The Sun.
London, England, 1845-06-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TU'ESDA I EVENING, JUNE 3, 1845.

THEATRES.
FRENCH PL4YS, ST. JAMES'S.

of suecessive wars, rebellions, and forfeiture of property, a
system had been carried on in that country for the possession
cf the Crown—that repealed by Act of Parliament all penal
codes, and enacted others for the support of the Soveign and
the protection of the reformed religion, as introduced into Ire-
land by the code of laws adverted to. From the introduction
of that code till the year 1795 (during which period the Re-
formation could not be carried into extensive execution in Ire-
land) there never were wanted ecclesiastics for the service of the
Roman Catholic mission in that country, whether natives
of the British dominions or advocated in foreign seminaries.
The forces of the Republic spread into the Catholic countries,
beyond the banks of the Rhine, into Germany, and Italy. In
the course of the Revolution, the religious establishments of
France were put down. But still he believed that it would
have been possible to have found means for the education of
Irish Roman Catholic ecclesiastics in the Catholic er unifies of
the Continent. But the Ministers of the day, and those whom
they consulted in Ireland, did not think it expedient to leave
the education of so considerable a body to foreign influence.—
( Hear, hear.) Besides, in the fifteen years previous to the
period to which he referred, the power of the Irish Parliament
had been increased, and that body had become an imperial and
independent Parliament. Considering, also, that the popular
power had been introduced into the existence of that Parlia-
ment by the repeal of the Acts to which he had adverted—con-
sidering how much the power of the native population had been
augmented, the Government of that day, on both sides of the
water, in England as well as in Ireland, decided that it was
their duty to endeavour to discover the means of establishing
native education for the Roman Catholic ecclesiastics in Ireland,
rather than to leave them any longer to the foreign education,
which they might have continued to receive after they ear 1795.
They, therefore, made the arrangement which was recited in
this Bill, being the Act of 1795. That arrangement was sug-
gested by two successive Lords Lieutenant, of different gene-
ral political opinions—the late Earl Fitzwilliarn and the Mar-
quis of Camden.—(Hear, hear.) The character of those
men whom be would now name, would be sufficient to assure
this House that they could mean nothing detrimental to the
religious e,tablishment of this country. Those men
were the late Lord Chief Justice Fitzgibbon, the Arch-
bishop of Cashel, the Earl of Shannon, the Lord Chief
Justice of the Common Pleas, Chief Baron Yelverton, Mr.
Speaker Foster, Mr. Woulte, afterwards Chief Baron of the
Queen's Bench, and Lord Kilwarden, who was murdered in the
streets of Dublin in the insurrection of 1803. The measure
was then sent to England to that highly respectable and re-
spected nobleman the Duke of Portland, Secretary of State,
and he consulted with the Archbishop of Canterbury before he
presented it to his Sovereign, Geo. 111., with whose approval
it was returned to Ireland. So that there never was a mea-
sure proposed that offered so much security against injury to
the established religion of this country.—( Hear, hear.) The
Bill went back with the approbation of an exclusively Protes-
tant Government, with Mr. Pitt at its head, and, therefore,
they could not recommend any measure that proposed to en-
danrer the religious establishments or opinions of this country.
—(Near, hear.) He had thought it necessary to make those
observations before going into the general question, because he
perceived by the petitions presented to the House, and by what
-vas passing in public, that the opposition to the measure was
owing to the fear entertained that the measure would be dan-
gerous to the Established Church, a feeling which he was
happy to say was quite illusory—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—
and, therefore, they might pass it with confidence.—( Hear. )
A measure to this effect was taken into the consideration of the
Irish Parliament before the Union. It was also under the
consideration of that House at the period of the Union, and was
taken account of in the articles of the Union. He would read
to their Lordships the 7th article, which would show this to be
the case. The Noble Duke then read an extract from the
article, to the effect that a sum of money, not less than that
which had been granted for a period of six years before 1800,
should be applied for the purposes of agricultural and manu-
facturing improvements, and for religious and charitable objects,
in such a manner as the Parliament of the United Kingdom
should direct. Now at that time not a word was said against
the measure. Subsequently, in 1808, after the union of the
two countries was completed, the subject was discussed, and
considerable difference of opinion was manifested as to the amount
of the grant, but not a word was said about religious prin-
ciples being in danger—not a word about danger
to the religious establishment. The only objection
was to the amount of- the grant, but nothing
whatever about the insecurity of religious principles. He (the
Duke of Wellington) said that religious principle was safe
there, it was safe ever since, and it was safe at the present
moment.—( Hear, hear.) He would now call the attention of
their Lordships to the condition of the present institution for
the education of the Roman Catholic priesthood. There could
be no doubt but that some means were necessary for the edu-
cation of Roman Catholic priests of Ireland. The population
at the period of the Union was 3,000,009; in 1841 it was
8,261,C00, and now it had no doubt increased to 8,500,000.
Of this number about 7-Bths were considered to be Roman
Catholics. There could be no doubt whatever that by far the
larger proportion of the people of Ireland were Roman Catholics.
—(1-leer, hear,) This large population required religious
teachers, and these, if provision were not furnished for
their education at home, must receive their education abroad.
True, the country was in a different situation to what
it was in 1795, but, notwithstanding, though they
were at peace now with the whole world, it was, in
his belief, still desirable to establish such educational
arrangement in Ireland, that time inhabitants of that portion
of her Majesty's dominions should not be under the necessity
of sending their ministers abroad to be educated. He would
call the attention of their Lordships to the events of the last
two years to illustrate the importance of providing means of
education for the theological teachers of the Irish people. Dur-
ing the period referred to, great alarm was manifested on ac-
count of the large meetings held for the purpose of seeking a
repeal of the Union existing between this country and Ireland.
They were aware of the exciting language made use of at there '
meetings, and that foreigners had attended them, and taken a
prominent part in the proceedings. It was also well known
that meetings had been held in foreign countries, sympathising
with the proceedings for a repeal of the Union, and agreeing to
support them by money contributions. Under such circum-
stances, could their Lordships depend upon the education of
ecclesiastics in foreign countries ? He did not mean to charge
the Government of any of those countries with offering any
encouragement to the proceedings to which he had referred, or
manifesting any favour towards the persons who took part in
them. He believed no such thing, but he warned their Lord-
ships against the possibility of evil that existed, by allowing
the ecclesiastics of this country to be educated abroad.—( Hear,
hear.) In adverting to the state of religion abroad in all
foreign countries, in which oducation was sought by these ec-
clesiastics, in France, Italy, and the Netherlands, he saw much
difficulty to be apprehended in the schisms and dangers exhi-
bited by religious systems in those countries, and it was not
desirable that ecclesiastics for the theological teaching of the
people of Ireland should be educated in those countries, so as
to bring back with them additional divisions to those that already
existed. They (the Government) therefore proposed that a
proper institution should be established at home for the educa-
tion of the ecclesiastics necessary to administer religious rites
to her Majesty's subjects of the Roman Catholic persuasion in
Ireland. In bringing the subject before their Lordships notice
he had shown there was nothing in the measure against the
principles of the Protestant religion, and he would now submit
the proposition, that it was absolutely impossible to maintain
the system as it was.—(llear, hear.) in a paper laid upon
their Lordships' table three days ago, they had been furnished
with the state of the present institution for the education of the
Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland, as found in December
last. The institution was represented as altogether insufficient
for the purposes of education. The buildings were described
to be in a state of ruin ; and the accommodation was such that
it was impossible to accommodate with common decency the
students who attended there. The conveniences for study or,
domestic comfort were of the most imperfect character. The
professors and others engaged in the duties of educating the
students were inadequately rewarded. In fact, the professors of
science, of literature, and of theology were not paid higher
than common clerks. It also was stated that to render it possible
to carry on the institution, even under these imperfect arrange-
ments, it was found necessary to send the students away
during the vacation. This step was absolutely necessary in
order to ensure anything like cleanliness, and to suit the
pressing wants of the establishment. It was necessary to
maintain the institution for the uses of the Roman Catholics
of Ireland—for it, would be admitted they must have ecclesi-
astics, and if so it was evident that at present it was quite
inadequate for the purpose. Her Majesty's Government,
therefore, proposed that to an institution supported by the
feeling of the great body of the
people of Ireland, means
should be afforded so as to establish it on the same
footing, and on the same principles as the other in-
stitutions of the country formed for similar purposes.
All must admit that the Roman Catholics ecclesiastics exercised
great irthence over the minds of the
people, and if so, it was
reasonable that their Lordships should endeavour to provide
peeper means for their education. Such a course was called
for in order to secure the peace and happiness of the country.
We should endeavour to give the students at Maynooth those
Comforts which belong to men who are to fill the stations of life
for which they are intended They
iought to have instructions
in literature and science as. well as n theology—they ought to
have those apparatus and books which are necessary to afford
them instruction in the. various branches of science, and ocher
requisites for the performance of their duties as eccle-
siastics. rely Lords, I am aware there is a prejudicete existing
against the institution and against those educztedhte. I have
nothing to say on this subject, except that an institution such as
the purpose which the Irish people had in view in instituting it.
is that of raising
The object of the measure which we propose
this is represented to be in these papers could not. instituting it.
the character of the institution and the character of those who
are educated there—that the persons educated at Maynooth
may hold the same station and respectability which we have all
seen belong to the Roman Catholic clergymen in foreign coun-
tries, for whom all of us entertain the highest respect, and
that they may be men of education and manners, and erabled
to exercise the influence which belongs to them for the social
improvement of the people. If the measure has the effect of
producing such men for the ministry we shall have rendered a
service to the public by introducing and recommending this
Bill for your Lordships' adoption. I hope the measure will not
be inconsistent with our religious principles, or likely to injure
the religious convictions of Protestants.—(The Noble Duke
then went into the details of the measure which have been
already repeatedly before the public.) The annual grant
would cause perpetually, recurring discussion.—(Hear, hear.)
I consider that sothing can be more wise than making this
grant perpetual, to get rid of those discussions which are the
cause of a display of much ill-feeling and prejudice. I there-
fore say that it is desirable we should pass this Bill, if it
prodnecd no other benefit than that of getting rid
of those annual discussions. I have already said that the grant
to this institution was never considered to involve any religious
opinions or principles, and it cannot be considered to do so
now. But I beg leave to remind your Lordships that this in-
stitution has been maintained fifty years.—(Hear, hear. )
During twenty years of that period we were engaged in war;
you have maintained it since then for a long period of agitation,
and the discussion of questions affecting the interests of Ire-
land, during which you had the Catholic Association and other
o beent
last three
and
d
bodies, against which you have had to make enactments, to pass
coercion Bills, and other measures of that description. To the
measures
very morrowtaken
for of t
ht hee
pur-
pose day
on which
a exciting
ye
most difficult question of all you put an end fifteen years ago—
in 1829. Since then, my Lords, we cannot say that we have
and agitation on the question of the
repeal of the union.—(Hear,
hear.) There was a good deal
of m
this question, and particularly in
the
1843 there existed a good deal of
anxiety in time minds of some and terror in the minds of others.
veryhe
discussionffilarn ecs.q difficulty
uisti
ylpassed,
u p about
an s
n thee s
were
to
—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Great attention was drawn to
the circumstance, and an effect on the question was produced in
foreign countries, and a great many doubted that it would be
impossible to resist the attempt that was made, by tumult and
violence, to carry the repeal of the union.—( Hear, hear. )
My Lords, whatever may be the opinion of the legal effect of
the decision of your Lordships House on the writ of error de-
livered in the month of August or September last, there is no
man in his senses who now doubts that it is absolutely im-
possible to carry any measure by tumult and violence in Ire-
land against the wishes of the Government and the Parliament.
—( Hear, hear.) I believe that no man in his senses now
doubts the fact, and that we are, therefore, this day, in a si-
tuation to undertake the consideration of this measure. We
have now continued the grant for fifty years, and cannot with-
draw it without having the appearance of persecution. There
are nearly eight millions of Catholics in Ireland, and we can-
not Lords
leave them without religious instruction. My , I
ask your unanimous consent to the Bill of which I
have now the honour to propose the second reading.
The Duke of CAMBRIDGE said that he could not sit in
that House and give a silent vote on a question of such paramount
importance to the people of Ireland. He thought it one of the
m eoneilistOry matures rhicla had ever been introduced

Achard, eic prince of vaudcviliists, has Arrived. and
made his debt last evening as Jerome, in La Famille du
Funr.ste, and Guillaume in TI ianon. This last
(the original of Planche's Queen.ibury Fete), is a
delightful c,)medy, and reproduces those days
in which, to u'e the words of Burke, sensualism
lost half it; guilt by being deprived of all its grossness.
Even the English public are well acquainted with Achard
in both these cliarecters ; it is therefore unnecessary to
say more than that he was excellent as ever. The house
was well attended, and the ate of the belu mohde were
there to welcome this favourite actor.

into that House ; and although he would give in to none in his
I sincere attachment to the Protestant religion as established, ht.
would support the question by bis vote, and he really considered
that the Government deserved the thanks of the House for the
bringing of it forward.

The Earl of RODEN said that it grieved him to differ
from the Noble Duke who had introduced this
subject. As a Member of their Lordship? House,
he had taken the very earliest opportunity afforded him to en-
deavour to stop the progress of this measure. Such was his
object in concluding with an amendment that before they pro-
ceeded further, they should appoint a Select Committee up
stairs to inquire into the nature of the instruction given in the
Catholic seminary of Maynooth, which Parliament was now,
for the first time, to establish, by conferring on it a permanent
endowment He trusted that if in the course of discussion he
referred to the opinions entertained by many Noble Lords in
that House, he should be forgiven, because he should have but
little opinion of that man who had no feeling for the sensibili-
ties of others. He (Lord Roden) had now fora long series of
years been a Member either of that or of the other House ; 'and
during that time he had thought it inconsistent in the Parlia-
ment of a Protestant country even to vete the annual sum to
the Cellege of Maynooth. How much more, then, should he
be opposed to this measure. He would remind Noble Lords
that this was not intended to be, as before, a merely tolerated
institution. It was intended to be a State establishment, but
with this difference, that it would not be under the supervision
of the State. He could not look at this measure as one of mere
St ate policy, or as a question of pounds, shillings, and pence. He
looked upon it as a religious question, and if the House wanted
proof of that, he should refer them to the numerous petitions
—many of them he had himself presented—and they did not
express the sentiments of the middle classes only,
but there were some from the higher, and others
from the lower, grades of society. There were peti-
tions there from Church of England men, from Wes-
leyans, from Indepenlents, from the Free Church of Scotland,
and from each denomination, for all had sunk minor diffe-
rences to join in what he would call this holy union.—(Cheers. )
If they turned to the opinions expressed by the great men of
their country—men whom, if he named them, their Lordships
would acknowledge to be worthy to be quoted. One
of them spoke in the House of Commons some
years since in a debate on a similar question, and he would
take the liberty of reading a short quotation from what he had
then said. He was a man who stood high in the opinion of
all parties. He (Lord Roden) had the honour and the hap-
piness of knowing him well. He had loved him when living,
and he honoured his memory when dead—and when he named
William Wilberforce, he was sure that no one would coincide
in what he had stated with greater fervour than the Noble
and Learned Lord opposite (Lord Brougham), who knew him
well, and esteemed him highly. The Noble Lord then pro-
ceeded to read a quotation from a speech delivered by William
Wilberforce, in the year 1808, on the meaning of the word
toleration, and the length to which it should be extended—
namely, as far as compatible with the peace of society. He
could not help thinking that great benefits had been conferred
on the Catholics of Ireland, from which Protestants
had been excluded ; and he might merely cite
the Kildare-street Society, which had, he believed, done more
good to Ireland than any other institution. Government had,
however, put down that society, and founded en its ruins a
national scheme of education, which was contrary not only to
the feelings of the hierarchy in that,country, but he believed
to that of the Protestants also. It had been argued that there
were two grounds for this measure—one, that it would give
peace to Ireland ; and the other, that it would extend the bles-
sings of education to the Irish people. Had it been received
in that spirit by the Irish themselves? He should just read
the House an extract from a letter of the Roman Catholic
Bishop of Ardagh, Dr. Higgins; and also a quotation from
the speech made by an Irish priest in a different part
of the country. The Noble Lord read Dr. Higgins's
letter, which has already appeared in all the journals.
It had been said that this measure was dictated by fear. He
did not believe it. He believed that it was dictated by a wish
for popularity—by the hope that it would secure a cordial and
loyal reception in Dublin. But no sooner had it gone forth
from St. Stephen's that Irish agitation could not be put down
by force, than the monster meetings were again proclaimed.
There was a meeting at Cork, another at Navan, and he had
since seen the announcement of a meeting to be held on the
banks of the Boyne, on the Ist of July.—(Cheers.) Was that
insult to the Protestants of Ireland to be allowed—( Cheers)
—upon the spot and upon the anniversary of the great victory,
in which the glorious and immortal King William secured
the liberties of the English nation, and for the Roman Catholics
of Ireland blessings which they never before possessed.—
( Cheers.) Was it just in her Majesty's Government to allow
those brave men who gave up their peaceful and loyal pro-
cessions on that day, at the command of the Crown, to allow
them now to be so insulted? Let him call back the recollec-
tion of her Majesty's Government to what occurred in 1841—
( Hear, hear.) When the fury of agitation was carried so far
that the Protestants of Ireland quitted the country in hundreds,
to seek a refuge in this country or in America.—( Hear, hear.)
Nor was it any idle fear that drove those people to emigrate—
( Hear, hear)—for the Government showed its consciousness of
the danger by increasing the military force and fortifying the
barraeks.—( Hear, hear.) Strong measures were resorted to,
and the result was that the repeal agitation subsided, and the
country was restored to peace.—( Hear, hear.) Prosperity
revived, improvement was promoted, speculation received a
stimulus, and railroads were projected in every quarter.—
( Hear, hear.) But as soon as the declaration of the inten-
tions of the Government on this Bill were made known in
Ireland, it gave new life to agitation. In support of his
own view he read an extract from the work of Mr. Inglis, the
American traveller, who was no friend to the Protestant Es-
tablishment, but yet it bore testimony to the fact, that the ran-
cour of Popery was aggravated by the education at Maynooth.
It was greater than existed in Spain, as he and every one who
had lived in Ireland knew to their sorrow.—(Cheers.) He
wished to call the attention of the House to what had taken
place in the neighbourhood of Dingle, in the county of Kerry,
where 800 persons, amongst them the Roman Catholic priest
and a gentleman of superior rank, who was a magistrate, re-
nounced the Roman Catholic persuasion and joined the Estab-
lished Church.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord then read the
memorial of those converts, addressed to the Lord Lieutenant,
complaining of persecution which they had suffered in conse-
quence of their conscientious conduct. (Hear, hear.)
All the facts stated in that memorial were proved
in a court of law, and he, therefore, agreed with Mr. Inglis,
that the spirit of popery was more Anti-Protestant and ranco-
rous in Ireland even thanin Spain. —( Hear, hear.) Whilst he
wished to give the poor Roman Catholics of his country a
better education, he did not think that a further endowment of
Maynooth would effect that object. The Noble Lord then
quoted from the evidence of Mr. O'Connell before a Parlia-
mentary Committee in 1835, when that gentleman gave testis
mony to the effect that the priests who formerly were educated
on the Continent imbibed strong Anti-Jacobin principles,tut
that the priests educated at Maynooth were more identified
with the people, and consequently had less of that property,
which was conventionally called loyalty.—(" Hear, hear," and
a laugh.) Their Lordships might not perhaps be aware of the
persecutions which a Roman Catholic had to endure, when he
conscientiously renounced that creed, but there was no such
danger to the Protestant clergyman who thought fit to adopt
the Roman Catholic persuasion. He knew that these unfor-
tunate men would be persecuted. He could not convince any
man more to he patient than the poor Roman Catholic, who
left thit Church for conscience sake, to join the Protestant
form of belief. He felt assured that no Roman Catholic Peer,
who now heard him, could do otherwise than believe that no
Roman Catholic would be safe from persecution who had be-
come a Protestant. He had been lately present at a meeting
held in Dublin, against this Bill; and there was a Roman Ca-
tholic priest who said he had been at Maynooth. He was
called on to state what he knew of that institution. He said
that as far as the confessional was concerned his mouth was
sealed for ever ; but he (Lord Roden) had now before him a
copy of the statement that that gentleman made, and he would
read it. (Here the Noble Lord read the statement, by which
it appeared that the party alluded to was represented to state
that every species of evasion was resorted to in order to avoid
taking the oath of allegiance, such as feigning illness, not
kissing the book, repeating the words of the oath backwards,
&c. &c. The statement was a very long one, but the whole
tenor of it was to the same effect, namely, devices for evading
the oath of allegiance "to a Protestant Sovereign." When
the Noble Lord had concluded reading the document, he went
on to say that after the meeting was over, the individual who
made the statement offered to his Lordship to swear to the
truth of it.) He (Lord Roden) would ask, what was the
cause of all this disaffection, but the system of education
now in force in Maynooth? The Noble Duke who had in-
troduced this measure had not made the slightest allusion to
this system. If the doctrines taught at Maynooth were ultra-
montain doctrines—if they were the doctrines of Italy, then
he would say they were at variance with allegiance to the
Sovereign of this country by Irishmen.—( Hear, hear.) He
would then ask, were not these grounds sufficient to warrant
him in calling upon their Lordships to comply with his propo-
sition, namely, to appoint a Committee to inquire into the
present system of education at Maynooth ?—( Hear, hear.) A
commission of inquiry was appointed in the year 1825, for
inquiring into the state of Ireland ; but that commission broke
up without extending their inquiry to Maynooth. He was
further justified in his demand for inquiry by the speech of Sir
Robert Peel in 1840, when the Right Hon. Baronet said,
in the debate on the Maynooth question, that he did not mean
to contend that the system of education at Maynooth
College was one which did not demand inquiry ; on
the contrary, he (Sir R. Peel) would be most anxious for in-
quiry, and if that inquiry had taken place, he would vote for
the grant with much more satisfaction. He (Lord Rodeo)
now advocated the same principle—namely, the necessity for
inquiry, and he called for it in the name of the people of Eng-
land and the people of Scotland.—( Hear.) He would new
fortify his argument by a still stronger ground—namely, by
reading from the Eighth Report on ,the state of Maynooth,
under the presidency of Dr. Crolly, the names of the books
read at Maynooth College ; they were, Delahogue's Dogmatical
Theology, and Bailey's Moral Tracts. The Noble Lord next
read an extract from an appendix to a Parliamentary report of
1836, in which, he said, Dr. Machale denied that ultra-montaine
doctrines were inculcated at Maynooth, as they were not
conducive to the allegiance of Irish subjects to the British
.Crown. The Noble Lord then referred to a letter of the Cardi-
nal Prefect of the Propaganda at Rome in the year 1796,
and read an extract from it, with a view to show that in May-
nooth College the students were obliged to read " Thomas
Aquinas" as one of their College books, and contended that
those students were obliged to read that book, which he (Lord
R.) would contend for it, contained nothing more nor less than
ultra-montaine doctrines. Surely they would not give that
sum to produce the disloyalty and misery which is so prevalent
in that country. He would now give an extract from " Thomas
Aquinas" to show the bearing and tendency of that theologian's
opinions. With respect to the question " How heretics should
be treated ? ' he distinctly states that heretics should be punished
with death ; and this is the divine who is called in Maynooth
their divine master. In another book used there" Menochius,"
the author of it, in reply to the question as to how heretics should
be treated, refers to Maldonatus, who gives it as his opinion that
heretics should be put to death rather than thieves or mur-
derers, because the former destroyed the soul, but
the latter took away only the life or property.
This he says in his commentary on that passage of the
Scriptures where allusion was made to the plucking up of
the tares from the good seed. Now that system of instruction
to which he had called their attention at once accounted for
the crimes and enormities which were committed by the poor
of Ireland. He considered that he established sufficient grounds
why they should hesitate before they continued or augmented
that grant—until they knew what really eras the system of in-
struction pursued in Maynooth. He would, in conclusion, rf
•
fer to only one other authority—Mr. Alexander Knox. He
was a person who knew the state of the case well, being Se-
cretary to Lard Castlereagh, and treasurer to Maynooth, to
which office he was appointed by that Nobleman. This
erson said that the three first clergymen who werTe:p-
rminted professors of Maynooth were three refugee French
priests, who had escaped from the rope and the lamp
post, and all the horrors of the French Revolution. The
Noble Lord, having read a long statement of the opinions of
Mr. Alexander in reference to the doctrines inculcated at May-
nooth, proceeded to say that he now thought he had grounds
for maintaining that the ultra-montaine doctrines were
still taught there.—( Hear, hear.) He would ask them
what was there in that Bill to provide that the Gal-
lican doctrines should be substituted for the ultra-
montaine doctrines, or that the injunctions of the Cardinal:Pre-
fect of the Propaganda at Rome should not influence the trus-
tees of the -college. In consideration of his poor Catholic
fellevs•countrytneu he could not consent to that Bill. The
Roman Catholic doctrines were dangerous. He had sworn, in
common wirh some of their Lordships, that Catholic" doctrines
were idolatrous. He, therefore, believed in the truth of what
he swore, and believing so, he could not consent to any 'llea,