The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-27 00:00:00

the close of last session, that he thought agriculture was fairly
entitled to protection.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from
the Ministerial benches.) He said he thought so, on account
of the local charges to which agriculture was subjected, as well
as on account of the malt-tax—( Renewed cries of " Hear,
hear,")—and the Noble Lord did disturb the agricultural mind
during the recess, by holding out Strong expectations that he
should propose some measure fur removing or diminishing the
malt-tax.—(Cheers. and cries of " Hear, hear.") " His
agricultural friends—( Laughter)—were in expectation of some
propositicn of this sort.—( Hear, hear.) But the Noble Lord
would content himself with voting for }l's proposition for re-
moving the duty on cotton,., and the Noble Lord would rote
with him if the question should be introduced, notwithstanding
his previous calculations against any reduction of the malt-tax.
—( Laughter and cheers.) The Hon. Member should no' say
that he ( Sir Robert Peel) had jilted him. It was the Noble
Lord who had jilted him—( Renewed laughter)—with those fine
promises ; and w hen the Hon. 'Gentleman came to the Noble
Lord, asking him to fulfil his dec'aaations, the Noble Lord
turned round and voted with him ( Sir Robert Peel.)—(Cries
of Hear, hear," in which Nlr. Cobden and other leading
Members in the Opposition joined.) He thought it was better
not to enter into all the details of the resolution. He would
Confine himself to the question whether or not it was right that
swear, the produce of slave labour, should he admitted into
competition with sugar, the produce of free labour. He was
glad that this matter bad been discussed in the tone and temper
in which it had been. It was a question involving great financial
considerations. Although they had been charged with hy-
pocrisy, he believed it was their duty as Ministers of the
Crown to bear with those imputations. Every Ho-
nourable Gentleman who had used them had disclaimed
any intention of giving offence ; but the Right Hon. Gentle-
man had certainly charged their. with dissimulation in no very
courteous language. But the Right Hon. Gentleman added
that though he disliked the proposition of the Government,
nothing was further from his mind than to charge them with
hypocrisy, " Although," he said, " you have recorded a reso-
lution recognising this principle, if it were not for that resolu-
tion and a mistaken idea of consistency, I am convinced you
would hare taken a different course, and one more in accord-
ance with your own convictions." In short that they, the Go-
vernment, would not have excluded slave-labour sugar from
competition with sugar the produce of free-labour. Now,
he must say, that having considered and recoxsidered the
subject, even if this resolution had not existed, he should
not have been prepared to admit sugar the produce of slave
labour into competition with sugar the produce of free
labour. Notwithstanding the very able speech of the Right
Hon 'Gentleman, he did not thinkit would he just towards our
colunies,-or at all consistent with the principles which they
had avowed in the face of the wprld, to. admit sugar, the pro-
duce of slave-labour, at the same discriminating duty into
competition with free-labour produce. First of all, concerning
the, question of policy. So far as this country was concerned,
if we regarded commerce and fiaance alone, he was bound
at once to say that he could not defend this duty-a-( Hear.
hear, from the Opposition.) He thought, upon mere ab-
stract reference either to finance or commercial considera-
tions, they ought not to make distinctions between
free and shave-labour sugar. But it was impossible to dis-
regard the condition of the West Indian colonies.— ( Hear.)
He admitted that Parliament had behaved with great
liberality so far as individuals were conce:ncd, and that a
great pecuniary sacrifice had been made ; but he did not
think that pecuniary sacrifice, however onerous to the people
of this country—however complete as a compensation in in-
dividual cases—and he doubted that it was complete—but he
did not think, he repeated, that that relieved them from the
necessity of considering in what relation we were to these co-
lonies, nor would it justify them in admitting slave-grown
sugar into competition with theirs. Now, first as regarded,
the slave-trade and slavery. You would tell them in that case,
to enter into competition with Brazil anti Cuba, countries where
not en!), slavery existed, but where the slave-trade was carried
on to a great extent, and in violation of public engagements.
No doubt hut after some time the colonists, set h free labour,
might be ultimately able to compete with slave labour. It
might be gainful to the commerce of this country to admit
sugar, the produce of slave-labour, and to the consumer as well,
but it would so disturb the relations between this country and
foreign countries, so traterially interrupt progress towards
an improved condition, and so disable the colonists from bear-
ing the burdens to which they were subjected, that he doubted
whether, Wtimately, if we maintained existing colonial rela-
tions, the sacrifice we would be obliged to make for their inte-
rest would not countervail any immediate advantages from
sacrificing the produce of these colonies. The Right Hon.
Gentleman asked how it was possible for them, with any re-
gard to consistency, to make the proposition they had made,
looking at what they had done in respect to the admission of
other articles the produce of slave-labour. How was it possible
(continued the Right Hon. Gentleman) to make a proposition
regarding particular articles, the produce of slave-labour,
which they would not extend to other articles likewise the
produce of slave-labour. And he referred in particular to
articles the produce of the United States. The Right Hon.
Gentleman spoke with the greatest indignation at the state
of society there, in relation to slavery. He had not only ani-
madverted on the state of the law and usages of society there,
but adverted to the declarations made by public men and the
acts sanctioned by the constitutional organs of public opinion.
The Right Hon. Gentleman said, that if there was any country
against which tha indignation of the civilised world -should be
directed it was the United States of Anieriea—that the United
States continued slavery in its most aggravated form—that
there were some States which bred slaves for the purpose of
labour—that the United States was the Power which had pre.
vented the extension of the right of search, which if universally
adopted would be effectual. '1 he Right Hon. Gentleman said
that the present state of public opinion in France would not
have existed if the United States had not resisted the
right of search. All that might be true. But the
United States had a right to continue this condition of slavery
—they had a right to refuse being parties to the right of search.
They might have been very unwise to take either one course
or the w her, but being an independent Power they had a per-
fect right to use that discretion. The Right Hon. Gentleman
said that we admitted their cotton, and why thould we exclude
their sugar? The Noble Lord did not think that it would be
wise to interfere with the proceedings in this matter of the
United States. He did not think that it would be either
right or wise to interfere with the slaves passing from one slave
State to another. Heseemed, indeed, as he had said, to en-
tertain great doubts whether, by such interference, if he did in-
terfere, he would be in any way serving the int( rests of hu-
manity. But what, notwithstanding all this, did he
say ? lie charged the Government with hypocrisy, in refusing
to admit sugar the produce of slave labour, while at the same
time, by the repeal of the duty, they had given free admission
to cotton, which was the produce of stave labour also. But
what was the crsc? There was a material difference between
the two articles—there was a material cliff, rence between the
production of the sugar of Cuba and Brazil, and the cotton of
the United States. The labour necessary for the production
of cotton was far less than that necessary for the production of
sugar. Again, there was a material difference also in the
healthiness of the cotton plantations and the healthiness of the
sugar plantations. But he (Sir R. Peel) did not mean to rely
on that; but he did rely on this—that the two countries which
would enter into competition with the sugar of our colonial
possessions— Cuba and Brazil—were placed under very
different circumstances from those colonies, and it was
necessary to consider this, in the imposition of the duties
on sugar. The Noble Lord had said that he recognised certain
duties which he bad to fulfil to his own country and his family.
The slaves, he acknowledged, were so situated in relation to
him as to give them a claim on his humane interference. But
he said, at the same time, that he doubted whether his inter-
ference would do them any good. Now he (Sir R. Peel) did
beiicve that the importation of slave-grown sugar into this
country inflicted such an injury on the lowest and most help-
less of all human beings, and such indeed as to give them a
claim on our sympathy and interference. He said this claim
Vllt3 the greater frcm the injury being inflicted on the most
helpless of huMan beings—he meant the negro population.
What was our position with respect to the slave trade?
They had put themselves into a position to interfere with
those countries which deal in slaves. We had resolved
to do all in our power to put down the slave
trade wherever it might exist.—( Hear, hear.) For
what purpose, he would ask the Noble Lord, was it, if
not for this, that this country had constituted its cruisers the ge-
neral police of the world? The Noble Lord thought that we were
unwise in this respect, anti that might he, but we had used cur
utmost exertions to put down the slave trade. Other countries
had engaged to co-operate with us in this great object. Many
persons say that we are unwise in having entered into ties
undertaking. He did not argue with them, he argued with
that House ; and he did say, that having entered into that
undertaking, it was their duty to carry it out. In 1837, the
Hon. Member for Oxford had-said that those countries would
zealeusy co-operate with us in the suppression of the slave
trade. They had accordingly entered into treaties with Spain
and Portugal for this object, and the Governments of those
countries would do their utmost to suppress that abominable
traffic. From various circumstances, the effect of this traffic
was removed from us. We did not carry on the stave trade
ourselves, and, therefore, its horrors were not brought before us.
But he did believe that those horrors were in no way de-
creased, and he had a firm conviction that, if the sugar, the
produce of slave-labour, were to be introduced into this coun-
try, it would give a very great stimulus to the slave trade, and
increase those horrors which we had been at so much pains
and expense to prevent. It was thought, and said by some,
the anti-slave trade feeling was extinct in this country, but he
believed that such was not the case, and that if the exertions
which had of late years been made by the country to suppress
the slave trade had rendered that feeling dormant, it had not
by any means been extinguished. He did believe that, though
dormant now, the feeling would immediately revive if any
measures were to be taken which were likely in any way to re-
vive the horrors which that feeling protected. What were
these horrors? In a space where the sleeks were only from two
to two-and-a-half feet apart, between 600 and 700 human
beings were crowded and transferred in that state from the
coast of Africa to Cuba and Brazil. Only conceive the hor-
rors of from 600 to 700 human beings being crowded into such
at space, and enduring through the whole of the Middle Pas-
sage in a confinement of two feet-and-a-half. On their
arrival in Brazil, their limbs were so paralyred that they were
unfit for the business for which they had been conveyed there.
The two countries which carry on the slave-trade are those
countries whose produce the Noble Lord was desirous to in-
trodue.3 without discriminating duties. Beside the advantage
which those countries possessed in the cheapness of slave-
labour, there was also another. In Brazil there was more fresh
land, virgin land, than in any other from which sugar was
introduced into this country. Now, the opening
of the markets for the importation of Brazilian sugar,
without any differential duty. would be greatly instrumental in
promoting slavery. The effect of the efforts of this country
showed the full advantage derived in the suppression of the
slave trade. Last
,sear the number of vessels captured and
condemned was thirty-seven or forty-seven vessels. In 1844,
as compared with 1843, it appea, ed that the vessels condemned
by the Commission Courts—tie did not elude to the Admiralty
Courts—was in 1843 fifteen, while in 1814 they were thirty-,
five. 'I his, it might be said, was an imperfect test, and he saes
bound to snow it, for he believed that as many slaves were now
landed on the coast of Brazil as there ever were. They did
not diminish, but this was to fault of the arrangements with
that country, but the fact was the authorities neglected
tlicir
duty in this matter. In Cuba, when General Valdez
(who was appointed to the office by Espartero)
was Governor, to les honour be it spokon, he
bad honestly and earnestly exerted himself to sup] rocs the
slave trade. During his goveinment the efforts to that end
were eminently successful, and the number of slaves intro-
duced into Cuba declined from 13.t.,00 to 12,000, to 10,000,
and in 1842 to 3, (9. And he ( Sit R. Peet) believed, that
if General Valdez had remained, the slave trade in Cut:a
would have been altogether suppressed. In Brazil, he be-
lieved the authorities were equally sincere, but private ii:te-
terest had proved too powerful for public duty, and the slave
trade had revived, artl, withnut the concurivtice of the au-
thorities, he believed it would revive. Would it be consis-
tent to have a naval armament upon tim coast
the ostensible urpose of preventing the
ve trade, for
and,
at the same time, to have vessels laden with .sugar, the produce
and and the support of that trade, sailing from Cuba and Brazil to
our ports ?—( Cheers.) Those countries had entered into
engagements with us for prohibiting the slave trade, but
they had not fulfilled those engagements.—( Heel-, hear.)
Ile must admit that there Aremcd to he some inconsistency
in allowing the importation of slave-grown cotton, and pro-
hibiting sugar.— (Hear.) He owned it was difficult to take
any course on those subjects that would not be. liable to the
imputation of inconsistency. Btu he did not think that any
one on the opposite side of the House would prohibit the
importation of cotton which was the production of slave labour.
—(Hear, hear.) But the question was, whether the importa-
tion Of sugar from Brazil and Cuba, which was the great curse