Star.
London, England, 1830-07-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE JOUR VAL:.

CHROMICLIC.—The East Retford Bill went yesterday through a
is
Committee. The Report was brought up, and the bill to be read
a third time this day. It is amusing to hear their lordships, in one
breath expressing a horror of bribery, and in the neat speaking of
the hardship of depriving the electors of East Retford of their fran-
chise, as if the franchise were of any value to the people of East
Retford, except by means of bribery. The disfranchising this place
is part of the system of the Oligarchy. They wish to monopolise
the sales of boroughs. The public will clearly understand, that it
is a crime for a hundred electors to sell a borough for twenty pounds
s piece, but perfectly honourable in an Earl to take for a return
eleven thousand pounds. The Duke of Wellington reminded their
lordships, that if the franchise were given so Birmingham and other
great towns, the people might really be represented ; whereas, the
great beauty of the British Constitution is, that the oligarchy choose
the majority of the members for the people.
canoxicax.—The leadhigire'resWe between the elections in
France, and the elections in England is, that in France the interest
of the people determines the returns, while in England the interest
of the oligarchy determines the returns. Whoever supposed that,
in a great struggle for power and ascendancy, the pavilions of the
different sides would remain unmoved ? The success of the Libe-
rals presupposes great exertions on she part of the influential men
who entertain liberal opinions; and, indeed, it would have bees
a gross dereliction of duty had these influential men failed
in such a conjuncture as She present to make the greatest exer-
tions for the good cause, and to have recourse to all possible
means of enlightening their fellow citizens. As long as men have
passions and prejudices, we may expect to find endeavours made to
inflame the one and work upon the other; and we have no doubt
that both ultras and liberals in France, in seeking to attain their
end, had recourse to all the means by which persuasion can be pro-
duced. But the triumph which has been gained is the triumph of
the nation. In England the triumph which we too often witness, is
the triumph of individuals over the nation. An elector may well
feel proud in France that be has contributed to the victory of those
to whom he himself belongs. In England, the elector has in general
cause to be ashamed of the victory to which he contributed, for it
rivets his own chains; he is like the traitor, who, for abase reward,
leads the enemy into his own camp. That bribery is resorted to can be
true only to a very limited extent. The government is in possession
of the disposal of the whole of the revenues of the nation—a means
of corrupt influence which must far surpass any at the command of the
Liberals. From the very nature of things there must be very little
bribery on the part of the Liberals. Their's is the national, the
popular cause. It is they who gain by the ballot, and the pro-
tection afforded by the secrecy of voting. It is understood that if
the voting were open, the fear of power would add to the votes in
favour of Government. If the voters were bribed to vote contrary
to their conviction, the ballot would enable them, if so inclined, to
vote in favour of the administration. The story of bribery, there-
fore, refutes itself. The Liberals are not such fools as to seek to
bribe Ultras, who, by means of the ballot, might still vote against
them ; and there is no use in bribing those who are already inclined
to vote in their favour without it. We are far from saying that
the French Liberals may not be under the influence of error as well
as other people. No system can guard against error. But what
we contend for is, that the present system of election in France has
been proved to be admirably adapted for giving effect to the views
and opinions of the people, whatever the views and opinions maybe.

HEIALD.—The fall of Algiers is a subject of. curious comm.
plation. For centuries, that nest of pirates violated the rights of
humanity, and set at defiance the whole Christian world. Secure in
a situation which they fancied to be impregnable, their vessels went
forth to gather the spoil of all nations upon the waten—to carry the
inhabitants of all countries into bondage, except those whose Go-
vernments submitted to pay a degrading tribute to purchase an infa-
mous protection. It is true that of late years they had become less
insolent and less formidable, particularly since the naval arm
of England had been put forth to chastise them, and emote,
but spared, the sea-bulwarks of the Ishmaelites of the ocean.
Yet that lesson of severe but imperfect retribution had only
checked, not subdued, their audacity. Their predatory State
had risen into importance by the practice of violence, of
blood, and of rapine. The evil which their existence billeted upon
others could not be cured but by their extirpation. We rejoice that
there was one nation of Europe that determined upon delivering
humanity from this affliction, and that not more boldly conceived
than vigorously executed the great and salutary design. If ever
there was an act of warlike justice it was this. If ever military
force acted in obedience to a moral sanction, it was here. The ar.
eatery that burst the gates of Algiers only carried into effect the
decree of a just vengeance ; and, had it levelled the proud city
with the earth, it would have done no mate than inflicted the de.
served punishment on a community whose crimes had doomed them
to destruction. We care not whether the cabinet of France had po-
litical motives for the expedition against this den of maritime rob.
ben which were different from the pretended cause of quadri with
the Dey. If so, it is but another proof added to the many which
history presents, of an over.ruling Providence making the pas-
sions and the interests of Kings and politicians subservient to the
support of those principles which constitute the moral government
of the universe ! The rapid success which attended the don
shows that Algiers did not exist so much by its own as by
the base policy of Christian States, whose subjects it plundered and
enslaved, and which States could and ought to have crushed it long
since, as the common and outlawed enemy of mankind. It is me.
iancholy to think that the mutual and miserable jealousy of del.
lized Governments should have operated as a protection and en-
couragement of the licentious barbarian, whose Palace was raised
upon the living tombs of our enslaved fellow-Christians. What an.
tunes of crimes the French arms have punished !—what long ages
of human degradation and suffering they have avenged i The tor-
tures and indignities of Christian men—the worse miseries of Chris.
thin women, torn, by the savage hand of the spoiler, from their
kindred and their native land, to pine in the chains of the oppressor,
and wither in a polluting captivity crowd upon the imagination at
the very name of Algiers. But, thanks to the councils and the
arms of France those scenes of outrage and suffering are at an end.
Civilization has raised her banner on the ruins of subverted baba-
rim. The shores which Carthage once filled with the energies of
mind, and adorned with the wonders of art and of glory, are again
passed under a civilised dominion. Whatever policy may deter-
mine, it is enough for us to know that a revolution has been accom-
plished on the sands of Africa which will inevitably carry science,
commerce, letters, and Christianity, in its train !
Trstes.—lt was many years ago, and still is, the fashion to
smile at Sir Jowx &smut* and his politics. This worthy and
indefatigable Baronet was accused of being always mounted on some
hobby, which he not only worked to death, but in exercising which
be contrived to hunt down and persecute all whom he could prevail
upon to listen to him. We do not recollect having joined the
clamourers against the worthy Baronet. He was, in his political
notions, somewhat too staunch and thorough paced aTory for us; the
woollen threads which he busied himself fli spinning were charged
with somewhat superfluous prolixity; his agriculture was too mi.
cute,—his political economy too sordid ; the " humdrum" prin.
apie was, perhaps, too conspicuous and predominant in what.
ever he suggested; nevertheless, the worthy Baronet has been,
in his generation, an active and not altogether an useless man. Our
present recurrence to a name whose celebrity had been so long for.
gates, is for the sake of thanking the Right Honourable Baronet
for a new and curious little pamphlet, of a dozen widely-printed
pages or so, wherein he touches a subject of the very highest and
most urgent importance with remarkable conciseness and origi-
nality ! This subject of the slow movement of business in the
House of Commons forme the text of this short pamphlet, which is
in the form of a letter to Sir Robert Peel In tracing the causes
of this national misfortune, the worthy Baronet, we are afraid,
comes near the truth, when he states that the British empire
too extensire to be governed well." He affirms that
the United Kingdom of itself " is as large an empire as
" any „ Government can manage with advantage to its sub.
; but, admitting the extreme difficulty of prevailing upon
any people to renounce voluntarily " possessions •n which much
treasure has been expended," and in which national greatness is
imagined, however erroneously, to consist, the author concludes his
representation by offering the sketch of a plan (which, if we did
not know Sir John to be a grave man, we should say was a hoax,)
for enabling the House of Commons to carry on theerelbitcl concerns
of the country, unmolested by private bills or by commit.
tees, through the means of a second or supplementary House of
Commons, compote/ of 200 'rumbas-100 chosen by counties,
50 by cities, and 50 more by Manchester, Birmingham, and other
towns unrepresented, though well entitled to the franchise. The
plan is preposterous and impossible. Indeed, the !lib' boo. Ba-
ronet himself does not say by what proportion or description of
electors the subaltern Parliament is to be chosen. If by uni.
versal suffrage, it will soon supersede the old House. of Com.
moms ; if in counties and other places which already return meow
ben, the new gentlemen be elected by the same constituents m
those to whom the country is indebted for its present ones, it may
be questioned whether such an addition from ruck a source will be
considered any public benefit. The House of Commons is, in
. fact, too numerous already. If the business were well distributed,
' half the number of representatives would get through it with
mere ease and efficacy than the 4108 sages to whom it is now intrust-
ed. But at all events there is too much to be done, and the new
HOUND of COMMOMI recommended by Sir J. Siwcuitit would nut
the risk of being an assembly where, instead of jobs batons-
ing the incident or by.play of the session, they resat
be at once established as its chief or exclusive business.
We give the plan in the very words of the rainier 1—
" I do not think that the British House of Cossinens would
be prevailed upon to give up any part of ha privileges so say body
amen that was not in some measure a part of iteel4 and elateed by
the people. My plan therefore is, that there shall be a seated
chamber of the House of Commons, deem in the same manner as

the first ehomber,consisting of a number not exceeding 200 mem- '
ben; and that to a chamber thus constituted,' the decision of all
private bill., and of all contested elections, shall be delegated.' If
the general principle is approved of, there ma be no material diffi-
culty in filling up the details. I should consider 200 members quite
enough foe this new branch of the legislature ; 100 members to be
elected by the counties of lingland,Wales, Scotland, and Ireland ; 50
by the principal cities in the kingdom ; and the remainder to be chosen
by Manchester, Birmingham, and other towns which are not repre-
sented in the first chamber. The soaker of the first chamber to
ilnominate a deputy to the second; all private bills to be sent from I
Ithe sewed to the first chamber, thence to be sent to the Lords ;
I private bills originating in the Lords, to be sent from the first to
the second chamber, and returned to the first, to be transmitted to
the House of Peers. It is evident that a body of men, elected for
special purposes, could carry through the business with which
it was intrusted much more effectually, and would be more
likely to give general satisfaction, than any other tribunal that
could be thought of, or that might be appointed in any other
way. It would be of immense consequence to have an addi-
tional number of able men, thus interested in support of the consti-
tution, who would be early trained to public buts, and who
would likewise have an opportunity of establishing their characters
for diligence and capacity. The first chamber of the House of Com-
mons, being thus freed from a load of subordinate matters, would be
able to direct its undivided attention to public concerns, and would
be enabled to carry on the business of the nation with much greater'
attention and success. The principal objections to the manner of
conducting the business in the House of Commons being thus re-
moved, there is every reason to hope that the character of the house
would be raised, and its efficience augmented, while the Ministers
would have more time to attend to " the ardua milli" than it is
possible for them under the present system."