The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Since the press began to circulate political facts and
opinions with the activity which has marked its progress
during the last 30 years, and since also the great growth
of manufactures throughout the northern counties, has, by-
drawing together large masses of people, provided at once
an ample recipient for all intelligence of national interest,
and a ready conductor of it from man to man, the direct
operation of the public mind of England upon the mea-
sures of the King's Government has exhibited a rapid in-
crease. Popular meetings, let the scrubs about the public
offices say what they will, are never disregarded by the
heads of departments. Gentlemen who are but mode-
rately qualified as Ministers, must still be aware that on a
popular subject, the sentiments of one assembly of the
tower orders may be looked upon as a fair sample of those
which are prevalent over the country ; for such is the dif-
fusion of clear-sighted sagacity among our countrymen—
such its general equality throughout the manufacturing
classes, and so simple and uniform the influence of exten-
sive causes upon the comforts .and spirit of the great body
of the nation, that it would be vain for any British Go-
vernment to think of enforcing in one quarter of England,
opposite doctrines to those which have been already
avowed and approved of by the people in another; or of
getting up, as a Ministerial set-off and justification,
counter addresses from certain sectaries of the working
community, in the teeth of those which speak the undis-
guised feelings of any one large and voluntary portion of
its members. We have been led into these reflections
from having transmitted to us a report which we pub-
lish, of the proceedings of a meeting of journeymen
manufacturers held at Oldham on Monday last—the
cause of which meeting was the general distress now
suffered by these deserving and unhappy men—and its
object a free expression of their sentiments, upon the
amount of their own miseries—the origin of them—
and their most effective cure. A long series of resolu-
tions were passed at this meeting, after many speeches alike
honourable to the ability of the speakers, anti perhaps we
might add, formidable for the energy with which they were
uttered. It is not necessary to affirm that all the matter
of the resolutions was wise, and just, and statesmanlike,
and applicable to the wants of the time : it is enough to
say that some of them—particularly those descriptive of
the fallen condition of the working classes—contain bold,
striking, and lamentable truths, and that all of the resolu-
tions derive importance from the numbers and necessities
of the wretched men who sympathize in every part of
England with those by whom they were framed and voted.
It is possible, nay probable, that the landed gentlemen may
hector the King's Government intothe further prosecution
of that unfortunate policy, in relation to :he corn laws,
which the people conceive to be one of the principal causes
of their perishing with hunger. It is more than probable,
that the same aristocracy may deter the Ministers from un-
dertaking any plan of retrenchment, however loudly de-
manded. But let the Aristocracy look well to the conse-
quences of such a contempt for the poor, The " opera-
tives" have begun to make alarming distinctions—they see
how deeply the line of demarcation has been drawn by
English legislators in favour of their own order. They,
" the operatives," begin to dispose both men and princi-
ples in awkward attitudes and groups. It will be very dif-
ferent when the industrious English journeymen, backed
and directed by some of the middle classes, acquire from
despair the passion for frequent assembling, and from ex-
perience the habit of comprehensive and unflinching dis-
cussion—it will, we gay, be a different thing from the as-
sociations of those rash, vain, and desultory blockheade,
who have been labouring for years to ruin the cause of
which, in Ireland, they assumed the direction. if the body
of industrious Englishmen once get it into their heads that
they ought to separate their interests and feelings from their
rulers, it will, we repeat, be a more serious thing than the
loquacious violence of Irish orators has yet been considered
by this Government.—Times.
We this day insert at length the letter of Dr. Doyle to
which we yesterday alluded. The chief object of the
writer is to chew, that the statements transmitted to this
country- from Ireland on the subject of education are •
utterly unworthy of credit. But the postscript is the
Fart which will be read with, perhaps, the most interest.
There Dr. Doyle informs us, that in 37 out of 4-5 returns
of parishes (of which his diocese consists) from which he
has obtained returns, the number of conversions from Pro-
testantism to Catholicism during the last twelve months
has been two hundred and forty-eight, a number some-
what exceeding the average of ordinary years, whicie he
attributes to tue prevailing religious excitement. This is
a powerful set-off against Cavan. The question as to
proselytizing is very different from that which regards the
claims of the Catholic„ to the privileges of citizens. To
proselytize by the arts of persuasion, unsupported by the
application of funds granted by the State ostensibly for
purposes of education, but really' for gaining over Catho-
lics to the Established Church, cannot he condemned
by any man who deems truth deserving of his inquiries.
And yet we believe there is no instance in history of an
attempt to proselytize with ardour not having been re-
sented when directed against the more powerful party,
or complained of as persecution when directed against the
weaker party. It is curious that Claude, who held the
celebrated conferences with Bossuet, on the controverted
points, in his complaints of the French Protestants,
particularly enumerates the sending Missionaries and Con-
troversialists to preach and argue against them, through-
out the country. lie calls it a means of persecution.
There remains to be mentioned (he says) another pre-
paratory machine, which the persecutors have not failed
to put in practice for their designs, and which we have
reckoned as the sixth in order. Different means have
been employed. The first and most common have been
the Sermoue of Missionaries, and other preaching Contro-
versialists, with whom, for some years, the kingdom has
been covered, under the title of Royal Missions. The
men ordinarily chosen for this business in France are of an
enthusiastic disposition. They receive an education which,
far from moderating, inflames them ; so that we may very
easily conceive what sort of actors they are; when they
not merely feel themselves supported, but even cheered
on, and_ when they have express orders to excite the
feelings of their auditors. And in truth they acquitted
themselves so well, that had it depended on them, and
had the prudence of the Magis:rates not prevented them,
tumults would frequently have taken place in our great
towns, and even in Paris itself."—At a time when so
much stress is laid on the divided allegiance, we are
tempted to quote from the same work the manner in
which the French Protestants expressed themselves re-
specting the Pope :—" We cannot persuade ourselves
that the Pope is at all to blame for this matter, or
i.hat the storm has come to us from hint. We know that
he is u mild Prince, and that his inclinations are more
prudent `ti(' moderate than those of twiny of his predeces-
„,s. Besid,es we know that the French Clergy do not
always consult Min in their undertakings, and indeed,
what has been doise against Rome, and the little defe-
rence entertained for his authority, have frequently been
urged as a motive to induce us to comply with the will
of the King. Thus we hope that the Pope even, consi-
dering us as men and Christians, will pity us, and blame
the conduct observed towards us, were it only for the in-
terest of his religion. Perhaps one day, in our turn, we
will also blame that which shall be observed towards him."
Here the leader of the French Protestants seems to regret
that the influence of the Pope was so small, and does not
scruple to promise to take part with the Pope against the
French Clergy and the King. A sum of money not
greater than what is thrown away in Ireland on Charter
`Schools, and other worse than useless purposes, would
make the Catholic Clergy more subserviete to the purpo-
ses of the English Government than might perhaps he
desirable. A very small sum goes a great way with the
Clergy of all religions. Every one knows the wonders
wrotigist by the Regium Donum in Ireland. It is not so
generally known that the hint was taken from the success-
ful application of a Regium Donum in England. When
"Sir Robert Walpole was hard pressed by the-Dissenters

in 1723, for the removPl of their disabilities, he closeted
a few of the Dissenting Ministers of the greatest influence,
declared his readiness to serve them any way, even in
Parliament for the repeal of the cruel statutes against
them ; but the present time, he said, was a very improper
time, and the agitating the matter would greatly injure, if
not ruin their cause. He placed 5001. in the hands of
nine Dissenting• Ministers, " for the use and comfort of
the widows of Dissenting Ministers," with a promise of
the same amount annually, under an injunction of secrecy ;
the sum was afterwards increased to 850/. half-yearly from
the Treasury. The effect of this annual douceup in tran-
quillizing the Dissenting Clergy, and adding to their stock
of patience, was almost miraculous. But in cases of this
kind, much depends on management. Men are fond of
money, but fond also of power cud influence; hut surely
there are ways of enabling the Catholic Clergy to gratify
their desire for the former, without the alternative of for-
feiting the latter.—Morning Chronicle.

We are glad to find that the Shipping question is to be
brought under the consideration of the House. We think
there is much prejudice on this question. As we men-
tioned the other day, the shipping of this country increased
in a great ratio in the years 1924. and 1825 : but in the
year 1826, it had fallen off, in comparison with the year
1825—though in the latter year more ships, and a greater
tonnage, had been registered than in any one year since
the year 1813. This Parliamentary Statement at once
rebuts all the speeches which have been made lately at
Meetings on this subject. That statement showed, that
the tonnage registered in the three years 1824, 1825, and
1826, very nearly equalled the tonnage of the six years
preceding—namely, 1818, 1919, 1820, 1821, 1822, and
1923. Let any one look at that Statement again, which
we republished on Monday, and they will see how totally
groundless are all the complaints that have been lately
made respecting the operation of the alteration of the
Navigation Laws. When next the question is agitated in
either Lords or Commons, we would recommend the
Members of both Houses to look at the Parliamentary
Statement we have alluded to. But in the question of the
Silk and the Glove Trade, when the old laws of prohibi-
tion were done away with, there was the same sort of
carping as there has been lately on the Shipping question.
—Morning Herald.
Since the defeat of the measure for the recovery of small
debts, in a former Parliament, there has been no Member
of either House sufficiently zealous in the public service to
resume the subject.' Yet the experience of every day
proves more and more the necessity which exists for some
such Act, as that which was attempted, in vain, to be car-
ried into a law, by the name of the County Courts' Bill.
At every Assizes there are actions for small sums of money
the expences of which are several times the amount of the
debt litigated; and which sums, when recovered, do not
pay the successful party half the amount of his extra costs.
This is surely an evil which ought not to exist. If it be
a characteristic of justice to restore to every man his right,
how can that he called justice which makes a man who is
wronged pay more for redress than the whole value of his
right ? Let great causes still be contested with all the
expensive machinery of the superior Courts—though we
are of opinion that great improvement might be made even
in reference to them—but, at all events, the same ma-
chinery which is employed to litigate a cause on which
thousands of pounds may be depending, should not be
required to be put in motion for the purpose of deciding
whether a baker's or butcher's bill, of six or seven pounds,
ought to be paid to a person who demands the payment of
so trifling a sum. In the latter case, the person who gains
the action loses in costs about double the sum which he
obtains a verdict for; so that he is only enabled, by the
present process of law, to harass and annoy his debtor,
without doing any good to himself; or, rather, he can only
obtain satisfaction from his debtor in a Court of Law, by
inflicting punishment on himself. This is a state of things
which ought not to continue.—lbid.
Considerable mischief arises from the exaggerated im-
portance which, for some years, has been attached to the
Catholic question. Men talk as if on that point turned
the whole state of Ireland; and as if the decision of the
question, in one particular way, would operate as a charm
to change the condition and the minds of men. This seems
to us as the more wonderful ; because the investigations
cf the Parliamertary Committees have clearly shown the
fallacy of such notions. It is most true, that Ireland is far
from being what she ought to be; and they, who will
raise her population to a level with that of England and
Scotland, will confer the most important blessing on the
mightiest empire in the world. But this mighty end is
not to be accomplished by speculation, < id rhetoric, 'nd
declamation. So great a benefit is not to be attained by
means so cheap. The good must be purchased by the
exertions of many, continued through a long series of
years; and those exertions must be devoted to elevat-
ing the circumstances of the Irish peasantry, by alter-
ing totally their modes of thinking and habits of
life. Wise legislation can of itself do little towards
effecting improvement ; it can only give full play to the
operation of circumstances favour able to improvement,
and to the labours cf individuals in so good a cause. They
who must be the active agents in raising Ireland to an
equality with England, must be her Gentry, her Nobility,
her Protestant Clergy, and her Legal Functionaries.—
Ireland has the advantage of possessing a Gentry, a No-
bility, and a Magistracy, fully adequate to the task of
moulding her population, in the course of time, into a
form very different from the present. All that is wanted
is, that they should he induced and encouraged to engage
in, and prosecute steadily, so noble an undertaking. On
the other hand, her priesthood is her bane. Catholic
Priests, everywhere, and especially the lower orders of
them, are the avowed enemies of reason and of improve-
ment. In Ireland their influence depends entirely on the
ignorance and degradation of the people. Rouse that
people to comparative comfort, and to the benefits of
knowledge, and the importance of the Priests declines pro-
portionably. Even if the State were to pay salaries to
the Ecclesiastics, though their avarice might thereby be
gratified, their interest in retaining the peasantry in igno-
\ rance and darkness would not be lessened. The influence
of the Catholic Priests and the prosperity of the people
• . will ever vary in an inverse ratio. As the one rises, the other
, I must fall.—Neu, 'Times.