The Sun.
London, England, 1829-02-18 00:00:00

PARTNERSiIIPS DISSOLVED.

Benjamin John Armstrong and Thomas Brieley, hat
ton-wall, colourmen.

Thomas Oyler and Charles Burt, Cranbrook, Kent,
. _

bricklayers.
Isaac Chadwick, and J. Porritt, Bury, Lancaster, wool
len-drapers.

David Crosweller, sen. and David Crosweller, jun.,
Kennington-green, Surrey, builders.
William Brewster and George Brewster,' Nottingham,
drapers.
Arthur Pink, jun., and William Wilkinson, Portsea,
brewers.

William Henry Kerr and William Ashmead, Duke-
street, Grosvenor-square, booksellers.
Josiah Graham Lowe, Catherine Lowe, Sarah Lowe, and
Ann Lowe, Goldsmith-street, silk-manufacturers.

John Day and Joseph Armitage, Birmingham, brass,
founders.

A. S. Mawdsley and L. Marsden, Ortnskirk, Lancaster,
wine-merchants.

Thomas Owen and Matthew Ellis, Sheffield, York, haft
and scale-pressers.
Richard Ainsworth, Peter Ainsworth, J. H. Ainsworth,
and John Ritchie, Gilnow, Lancashire, bleachers.
William N. Clay and John Holmes, Liverpool, wine and
spirit merchants.
John Casson and Thomas Jackson, Birkenhead, Chester,
blacksmiths.

Thomas Cole, Michael Holder, and Edward Martin Cole,
Bristol, linen-merchants.

Thomas Needham, jun. and Edward Baker, Hinckley
Leicester, wine merchants.

William Smith and John Jarvis, Lincoln-hill, Salop,
lime-burners.

James Bevan, Samuel Bevan, and Bentley Bevan,
Sta) ley-bridge, cabinet-makers.
William Shackles and Thomas Hilton Shackles, Kings-
ton-upon-Hull, linen-drapers.
Gabriel Duclos, Ferdinand Caron, and John Leavers,
Nottingham, lace-manufacturers.
John Leigh, Bridget Anne Griffin, and Elizabeth Griffin,
Consall, Cheddleton, Staffordshire, flint-grinders.
John Combridge and George Cambridge, Cobham-row,
Clerkenwell, butchers.

Peter Edwards and Thomas Wadley, Liverpool.
Thomas Reed and David Curtis, George-street, Old
Montague-street, Whitechapel-road, bent timber-manu-
facturers.

The sales of Cotton on Monday at Liverpool
amounted to about 1200 bags, chiefly at last Saturday's

currency.

B UTTER TRADE.—Some considerable failures
have taken place in Dorset and Somersetshire among the
butter factors, in consequence of their speculations for a rise
in the article having turned. out unfortunate.

The Lour) CHANCELLOI2 took his seat ut five minutes
past Five o'clock.
Lord TALBOT presented four petitions from Lichfield
and other parishes in Stafford, against further conotssions
to the Roman Catholics.

The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition'
signed by the Roman
.Catholic inhabitants of several
pa-
rishes in Ireland, praying for the removal of their disabilities.
The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from
Exeter, and one from the Clergy of the Arehdeaeonry of
Totness, against any further concessions to the Roman
Catholics.

The Bishop of DURHAM presented a petition from
the inhabitants of South Shields, and from the Archdea-
conry of Hereford, against further concessions to the Ca-
tholics. '
Essi,FITZ WILLIAM presented petitions from the- TlO-
- Catholics, inlisabltants of Tuam (Corry), a parish in.
Waterford, Carbury, Claymore, and from a parish in the
county of Wexford, in favour of the Roman Cethuhes.
A Noble Lord presented three petitions from parishes in
the county of Somerset, against further concessions.
Lord LORTON presented a petition from Kihnore, in

the :county of Sligo, against further concession, and one
from Carrickshannon, Kiltopher, and 13illmasloe, to the

same effect.

The Marquis of TIIONIOND presented three petitions
from parishes in Ireland, against the Catholics.
Lord BEAUCHAAIP presented a petition from the in-
habitants of the city and county of Worcester, signed by
5,822 persons, against further concessions.

Lord LYTTLETON said that this petition had been re-
presented as though it had been from the county of Wm ces-
ter. That certain persons of great respectability signed
the petition was strictly true; but he believed that no one
person of considerable rank and property in the county
had lent his name to it. The petition was not a
petition from the county of Worcester in the ordinary
sense of the word—no meeting having been called by the
Sheriff. It was originated only by a few individuals, and
went only tnexpress their individual sentiments—not those
of the county at large.
Lord BEAUCHAMP said that the petition was signed
by almost all the Clergy of the city and county. It was
also signed by 40 resident magistrates, and by 5,742 most
respectable individuals. (Laughter.) His Lordship then
presented another petition from the borough of Bewdley to
the same effect, signed also by a great number of the most
respectable inhabitants. The Noble Earl concluded by
moving that the petition from the city and county of
Worcester be read at length, which was accordingly done.
Lord FALMOUTH presented three petitions, signed
by 1700 inhabitants and freeholders of the county of
Cornwall, and one froM Truro, against any further conces-
sions to the Roman Catholics. The Noble Earl, who
had presented ezunter petitions on a former day, had
said ,;that he believed the majority of freeholders in this
county were in favour of the Roman Catholics; but that
appeared to -him to be altogether contrary to the fact,
from what he could collect from the petitions 'that had
been sent to him. The Noble Earl had inferred, from
the return of Mr. Pendarves fur the county of Corn-
wall, :who was, he said, a Reforiner, and a friend to the
Catluili‘Ohat the" county of Croinwill was flimirabe-in.
the Catholics. He would beg, in reply, to state, that many
of the names to the petitions he had then the honour
to present to their Lordships were the names of persons
who bad supported Mr. Pendcrves. The other point was
the majorities in Parliament. The Noble Earl had drawn
an inference from the votes in Parliament that the
Catholic Question was gaining ground in the country.
But the Noble Earl forgot that in the House of Lords the
majority against the Catholics in 1812 was only 1 ; and
instead of this having decreased, the majority against
them last year was 45. This, it would be recollected
also, was after several Peers had been recently created,
most of whom were favourable to the consideration
of the Catholic Claims. Notwithstanding that the

majority was so much greater, there was all the dif-
ference between one and forty-five. The Noble Earl
had said there was a choice of evils, and that the
breaking up of the Government -would be roost incon-
venient. This was true, but though thanks were due to
those by whom the present state of things have been
brought about, and he thought though it would be a great
evil to break up the Government at the head of which the
Noble Duke was, yet that evil would be much less than the
yielding up of the Protestant ascendancy in Church and State.
To prevent the breaking up of the noble Duke's Govern-
ment, he could not consent to the sacrifice of the princi-
ples upon which that government was founded. . When
the ship had struck against the rock- were their Lordships
to look at the mast or rudder merely, or were
they not earnestly to look at the saving of tie
ship ? and was it to he doubted, if they did so, that she
would right again, and steer safely into port? Something
had been said in the course of their Lordships' debates about
intimidation, and the accusations of this sort the Noble
Duke bad indignantly repelled. He understood intimida-
tion to-mean this : one man is told by another not to do a
thing, and he,says he will do it ; the other says he shall
not do it, but the person ordered not to do a thing, does it
in spite of the command, and what he does is acquiesced in.
The Noble Duke said he did net act from fear. To him
(the Eat I of Falmouth) the case appeared as if a man were
to meet him in the street, and ask him, with threati, for
something he possessed, and Ile were to say " stop a little;
you lie down, or let me put you down—that was, he be-
lieved, the phrase of the bill—and then you Inv get up
and do as you like, - and I will give you what you want."
This appeared to him intimidation ; and this would, he
believed, be the end of admitting the Catholics. He was
afraid he had said too much ; he had said more than he in-
tended, but not more than lie hoped their Lordships would
think he was justified in saying in presenting the petition
to their Lordships. The Noble Earl presented two peti-
tions—one from Truro, and the other from another place
in Cornwall—signed by (1,00 and 1,100 persons.
-A.
Earl GREY was undemood- fO say, that he was not
aware that the Noble Earl meant to make any observations
on what had fallen from him, or he should have come
.prepared to reply, and he was understood to complain of
some want of courtesy on the part of the Noble Earl ; but
the first sentence spoken by the Noble Earl was not dis-
tilled)? -audible below the bar. He went on to observe,
that he was not accustomed to go back from any principles
he had stated its that House, and was generally prepared to
defend what he bad said, even at a distant period ; but if
be bad known that the Noble Earl intended to refer to the
subject - he had alluded to, he should have taken care to
come prepared to state more in detail than he could then
do the' reasons for the opinions attacked by the Noble
Lord. In the first place, the Noble Earl had referred to
what he bad stated about the county of Cornwall, and the
Noble-Earl seemed to suppose that he had asserted, from
the election of Mr. Pendarves, that the county was fa-
vourable to the Catholic Claims. If he recollected right,
what he had stated was, that the return of Mr. Pendarves
to the last Parliament on the popular interest, who was
known to be a friend to Parliamentary Reform and favour-
able to the Catholic Claims, proved that the county of
Cornwall was not so completely opposed to the Catholic
Claims as the Noble Earl had represented it. The
• Noble Earl has stated that this inference was incorrect,
and that there was no opposition. This made the case
stronger. There was another candidate ; but the interest
of Mr. Pendarves was so great, - though he was known to
be a friend of Reform and friendly to the admission of the
Catholics, that the other candidate declined going to an
election. Mr. Pendarves stood so high, and so great had
been the respect for him in the county, that no poll was
taken. This confirmed -what he before stated, and front
this - he drew the inference, that the whole population of
the county of Cornwall was not so averse to the Catholic
Claims as the Noble Lord had represented it. The next
point to which the Noble Earl had adverted was the major
rities in the Muse of Commons on the Catholic Question
since 1812, and tll Noble Earl had drawn an inferenct.

. . .
from those majorities contrary, to what lie (Earl Grey) bad
Stated as to the opinion of. the House of Commons. He
had stated_ those major/dee with a view of shewing cer-
tainly what was the opinion, of the House of Commons,
both formerly and at present, and remarking the opposition
between the opinions of that House end their Lordships.
The Noble Earl had spoken of the decreasing majorities of
that House on this question, end had inferred that it bad
not increased in favour 'with the people of England.
In 1807, Ire believed-;=he did not recollect exactly,
but he believed—the majority was 106, while in
1827 it was considerably less. But the Noble Earl had not
adverted to the laCt that when the majority was 126.
not above three hundred members had voted ; while on the
Other .occasion there, were upwards of iioo, he believed
nearly 600, Members voted. This, then, was a strong
progf of how the House of Cotmuons felt on the Catholic
Question, and he inferred from that, although he admitted
that he thought the other House of Parliament might be
improved, and that a refOrm in it to a certain extent was
necessary, yet he never had thought that it was not, even
as now constituted, materially influenced >ay the opinions
of the people ; and thinking so, he thought its votes on
this question might be taken as a representation of, the
opinions of the country. He did not suppown...theirLord-
ships to he influenced in the Same degree as the-7'4er
branch of the Legislature, and the Noble Lord had quoted .
the majority of 1812, which was one, and .he majority
the last time the question was brought forward, which was
forty-five, against the question ; and the Noble Lord had
adverted to the introduction into their Lordships' House of
some new Peers favourably disposed to the Catholics, and
had drawn the inference that the cause was now less fa-
vourably received by their Lordships than formerly. The
Noble Lord had forgotten, apparently, that between 1827
and 1807, nearly sixty new Peers had been created, most of
whom were unfavourable to the Catholics, and if this
increase were taken into consideration, it would appear that
the-oppoaition to the Catholics had not increased, but de-
creased. He was reminded, too, that the majority of the
Peers created in 1827 was not in favour of the Catholics ;
so that the inference of the Noble Earl was drawn from a
statement that was not correct. He would not make any
further remarks on what had fallen from the Noble Earl
with respect to himself; but he would make a few re-
marks on what the Noble Earl had said with respect to the
great question he had referred to, though he would not
enter into the merits of thit question. He had no doubt
that his wishes and those of the Noble Earl, with respect
to preierving and maintaining our Constitution, were pre-
cisely the same ; they only differed as to 'the means by
which that Constitution was to be preierved. (Hear,
hear.)—The Noble Earl thought that the only means of
maintaining it would be to refuse any concessions to the
Catholics. He (Earl Grey) thought the only means of
securing that Constitution was to grant concessions to the
Catholics with a liberal and conciliating spirit, such as
would calm and satisfy the people of Ireland, and put an
end to tho'se agitations and disturbances which new endan-
gered the Constitution. The NOble Earl, at the conclusion
of his speech, had used a Cornish metaphor, and had talked
of the vessel of the State, and its masts, and its rudder, and its
hull; but that was the first time that he (Earl Grey) had
ever heard the laws, which were applicable to the wreck-
ing of vessels, adduced as an argument against relieving
the Catholics from their disabilities.—(Hear, bear, and .a
laugh.)—lf he had been disposed to use a metaphor of that
kind, he should rather have described the vessel of the
State as driving on a dangerous shoal or rock, and the laws
against the Catholics as resembling some of its entangled
rigging and shattered masts, that they must cut away in
order to save the; vessel.—( Hear, bear.)—He would ask
the Noble Earl, if such was the situation of the veleta as
he described, if she were driving in danger, if he thought
she would be saved by promoting divisions and distraction
among the crew?—(Hear, hear.)—Would it not be wiser
and safer to give all hands an interest in saving the vessel,
and cheer them on, by kindness and conciliation, to the
great and, noble task ?—( Hear, hear. )-.--The Noble Lord
was aware of the evils which awaited' item, and he would
look well to the consequence of his opposition ; lie
would weigh well, before he proceeded, the consequence
of success The Noble Lord must be aware that if
his opposition to the Bill were successful, that would,
most likely, put an end to the Noble Duke's Admi-
nistration, than which he (Earl Grey) believed no
greater evil could befall the country ; none more likely
to bring the Constitution into danger. This was one of
the consequences which might ensue from the Noble Earl's
opposition. He would ask tire Noble Earl, if the present
Administration was to be dissolved, Where he would then
find another to carry on the Government of the country?
It was not possible to find such a Ministry not bound to
cart y the Catholic Question. It was not possible._ (Hear.)
It was not possible to find any man so bold as to undertake
to conduct the Government and preserve the Constitution,
if the Question were not settled. (Hear.) Let the Noble
Earl louts, also, at the consequences of disappointing seven
millions of people, long irritated, long oppressed, full of dis-
content at hopes being frustrated—let hint consider
the consequences when their hopes had now been
raised, when their expectations had been excited—let him
consider the consequences of that people, driven to despair
by the rejection of that Bill for which they were so anxiously
looking. (Cheers.) Let him look at all the consequences,
and Ile wi'l seriously consider before he pursues his opposi-
tion. He had been surprised, he had never felt greater
surprise indeed in his life, than at some opinions which had
been delivered in that House; but of these he should speak
' hereafter. Ile had only wished to vindicate himself from
some of the observations of the Noble Earl, and in doing
that, he had been led to make some remarks on the incene
ceiVable degree of faith placed by the Noble Earl and some
other Noble Lords in the course by which they hoped to
obtain their ends.—(Hear.)
The Earl of FALMOUTH wished to say a few words
in explanation. In answer to the Noble Lord's statement
that he (Lord Falmouth) had spoken after three days' de-
liberation, he could only say that he had seized the first
opportunity of delivering his sentiments. Saturday and
Sunday had intervened since the delivery of the Noble
Earl's speech, and on last night he (Lord Falmouth) had
been prevented from coming down to the Hope, Ile
would have answered the Noble Earl on Friday night, but
for the exhausted state of the house at the time. In the
observations which be had made on the Noble Earl's speech
he conceived that he had only discharged his duty; and
this he would say, that he had never heard a more uncon-
stitutional principle than that of acting under a fear of
breaking .up the present administration. He could not fee
his part, as a Peer of Parliament, subscribe to sych an un-
constitutional principle.
Earl GREY said that a blind insensibility to conse-
quences in adopting a course of conduct, when dangers
pressed upon us, was not wise, and could not be justified
upon any principle. Any man of common sense, whea
he saw danger approaching, would consider what was best
to be done in order to avert it. And this remark brought
him to the subject of intimitletion which had been so
much insisted upon by some Noble Lords. The pro-
posers of the present measures were accused of fear.—
Fear there unquestionably was, but it was an honest and
a just fear, originating in wisdom, and directed to the
preservation and safety of the country. (Hear, bear.) If
Ministers saw that tire pursuing a certain course would be
pregnant with great dangers to the country, they acted upon
a sound fear in deviating from that course, and it was the
duty, not only of every statesman, but of every man of
common sense, to fear such dangers, and to endeavour to
avert them. (Hear.) It was the condition of mortality
that they should be all subjects to dangers, and thc great
principle of self-preservation impelled them to, provide
against and prevent such dangers. That was the rule by
direct his conduct in re-
f‘evrheincche etvoertyhesct4)tuennan gl
tncyinwrnhuol4ae councils he took a part ;
and when he. saw That it perseverance in the course would
produce great evils to the state, it would be his duty to
cake another course, in orier to obviate those evils. (Hear.)
The Noble Lord had talked of fear: he (Lord Grey) was
not ashamed to say that he was possessed of feat:, end' that
that fear directed his conduct in refeeeoce to this question.
He was not ashamed to say that be was afraid to leave
Ireland in the state in whicili she was at present, rind ,haft
upon that principle he was determined to give his cordial
support and gratitude to the )Ministers who were adopting
at length measures of tardy, but, he trusted, effectual, justice
towards that unfortunate country.—(Hear.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON said,, after What has
passed I should have thought that I would have heard no
more on the subject of intimidation ; and I should n,n4
have thought it necessary to address yorir tardehips a
second time on that subject, had it net been for the manlier
in which_ the Noble Lerd has presented this petition. As
I uuderatuod the Noble Lordr he saitl3 with respect t®

. . • • . . .
the Catholic question, we stand in the way, that
is to say. it' von give us leave to knock yoti
down, We will afterwards deliver up all tha cis ne; s-
sary for the security of the Constitution of that country.
Now, I beg to assure the Noble Lord, that in reso,,t to
bargain or cuntattnication of any sort, his. Mtj sty's
servants have made none. His Majesty's servants have come
forward to perform their duty on their awn resp.Msibhity,
under a sense of what was due to the country, and
necessiry for the peace and tranquillity of the state.,
—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord has both on this
and on a fOrmer night discussed the majorities found
as well in the House of Commons as in this House, at dif2
fercnt periods during the last twenty years upon this ques-
tion. I will not follow him through those calculations,'
though I must say I think he should have borne in mind
the great majorlties by which this question had been fro:
quench' carried in the other House, and he should, in par-
ticular, have considered the very large majority which ap;
peared in the Commons in favour of the consideration of
this question in 1812. The NOble Lord should have con-
sidered that up
.to last year, and by their last votes, the.
House of Commons was opposed in this. House on this
question,—the majority of the House of Commons'
being of one-way of thitiVog,:nd the majority in tins
House of Lords being of another way of thinking;
My Lords, it was with this state:of things .bef.re me;
that I was to coine forward this Session. of Parlia-
ment and communicate with you and the other House
upon the state of Irish affairs: now I, beg your'
Lordships to consider, that being the state of Paz-14604kt,
heldbov one
ee
opinion.G o Government stood.
the
tiozdu.se
ofT 61,
Idr:it:trod? efr,Cavotlen
ons
the
Government had no opinion at Hear, bear.).7-Is;
not this a state of things to attract the serious cons
sideration of Government,. without being accused of any
thing like fear or apprehension ? I say I could_ not tai •
into consideration in the Cabinet .any question resp&cting
the state of Ireland, which was , not in
,sorne

manner qr other influenced' IT the stafe of thell, hot'
pCatholics of Irelan!. The state in which the (ItstiotL
stood both. is this Hotise autlin the other House of Por-
'lament, was one of the evils I and my colleagues had
to take into our most serioti4 considetation,..
we mine on purpose to give. our adVice to hrs. .Majesty
on the subject. Now if the Noble Lord will look at the
difficulties of the question, not. only in. that part of the
empire but in this, 'if he will look bow we stood in Par-.
liament as well as in Council, he must see roans, reasons
for the decision to which we came, besides the unworthy
motives he attributes to us. He (the Duke of Welling-
ton) would say this, that it required more firmness of cha-
racter in his Right Hon. Friend in the other house to

come forward as a Minister of this country, ithandori
opinions which he had hitherto maintained, and -to urge
upon Parliathent the adoption of this measure, to which
he had been always opposed,—to abandon, as it were, his
political existence in order to urge on Parliament thitt
measure,—it required, he repeated, more firmness of cha-
net& on the part of his Right Hon. Friend to do 'that,
thin to adhere to his old and long-cherished'opinions on
the subject —(Hear.)lt. required, he would again say;
more firmness of character in his Right Hon. Frieral to cast
away all his former notions, and to follow new opinions,'
when be conceived that their adoption Was absolutely ne-
cesstry for the benefit of the Constitution and the security'
of the State, than to have continued in that manse for de-
viating from which he had subjected himself to time attacks
Of the Noble Lord. He (thb Duke of Wellington) begged
pardon for having a second time trespassed on the patience
of their Lordships on this subject; but a charge so urtzt
worthy and so unjust against any set of men as that
which had been preferred by the Noble Lord against his
Majesty'4 Ministers, he could rot suffer to pass Unnoticed
or without contradiction.—(Hear.)

ACT FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE IRISH

CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION.

Sir A. GRANT and others brought up an Act for the
Suppression of Dangerous Societies or Ass.ciations in lie-
land.

The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the. first
reading of it,' that it should be• printed, and gave notice
that he should move the second reading of it on Thursday
next, the House being to summoned.
CATHOLIC QUESTION.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE, on presenting a petition
from Halifax agenst any concession to the Roman Catho-'
lies, said he hoped that as the Noble Duke at the head-of
the Government bad not as yet given any satisfactory ex-
planation of the ulterior design he had in view respecting
the admission of the Catholics to political power, be would
then see 'the expediency of favouring the House with an
exposition of the particular nature of that design—whether
it was intended—toetevest-Partiament orthe -Government
with more absolute power than they at present possessed.
The country, he could tell him, was not prepared, and
would not submit either to absolute power or military
rule ; it was therefore to be hoped that the ulterior Niews
of Ministers would be soon made public as a guide to the
expressions of public iteliug, He could not atfach much
weight to the alleged difficulties of the Noble Duke in ma-
naging a cabinet divided on the Catholic question, for he
knew the Noble Duke was perfectly absolute in the cabinet,
and that he had only to say sic cob°, sic jubeo, stet pro
raiione volentas, and his will was implicitly obeyed.
Neither could he feel the force of the alleged sacrifices
made in favour of the Protestant cause, when he consi-
dered that the sacrifice would be truly of the Protestants
if the Catholics were admitted to power. [Owing to the
pressure of the crowd and the Noble Duke's having spoken
in a low tone of voice, he was not distinctly audible be-
low the bar.] •
_ _

The Marepois CAMDEN could not help advising the
Noble Duke (Wellington) not to answer every einestion
which Noble Lords might indulge thems(dves in putting to
him—the rather, as he and his colleagues in the Govern-
ment had shown themselves sufficiently ready to take the
responsibility of the measures they ii_)t it their duty to
bring before Parliament on their own shoulders. He was
aware that it was inconvenient to trespass much on the
time of the House on the presenting of petitions; but still
hoped that he might be permitted in a very few words to
express his opinion on measures which he rejoiced were in
harmony with the sentiments he had long invariably enter-
tained on the Catholic Question. He had lon thought,
that to be successful and beneficial, a meastiv, of relief of
the Catholics should emanate from the Government; and
therefore felt it to be a matter of conratulation that the
time was come when Ministers, after deep consideration;
and some of them in the teeth q# long-cherished opinions,
felt it to be their duty to obtain the sanction of the Crown
for such a measure. On this occasion he knew not welt
how to express his• high admiratiOn of the great firmness
and high spirit and dignified conduct of a Right Hon.
Gentleman, a Member of the other House of Parliametit,
who manfully came forward, at the sacrifice, too, of per-
sonal feelings and of private ties, as the ailvocate of mea-
sures which he (Lord Caulden) firmly believed wonld be
honourable to himself and most useful to the conntry.—
(Cbeers.)—The Noble Lord expressed his belicf that he
then for the Rest time could congratulate the e..ountry with
the best founded hopes of success, on a s;Stern of policy
which he had long advocated, and which. 'tie thought would
put an end to all jealousy and disunion between Catholics
and Protestants.

L Houoser:l
al:111.111i= FALMOUTH la 7d been
(uest 20 years
iont
ot
e a
Governmentlle
liber of
u tht
ialt;
that a few evenings ago ; -not but he thought there was no-
thint.3 irregular in aufNoble.Lord seeking froni'the proper
source for information on any important subject that had
deeply engaged his attention.
The Earl of DARNLEY was convinced that the more
the question of Emancipation was discussed, the more it
would prosper in public opinion. Indeed, he was sure
that if he had occasion, and he was happy he should not,
next year to present a petition in favour of the Catholics
similar to that he had presented a few evenings ago from
the county of Kent, it would have more than deehie the
number of signatures. It was, strange, to say the lea'st of
it, in some Noble Lords, to, impute to his Noble Friend at
the head of the Government a wish to intimidate, or to
charge Ministers with having been intimidated, when the
whole entuluct of those Noble Lords was one of intimida-
tion and threat to appeal to the apprehensions and preju-
dices of tho country. He (Lord Darnley) was old enough
to remember the proceedings of 2780, when a similar -ap-
peal was made, which, owiag to the people then being
much less enlightened than they were at present, was pro-
ductive of much niu,ee mischievous consequences. But such
_an-appeal we,uld Mil now, because the people were progres7
sing in knowledge. If they were not so, and were as
wri•ant as their predecessors, another fire in London would
not be the improbable result of the narrow-winded ir.Ram-
matory appeals that b.ael been lately made to their worst
feelings and prejudic-es.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented a petition
against the Catholic claims from an individual named
Joseph Morris, a bookseller and printer, in Shrewsbury.
On the motion that it he printed,
Lord HOLLAND observed, that it was not usual to
print petitions frana individuals. It was, moreover, unre-
ces-ary the present case; for the petitioner, boring Lire-
-43,l a printer, could give his sentinienti sufficient
city.—(A laugh.)

The Duke C;f NEWCASTLE presented ten other peti—
tions from digcrent places in Nottinghamshire, also aguinst
Cutholie Lroancipation.

A similar ritition WaS presented from the Clergy of

P. i.th)relitzh, by the FrNhop of Lo:Ir)ov; and from
Li.:,l4enwth, in Shropshirt•. by Earl Powys.

The Earl of DARN. LEY presented petitions for Catlho•-
lic Emancipation from Athboy, Kilskcane, and 21 other
pl.rces i:► Ireland.,
Adjourned at Half-past Six o'clock.