The Sun.
London, England, 1827-04-03 00:00:00

owners and , , and from
four other places-in the county of Kent, against the pro-
posed alteration in the Corn Laws.
Sir F. BURDETT presented a petition from the seamen
of Newcastle, complaining of the hardship they suffered, in
consequence of their liability to impressment, and pointing
out a mode equally efficient by which the navy might be
manned; without having recourse to this oppressive prac-
tice. The Hen. Baronet gave notice, that he Would take
the earliest opportunity after the holydays to bring this
subject under the notice of the House.
.Mr. C. GRANT presented a petition from the cotnmis-
sioners of supply, heritors, and justices of the peace of the
county of Inverness, against any alteration in the Cern
Laws. At the same time that he presented the petition,
he thought it right to state, that his opinion on this subject
did not coincide with that of the petitioners.

CORN DUTIES BILL.
Mr. C. GRANT moved the order, of the day for the
second reading of the above Bill.

Sir T. LETHBRIDGE wished, before he proceeded for
state his opinion on this important subject to ask one ques-
tion. He begged leave to ask the Right Hon. dea,tieman
(Mr. C. Grant) whether, under all the circumstances at-
tending this measure, not only in that House, but else-
where, especially as fresh information had been obtained
through the medium of papers which bad lately come to
hand, he would consent to postpone the second reading of
the Bill until after the recess, to the Sd of May ?

(A laugh.)
Mr. C. GRANT said, that so far as he was personally
concerned, he felt no disinclination to accommodate the
Hone Bart. ; but he doubted very much, whether, if the
Hon.' Baronet's request were complied with, it would
be doing any favour or affording any accommodation
to the House.—(Hear.)—The measure had been fully
considered, and he felt it to be his duty to proceed with
it.—(Hear.)
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE rose to oppose the second read-
ing of this bill. He knew it was a very arduous task to
resist the progress of a measure which had been adopted by
His Majesty's Ministers after mature deliberation; and he
feared that lee should prove but an indifferent advocate for
a contrary line of policy. Convinced, however, as he was,
that this measure was fraught with considerable danger to
the landed interests of this great empire, he was impelled,
by a strong sense of duty, to express his sentiments fully
on.this occasion. He hoped that gentlemen, in consider-
ing this question, would not carry along with them the im-
pression which the Right Hon. Secretary for Foreign Af-
fairs had, by the magic power of his eloquence, created,
when he introduced it; but that they would look st it
lin its plain and simple form. He had recently been
informed, that the Noble Lord, who, but for his la-
mented illness, was to have brought the subject for-
ward elsewhere, meant to have introduced it as a mea-
sure of Government, and not as one which met hie
own particular views and feelings. Now, be contend-
ed, that they were proceeding without due information ;
and it was notorious, that in another place, an additi-
onal inquiry had been called for, and had also been con-
ceded. In his opinion, it would he wise and expedient if
that House also appointed a Committee, to inquire further
into the slbject, instead of legislating in this precipitate
manner. He had made that observation before ; and ne
had said, that if he met with the support to which he
thought he was entitled, he would make a motion for a
Committee. But the House did not concur with him in
opinion ; and, therefore, he had made no such motion. The
present measure was taken up on grounds that could not
be supported either by experience or by sound argument ;
and they were now about to legislate, with reference to a
most important question, on very deficient and unsatisfac-
tory evidence. He, therefore, would proceed to oppose this
Bill upon principle. If lie were asked to describe it, he
would say, that it was a Bill for the more effectual encourage-
ment of speculation in the Corn trade—a Bill for the more
rapid diminution of the growth of grain in Great Britain—
and for the better encouragement of the growth of grain in
other countries, for the supply of the British market.—
(Hear, hear.)—Therefore it was that he rose in his place
to oppose the Bill, on principle. This measure was founded
on the prevailing love of free tade; hut, in introducing it,
gentlemen ought to have furnished some examples, to show
that other countries had, at any time, adopted a similar
system. He found, instead of a general law on the sub-
ject, it had been constantly left in the hands of the ruling
power in other countries, either to admit or prevent the im-
portation of grain, according to existing circumstances. He
denied that this Bill afforded a just protection to the agricul-
ture of Great Britain. So far from that being the case, it
would have the effect of keeping the price of corn between
60a. and 555. The Bills of 1815 and 1822 gave, in reality,
no higher a protecting price than 60s. ; and it was impos-
sible that this Bill could afford a similar protection. It
was quite evident, that if a surplus of corn were sent here,
it would displace a corresponding portion of English grain.
That part of their Empire, Ireland, had, since the union,

and particularly during the last seven or eight years, gone
on progressively increasing in the production of grain.—
Now, ho would ask, could the House do a wiser or more
beneficial thing, than to encourage the industry of Ireland,
and to increase the wealth of that country? Was it not
important that they should keep her in the condition (as
an agricultural country) in which they found her, and not,
by such a measure sa this, place her in a worse situation?
(Hear.)--This point alone showed that they could not
legislate safely, if, by that legislation, they interfered with
the natural produce and industry of Ireland. Now, in his
opinion, they ran the risk by adopting this measure, of in-
terfering most mischievously with the industry of Ireland, be-
cause it was a temptation to all the other parts of the world to
send their surplus here, a temptation which they could not
resist, and which would effectually glut the market. He
knew it was said, that probably not more than 1,000,000
of quarters would be imported annually, and that that was
a mere trifle. It was very true that 1,000,000 of quarters
compared with the 50,000,000 annually consumed, was
but a trifling amount; but it was not a trifle if it dis-
placed the labour of a number of men. He denied wholly
and distinctly the statement which had been made in that
House—namely, that ander the existing laws the people o
this country paid a tax of 25,000,000/. on account of the
landed interest. It was asserted that the people were im-
properly charged 10s. a quarter on 50,000,000 of quarters ;
that they wee saddled with the sum of 25,000,000/.,
which was collected from the consumers of corn, and put
into the pockets of the landowners. It did not go into the
pockets of the landowners, but was distributed amongst all
those who co-operated with them. He meant the occu-
piers and cultivators of land, and the various persons who
were employed and paid by them. By foreign countries
in general,- and by France in particular, a system
of direct exclusion was practised towards us. When
that was the case, why should we display such extreme
liberality towards them ? It behoved the House to be
cautious before they set aside the system of protection
which had been so advantageous to the country. Muck
had been said in that House about keeping faith
with the public creditor. Now he thought that the
agriculturists had a right to expect that faith should
be kept with them. They were entitled to that degree
of protection which wag absolutely necessary in the present
state of taxation. If the House would only consider the
burdens which the landed interest had borne during the
war, and the unshaken loyalty which they had always dis-
played, he was sure that they would not consent to de-
stroy the main prop and security of Government. It was
necessary also to remind the House of the probability of this
Bill experiencing in another place a resistance which
could not be overcame. He believed, too, that a difference
of opinion existed in the Cabinet with respect to the
measure, and that if some of the Ministers were to express
their real sentiments they would describe it as one that was
vicious in principle. He called upon the' landed interest
to think for themselves upon this question—to consider the
manner in which it would affect not only their own inte-
rests, but likewise those of other classes of the community,
whose welfare was inseparably connected with their own.
He hoped they would not allow themselves to be induced
to give their support to the measure by any specious argu-
ments which might be advanced in its favour. He con-
cluded by moving as'an amendment that the Bill be read a
second time this day six months.
Mr. CURTEIS seconded the amendment. He stated,
that the objection, of the agriculturists to the Bill were ac-
quiring additional force every day, and he was sure that a
storm was gathering in another place which would anni-
hilate it. On all sides the agriculturist, complained
that the Bill afforded them no adequate protection.--
Tließi
he thought,loflB22 arose ou had been condemned unheard as it
were, for it had intonevercometof ose doctrineseration. of Thenew
measure,the
political economists, which were of a very dangerous ten-
dency. There was nothing whatever which those men
touched that they did not destroy. Whatever might be pro-
posed by them, he was determined constantly to oppose. The
Bill before the House would have the effect of overthrowing
the aristocracy, and through them the liberties of the country
—and would once more compel us to revert to a paper cur-
rency.
Mr. C. GRANT—The Honourable Gentleman who
spoke last bad increased the long list of ills predicted by the
Hon. Baronet, by the addition of a few trifling articles—
the ruin of the Aristocracy, the destruction of the Clergy,
and the abolition of a metallic aurreixey. Ale (Ur. C