employed in the civil department ; in
which c (parity he superintended the affairs of the Bahra-
mal, Canara, and the ceded District,. Whilst thus occu-
pied he kept up a coufidential correspondence with almost
every distinguished man in India, many of whose lettere
are introduced into the Memoir ; more particularly those
of the Duke of WELLINGTON, descriptive of his Grace',
operations against Dhoondee and at Assaye. After a brief
viit to England, Sir THOMAS returned to India as head
of the judicial commission in 1814, and laid aside his civil
labours that he might conduct one of the most brilliant
campaigns in the last Mahratta war. Finally, he filled
the station of Governor of Madras, during the Burmese
contest, upon the mode of conducting which his Corres-
pondence with Lord Manama throws much new light.
The late Rev. JOHN LITTON CROSBIE, who
we are informed was a native of Dublin, received ordina-
tion in Ireland about the year 1821. His career commenced
with an ushership in the school of Sligo, which he held for
upwards of two years. He then obtained a clerical pro-
vision at Dromore, in Ulster, and subsequently removed
to Dublin, where he accepted the curacy of Swords, a
village about six miles distant. This preferment, however,
he did not long retain, in consequence of a disagreement
with the Archbishop. The reverend gentleman afterwards
came to try his fortune in London, fortified with letters
of recommendation from his patron, Sir React/our LESS,
and other influential worthies of the purple and orange-
factions. His success here coasistedof a preliminary rea-
dership in the metropolis, a marriage with a handsome
(lower, a rectory at Sydenham, and a supplemental chap
laincy in the household of his Royal Highness of CUM-
BERLAND. Mr. CROSEIE was known in Ireland only a•
a protege of the aforesaid illustrious Sir HARCOURT, and a
somewhat intemperate partisan of the venerable Dublin
corporation.—From a torrespondoit.—We learn, how-
ever, from another correspondent, that Mr. CROSBIE t 5
still living, but that the Duke of CUMBERLAND has strucl,
him off his list of chaplains ever since the publication m
the letter.

COMMISSION OF LUVACY.

(Concluded from our Paper 4.f ti.t4sr4ay.)

Charles Herrington, exami,iod by Mr. SHORT
I am clerk and shopman in Mr. Davies's establish-
ment. I went in February, 1828, and left in No-
vember, but I returned again, and am there still. I
recollect going with Mr. Davies to a tea sale. He
came into the shop in a hurried manner, and told
me to take my hat arid go with him to the sale.—
This was in June, 1828. He said that there were
some particularly fine teas to be sold at that sale,
and that he would have them, cost what they would.
He said that by so doing he should offend some
parties there—meaning the tea-brokers. He said
he had no doubt lie should be grossly insulted by
them. He desired me to be particular, and take
notice of the insults, and by whom they were given.
I accompanied him to the sale. Mr. Gibbs was em-
ployed by Mr. Davies to bid. On Mr. Gibbs's bid-
ding, a general buzz took place, arid there was a
cry of " Shame, shame." Mr. Gibbs held out
some papers, and said " Here are my instructions,
I must abide by them, I cannot help it." I knew
that Mr. Gibbs was then purchasing for Mr. Davies.
I returned to Mr. Davies's service the 25th of July
of the present year. I am there now. In 1828
Mr. Davies was particularly nervous, and very shy.
He was a very dutiful son, and particularly submis-
sive to his mother. She treated him civilly. She
controulled him in the management of the business,
in every manner of arrangement. Mr. Davies drew
up rules respecting theyoung men. They were put
up in the shop. Mrs. Bywater would not allow
them to be followed. The rules related to the times
at which the young men should go to dress; This
was in November, 1828. I saw Mrs. Bywater take
the rules down. I observed that Mr. Davies endea-
voured to become more master of his business. Mrs.
Bywater opposed him. Mr. Davies used to make
jokes. He was very polite. When he engagelme
he behaved to me as though I were the superior,
and he the inferior. He was over polite.
Cross-examined by Sir C. WETHERELL—I did
not hear Mrs. Bywater say that it was impossible
that such minute rules could be acted on. They
could have been acted on. I think Mr. Davies's
rules were good.
The Foreman of the Jury now rose, and address-
ing the Commissioners said, that he and his brother
jurymen having paid the greatest attention to the
case from the commencement up to that moment,
considered themselves perfectly masters of it. Their
minds were made up as to the verdict which they
would return, and they desired to spare the Court
the trouble of summing up.
Sir C. WETHERELL claimed his right of reply be-
fore the Jiffy delivered their verdict.
Mr. PIIILLAMORE said, that both Sir C. Wethe-
rell mid Mr. Adolphus had a right to address the
Jury.

Mr. ADOLPIIUS, after the intimation given by the
Jury, should consider himself wanting in respect to
them if he trespassed on their a•tention.
Mr. Pollard was then called to contradict part of
the evidence of Dr. Mackinnon. He deposed, that
on one occasion, when Dr. Mackinnon called at the
" Retreat," Mr. Davies refused to see him. The
refusal being conveyed to Dr. Mackinnon, he said,
" I do not care whether he does or not, for he is a
perfect madman."

Cross-examined by Mr. ADoLPltus—He could
not tell how long it was since this happened. He
thought it was upon Dr. Maekinnon's third or
fourth visit to the " Retreat." Ile did not, how-
ever, recollect the period. Could not tell whether
it was during the warm weather or since the frost
had set in. His wife wa3 by when Dr. Mackinnon
made the observation. He had conversed with Mr.
Davies within the last 24 hours. He did not tell
him that, let the inquiry end how it might, he
would be a ruined man, and that his mother would
set tip in business against him ; but he did tell him
that his mother said the business was her's, or that
she had a partnership in it. That was not his mode
of soothing a patient. He believed Mr. Davies
gave him credit for acting with humanity.--(A
laugh.)—He had conversed with Mr. Davies be-
cause he was desirous of acquitting his conscience.
—(Laughter.)
Sir C. WETHERELL then proceeded to address
the Jury. Though it was (he said) impossible
for him to misunderstand the communication made
by the Jury, which conveyed to his mind the know-
ledge that they had come to a conclusion the oppo-
site to that which he had been endeavouring in the
course of the inquiry to conduct them, he felt it
would be a dereliction of duty to his client, and a
want of respect even to himself, if he did not make
one more effort to induce the Jury to take the same
view of the question which presented itself to his
understanding. Notwithstanding the intimation of
the Jnry, he still maintained the proposition with
which he set out in all its force,—namely, that Mr.
Davies had been of unsound mind since the com-
mencement of June up to the present moment._
The Learned Counsel then proceeded to advert to
the circumstances which, he contended, supported
that proposition. He considered the purchase of
the house at Crouch-hill, with all its concurring in-
gredients, to be an incipient dereliction of reason
and judgment. And then his conduct in advancing
the biddings at the tea-sales, with the notion of be-
nefitting the revenue, was a clear indication of an
aberration of intellect. His ingenious friend (Mr.
Brougham) had attempted to liken the conduct of
Mr. Davies in this particular to that of the Marquis
of Camden, who had thrown into the public treasury
the profits of a sinecure office which he held. The
Learned Gentleman then divaricated into a history
of the Marquis Camden's office, after which he
stated, that at the time the Noble Marquis first
abandoned its profits, it was in contemplation of the
Government to reduce them, and therefore it might
be supposed that his voluntary relinquishment of
them was in some degree induced by the desire to
avoid the legislative compulsion of parliamentary in-
terference. He then alluded to Mr. Davies's al-
leged communications to Mrs. Brooksbank of super-
natural visitfngs, and of his belief that he would
make a figure in Parliament, be consulted by the
Duke of Wellington on finance, and be noticed at
Court. If those statements were true, no man do-
miciled in a receptacle for lunatics had ever be-
trayed more large, complete, and demonstrative
evidence of insanity. Again—his groundless com-
plaints against his mother were another decided
proof of madness. Mr. Davies was constantly la-
bouring under the delusion that every person who
came near him intended to insult him. He would
dwell no longer on the supposed municipal insults
within the bills of mortality, but proceed to notice
the extra-municipal disturbance of mind in the coun-
try. It appeared that on one occasion, whilst re-
siding in the country, he convened a heavy-heeled
plumber from his manipulations into his penetralia,
to hear him recite poetry for an hour. Who but a
madman would ever think of reading poetry to a
plumber ? His metaphysical friend (Mr. Brougham)
attempted to get rid of this circumstance, by saying
it was only a bad joke; and Mr. Davies acknow-
ledged that he was in the habit of indulging in bad
jokes. Another delusion on the part of Mr. Davies
was to imagine that whilst riding on horseback he
was pursued by carts, when at the time there was
not the vestige of a cart near him. He begged them
to notice the conduct of Mr. Davies on the day the
cheque was refused at the banker's. He bolted off
hrough Fleet-street and Temple-bar, proceeded
diagonally to Lincoln's-inn-fields, where he dined at
pastry-cook's, on a pennywort h of gingerbread, and
finally domiciled himself in the Furnival's-inn coffee-
house. Here the weak, timid, retiring, frigid Mr.
Davies, suddenly becomes inflamed with the ardour
of love. He must have two women—not
less than two women—to satisfy his amorous
exploits, and, but these two women happened
to be married, they would have fallen simulta-
neous victims to his cupidity and power. Mr. Da-
vies not only fancied himself a Pitt in finance, a Fox
in eloquence, a Byron in poetry, but also an Apollo
in beauty. He imagined that the ladies in Kensing-
ton-gardens admired him. Men of talent often in-

dniged their au(lienees with paradoxes. Of this na-
ore was M'. 8i,•u2,-ham's argument, that the evi-
dence of the gentlem-ii whom he designated mad
doctors was to be disregarded, because they had de-
voted their attention exclusively to the consideration
of insane cases. In this manner had Mr. Brougham
black-balled and cashiered all the medical witnesses.
Indeed, his Learned Friend had treated the mad
doctors very disrespectfully, representing them as a
set of poachers, who were constantly setting springs
to catch his Majesty's subjects. How came it that
the Chancellor directed mad doctors to report on
these cases ? Lord Eldon, for 25 years, always sent
such cases to mad dcctors, in preference to general
practitioners. The verdict of the Jury would ❑ot
have the effect of locking up Mr. Davies in Dr.
Burrow's mad-house, as had been pretended. Every
shilling of his income would be spent in his support,
and the mother could have no pecuniary advantage
in establishing her case; all the unworthy motives
attributed to her were mere calumnies. If Mr•. Da-
vies were acquitted by the Jury, and were to take
the life of his mother, or any other person, could the
Jury find him guilty on the ground of his having a
sound exercise of his understanding ? If not, then
the Jury in the present case were bound to-declare
him of unsound mind.

The Jury then retired, and in about a quarter of
an hour returned and delivered the following ver-
dict :—" The Jury is unanimously of opinion that
Edward Davies is now of sound mind, and capable
of managing himself and his affairs."

A loud and general expression of applause burst
from the auditory upon the announcement of the
verdict. One young man, who joined in this inde-
corum, was brought before the Commissioners, and
reprimanded.

The CHIEF COMMIsSIONER then put the question
again to the Jury on a show of hands, when the
unanimity of the verdict was exhibited.
The following witnesses were, we understand, to
have been examined, to prove the sanity of Mr. Da-
vies, had not the Jury stopped the case :—Dr.
Spurgin, Dr. Gooch, Dr. Arnot, Dr. ]iirkbeck,
Dr. Clutterbuck, Dr. Campbell, Dr. Ramadge, Dr.
Stewart, Dr. Allen, Mr. Pearson, Mr. White, Mr.
King, Mr. Complin, Mr. Clifton, Mr. Bowie, Mr.
Jones, and Mr. Winslow.

It is stated that the expence of conducting the in-
quiry into Mr. Davies's state of mind will be about
5,0001. The fees to Counsel amount to a very con-
siderable sum. When the first application was
made to the Lord Chancellor at Brighton, five or
six Counsel were taken down at a very heavy ex-
pence ; and those gentlemen have, in addition to
their briefs, received large sums for various con-
sultations and deliberations. The fees given to Sir
Charles Wetherell to attend the inquiry, were, we
understand, 200 guineas the first day, and 20 gui-
neas for every succeeding day. The fees to the
Counsel's clerk on such occasions is Is. in the
pound ; so that Sir Charles and his clerk have re-
ceived, during the 11 days that the inquiry has oc-
cupied, about 420 guineas. Mr. Wright, Sir
Charles's junior, received, we are told, 100 guineas
with his brief, and ten guineas for his attendance on
each of the last ten days. The three Commissioners
have received five guineas per day; and the Jury,
17 in number, have received one guinea per day ;
the summoning officer also received the same. The
charge for the accommodation at the coffee-house is
about five guineas per day. In support of the com-
mission thirty witnesses were examined, each of
whom received one guinea with the copy of the sub-
poena; 14 of these were medical men of the first emi-
nence,and they will, of course, be adequately remune-
aerated for the 11 days they were in attendance, in ad-
dition to their tavern expeuces. Mr. Brougham's
fee, it is stated, was 300 guineas, and 30 guineas
for each day's attendance after the first. Mr. Bro-
derick, Mr. Adolphus, and Mr. Short were paid
smaller sums. Since the commencement of the
inquiry, Mr. Gurney has been employed by both
parties to take short-hand notes of the proceedings;
and the same gentleman was also conveyed to
Brighton, and wos likewise engaged when the mat-
ter was in the Court of Chancery. His bill, it is
calculated, will exceed 500/.—Observer.

HUNTING INTELLIGENCE.

ATPOINTMENTS FOR TIM ENSUING WERIC.

His Majesty's Stag-hounds, on Monday, at Maidenhead
Thicket; and Friday, at Slough—at Half-past Ten.
Lord Kintores Hounds, on Tuesday, at Nuneharo ;
Thursday, at Wytham ; and Saturday, at Tar Wood.
Mr. Meynell's Hounds, on Monday, at Hoarcross ;
Thursday, at Sudbury; and Saturday, at Blythbury—at
Half-past Ten.

Badaworth Fox Hounds, on Tuesday, at Kings-
ton; Thursday, at Stapleton Park ; and Saturday, at Bol-
too-bridge--at Half-past Ten.

The Kempstone Hounds, on Monday, at Wicken Castle-
acre ; Wednesday, at Mileham ; and Friday, at West Lex-
bam—at Eleven.

Mr. O'Kelly's Hounds, on Monday, at the Kennel,
Tuesday, at Knowle ; and Thursday, at Bryanston—At
Half-past Eleven.
The Brookside Harriers, on Mond ty, at Newmarket-
Hill ; Wednesday, at Asheombe, the alternate 'Wednesday
at the Kennel ; and Friday, at Telscomhe Tye—at Half-
past 'fen. _ _

Mr. B. K. Sampson's Hounds, on Monday, at West.
dean ; Thursday, at Bourne ; and Saturday, at Mr. Ade's,
Dutties--at Ten.

The Brighton Harriers on Monday, at Patcham ; Wed-
nesday, at the Race Course ; and Friday, at the Dyke—at
Half-past Ten.

The East Kent Hounds, on Monday, at Paddlesworth ;
Wednesday, at Deane-park ; and Friday, at Ashley—at
Ten.

The Conock Harriers, on 'Alonday, at Ell Barrow ; and
Friday, at Haskings's Penning—at Eleven.
The Craven Hounds, on Monday, at Foxfield-gate ;
Wednesday, at Sandleford-house ; Friday, at Catmore ;
and Saturday, at Anvil Farm—at Half-past Ten.
Sir Richard Sutton's Hounds, on Monday, at Kettle-
thorpe ; Thursday, at Brauston Wood ; and Saturday, at
Skellingthorpe—at Eleven.

Lord Yarborough'a Hounds, on Monday, at Rai-
Cress-roads ; Wednesday, at Burnham ; Friday, at Cux-
wold ; and Saturday, at Hendale Lodge—at Eleven.
The Worcestershire Fox Hounds, on Tuesday, at Stan-
ford-court; and Friday, at Stone Bow-turnpike—at Half-
past Ten.

Ile Shropshire Fox Hounds, on Monday, at Cruck-
ton•hall ; Wednesday, at Ralston; and Saturday, at Acton
Burnell—at Half-past Ten.

The Cheshire Hounds, en Monday, at Peover ; Wed-
need ay, at Appleton-hall ; Thursday, at Barrington Heath;
and Saturday, at Mere—at Half-past Ten.
Mr. Jolliffe's Hounds, on Monday, at Chipstead Chuich;
Wenesday, at Horse-hills ; Thursday, at Chalelron ; and
Saturday; at Reigate-hill—at Eleven.
The Montgomeryshire Fox Hounds, on Tuesday, at
Melford Village; and Friday, at Brynderwen-bridges--
at Ten.
The Surrey Fox Hounds, on Monday, at the Half Moon,
Codstone-toed; Thursday, at the Cricketers, Addington;
and Saturday, at Worms Heath--at Half-past Ten.
The East Sussex Fox Hounds, on Wednesday, at the
Rocks; Thursday, at Framfield ; and Saturday, at Dit-
ching-hill—at a Quarter to Eleven.
_ _

Mr. Berkeley's Hounds, an Tuesday, at Claphlm Turn-
pike ; Thursday, at Sharnbrook ; and Saturday, at Clifton
Spinneys—at Half-past Ten.
The Hambledon Hounds, on Wednesday, at Basing-
park; and Friday, at Botley-gate—at Half-past 'fen.
Lord Anson's Hounds, on Monday, at Shuekburgb-bill ;
Wednesday, at Dunehureh Kennel ; Thursday, at Deep-
dale; and Saturday, at Frampton Wood—at Eleven.

NATIONAL REWARD.---The friends of Mr.
LAWLESS in this country have at length came forward
with a feeling in favour of that gent'etnan's claims on na-
tional gratitude, which confers great honour on their pub-
lic spirit. At the head of the requisition, now signing,
to call a public meeting in this city, to take into c nsidera-
tion the claims of Mr. LAWLESS, for his long, zealous,
and uncompromising labours in the defence of the freedom
of his countrymen, stand the respected names of many of
the nobility and gentry, both Protestant and Catholics,
united in this honourable work ; and we lave little doubt
there will be in the instance of Mr. LAWLESS, both in
England and in this country, as fine a manifestation of
liberal and generous sentiment as has yet been witnessed.
—Dublin Freeman's Journal.

FREE TRADE SYSTEM.

(From the Times.

The relaxation of that system of prohibitory
(lilies upon the import of foreign goods, to
which many of the best informed men in the
kingdom, supported by the whole mass of igno-
rance and prejudice, had for years attributed the
vast extension of its trade, was not the exclusive
work of Mr. Huskisson, nor had that gentlensau
even the principal hand in preparing it. We be-
lieve that proofs might be drawn from Mr. Pitt's
papers, and indeed from the evidence of persons
still living, to satisfy a dispassionate mind
that an increased freedom of commerce
was contemplated, as seriously as ever Ca-
tholic emancipation was contemplated, by
that great idol of the present race of mono-
polists and religious persecutors. But the
breaking up of the peace of Europe, which over-
whelmed even in their early infancy the financial
prospects which Mr. Pitt unfolded to Parliament
in February, 1792, proved equally fatal to
schemes of an improved mercantile policy, no
less illustrative of that statesman's contempt for
a penal code in commerce. Lord Liverpool
and Lord (then Mr.) Wallace declared their
distrust of the restrictive system. and their readi-
ness for a revisal of it, before Mr. Huskisson had
proposed any one of that series of commercial
measures which have been appended—as a dis-
tinction by one party, by the other a reproach—
to his name. Nor is the error of those who
make Mr. Huskisson alone responsible for what
has been called " the revolution" in the commer-
cial code of England, more than that of the ma-
nufacturing interest of this country, who, by a
strange perversion of language, have applied the
epithet of the " free trade" system to such al-
terations in the former law as the last seven
years have produced. The only " free " trade
which Parliament has yet permitted, or which
Mr. Huskisson has ventured to recommend, is
in the single case of merchant vessels; and there
it is a provisional and bargained equality, rather
than what can be termed freedom. Fo-
reign merchantmen are received in British ports
on the same footing on which foreign Govern-
ments admit British vessels to their harbours.
Even in that case the free principle is but im-
perfectly established, inasmuch as, when the Mi-
nister was defending himself against the charges
of the British ship-owners, he never attempted
to take the high ground, and justify his recipro-
city measure because it upheld the principles of
commercial freedom, but merely because it was
such a modification of free trade as would be
found in practice advantageous to the shipping
interest. So has it been throughout all the
measures of Mr. Huskisson ; it is a libel
to designate them as in any degree an esta-
blishment of the system of " free " trade.
They are, in fact, nothing more than substi-
tutes for prohibition, assuming the form of pro-
tection, leaving a free entrance to such commo-
dities, and such only, as either supply the Bri-
tish manufacturer with raw materials on which
to work, or as cannot show their face in compe-
tition with any similar produce of British indus-
try. The moment that but a chance appears of
a foreign manufacture being capable of rivalry
with a domestic one of the same nature, a duty
is imposed of just such amount as, when added
to the price of the foreign article, effectually
beats down the competition. Our memorable
silk duties were calculated on this scale. The
raw material, indeed, was released from the for-
mer preposterous imposts, and the chief wisdom
of the measure was confined to that single
change ; but the duty, on importing the manu-
factured article, was made high enough to ex-
clude it from the English market, even more rigo-
rously than the former prohibition (counteracted
by the smuggler) had done. It results that the
characteristic of Mr. Huskisson's policy, so
loudly vaunted and abused, was to recognise ex-
' actly so much commercial freedom and no more,
as would be consistent with the absolute ascen-
dancy of British goods in the markets of Great
Britain over every foreign manufacture. The
old monopolists are not content with this. They
cry that we are ruined, by a relaxation of the
restrictive theory, which works no real diminu-
tion of manufacturing monopoly. But it effects
one point undoubtedly, which a thorough-paced
monopolist cannot well forgive. It keeps the
fear of competition alive in the breasts of Bri-
tish manufacturers, and compels them to do
some better justice to their customers than had
been practised by them under the prohibitory
system ; for if they much degrade the existing
quality of their goods, the foreigner stands ready
to supplant them, and that is something gained.
The cry for a return to the old monopolizing
policy has been answered a thousand times by
referring to the history of our commerce. It has
been ascertained that the shipping trade and the
silk trade have been rescued from imminent
dangers, and have experienced a large access of
prosperity, by the change from absolute prohi-
bition to reciprocity in one case, and in the
other to protection. Still, however, the cla-
mourers for a return to monopoly bolstered up
by prohibitions, are not wholly silenced. They
consist of a more diversified, though less nume-
rous body of murmurers than at the outset. At
first a majority of the commercial world were
parties to these complaints, but the higher and
more respectable class of merchants and manu-
facturers have been gradually won over to the
amended policy, by the fair experience of its
cosequences, negative as well as positive; while
the only advocates of error who still remain, are
either men of business, whose desperate fortunes
make them anxious for some pretext in an altera-
tion of this law, to which they may assign the ruin
entailed upon them by perhaps less creditable
causes ; or low partisans of faction, reckless of
what weapon they have recourse to for the em-
barrassment and annoyance of those who exer-
cise the authority of the Government. The
factious newspapers, who keep up at this late
hour a shrill and feeble cry against Catholic
emancipation, are now the only public organs of
invective against a relaxation of the commercial
code. Not content with misrepresenting the
state of England, and raising false comparisons
between what it is and has been, they bid us
look at other countries and imitate " their wis-
dom," in encouraging their own manufactures,
and excluding rigorously those of foreign na-
tions. They will not listen to us when we insist
that the wi,dom of the French and American
tariffs is but the folly which Great Britain has
renounced ; that America is on the point of re-
pealing or greatly mitigating the restraints on
importation imposed by her tariff; and that the
French people will soon compel their Govern-
ment to act in a corresponding spirit of revision.
We would, therefore, as a final remedy, advise
these English malcontents to turn over that ar-
ticle of time last Edinburgh Review, which pre-
sents the public with the returns of the state of

French commerce, officially collected by a formal
commission, and founded on evidence of the
,nost unquestionable truth. The result of an
inquiry into what has been the effect of mono-
poly upon the industry of France must surely
he decisive in the judgment of those who set up
France for an example to Great Britain. The
French commercial system has, since the resto-
ration of the Bourbons, been one of prohibition
and monopoly; and what the consequence has
been upon the productions of French industry,
it is fit that the declaimers against free traL,
whether bankrupts in fortune or in faction,
should have the means of meditating. It is
broadly stated, and proved abundantly, in the
well informed article to which we have referred,
that " there is not a single branch of (French )
manufactures or commerce that is, at this
moment, in a flourishing condition. All the
leading products of France are sacrificed to
the mania of forcing manufactures by the un-
natural power of custom-house prohibitions,
and still the very manufactures so fondled are
ricketty, unprofitable, and declining.. Exces-
sive duties have been laid on the import of
foreign iron into France in the years 1814
and 1822. The effect is, that the price of iron
has increased in France to an enormous amount,
the number of furnaces has multiplied in the
same proportion, and, as wood is almost exclu-
sively the fuel employed, the cost of that article
so essential to rich and poor, has been similarly
aggravated ; this again re-acts upon the price
of iron, and, operating as a tax, it cuts down
profits. The very machines necessary for carry-
ing on the French manufactures cost full one
third more than better machinery of the same
kind fabricated in England ; this *gaits adds to
the price of every thing made, and no wonder
that the manufacturers are complaining. The
community is thus taxed near two millions ster-
line per annum, that the iramnasters of France,
for whose benefit it was intended, may he ruined
by the sale of indifferent goods. Foreign sugar
is taxed high in France, and the consequence is
that the consumers pay for beet-root sugar about
four times more than the price at which they
might command the richest produce of the
sugar-cane. Foreign cottons, again, are pro-
tected and encouraged by customs duties to the
heart's content of even the most rigid monopo-
list. What follows, then ? The people of
France pay the French manufacturer about three
times the price of English cotton, just as the
India Company receive from Englishmen double
the fair price of a breakfast of tea. This answered,
as did the iron prohibition, while the monopoly
was young,—while the home demand for cot-
tons exceeded the supply, and new adventurers
were daily invited to the trade by visions of enor-
mous profits. But now that capital and activity
have done their work,—that the supply more
than equals the demand, and an inevitable reac-
tion has been for some time in progress,—the
manufacturers, excluded from every foreign
market by the superior excellence and cheapness
of English cottons, and having already overloaded
that of France, are driven to the last degree of
wretchedness; they are shutting up their fac-
tories every day, and the cotton fabrics them-
selves are rapidly degenerating. With every
help from the forcing pump of prohibtions,
common steam-engine, which in England is set
going and worked at an annual expellee of about
2,0001.,. costs for the same period in a French
establishment very little short of 4,0001. As
rivals to this country, it is truly remarked
by the Reviewer, that Esquimaux cotton-
manufacturers would be as formidable as
those of France while the latter are blessed
with a system of close monopoly. So with the
linen trade. In 1822 foreign linens, which had
been largely imported into France, were pro-
hibited in effect by an exorbitant duty. What
was the consequence ? French linens, which it
was designed to encourage, being dearer than
those of Flanders and Germany, did not suit the
French market, anti their place was supplied by
cottons. France, therefore, has lost the export
of articles to the value of nearly a million and a
half per annum, with which she had formerly
paid for imported linens. She has lost the en-
trepot for foreign linens, and the advantage of
bleaching and dying them. The cotton trade
gained a little at first by the change, but we have
seen its present condition. Thus, then, France,
according to Mr. Sadler, and the wisdom of
our English ancestors, ought to be the most
prosperous of all manufacturing countries ; but
unhappily the thing has taken a perverse bias,
to the credit of the obnoxious free trade prin-
ciple, and to the utter consternation of the manu-
facturers themselves, who are actually crying
out that prohibitions give no protection. France
has kicked out of doors the " sugar of Brazil,
the cottons and hardware of England, the
Swedish iron, the German linens, and the cattle
of Wurtembergh and Switzerland," and has, by
necessary consequence, ruined her own mer-
chants who had lived on the export of wines,
brandies, and silks, every one of which trades is
now in utter hopelessness and destitution. She
ought to know,—what the people of England
are at length convinced of,—that a country can
obtain payment for her exports no otherwise
than by equivalent imports ; and that if she will
not buy, so neither can she sell. If England
were to prohibit French wines, that she might
raise her own claret,—or the raw silk of Tur-
key, Italy, and China, that she might force a do-
mestic breed of hot-house worms,—or the cottons
of America and India, that she might attempt a
crop of native cotton in latitude 52,—she would
expose herself to no more exemplary ridicule
than belongs to the whole French system of pro-
hibitions, and she would offer an apt and by no
means exaggerated illustration of the results of
that edifying policy which, first the great body of
English manufacturers in their [ignorance, next
in their fury the more desperate among them,,,,
and, finally, in their jealous hatred of the King's
Government, the Sadler faction, through pamph-
lets and newspapers, have been yelling for with-
in the last twelve months. It seems odd enough
that the metropolis should be anxious for a
free trade in paper, though in no other article.

To the subject of trade we once more recur ;
but with a heavy heart. Of what is its state in the once
flourishing district round Huddersfield, the late meeting
at that place affords an heart-appalling evidence. But
other districts, we fear, are not far removed from the same
distre►sful situation. In the neighbourhood of Halifax and
Bradford there is lees want of employment, but the woik,
man does not receive an adequate remuneration for hit la.
hour. The blanket districts are, in general, ill a state of
tolerable activity ; and amongst them wages hare been
less diminished than in mast other parts of this manufactur-
ing country. At Leeds, and the surrounding villages,
many are out of employment, though a very considerable
quantity of goods continue to be made. I• the neigh-.
nourhood of Wakefield, many willing to work ca■ find u.
one to furnish them with labour, and aro consequently
suffering great distress. The wool market is, in general,
very far from brisk ; hat for the two or three weeks past,
blanket wools have been emisiderably in tientan At this
season of the year trade is generally dull, but we do not
recollect its ever weal ing au aspect of deeper and more
disheartening gloom than at resew.— Walicylold Jumrael.

srina OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(THE TIMES.)

The public will see, we doubt not, with satis-
faction, that the poor man Davies, who has been
for so many days exposed to the misery of an
investigation as to whether he was or was not a
lunatic, has at length been declared, by a una-
iiimoui verdict of the jury, to be of '4 perfectly
bound mind, and fully capable of managing
himself and his affairs." This is the verdict
which even an early observation of the evidence
for the (persecution we were near saying, but for
the) commission had led us to anticipate. But
who is to pay the expenses of this trial ? Is it
the law of England that any one of us may be
seized by a pair of ruffians, under the warrant of
a mad-doctor,—immured i❑ that den of abomi-
nation called a madhouse,—compelled to see a
score of medical men whether we will or not,—
to be insulted by long strings of questions framed
so as to provoke the soundest mind and the most
patient temper,—the answers, let them be
gentle, resentful, or pathetic, twisted by these
presumptuous, and, from their contradictory
statements, evidently ignorant persons, into
so many proofs of insanity, on which a man
is to be despoiled of the fruits of his in-
dustry, and plunged for life into that hopeless
prison which is calculated to unsettle the steadiest
iirellect, and to inflict on the most cheerful
spirit, agonies, the description of which by these
who have endured them, it is almost impossible
fur any humane heart to bear ? The melan-
ehoiv fact is, that your thorough-going-mad-
doctor takes for granted that hardly any one is
sane. We shall not allude to individuals, but it
is clear from the testimony of some of the wit-
nesses examined on this deplorable inquest, that
there are professional men to be found who
will swear the most natural and reasonable action
to be conclusive evidence of the worst kind of
lunacy, and from whose gripe, if once within
it, there would, for the strongest headed men in
England, be little or no prospect of release.
We wish that some active Member of Parlia-

. _
went would shortly move for returns of the
Dumber of patients discharged as cured from
private madhouses within the last 20 years, and
thus give the nation an opportunity of seeing
what proportion of good is effected by medical
treatment : a part of the return ought also to
give the sums annually charged by the keeper of
the mad-house for the care of each unhappy

patient. Who is now to pay Mr. Davies his
costs ? and has he no action of damages again =t
those who have instituted these proceedings ?

THE )IORNING CHRONICLE.)

We have to announce another signal victory
gained by the Press of France, in the acquittal
of the Journal des Debats. " Religious Li-
berty," says the Courtier Francais of Friday
last, " received eight days ago a brilliant con-
secration ; Political Liberty has obtained this
day a triumph not less memorable. In both
cases, the doctrines of the public Ministry
tended directly to the destruction of .the right
of examination and discussion. To see an out-
rage to religion in a simple negation, to see
an attack of the authority of the King in the
disapprobation of the choice of a Ministry, was
placing France under the sway of the Inquisi-
tion and absolutism. The Magistracy have
once more opposed a barrier to the menacing
hostilities of a Ministry armed against the public
liberties. If in the sanctuary in which they are
placed, the Magistrates endeavour to remain
strangers to the passions which agitate society,
nothing obliges them to be deaf te the expres-
sion of the alarms and the just griefs of the na-
tion." When Mr. Brougham, in his inaugural
addlcsa to the students at Glasgow, declared
that man was not accountable for his belief,
what an outcry was raised against him ! This
principle has been consecrated, and made a rule
for all inferior Tribunals by the Cour Royale.
The same Court . has given its sanction to the
principle, that even an article of which the " ex-
pressions are unsuitable and contrary to the mo-;
deration which ought to be observed in the dis-
cussion of the acts of the Government," ought
not to be considered as constituting an offence.
Compared with any of the articles for which the
Morning Journal has been prosecuted, the
article in the Journal des Debatc was violence
itself. Yet in this country, with our boasted
institution of Juries, as a safeguard of our li-
berties, disapprobation of the conduct of the
Minister has been pronounced a libel. la
France the Judges have every where proved
themselves the bulwarks of the national liberties.
Yet it is only necessary that one man out of •
twelve should have sufficient clearness of head
not to be led away by the clumsy sophistries of
the Attorney-General and his supporter, and
sufficient resolution to be able to resent the so-
licitations of appetite for a few hours ! We
trust that succeeding Juries will rescue the na-
tional character from this mortifying comparison
between our neighbours and ourselves. We do
not expect that Jurors should possess the rea-
soning powers of the distinguished Magistrates,
who confer so much lustre on the French Tri-
bunals; but surely we may expect that they
should be able to see through the most obvious
fallacy. To punish writers for a tendency to
bring an Administration into contempt, or for
the indecency of the terms used, is to lose
sight of all principle, and to clap an extinguisher
on free discussion.
It is supposed by some of our contemporaries
(the Standard and Examiner) that the State
prosecutions, of which we have had a tolerable
temple, are part of a system of operations
agreed on by several Governments. The Exa-
miner of yesterday observes—
" Surveying the history of the last twenty years,
the condition of things offering the slenderest pre-
text for an attack on the Press will be found in the
present period ; and in no other way can we account
for the wanton proseoutions now pending, than by
supposing them to proceed from a resolution unpro-
voked by existing circumstances, and only seeking
out of them its wilful satisfaction. When the Bully
has tet his mind on a quarrel, it is not offence which
gives occasion for his brawl. When the Wolf in the
fable desired to eat mutton, it was not the sheep's
troubling the waters that gave exercise to the glut-
ton's tooth. With one exception, the prosecutions
under consideration have the relation to their sub-
ject matter which desire has to the pretexts foe its
gratification. The exception we have in view is the
charge of pecuniary corruption insinuated against
Lord Lyndhurst, which, as it is the most specious
of the prosecutions, has been made to stand in the
front of the battle, and to cover the absolute hivolity
of its successors. We do not admit that case to
have peremptorily called for prosecution; for if the
Chancellor's character needed the vindication
of a Court of Justice, the country would need
delivery from his judicial authority ; Let cer-
tainly that libel is malignant in its matter,
sail the recourse to the vengeance of the law
allowable. The matter, however, as we have
before observed, was a slender part in the motives
of these prosecutions, which appear to belong to
widely-extended system for the subjugation of the
Press. Months ago we remarked that the simulta-
woos operations against the Press by the Welling.

ton and Polignac Governments were to be regarded
as a remarkable, if not a; a suspicious coincidence.
The late measures of the King of the Netherlands,
'tending directly to the same object, seriously
strengthen these evil appearances. The Standard,
we think, offers the true explauation of the pheno-
menon :

" ' The war now raging between Power and the
Press in roost of the States of Europe where any
Press is permitted to exist, naturally stiggests the
important question, whence this simultaneous sensi-
tiveness on the part of public men, so variously
circumstanced ? Can it be the effect of any parti-
cular conjuncture, operating alike in States present-
ing so little similarity of condition in other respects?
We think that the question nearly answers itself;
the sympathy is not of Nations, which have no
direct communication, but, of Statesmen, who, liv-
ing in a kind of family community, have set up a
canon of public rights which they choose to impo-e
upon the several nations submitted, for a time, to
their authority. It is much more natural to believe
that Prince A, the Duke of B, and the Marquis of
C, living, though in different countries, in constant
correspondence, should conspire against the expres-
sion of opinion, than that all the several Presses of
Europe should at the same moment discharge their
libels in volleys upon these important letters of the
alphabet.'
" The King of the Netherlands goes straight to
his object, and gags political censure; the French
Judges are nearly as direct; but the course in Eng-
land is to wield the terror of punishment, and to
mystify and to confound the understanding, by hold-
ing out, involved in clouds of quirk, quibble, and
fiction, a rule of chastisement which is no rule for
guidance."
There is much plausibility in all this ; and we
know that manypeople, who at one time laughed at '
the idea of the Wellington Administration hav-
ing had any thing to do with the appointment of
the French Ministry, now maintain that the
Duke of Wellington has, from the first, taken a
deep interest in the success of M. de Polignac,
and that the State prosecutions here are net to
be viewed so much with reference to any advan-
tage our own Ministry cm derive immediately
from them, as to the effect they may have in
France. They pretend even to retail expressions
which have dropped, from time to time, from
Lord Aberdeen, from which the existence of a
common plan of operations is to be inferred.
We must own, however, that we are very
sceptical as to the existence of any such
general system of operations. We are inclined
to believe that the proceedings in each of
the three countries have had an inde-
pendent origin ; and, indeed, the circum-
stance of the Catholic Priesthood, in the Ne-
therlands, being in opposition to the Govern-
ment, while the Priesthood of France, who sym-
pathise warmly with their Belgian Brethren, are
all•powerful with the Court, almost puts concert
between the Netherlands and France out of the
question. It is so natural for men in power to
wish to check the expression of all opinion not
favourable to themselves, that it is hardly neces-
sary to seek for a mysterious organ for what can
be accounted for on such an obvious principle.
We attribute the prosecutions in this country to
the irritation of the Duke of Wellington, which
has warped his judgment, and to the influence of
evil councils. Sir James Scarlett has not he-
skated to declare that it is his opinion that the
Press has not, during the last ten years, been
sufficiently restrained ; arid we can hardly be
surprised that the Premier, under the influence
of irritation, should have allowed himself to be
influenced by this Doctor, who, no doubt, pro-
mised to perform such wonders by his skill in
managing Juries. We by no means state this
as a justification of the Duke of Wellington ;
for Sir James Scarlett cannot relieve him from
the consequences of a course for which he
is alone responsible. He ought to have ap-
preciated more correctly the difference of the
circumstances in which he and Sir James
are respectively placed ; that all the conse-
quence of Sir James is derived from his
management of Juries ; and that as a bull in-
stinctively uses his horns, and a tiger his claws,
men are also led almost instinctively to prefer
that in which they appear to the best advantage,
but that every laurel acquired by Sir James is
acquired at the expence of his own reputation
as a wise and considerate statesman, able to ap-
preciate correctly the service as well as disser-
vice he derives from the Press, and not so far
blinded by the irritation caused by the unjust
attacks of a portion of that Press as to be in-
sensible to the aid lie has derived from the sup-
port of a far greater portion of it. We have
always understood that it was to the late Lord
Londonderry that we are indebted for the system
of forbearance towards the Press. This is not
generally known ; but when it is considered that
his Lordship possessed great coolness and com-
mand of temper, and was, therefore, little liable
to have his judgment warped by considerations
personal to himself, and that a system of inter-
ference with the I'ress keeps up a constant irri-
tation without effecting any good purpose ; it is
as likely that sound views on this subject should
occur to him as another. We know that in the
case of the prosecution of Mr. Finnerty for a
Letter in the Morning Chronicle, the prosecu-
tion might have been averted ; and he did not,
as in the case of the Letter of the Duke of Cum-
berland's Chaplain in the Morning Journal,
select Mr. Perry for his victim, but at once
sought out the author of the libel against him.—
In this respect his conduct appears to great
advantage, compared with that of the Duke of
Wellington.
(THE MORNING HERALD.)
We look upon the decision in the protracted
and cruel inquiry into the alleged lunacy of Mr.
Davies, both in regard to the public and the in-
dividual, as one of the most salutary and im-
portant which has occurred for a great length of
time. Among the novel restraints upon the
Press, with .which, in these days of Liberalism,
we are threatened, that of publishing the names
of Jurors is one. However, we should like to
incur time peril, if we had the means of publish-
ing the names of 'the Jury in this case, who,
with so much fortitude, independence, and pati-
ence, have passed through this painful inquiry,
and have brought it to an issue which, we are
quite sure, will entitle them to the gratitude of
every one not interested in an opposite result.
We mean to cast reflections upon no one ; and
we feel, also, that it is due to the gentleman
who has been the unhappy object of this melan-
choly investigation that a curtain should be
drawn over its details as speedily as possible.
But every man, woman, and child, in his
Majesty's dominions, are too much inte-
rested in the system which has developed itself
upon this occasion, not to make it imperative
upon us to call the attention of the Legislature
to the monstrous state in which the law and the
practice upon this subject at' present appear to
stand. It would seem that, as the trade in in-
sanity is now carried on, a man may not only be
imprisoned by the mere fiat of a member of this
new college of medical jurisprnclenae, but may
be so tormented and hunted into its toils as to
run every risk of becoming, or at least of being

deemed insane, before the judicial question can
be brought under the notice of a competent tri-
bunal. It is to be hoped that, for the honour
of science, many of those who have taken up
this branch of practice exclusively are not fair
specimens, either in head or heart, of English
medical professors. If they were, we should say,
that the medical art, as at present practised, is
at a low ebb in point of intelligence and hu-
manity. But, be this as it may, all men, we
think, must agree with us that some alterations
in the law and in the practice of this peculiar
department of science are wanting by
which the self-interest both of connections and of
professional men should be excluded from the
overbearing influence which it at present pos-
sesses. Above all, it is desirable that where a
regular judicial inquiry into alleged lunacy be-
comes necessary, it should he instituted promptly,
and not postponed, and the object kept in a
state of harassing uncertainty, till torture of sus-
pense, acting even upon minds of no very pecu-
liar weakness, produces, as it too often does,
that very irritation which it is sought to prove.
Recurring to the medical part of the subject, we
should say that, judging from experience, it is
rather a misfortune that this disease should be a
subject of such distinct and confined practice.
Looking at the wonderful and nice texture of the
human mind, an 3 how much its impressions are
acted upon by sanity or disease, surely the latter
influence, which is nine times in ten the sole
cause of alleged aberration of mind, ought to be
made the study and the practice of the medical
profession in general, and not to be resigned, as
now, to a small and exclusive circle.

(THE MORNING ADVERTISER.)

The report has been again revived, that a
reconciliation has taken place between the Duke
of Wellington and Mr. Huskisson, and that
they have lately had several meetings and con-
sultations on the state of the country. We
were the first, about two months ago, to men-
tion the former fact, and we can now vouch for
the latter, though it will no doubt be called in
question by some of our cotemporaries. The
country, however, will learn with satisfaction
that the Ministry is likely to have the benefit of
Mr. Huskisson's advice during the ensuing Ses-
sion, and that at the end of the Session at all
events, if not sooner, he will form one of its
members.

Our limits will not permit us to enter again
to-day upon the subject of the ex-officio inform-
ations against the newspapers ; but our readers,
we are confident, and indeed every one who va-
lues the liberty of the Press, will be gratified to
learn that the opinion which we expressed of
their itnpolicy, has been loudly re-echoed by the
whole of the Sunday Press, and so far as we
have yet had an opportunity of seeing them, by
our provincial cotemporaries. All agree that
nothing could have been more impolitic or un-
called for than the prosecutions in question;
and that the blow which has been dealt against
the newspapers, will recoil with tenfold force
upon the heads of its authors.

(TII2 1101LNING JOURNAL.)

The Courier, which, to its disgrace, if it can
be further disgraced, is, of all the papers of
London, the only apologist for the merciless
prosecutions of the Government, took up new
ground on Saturday night in defence of the At-
torney-General and its employers. Speaking of
our censures of men and measures it says that
" public duty was violated, domestic privacy in-
vaded, and, when these sources were exhausted,
invention was set at work to supply the mate-
rials for further calumny." We shall reply to
these charges in their order. First, as to the
violation of public duty ; we protest we cannot
divine what the writer means unless it be a sort
of penitent sarcasm directed against himself. It
is the Courier who has violated public duty.
It is the proprietors of the Courier who have
violated their solemnly recorded apinions—who
have apostatised from the creed to which they
set their hands and seals—who deserted those
principles which they bound themselves, by a
written document still in existence, and to
which their names are affixed, to maintain
under all circumstances, " whether the Ad-
ministration should be tory, Whig, or a mix-
ture of both." We can, indeed, conscientiously
say that we have nothing to answer for on this
ground—tee have no jobs nor Government con-
tracts to place to the credit of wounded pride and
dishonourable and heartless apostacy—they have
all this and much more, to answer for. As to
our invasion of domestic privacy our reply to
the charge is simply that it is fidse! We ap-
peal to our pages since the establishment of the
Horning Journal, and deny our bitterest oppo-
nents to point out even a solitary instance where
we have intruded upon domestic life—where we
have invaded the sanctuary of the closet or the
fireside--where we have dragged the follies, the
secret offences, or the conjugal errors of the Mi-
nister or any other man, into the glare of day.
Mean vices, even in hoary delinquents, have been
beneath our notice. We have strictly avoided
any notice of degrading and disgusting immora-
lities in order to spare the feeling of our readers
and protect the innocent from the contamination
of such examples. Not that we had not mate-
rials at hand to gratify the most prurient appetite
with a full satiety of scandal. Not that these low
vices were not more reprehensible in a grave
senator and Minister of the Crown than they
are in the humblest cobbler who is the father
of a family. God knows it was from no lack
of domestic arenas, no sterility of repul-
sive immoralities, no want of tales of profligate in-
trigues, of loose morals, of debasing excesses, or of
instances of violated confidence and outraged -de-
cency, that we did not dip our pen in gall, and hold
up the guilty parties to public exposure and public
shame. We had a more sacred duty to discharge.
We had public rather than private error.; to expose.
We had to lament the infraction of public trusts and
public duties—the treacherous abandonment of re-
corded principles—and the con artily and uncalled
for surrender of that Constitution which its pro-
fessed friends had sworn upon the altars of their
God, and at the foot of the Throne, to maintain in
all its original and exclusive supremacy. It was for
these acts of shameless and unpardonable apostacy
that we were found in the ranks of opposition. It
was on public grounds that we attacked the Ministry
,and their measures. It was because we saw them
do evil by design, without attempting to neutralise
the crime by committing even one good action by
mistake, that we considered it our duty to impeach
them at the bar of public opinion. It was because
we saw them plunging into follies without so much
as an excuse—ruining the monarchy, without even a
decent pre'ext on the score of democratical predilec-
tions—undermining the Church, unurged by the rob-
ber's plea of a chance of sharing in its spoils—
starving the artisan, without even a hope of enrich-
ing themselves—and superindtteing auarchy without
having an asaurance from Heaven that they would
not be its first victims—it was because we saw
these Minis'ers utterly innocent of doing a good
deeii even by stealth, and guilty of --no one
error with reason, that we did them the justice to
condemn their measures, and the folly to laugh at
their mistakes. But into their private habits, or

domestic indulgences, or secret vices, we never
pryed. VVe left -these meretricious blandishments
of the modern school to the admiration of stale
rake!, and the execration of rigid spinsters. The
►nsinuation therefore of the Courier is unjust. Its
charge is merely a falsehood—a story invented by a
military slave to divert public attention from a graver
offence imputed to his employer. The Courier in-
vents a third charge. It says that when we had
exhausted the sources of private slander " invention
was set at work to supply the materials for further
calumny." What calumny ? What invention,
slave ? If this annuls to the convicted squib,
which Baron Vaughan, Lord Bexley, and Mr.
Courtenay, swore applied to Lord Lyndhurst, with-
out pretending to the slightest knowledge of the
merits of the case—without weighing an oath
against their own superficial judgments, which, as
consistent and honourable men, they were bound
to do—if this be the ground of charge we plead not
guilty, and solemnly deny the intention. But,
beyond this, what invention or calumny had we re-
course to Let it be remembered that none of the
inuendoes with which we were charged, and for
which we were tried and convicted, had been, as is
invariably the case in private prosecutions, denied
upon oath by the complaining parties. The informa-
tions " ex-quicio (lid not exculpate the parties
aggrieved. They were not purged and purified
before they came into court, They had not lifted
up their hands to Heaven, and called God and the
Gospels to witness their purity and innocence.—
They came before the jury as Ministers of the
Crown, unpurged by an appeal to Heaves, and the
defendant was charged by the Attorney-General
with having written and published the articles, with
the intention, whether the allegations or insinuations
were true or false, of bringing the Government into
contempt. We Dever denied—we never will
deny—that our object was to bring these Ministers
and their measures into contempt. It is the object
of all strictures upon public measures to bring them
into contempt. The censures of every public writer
must have this tendency, or they fall pointless and
harmless. If a public measure be ridiculed the
natural object and intention of the writer is to bring
that measure into contempt. If any Act of Parlia-
ment be condemned as unjust, or absurd, or ineffi-
cient, the object is to bring it into contempt. Mr.
Canning's Government was brought into con-
tempt by the opposition of Mr. Peel, Mr.
Dawson, Mr. Bankee, Sir Thomas Lethbridge,
Lord Grey, arid the Duke of Wellington.—
Lord Goderich was brought into contempt and
actually laughed out of office. Mr. Iluskisson
was dismissed with contempt. The Times and
other Jou►nals brought the proceedings against the
late Queen into contempt. Mr. Brougham and Mr.
Denman, by their severe and personal censures,
b-ought even his Majesty into momentary contempt.
The Herald brought the jobbers and bubble-mon-
gers of the House of Commons in 1825 into con-
tempt. The Chronicle has, to a certain extent,
brought unpaid magistrates and country justices
into contempt. 'The Morning Advertiser has
brought Ministers and informers into contempt. The
Edinburgh Review has brought Lord Rosslyn and
the Whigs into contempt. The Westminster Re-
view and our excellent contemporary of the Globe
have brought Mr. Huikisson, Colonel Torrents, and
political economy, into contempt. The Quarterly
and a certain number of apostate Bishops have
brought the prelates of the church into contempt.—
Mr. Peel has brought himself, his lilted', arid the
Currency Bill, into contempt. The Courier has
brought itself and its unprincipled proprietors into
contempt, as we shall fully demonstrate some of
these days. To charge the act of bringing men
into contempt as a high crime and misdemeanour is,
therefore, not only extreme folly, but gross injustice.
Opposition would be fruitless if it had not this
intention and this effect. It is not merely oppo-
sition to measures which brings men into con-
tempt—their praise and advocacy have a similar ten-
dency. Witness the efforts of the Courier. Its
prostituted support of the present Cabinet, aided by
one London morning journal, and one obscure Edin-
burgh paper published three times a week, has done
more to bring the Wellington Government into
contempt than all the direct attacks of its open ene-
mies. In short, if it be an offence to bring Ministers
into contempt, there must be an end to the liberty
of the press. If this doctrine is to be countenanced
by juries the sooner we burn our books and toss our
types into the Thames the better. The sooner a
censorship is introduced the better. Better that
journalists should live with the fear of scissors arid
a board of controul before their eyes ►han the fear
of ex-officio:, Sir Jame■ Scarlett, and a dungeon.
Better be restrained before committing the offence
than punished afterwards. Better know how far we
can with safety go than be at the mercy of juries,
collected God knows how, who seem disposed to
find a man guilty without even looking at the paper
which contains the offensive paragraph, and who
are impatient to convict without the annoyance of
listening to the whole defence. Far better would it
be to have a pure and imperial despotism at once,
and the consolation of living under the blessings of
the House of Brunswick, without recollecting en
what conditions, or by what tenure, they hold the
Crown of England in trust for the people.

(TILE STAR.)
It gives us great satisfaction to find the general
strictures of our contemporaries upon the lute libel
proceedings assuming hourly a tone of graver and
intenser reprehension. Even those journals, whose
blind devotedness to the Noble Duke has done so
much to consolidate his unconstitutional power,
alarmed at the use to which he now so palpably aims
to turn it, are showing signs of recalcitration. They
look to the gathering storm as we do, and are in•
stinctively buckling on their defences. Nor are
they one moment beforehand with the necessity,
seeing that the first blow bas been already struck,
and an earnest in the verdicts which oppression has
obtained is given of other verdicts which it will
soon demand. Let it not be supposed that a fit of
temporary irritation has brought the Duke of Wellington
before the tribunals to inflict on a mere personal vitupera-
tor condign correction. Nothing of the kind. In his
attack upon the Morning Journal he has declared war
openly a;ainst the Press—a war to exterminate opinion—
since, if he destroy it not, opinion will exterminate his
power. It is of the first importance to the Noble Duke to
have the Press under his immediate subjection and con-
t roul. He knows well that only by its acquiescence arbitrary
Governments can maintain their sway. The Morning
Chronicle has well said to-day that Sir James Scarlett is
admirably fitted for his work. His mind is indeed
riberal: nature designed him to have been born in the
feudal ages. There is al arrogance about the West In-
dian character which we too seldom find belied by natu-
rails ition here, and Sir ,limes does lot certainly belie it.
We feel it quite unncessary to he delicate on the score of
origin with the lion. and Learned Gentleman, or to apo-
logise fi-r so tempting a personality as this, when we re-
collect the low and coarse vulgarity with which the At-
torney-General derided the origin of one of the defendants,
whose origin is at least as honourable and as fair as his ;
nay, Cateclon may surely yet carry it over Jamaica—the
Highlander over the driver of negroes. But these are
only petty details ; light pencil touches'in the great histo-
ricalvthich has been just exhibited at the Old
which holds up a moral warning to -public
r
they prostitute their talents to do the work of
r.aimperiousitee
ygrs hown d
, grouping
apo w e r
(Tax NEWS.)

From the Odious complexion of our present num-
ber, one might suppose that the good old Press-
prosecuting times of Sir Vicary Gibbs and Lord
Sidmouth were about to appear again ; and ro we
believe they would, did not the progress of public
opinion, in some measure, operate upon the !rope.
rious nature of our military Premier, and his active
subaltern, Sir James Scarlet. He, a " Whig At-
torney-General," forsooth !"—the term " Whig,"
is grossly libelled by being applied to such a man—
into whom the very spirit of his predecessor, Sir
Vicary, seems to be tranfused, and to have displaced
every trace of Whiggism ; if, as we much doubt, he
ever possessed any in his composition. Four Go-
vernment prosecutions against one Paper!—and
those tried, day after day, so as hardly to
afford the prosecuted time for breath to de-

fend themselves. We will however admit that
there are shades of difference between these pro-
secutions. The first, brought by the Lord Chancellor,
for imputing to his Lordship the having been bribed
by a fee, or a loan, of 30,0001., to procure the place
of Solicitor-General for Sir E. Sugdan, is indefen-
sible on any ground, beside that of proof; which, on
the trial, was not even hinted it. We so far agree
with Sir James Scarlett as to be of opinion that
(circumstanced as Lord Lyndhurst was known to
be, as to pecuniary matters, at the time of the pub-
lication of the libel in question) he could not, with a
due regard to his honour and character, have passed
this publication by without notice. Not so, how-
ever, the three other Government cases. They ex-
hibit, on the part of the Minister, a soreness as to
what is said, of him, but little in accordance with
greatness of mind. We leave our readers to judge,
after reading the alleged libels in the three last
trials, whether the hero of Waterloo has added aught
to his fame by prosecuting them. To ob.ain four
verdicts against one man, when one :would have
sufficed to crush him, if that were the object, is a
poor triumph for the " great Captain of the age" to
add to his laurel wreath. It involves a moral species
of bathos--a descent from the sublime to the ridi-
culotis, which few besides Sir James Scarlett will be
found to applaud or advocate. There are, however, gra-
dations in folly in these three latter prosecutions; in
which the last of all stands distinguished. But folly alone
is not the only characteristic of this proceeding. It also
indicates a dastardly aveidance of eoming into collision
with a particular individual, which does not say much foi•
the impartiality of the prosecuting parties. We confess
that, in our opinion, the Rev. Mr. Croshie, " domestic
chaplain to the Duke of Cumberland, and Minister of
Syrienham Chapel," was a fit subject for Dr. Burrows's
" Retreat," when he wrote the letter which constitutes the
libel—therefore it was silly to notice it at all ; but, having
so done, surely the author should have been fixed on for
prosecution ; the more especially as he, in a manner, boldly
dared and courted the result by affixing his name
and address to his production. In nearly every libel
case which has fallen under our notice, the author has
been looked on as the most guilty party ; and many in.
stances might be cited where, on giving up his name, the
publisher has been allowed to go scatheless. Sir James
Scarlett, to suit his own purpose, and in defence of his
Nobl► client, now holds a very different doctrine :—the
author may write with impunity, but the publisher must
be punished. Thus the poison is in the conduct pipe, not
in the water. We turn from the consideration of the libels
themselves te the manner in which they have been prose-
cuted; and here we think no Attorney-General ever be-
trayed a greater jealousy of the influence of the Precut, or
a greater ignorance of English history, that Sir James
Scarlett. His impotent threat against the newspapers, as
to publishing the names of Jurors, resembles the growl of
a 81 r:y mastiff, who shows his teeth, but cannot or dare
not bite. What law is there in existence to prevent the
publishing of the names of Jurors ? And why should not
their conduct, in the exercise of a public function, be sub-
jected to the same revision of popular opinion, as is the
conduct of others, sitting in judgment on their fellow
subjects? Indeed, why should Jurors wish for privacy, if
they are conscious of acting honestly and impartially ?
It is not because men differ in opinion from us tbst
we are to consider them as acting venally or cor-
ruptly. Had we been upon either of the Juliet,
in the three last cases, we would have strove hard before a
verdict of " guilty" should have been recorded : but we
have no reason to suppose that the verdict of guilty, was
not a conscientious verdict on the part of the Juries who
delivered it. Why, then, wish to conceal their names?
But the truth is, that Sir James Scarlett is i►► his element
when employed against the Press; and even goes out of
his way to threaten it, where there is no necessity. Of
the subject of these prosecutions, we shall say but little.
To us ke appears an enthusiast, little short of mad, upon
some topics—such as the Catholic Relief Bill, &c. ; and
therefore by no means meriting the vengeance with which
he is visited. His coadjutor of the Standard labours
hard to excite a popular feeling► in Isis favour—but they
both belong to a party, the High Tory, to which the
people are little indebted for any favours. It is only
when, by a kind of political retribution, they experience
persecution at the hands of their quondam friends, as in
the present case, that they ever think of the people.'
THE ATLAS.)

We present our readers, in another part of the
paper, with a faithful report of the proceedings
which took place on Thursday last in the Court of
King's Bench, at the suit of the Lord Chancellor,
against the Editor of the Atlas. It would not be-
come us, in this place, to offer any commentary upon
a matter which is so exclusively personal to our-
selves. But it -may be allowed us to observe gene-
rally, that the conduct of the prosecution, and the
result, must be considered in every -point of view
highly satisfactory. The characters of the Lord Chan-
cellor and Lady Lyndhurst were fully vindicated, and the
Editor of this journal exonerated from the imputations:
which, under other circumstances, might have rested span
his name. This was all that could be desired by us. We
had no wish- to justify an accidental error at the expense
of the reputation of those noble persons; and we felt that,
next in intensity to the regret which an honourable mind
feels at having committed a wrong, is the pleasure of ren-
dering ample and honest atonement.
THE A 68.)

It is we know expected of us that we should say
something on the very extraordinary proceedings
against the Press which have made this week re-
markable ; and in ordinary times we should not
shrink from taking up the position which we are
aware it is generally supposed should be that of the
freest speaker of the age. But we must throw our-
selves on the mercy of our readers. We dare
not—dare not, for that is the word we must use
now-a-days—venture to give our opinions as they
really are, on the merits of the movements of the
Attorney-General; and, though we are afraid (we
admit it) to speak as we think, we have not yet
been trained to say Whet we do not think. It may
he said, and we are quite sure it will be said, that
this is cowardice ; that the Age is mute, dumb, dead
with terror. Very well: we can't help it. We
can only plead with Queen Dido the res dura. Let
not any one think that in abusing this our craven
posture he will meet with any blame from us. Most
true it is that we are reduced to the behaviour re-
commended in the sernaon on the mount, we turn
one cheek to him who smites the other, and sooner
than go to law for the recovery of our coat, are quite
contented to surrender our waistcoat. Abuse us,
therefore, good people, and call us cowards and pol-
troons. Submission is the badge of our tribe. All
things must be sacred. Paint two snakes (Sir
James Scarlett and Sir Edward Burtenshaw Sug-
den, who are so very accomplished as scholars and
critics will, of course, catch the allusion), and scatter
far from their neighbourhood any of those asper-
sions,which,in the opinion of the rash thinkers of tho
world, might be so appropriately cast in their faces.
But we submit, in defence of our utter prostration,
of our avowed and confessed sneakery that there are
some palliations for our conduct; white-feather as it is.
1. It was proved, last week, that being supposed to
impute, that though you disclaim the application by all
the means in your power, any sort of malversation to any
functionary. is a libel.
2. It was proved that what smell in other times and
places be considered a mere squib—a piece of nonsenee—
is at present to be looked upon as a grave matter, to be
tried, and condemned with as much ceremony and severity
as if it was a matter of high treason. " Adzooks," said
one of cur pleasantest poets,
" Adzooks! who will swear to the truth of a song ?"
" I do not know," answers Mr. Attorney, " who will
swear to it, but this I know, that if you crack jokes
which I do not understand, or which I and my witnesses
understand in a way quite different from that in which
the author himself understood them, you must go to gaol."
And; in plain truth, it is no fault of his that the remain.-
der of the verse is not sung—that the obnoxious Journalist
does not " hang upon a tree."
S. It was proved that a Tory may not look over a
hedge, while a Whig may steal a horse. Sir James Scar-
lett himself makes no scruple (who, indeed, would ?) of
asking little Moore to dine with bin, whenever that small
poet and pleasant companion comes in his way. The same

'" The High Tory Papers are very fond of terming the
Duke of Wellington's Cabinet a Whig Cabinet—we sup-
pose because they feel ashamed at being ill-used by their
own party ; far they have in fact no other reason so to
call it. Out of the twelve Members, there is but our,
Lord Rosslyn, that has the least pretension to the name of
Whig. Every other member was cradled among the
Tories; and the major part of them out of place scarcely
a year in their political lives. Surely such cannot be
ealls,d Whigs,

A • pi
0 Learned Gentleman @reeks with, the utmost ,(161"1',
expresses the deepest horror of little Alexander, fur
darid to speak by inuendo in " pity" of the IC:TiP tibia
has Mr. Moore :pollen his Majesty ? Why he*r of;
called him—but no ! The columns of the fir abill,„,—
eveia by quotation, be a vehicle for insult to the "";7:1,
Out readers need hardly be reminded of the atrocious 10"`i
to which we refer. And was Mr. Moore punisheaTo
at by legal functionaries, abused and sent to gaol?
IYOt
he indeed. Ile is a smart, spruce, good-htnouredr quis
zicel-looking, dinner-haunting little
_gentleman, ie.'t
nothing of Newgate about him—while the poor Marl.
Journal, which has always upheld the cause of Church an
State, which never—no, not in the article whioh a Jati
has declared to be insulting to the King—}Poke of
Sovereign but in terms of the highest and well-dose the
praise, is .levoted to the infernal gods. Why, theft, is
difference ? We answer in two words. Moire is Whig
---
the Journal, Tory.
4. It was proved that it is quite consisten! with tbef
purest whip principles, liberty of the press, freedom 0,
discussion, and, as little Keeley says, " all that sort
thing," to bring prosecutions, by the cart-load all at *Mee
against an obnoxious newspaper. Mr. Brougham, " th!
greatsQ,.iu,
eew Queen's
Counsel--Mr.
icutihnnes:t.
lr—suact3tierr—.3lr Brougham,.l r
BBrorou uggh4lwi Brougham,
hi the w a King'son
aCe ;1;
or half-editor of the Edinburgh Review,
one of the antagonists of the press! We wish that' h°.,4
would write another review of the _Newman Candide''.
another review, to show that, although It was very loecir"
rect in Sir Vicary Gibbs to prosecute for (ermine!, libels ott
all that was honourable and respectable in the land,
most marvelously correct for him, Mr. Brougham, of the
Loudon-college, to prosecute for the slightest jokey, or th°..
most vague insinuations against any ministry which threw*
him a silk gown.
5. It was proved—but no more. Pocas palabras,
Christopher Sly has it. As these are Christmas tune"
obey the order of the quack doctor in Prior's verses---oe
bow to the voice-that cries— o -0
" Go, eat your pudding, slave, and hold your Mugge-
Oh ! gentlemen of England ! gentlemen of England
If you think that what has been done last week, and what
is threatened to be done after the holidays, i"" eight "a
proper, do not he so unjust or so absurd as to fancy hat
you can shuffle off your duty, the duty delivered to rut.%
awedo if you shrink ? What can we say
your ancestors, of defending the liberties of yonr pa!
What
was
isynas,cooltirritasei,,
land, upon a handful of poor newspaper writers.
Ca if yell invite'
despotism, and bend the willing neck to slavery ? Nothillg•
• w a • • • •
•
• • • • a. • '
We began this article in a spirit of melaneholf
jest—we find we cannot go on without getting; Lng
a vein of still more melancholy earnest. We an."
not proceed, because we are perfectly serious in pot;
apprehensions. The liberal papers may blew* on
censure the proceedings of the Attorney-Genera',
but they are comparatively safe—we should.ket
pounced upon with the talons of a hawk if we vett•
tured to whisper half what they utter loudly.
.W.
must say, however, that these said liberal papers
were a little tardy in their defence of the freedom of
the Press; for, with the exception of the Morning
Chronicle, the conduct of which on the present occr
sion has been greatly to its honour, and in perfect
keeping with the character which it has always
maintained in all matters of moment, not one of
them stirred until they thought the danger migl4
come to themselves—until the common enemy Ws°
threatening indiscriminate vengeance. Who that enemy
is we do not choose to say. Justice, however, requW° us
to state what has come to our knowledge, from quarters
which can neither deceive nor be deceived, that it is not the
Lord Chancellor. Bitter enemies as we have been, and
continue to be, to the politics which his Lordship has of
late adopted, we do do not see why that circumstance
ex-
cuseorL o appte.
it hilg is
to Lordship
Satter,
should make us concede the fact that nobody regrets the!!
prosecutions, or the spirit in which they have been.rarried
on, more
u sfromtiian
flattering,Ld udrh appearing
even in a case where we think him in a false position
before the public ; but we are sure he is right in thinking
(as be does) that Lord Eldon consulted his own honour
and respectability in not teasing himself abort libels far
more furious than those which have been lately brought
before the King's Bench, an;: that Sir John Copley's coo'
duct in despising, or not noticing, the squibs and eraeirsl
of the days of his Attorney-Generalship would be a goo'
precedent for all who follow him in office.