The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 5,184 a.

been hampered in his operations by the views of his
colleagues, but now that he was assisted with the co-
operations of an able Lord-Lieutenant and a talented
Secretary, much might justly be anticipated. With re-
gard to the grant to Maynooth, he must say the mode
and manner of that grant had tended greatly to enhance
the reputation of the Government, and he should think
must be a source of no small satisfaction to the people of
Ireland. lie, however, regretted that the Right Hon.
Baronet did not intend, in any respect, to interfere with
Trinity College, but still there was much for congratu-
lation in what the Right Hon. Baronet had promised to
do, and he should look upon it as the first step to an im-
portant and extensive improvement in the condition of
her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects.—(Cheers.)
The Hon. C. P. Villiers and Mr. Sheil rose tone-
ther to address the House, but there being loud eallsr'
for Mr. C. P. Villiers, the latter gave way.
Mr. C. P. VILLIERS thought the House was unwil-
ling to prolong the discussion, and he should therefore
take up but a small portion of their time. When he
considered the calmness and good humour in which the
House had met on that occasion ; when he reflected
upon the question which had produced that agreeable
feeling, he could not help making one or two observa-
tions upon it. It was stated that great prosperity existed
in the country, and this circumstance had been fully ad-
mitted by the Hon. Member who seconded the address.
The Hon. Member went fully through the great change,
the great improvement, which had taken place in the
circumstances of this country, remarking at the same
time up n the genial improvement in the commerce and
manufactures of the country. The Hon. Gentleman
not only admitted this improvement but proceeded
to speculate upon the causes which had produced it.
Now he must say that, considering the divided opinion
in that House, it was improper to begin the session with
the discussion of such a question. A more important
question to raise than that which had brought about a
change from great distress to flourishing improvement—
from great deterioration of labour to a more than ordi-
nary increased value—from a great depression of com-
merce to one of prosperity and improvement—could not
be mooted on such an occasion. There had hitherto
been two parties in that House who entertained decided
opinions upon this subject. Each had enforced their
views and supported them with peculiar energy in that
House. The Hon. Gentleman who seconded the address
belonged to one party, and he had the honour to be con-
nected with the other. The Hon. Member was dis-
posed to impose restrictions upon commerce, but be held
an opposite doctrine. One of those doctrines had pro-
duced the change, and it now became important for the
House to decide and determine which of those views
were correct. He believed he might now state that
erery promise which the protective system held out to
the country had been defeated, and that every object
of protection had been disappointed. The protec-
tive system which composed the important party
opposite had fortunately been relaxed, and the result of
that relaxation had been fully stated by the Hon. Gen
tleman who seconded the address. The object of this
protective system was to maintain high prices, and every
one must be convinced this could not produce the change.
Had their combination succeeded, the change could
never have been felt ; but to what, then, was the change
to be attributed ? Why, it was to the blessings of Pro-
vidence, and to no other circumstance. He could not,
therefore, congratulate the party opposite with having
any credit for it. By the intervention of Providence,
the purposes of protection had been defeated—abun-
dance had been created, and prices had been reduced.
The Government congratulated themselve s upon those
results. They admitted that it increased commerce, be-
nefited the people, and made the revenue flourishing ;
and yet they were allied to the protectionists. He
thought it was most important to consider this question,
because an Hon. Member connected with the protective
system had risen that night and expressed his
alarm lest the Government should relax further this
system. The Hon. Member who thus rose was unfor-
tunately one of a prevailing party in that House, and it,
therefore, became more important for the country and
the House to come to a correct opinion as to what was
the real effect of this protective system—whether it was
for good or evil—whether it had been beneficial or not,
and he did trust that the Right Hon. Baronet at the.
head of her Majesty's Government would be guided in
his movements by no other influence but that which con-
tinued the present state of the country. The settlement of
this question must determine their after prosperity as to
whether to uphold this protective system was wise or
not. It was quite clear that the Hon. Gentlemen who
formed the majority of that House were disappointed
that the whole country was prosperous, and the
labouring classes comfortable and contented. There
was every indication of a continued improvement, but
still Hon. Gentlemen who represented the majority of
that House were disappointed, and they were complain-
ing.—(Hear, hear.) But it was most important that it
should be made clear to the country whether they—the
protectionists—were right or wrong. For his part he
had no hesitation in saying they had got nothing to
show in support of their system. He, on the other hand,
showed that the country was prosperous. He asked the
country gentlemen opposite what they had to point out in
support of their system? Did they not complain them-
selves? Were not the tenants of their land complaining?
Were not their labourers in a miserable condition?
They could not point out any thing or any class that
had prospered under it. He asked them, then, what ex-
cuse there was for confidence in this protective system?
He had heard with great satisfaction the
Noble Lord, the Member for the City of
London, express himself against this system.
The Noble Lord had proved it to be bad, and the Hon.
Gentlemen opposite were clearly not entitled to its pro-
tection. The Noble Lord had watched its effects, and
now very properly came forward to expose its evils.
Protection was baneful, it was unjust, and ought to be
abolished. He said, then, they must watch the mea-
sures that would be proposed this session, and unless
they could be assured that they were calculated to abo-
lish this protective system, he said the Government could
not expect to receive their support. He looked forward
to the measures the Right Hon. Baronet was about to
propose with some hope, because he believed the Right
Hon. Baronet must be satisfied that, so far as he had as
yet proceeded, he had good reason to be satisfied
of his declaration in favour of freedom of trade.' The
Right Hon. Baronet had reason, he said, to congratulate
himself upon what had followed from it, and he had now
an excellent opportunity for still further pursuing this
principle. He had little or no opposition—he had the
whole country placing confidence in him if he would only
merit it--(Laughter)—and he (Mr. Villiers) must say
he would well deserve all the responsibility—all the
blame, if he neglected to act up to this principle, now he
was so fully satisfied of its efficacy.—(Cheers.)
Mr. SHEIL apologised for having rose to address the
House with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat
down. The Honourable Gentleman occupying one
of the back seats, he was not aware that he had
risen first, or he should have given way immediately.
Being an Irish Member, and being still of opinion that
it was possible to induce Englishmen to take considerate
and sympathetic views of the evils of Ireland, he might,
perhaps, be permitted to say a few words and advert to
some of the opinions which had been expressed that
evening. The late President of the Board of Trade,
who ha placed himself lower down the House, or more
properly speaking, in juxta position with his former
seat, had deprived her Majesty of a valuel le servant,
in retiring from office.—(Laughter.) He could not help
thinking that it was unfortunate that the Hon. Gentle-
man should have sacrificed the statesman to the author.
The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government
had good reason to exclaim, " Oh, that my friend had
not written a book!" He had read the book of the Right
Honourable Gentleman, and it was impossible for him
to have read it without remembering that portion of it
that bore upon Ireland. It distinctly treats d upon the
question of Maynooth. The Right Hon. Gentleman con-
ceived it was a question of contract. If he said the Irish
Parliament contracted for the permanent maintenance of
Maynooth, it ought to be maintained in a manner be-
fitting the dignity of the nation, and the great task the
institution had to perform. If such a contract had not
been made, then the maintenance of Maynooth must
depend upon the vote of the British Parliament. Now,
he contended that it was a matter of contract at the
time of the Union. Care was taken to provide for this
contract, and it had been satisfied by subsequent grants,
extending over a long series of years ; and upon the
Right Hon. Gentleman's own showing, it ought to be
maintained according to the dignity of the country and
the magnitude of the task it had to perform. In other
words, the Right Hon. Gentleman said the grant ought
to be large and liberal. Now, he would ask, was 8,0001.
per annum a large and liberal grant to provide religious
education for three millions of persons?—he meant,
three millions was the number at the time of
the Union, but now it had increased to the
extent of eight millions. Having said thus much,
he could not help expressing some regret that the
Right Hon. Baronet in his speech had not more fully
expressed himself with respect to the question of acade-
mical education. He had been liberal in his statements
with respect to his intentions relative to Maynooth, but
he was very brief when speaking upon academical
education. He would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that
he would have many difficulties to contend against in
Ireland, unless he made some alteration in the academi-
cal education of Roman Catholics. The Roman Catholic
population of Ireland were bound in 'honour to use every
exertion to throw open Trinity College, and, until this
were obtained, other concessions would be far from favour-
ably received.
Mr. SHAW said Trinity College was already open to
the Roman Catholics.
Mr. SHEIL in continuation. The Hon. Member for
the University of Dublin intimates that Trinity College
is already open. He dissented from this. Did the Hon.
Gentleman mean to say that every fellowship was open
to Roman Catholics ? Were the professorships open to
Roman Catholics ? or, in fact, were Roman Catholics at
all entitled to compete for even the lowest degree
of the College ? They were not. (Hear,
hear.) And this was a serious loss to all Roman
Catholic laymen. Fellowships had been and were the
eoo
e n d
theee
means of success, in after life, of talented men. The
Irishone bar ar
tj numberedunnvt distinguished men, whose only re-
mr
a efireristtiewe. No, they ngetawkeenuludp
baedesgatriesefieadt
with nothing but an equality,' and the first step to this
was the throwing open Trinity College. He dissented
from the Charitable Bequests Bill. The majority of the
Roman Catholics were
opposed to it. Dr. Murray him -
honour,lartoedhistbet
he
was
hadse
lf, wdheco
accepted office under them,
opposed to many parts
of this Bill ; and at first he went to the Castle—
a perilous thing for a Roman Catholic bishop to do
—to remonstrate against several of its clauses.
He communicated with Lord Heytesbury, and it was in-
timated to him, that changes were to be made in the
th
Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman, the Secretary of
State for the Home Department, had not yet spoken in
this debate, and perhaps he would say what changes
were to be made. There was another mistake made,
which was this, that the Bill restricted the right of
devising property beyond a certain time. That was a
insisters, because they awed perm& property to be

conveyed, and they should follow the same rule with re-
gard to real property. In Catholic countries abroad
large tracts of territory were devised to the Roman Ca-
tholic Church, but there was no apprehension of such
an occurrence in Ireland. It could not arise for a con-
siderable period at least, but at all events, they ought to
hare communicated with the Roman Catholic prelates,
and perhaps if they did so they would have their assent.
It was a fact, that the Irish people were suspicious of
the present Government. It could not be forgotten, that
transactions took place last year, to which he would not
more particularly allude, which were not calculated to
conciliate the favourable opinions of the Roman Catholics
of Ireland to the Right Hon. Baronet's Government.
He would not en the present occasion expatiate or dilate
upon them, but they were such as not to make the minds
of the people of Ireland anticipate any favourable mea •
sures from his Government. His Hon. Friend, the
Member for Louth, was more sanguine in his anticipa-
tions than he had ever known him before. He expected
a great deal from the Land Commission. Why were
not the contemplated measures mentioned by the Right
Honourable Gentleman, as he had the report ?
(Laughter, and cries of " There is no report.")
The Chancellor of the Exchequer was given to mirth.—
(Loud laughter.) He ias one of the most merry, cheer •
fill, and hilarious persons in the House—(Laughter)—
he was most artificial in his mirth except when on his
legs making some solemn statement, when he approached
almost to lugubriousness.—(Continued and increased
laughter.) He would ask the Right Hon. Gentleman
whether there was any thing ludicrous in his not know-
ing whether the report of the Commissions was before
the Commissioners or not. Then the Registration Bill
was not mentioned in the Right Hon. Gentleman's
speech. That was adverted to by his Noble Friend.
The conduct of the Government on that Bill was made a
matter of criticism by his Noble Friend. He described
the course pursued by Lord Stanley on that measure,
yet the Right Hon. Gentleman had not referred to the
subject, and he now asked the Right Hon. Gentleman,
the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whe-
ther he intended to bring in a Registration Bill, and whe-
ther he would verify his aphorism that conciliation
had reached its climax.—(Cheers.)
Sir J. GRAHAM said that he had not intended to
offer one word to the House, but as the Right Hon.
Gentleman referred to him so directly, and asked for an
answer from him with regard to two questions that he
thought he wouldl act disrespectfully towards him and
the House if he (lid not answer both of them, though
in doing so it would not be necessary to pro-
long the discussion for any considerable period.
First, with regard to the Registration Bill, he had no
hesitation in saying that it was the determination of
her Majesty's Government to propose an Irish Registra-
tion Bill.—(Hear, hear.) As to the period of its intro-
duction, that would depend upon the progress of the
financial measures, the measures relating to academical
instruction, and the question of Maynoeth, which had
been indicated by his Right Hon. Friend, and which
should be considered in all their details. A measure
then on the subject of registration would be introduced '
which he hoped would be brought to a final and satisfactory
conclusion. He hoped that was an explicit answer to the
question of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Right Hon.
Gentleman touched upon other topics of great importance,
one of which was the Bequests Bill, for which he thought
that her Majesty's present Government deserved some
credit from the Roman Catholics, but he said that one or
two mistakes were made with regard to it. It was allowed
that the measure was conceived in a fair spirit, and was
executed in an analogous spirit. With regard to the
first defect stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman, which
had reference to the bequeathing of real property, it was
their object to assimilate the law of Ireland to that of
England. They acted in this respect upon principles of
policy, and he could not therefore hold out any expecta-
tion that any alterations of the law would take
place upon it. (Hear, hear.) With regard to
the other point, they stated distinctly, when
they were introducing the measure, that it was
not their intention to place the regular clergy of
Ireland in a worse position than they were in when the
measure was introduced. It was thought by many that
the effect of the general enactment might be held by
lawyers as equivalent to a repeal of certain clauses of
the Relief Act, which were levelled against the regular
clergy iu Ireland. They thought it necessary to guard
against such a conclusion by, he believed, the 16th
clause, which enacted that nothing contained therein
should be considered a repeal of the clauses of the Re-
lief Act ; but there was a declaration in the last clause
of the Act, to the effect that nothing therein contained
should place them in a worse position than they were
before ; and the law officers of the Crown being con-
sulted on the subject, gave their opinion that, by the
joint operation of the clauses, the regular clergy would
not in any way be damnified. Those opinions were be.
fore the bar of Ireland and the Irish people, and he had
not seen those opinions controverted. Their opinion
was, that no alteration was necessary, for they rested on
opinions in which they were disposed to confide.—
(Hear, hear.) He had no hesitation in telling the Right
Hon. Gentleman that the conversation to which he re-
ferred, between the Lord Lieutenant and Dr. Murray,
was correctly reported to him, and he thought that the
greatest credit was due to those Prelates who, in spite of
the obloquy cast upon them, did what they thought
their duty—(Hear, hear)—in connexion with their holy
office. The Lord Lieutenant gave Dr. Murray an as-
surance, that if her Majesty's Government thought the
regular clergy would be damnified by the opera-
tion of the clauses to which he referred, they
would, on their own responsibility, propose an
alteration in the law.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Con-
sidering how much the various other subjects alluded to
were exhausted, he felt he would not be justified in con-
tinuing the discussion any further, and he hoped the
Right Hon. Gentleman would admit that to the two
questions put to him he had given a plain and direct
answer.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. SHAW said that the University of Dublin was
open to Roman Catholics for the purposes of education.
Every honour was accessible to them, with the excep-
tion of scholarships and fellowships.—(Laughter.) It
should be recollected that the University of Dublin was
founded for Protestant purposes, and not only fur Pro-
testant purposes but for the purposes of the Established
Church. He begged leave also to correct a popular
errorinto which the Noble Lord, the Member for Lon-
don, had fallen with regard to the state trials. The
Noble Lord said that there were 60 names omitted.
That was not so. There were only 24 names omitted, as
he believed, from pure accident, though on the face of the
record it was said that 60 were omitted ; and he ad-
mitted that Lord Denman could not travel out of the
record.

Lord PALMERSTON said, as to the proof given by
the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken—of
the University of Dublin being open to Roman Catho-
lics, except fellowships and scholarships, appeared to him
to be the same as before the Relief Act it was said
that the army was open to Roman Catholics, bearing
commissions, from ensigns upwards. His Noble
Friend, was so completely vindicated by his Right Hon.
Friend as to casting unfounded imputations on the Go-
vernment, that it was not necessary to say another word
on that subject. But his Noble Friend reminded the
Government of the fact, which nobody could deny, that
owing to the conduct and language of the great party by
which the Right Hon. Gentleman was supported, the
Irish people looke4 with suspicion upon every boon
coming from the Right lion. Gentleman. That nobody
could deny ; but he would admit, that if the Right Hon.
Gentleman went on in the spirit in which he had intro-
duced his intended measures with regard t,) Ire-
land, he might go far to conquer those suspi-
cions. Instead of agreeing with an Hon. Gen.
tleman who spoke behind the Right Hon. Baronet that
concession was the parent of demand, he would rather
say that concessions were only given to long-continued
demands ; and, unfortunately, those concessions were
often made in a way which deprived them of all their
grace and advantage.—(Hear.) He entirely concurred
in those expressions of satisfaction which fell from the
lion. Mover and Seconder of the address as to the visits
which had taken place between foreign Sovereigns and
their own Queen. He should think those visits, besides
tending to benefit the countries whose sovereigns inter-
charged the friendly intercourse, would also tend to
preserve the peace of the world. But at the same time
it was impossible not to feel, after what had taken
place last year, that some limitation should be
put to anticipations of that description.—(Hear.)
Only last year, on both sides of the Channel,
after the visit of their Sovereign to the French King at
the Chateau d'Eu, expressions were uttered on both aides
of the channel, in both Chambers in Paris, and in that
House, of the perfect, and cordial, and good understand-
ing existing between the two countries. What was the
benefit of a cordial understanding between the two
countries? In ordinary circumstances, when there was
no occasion of excitement or anything to disturb the
existence of such a cordial understanding, the benefit of
it was chiefly felt by those who represented the
two countries; and who were interested in being
on a good footing with each other. But the
true benefit of a good and cordial understanding between
two great countries, was chiefly felt when there arose be-
tween them questions which, were it not for that good
understanding, would be calculated to interrupt friendly
relations between those two countries. He was grieved
to see, owing to what, he must say, was a mismanage-
ment of both Governments, the cordial understanding
of which they boasted last year failed on the first occa-
sion on which it was brought into question. There was
one thing which seemed to be admitted by her Majesty's
Government, which he could not give his sanction to.
It seemed to be admitted that Mr. Pritchard was not her
Majesty's Consul at Otaheite. If he understood the facts
of the case, he was in possession of the commission of
Consul, granted to him by the Government of this coun-
try as Consul in the island of Otaheite. He had been
told that he was to be removed to another district, but he
had not received any official orders on the subject. He
had suspended his official functions quo ad the intrusive
French officers and Government, who took possession of
the island, whose Government he did not acknowledge,
and to whom he was not accredited by his own Govern-
ment ; but he was still in the performance of his
duties as Consul with regard to all British subjects
coming to the island to trade as merchants.
He was, most distinctly, therefore, an officer holding a
commission under the British Crown as Consul. Now,
he agreed with his Noble Friend, that if there had been
any charge against Mr. Pritchard—if it could be shown
that he ever engaged in leaguing with the natives and
inciting them to resist the authority temporarily es-
tablished in Otaheite, in such a manner as could be sup-
posed injurious or inimical to that power, he (Lord
Palmerston) was prepared to admit that whether consul
or not, the authorities there would be fully entitled to in-
quire into the circumstances, and if found guilty
liable. j
of those offences that he should be removed.—
Blunt rtithwe as (Hear.) In arguing thus he was not establishing
any distinction between the Consul and the mere civil
s ect. r case he thatheldon them, they would
evenould in
be
causing him to withdraw,s
incumbent
raw, to show a prima facie case
against him, in which
it would be laid before the
French Qbambas. Who documents lately laid before

the French Chambers, and now open to the public, cor-
responded with the papers laid before that House during
the last session, and in these not a shadow of miscon-
duct was exhibited to justify Mr. Pritchard's removal
from the island. If they read with attention the state-
ment offered to the French Government, it amounted
only to this, that he was a person who was suspected
of being liable to susp cion. (Laughter.) No
charge could be shown then, in justification of
such cruel, insolent, and outrageous treatment, carried to
such a pitch that even the French Government admitted
it was indiscreet and oppressive. Another thing which
added to the ground of complaint was, that Mr. Pritchard
was invested with the consulate character at the time of
the outrage, and that he was in company with an officer
commanding the only British ship lying in the harbour,
and he therefore might be considered under his escort
and protection. He said, therefore, that this was undoubt-
edly a great injury and outrage, and he said also that it was
the fault of the two Governments. Why was that ? Whe-
ther considered as ordering or accepting, any man of
common foresight might have known that such a system
would lead to collision with the French Go-
vernment, for what had been the condition of Ota-
beite before this time ? For thirty or forty
years the island had,been governed by a theocracy,
and British missionaries had been the medium of in-
struction to the people. But the French established at
once violently and suddenly a military form of Govern-
ment, and the spiritual wants of the natives were at-
tended to by Catholic instead of Protestant ministers.
Was it possible that this state of things could continue
without a struggle on the part of the mission in posses-
sioa—a struggle which would involve the two Govern-
meats in a discussion of the most disagreeable character?
The Government of England had expressed great anxiety
to maintain a good understanding with France,
and the result was before them. Ile could not help
saying that the two countries showed a want of
foresight which did little credit to the sagacity of either.
The British ought to have foreseen the events wt ich
afterwards occurred in Otaheite, and they might perhaps
remember the advice they gave the late Ministry when
referring to their relations 'with China, they said that
there ought to be a stout frigate on the station. He
should say to them that instead of one they ought to have
had two stout frigates in Otaheite, for if they had had
such a power there, things would have been managed
somewhat more decorously, and without the risk
of bringing the two Governments into discus-
sion. Now the question was, did the Government
obtain the satisfaction which clearly this country
was entitled to? Ile, was not one of those who thought
that where a friendly feeling existed between two coun-
tries, it was either wise or politic to demand a high sa-
tisfaction for any injury done. But he considered that
the arrangement made was not by any means satisfac-
Ftorreyn;oha ncd from h
amb h r s
itecommunications
appeared
thatt h
01 auigd beforeh
no the
formal
demand of reparation had been made for what the Right
Hon. Baronet stated to be a gross outrage, yet in the
dispatches sent by M. d'Jarnac to the Minister, an in-
timation was given that the British Government
expected the recal of one of their officers, and it also
appeared that the Secretary of State (Lord Aberdeen)
showed him (D'Jarnac) the draft of a dispatch to the
British Minister in Paris, Lord Cowley, demanding that
Mr. Pritchard should be sent back to Otaheite in a ship
of war. These dispatches might certainly be considered
official announcements. The French Government was
indomitable, and refused to order the return of either of
their officers. They, indeed, expressed to the British
Government their regret at the circumstances, and their
disapproval of the conduct of Captain D'Aubigny, but
then if they looked to the dispatch of the Minister of
Marine to him, they would find that it expressed their
Minister's approbation of his conduct and his apprecia-
tion of that officer's general services. But Mr.
Pritchard was a considerable sufferer in pecuniary
matters. He lost something like 2,0001, independently
of his personal sufferings. Tee estimation in which he
was held by the inhabitants of the island might be in-
ferred from the fact —and it was a flattering testimonial
to his character and conduct—that D'Aubigny an-
nounced, in a general order, that he thought the best
mode of holding the natives in check was to make Mr.
Pritchard's property answerable for the property of the
French Government, and that his life should answer for
every drop of blood shed in the quarrel. He (Lord
Palmerston) was not disposed to say that if her Ma-
jesty's Government were to blame for accepting a small
satisfaction for those injuries, they were not equally to
blame for having brought the two Governments to the
verge of a rupture, through a train of circumstances
which common foresight ought to have prevented. Not-
withstanding the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet,
that he would much prefer that the question of the right
of search should not be adverted to, he must briefly
advert to it. The postponement sought for by the Right
Hon. Baronet was no longer than he (Lord Palmerston)
was inclined to grant him. He was assured the Right
Hon. Baronet asked for the postponement to avoid laying
before the House certain documents relative to that
question.

Sir R. PEEL—You can have them to-morrow.
h.notnwencieitreosd:
Lord PALMERSTON said that no man of common
sense but must be aware that they could do nothing to
put down the slave trade without the right of search.
The Right Hon. Baronet sought by the Commission to
inquire into the right of search, evidently to substitute
something else in the lieu of that power, and it had been
even proposed that a French officer should sail in a Bri-
tish frigate, and a British officer in a French one; but
these
clamour
end.crotchetseranui
sseedhTho
ehbwikysanse
indecision
assureden slave-tradersugh 0
iofofur
tl
ihdaetn ndfeeavdc
set:: meet the
nourable Baronet was
,haoltthoewgyeotusher owing to the
would not
auld( o
aewaithe,
w forth a
t thoseth e
'prahpeerres:osri ei 0
uhl
de would l Iplrdo
produced,
ne
cos
not
ibot .0: C t thosehad
cpwarinet
present
ndtth eaGnsdou
Government
it l i
ocwni without hwoihut
ahtd t, hyeriman
France
e j their
asecaormchm,
ius,shiiolen,ththeeynh, abdut,nnoo..ott
trii subject,
etghoatitawttihhoeenny w i t h
athvaotwedofthFoirrandceeterumpoinnatitohnis
al v
ehbueepenth
the right
and
f
wellt hfoeura
objection
then,wou d he say that
tod
et(
Majesty's , institutionlan
he
e w ou
would
to the island
ltrlade, ht be that
fd Govern-
mtheencthaanrge
thishe
subjecth ad mwadaes
aaagtainsg
or with theo little something in
for in-
terferingtr
he ter as ch ta it.—(Hear,
e. —o
with i int
ia
equivalenttrs , h e
slavea r
done in that way in some
islands,trade
of the French
would appear by those papers. But this was
a part of the question with which
he con-
ceived the English Government had nothing
what-
ever to do. The right of search was
ameaf
necessity, for the effectual carrying out of which
clfthia
House and the country had frequently recorded their
opinions. They had on the journals of the House re-
peated resolutions, giving full powers to the Government
to adopt measures for the effectual suppression of the
slave trade ; in fact, there was no subject upon which
the nation and the Parliament had expressed so unani-
mously and so strongly their opinion, that it was the
duty of the Government to use all its power to put down
the slave trade.—(Hear, hear.) Personally he could
have no objection to the course the Government had
taken on this question ; for if there was any why,
more
reason
more than another, he should feel proud, it was that the
Government to which he had the honour to belong had,
in 1841, advocated a measure which the Government,
at which the Right Honourable Baronet was at the
head, had not carried out and perfected in 1841.
(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Palmerston) should say
that he should look for no prouder distinction to mark
the course pursued by the two Governments than that
he had mentioned.—(Hear.) His Lordship concluded
by saying he would not trouble the House with any
further observations.
Sir ROBERT INGLIS supported the course pur-
sued by the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Go-
vernment. He said he would not follow the Noble Lord
(Lord Palmerston), though all the arguments he had
used in support of the coarse he had adopted in reference
to the right of search. The Noble Lord had said that the
Right Hon Baronet bad done wisely in accepting the reps
ration offered by Frame in reference to the treatment Mr.
Pritchard had received. He could assure the Noble
Lord that the House of Commons of England and the
Chamber of Deputies in France had given this subject
the most mature consideration.—(Hear, hear.) But
upon the right of search question the Noble Lord had
said so much that it appeared to him (Sir R. Inglis)
that his Lordship appeared to him not to have exercised
that sound discretion for which he was usually remark-
able. his Lordship could of course take credit to him-
self for his laudable efforts in the years 1831 and 1833,
and upon many subsequent occasions, for the suppression
of the slave trade ; but he (Sir R. Inglis) would say
that it was rather inconsistent with his (Lord Palmer-
ston's) public character, to seek to prejudice the efforts
of the negotiations now pending on the right of search
question, by calling it a " mock investigation." Ad-
verting thus briefly to the two principal points in the
Noble Lord's speech, to which he (Sir R. Inglis) wished
particularly to call the attention of the House, he would
now refer to the statements made by the Right
Honourable Gentleman on his Lordship's left (Mr.
Shell) as they were subjects of interest nearer
home. That Right Hon. Gentleman had said that the
measures of the present Government were of a character
that would not give satisfaction to the people of Ireland.
He (Sir R. Inglis) believed that those measures were in-
tended by the Right Hon. Baronet as measures not only
of conciliation, but were about to be proposed from the
Right Hon. Baronet's sense of justice. But this he would
say, that no matter what measures: of justice or con-
ciliation he might bring forward for Ireland, he must not
, expect to pacify the people of that country; at least such
was the conclusion he (Sir R. Inglis) was led to arrive
at by the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Sheil),
whose speech just amounted to this, that it
was no use for her Majesty's Government to
grant measures of conciliation, or to extend
the grant to Maynooth, or establish new
colleges in the country, for in fact the Irish
people would be satisfied with nothing short of having
the honours of the University of Dublin open to them.
If such were to be the sentiments of the Irish people, he
(Sir R. Inglis) would say to the Hon. Baronet at the
head of the Government, pause before he granted any
measures of conciliation to Ireland, for the result would
be, and he warned those out of the House as well as in it,
that the result would be the total overthrow of the Pro-
testant Church in Ireland.
Lord SANDON made a few observations, in which he
expressed his disapprobation of what he called the
sweeping charges of the Noble Lord (Lord Palmerston),
against the presentGovermnent upon the Right of Search
question. The right of search was a great obstruction
to commerce, and the difficulties attending it were far
greater than they were some years ago. Inasmuch as
the search was not now confined to a search for slaves,
but was extended to papers, and various other things.
The right of search must, therefore, in its exercise, be
a great source of irritation. With respect to the other
topics in the speech from the Throne, ho thought he
must say that much of the prosperity which was alluded
to in her Majesty's speech, was to be attributed to the
measure of the Government with respect to the circula-
tion of the country. Ho bailed too with gratification

the prospect of the income-tax being continued, as it
would enable the Government to repeal taxes which at
present pressed heavily on the country.
Lord HOWICK could not help saying, that he
thought there was great force in the observation of his
Noble Friend, as he felt that great difficulties arose in
the exercise of the right of search. He could not how-
ever say that he was altogether sanguine as to the
probable effect of the exercise of our policy, for the sup-
pression of the slave trade. He thought the time was
come, when the House and the Government ought
seriously to consider whether that policy was in itself
a wise one or not. He knew that he was expressing
an opinion that would be very unpopular in that House
and the country. No man in that House more abomi-
nated the slave trade than himself ; but, at the same
time, with that feeling, he could not help asking
himself what had been the effect of all the treaties ?
For thirty years they had persevered in those treaties,
and what had been the result? Why, it was admitted
by the advocates of the existing policy—and he bad
himself been formerly one of the advocates—it had been
admitted by all persons that the practical effect hitherto,
after millions of pounds of expense bad been incurred,
and the lives of thousands of the bravest and ablest
officers and seamen bad been sacrificed—after all that
sacrifice, not only had they totally failed in accomplish
ing their object, but they had actually added to the
horrors of the slave trade. They had all seen a work
that was published last year, in which a description
was given of the horrors that were experienced
on board a vessel engaged in the slave trade.
That work was written by the chaplain of the vessel.
He (Lord Howick) firmly believed that, instead of di-
minishing the slave trade, they had aggravated its
horrors. He, therefore, thought it became their duty
seriously to consider whether their present policy
was one which ought to be persevered in. They
had been told that negotiations of the utmost im-
portance with respect to this subject, had been
entered into ; but he very much doubted whether
they would be attended with success. He be-
lieved while there was such an interest in the slave
trade that the present state of things would continue,
and that all treaties would be fruitless. He believed that
it was impossible, by any degree of vigilance of their
cruisers, to suppress the smuggling trade of this kind.
He believed that more success would follow from a dif-
ferent policy to that which at present existed. If we
were to abandon that policy he believed that the feeling
of shame for the position in which those nations which
encouraged slavery would be placed before the civilized
world, would have the effect of suppressing the trade.
He firmly believed that a regard to their own honour
at.d interest would induce the Governments of Brazil
and Cuba to abolish the trade in that part of the world.
It was as easy for them to do so as it was difficult for us.
At this moment great fears were experienced in the
Brazils with respect to the possibility of a revolt, and this
would act more powerfully upon them if they knew they
were not supported by other countries. With respect
to the treaties he could only say that unless
France cordially acted with us in carrying
them out, their effect would be entirely lost.—(Hear.)
He thought it would be :impossible for them always to
exercise the police of the sea with advantage to the
interests of humanity ; and if this was found to be
the result, he hoped the Government would have the
courage and manliness to state that it had failed, and
that it would recommend a discontinuance of a policy
which had been tried to its utmost. When it was re-
membered what would be the evils of a war with France,
he thought they ought to estimate the tendency of this
policy to produce such a calamity before, by insisting on
it, they increased the risk of such an occurrence.
The question that an bumble address be presented to
her Majesty, thanking her Majesty for her gracious
speech, was then put and carried, and a Committee ap-
pointed to draw it up.

DRURY-LANE THEATRE

Mademoiselle Maria, from the Academie Royal de Musique,
made a most successful debut at this theatre last evening, in
the new grand ballet of Les Danaides. This ballet is by far
the most magnificent that has yet been produced at this
theatre. The splendours even of the Peri shrink into insig-
nificance when compared to it. With the story of the Danaides
all our readers are doubtless familiar ; we shall therefore con-
tent ourselves with detailing the manner in which that story
has been developed by M. Hoguet: the composer of the
ballet. The curtain rises, and discovers the sleeping-room
of King Danaus, dimly lighted. It is the eve of the nuptials
of his fifty daughters with the fifty sons of his brother
Egyptus. Danaus sleeps, but his sleep is disturbed by
dreams. Nemesis appears to him, and assures him that the
oracle has decreed that a son-in-law shall deprive him of his
crown and his life. He awakes in agony. Shouts of joy are
heard in the distance, and his Minister enters to inform. him
that they only await his approach to commence the nuptial
ceremonies. The next scene is a most magnificent one. It is
the port of Argos, with ships lying at anchor with various an-
tique temples in the distance. There is a grand nuptial pro-
cession of the fifty daughters of Danaus, and the fifty sons of
Egyptus with their attendants. The bridegrooms and their
brides kneel around the altar of Hymen, and pledge their mu-
tual vows of fidelity. The marriage gives occasion for the
introduction of a divertiseinent, introducing various pas.
First there is an Egyptian pas de deux by Monsieur and
Madame Finart, and the corps de ballet. This pas was very
beautifully given. Their poses in the adagio were ex-
ceedingly graceful, and in the allegro which followed them
were many variations which were executed with the greatest
precision and aplomb. They were much and deservedly
applauded, and we trust that we shall frequently have
an opportunity of seeing those very talented artistes.
This was succeeded by the grand pas of the ballet, the pas de
dcux by Mademoiselle Maria and Mons. H. Vestris. Made-
moiselle Maria is very young, very pretty, and very grace-
ful, and her pantomime is exquisitely expressive. In the
opening adagio movement of the pas not only were the poses
most plcturesqnely beautiful, artistically speaking, but her
pantomime was most expressive. She was the fond con-
fiding girl, giving up her whole soul to her husband, making
him the arbiter of her future destiny. The music quickens ;
she is roused from her dreamy thoughts ; she bounds
joyously across the stage. She is happy, intensely happy,
and she dances in order to give vent, as kwere, to her exu-
berant feelings of joy. This movement was beautifully
executed—the most difficult pas were given with a neatness,
a precision, a lightness, which left nothing to be desired.
She was rapturously applauded, and loudly encored. From
that moment Mademoiselle Maria became one of the especial
favorites of the British public. She was admirably sup-
ported by M. H. Vestris, who was also enthusiastically ap-
plauded. The next scene is the subterranean temple of Ne-
mesis—Danaus assembles his fifty daughters, informing them
of the decree of the oracle, and they all, except one,
swear to murder their husbands that night to prevent
its accomplishment. Hypermnestra (Mademoiselle Maria)
refuses. She loves her husband, and will not murder him.
Her father remonstrates in vain. She flies. He drags her
back, forces a dagger into her hand, and compels her to take
the oath which her sisters have taken. The acting of Made-
moiselle Maria in this trying scene was very fine and most
expressive. The second act opens with a grand festival in
the gardens of Danaus. The Danaides ply their husbands
with wine, and the whole becomes a Bacchanalian festival.
The day closes, and they all retire from the
gardens. The next scene represents a corridor in the
Palace leading to the nuptial chamber of the Danaides.
Hvpermnestra enters, and Lynceus comes in quest of his
bride. She is sad, and seeks to avoid him. At length she
discloses to him the horrible intentions of her father and her
sisters. The signal of death is heard—Hypermnestra em-
braces him for the last time, and urges him to escape. He
does so, and the Danaides, accompanied by their father,
enter. Each shows her bloody dagger. The dagger
of Hypermnestra is unstained. They rush on her and
are about to sacrifice her, when she is rescued from
their fury by Lynceus, who enters accompanied
by his soldiers. A thunderbolt falls, and strikes
the palace and Danaus, and his guilty daughters
are destroyed. The last scene represents Tartarus
and the punishment of the Danaides by the Furies. The
ballet is got up on the most magnificent scale. The scenery
is superb, and the processions most gorgeous. The music, by
Herr Schmidt, is exceedingly expressive and appropriate.
It is of a higher order than the generality of ballet music.
The success of the ballet was complete, and it will no doubt
have a long run. The house was crowded from the com-
mencement of the performances.