The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-01 00:00:00

ROYAL COMMISSION.

the Right Hon. Gentleman had referred had been I
printed three months ago ; but no observation respect-
ing it had reached the Government until that day. It
appeared that there was some reason to question the ac-
curacy of the information supplied to the Government
on the matter by certain parties ; and the subject would
now receive their further attention.
GRANT TO THE COLLEGE OF MAYNOOTH.
Colonel VERNER wished to ask the Noble Lord, the
Secretary for Ireland, whether it had been intimated to
the Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, as had been
stated hi their organ, the Dublin Evening Post, that it
was the intention of the Government to have granted
an increased allowance to the Roman Catholic College
of Mayneoth this year, had it not been for the financial
embarassments of the country.
Lord ELIOT said that he had no objection to re-
peat that evening the answer he had given to
a similar question in the early part of the session.
If the Honourable Member had referred to the
Irish Estimates, then on the table of the House,
he would have seen that it was the intention of the Go-
vernment to propose the same grant which had been
made in former years ; and, consequently, no intimation
such as that to which the Hon. Gentleman had referred,
had been made by the Government.
Sir R. PEEL said that as a great number of statements
appeared in the Irish newspapers of dissensions in the
Irish Government, he would take that opportunity of
begging Hon. Members not to draw conclusions too
hastily from them.—(Hear, hear.)
SILVER STANDARD OF VALUE.
Mr. WALLACE said that perhaps it would not
be inconvenient if he now put the question
which stood No. 17 on the motion list. The
question he wished to ask was, whether the
great inconvenience and commercial distress whieh
had been attributed more or less to the drain of
gold out of this country of late years, and the consequent
restriction in the issue of paper-money by the Bank of
England, and by other banking establishments, coupled
with the general stagnation of trade and want
of employment among the working classes, to-
gether with the great trouble and positive loss
recently inflicted on all ranks, by crying down the
gold coin, which might have become light from the in-
evitable wear and tear to which a metallic currency is
ever liable, would induce her Majesty's advisers, with a
view to mitigate these evils and to stimulate trade by a
prevention of their recurrence, to recommend to her Ma-
jesty and to Parliament the substitution of a silver standard
of value in aid of or in lieu of the present golden standard?
Sir R. PEEL said that he could not help noticing that
a practice was of late growing up of printing a summary
of a speech, when notices of questions were given.—
(Laughter.) The question of the Hon. Member con-
tained the summary of the argument in favour of the
silver standard of value. He would not answer the
argument then, but he would state it was not his inten-
tion to propose any alteration in the standard of value
in this country.
Mr. WALLACE approved of the observation of the
Right Hon. Baronet with regard to notices of motions.

The SPEAKER, on his return, announced that the
Royal,Assent had been given to various Bills.
TEXAS.

Sir R. PEEL brought up certain papers by command
of her Majesty. He said they were breviates of the
ratified treaties between the agents of the British
Government and Texas, with regard to which a
question had been put to him on a previous evening ;
the Government, acting on almost uniform usage, had
thought it its duty to allow them.
Mr. O'CONNELL wished to know whether the Go-
vernment had received any information with respect to
the blockade of the west coast of America by the Texian
Government ; the smallest extent of that coast was
700 or 800 miles, and the questiox he wanted to ask
was, whether the Right Hon. Baronet was prepared to
lay before the House any information as to the probabi-
lity of the Texian Government making that blockade
effectual, it being generally understood that their fleet
only consisted of two or three vessels ?
Sir R. PEEL said, that the last accounts received
from Mexico stated that no efficient blockade had been
formed on the part of the Texians. He earnestly hoped
that such would be proved to be the case, and that no
such blockade would be found to be exercised. He
could, however, give no assurance on the subject other
than that, up to the date of the last accounts, no effec-
tual blockade had been instituted.
STADE DUTIES.
Mr. HUTT gave notice that on the 21st of July, he
should move for the production of all correspondence
between the British and Hanoverian Government on
the subject of the Stade Duties.
BRIBERY BILL.
Mr. REDINGTON asked the Right Hon. Baronet,
as the Bribery Elections Bill had almost arrived at
its last stage, whether he would allow him to take the
two last motions on it to•morrow evening at an early
hour ?

Sir ROBERT PEEL said he had given the Noble
Lord, the Member for London, precedence to-morrow
evening, but it was absolutely necessary that the
Government should take a vote of supply either
to-morrow evening or on Monday at farthest.
It was probable that they would not get into the Com-
mittee of Supply at a very early hour to-morrow even-
ing, on account of the motion of the Hon. Member for
Greenock ; he could net, therefore, concede precedence
to the Hon. Member to-morrow.

-- -
Mr. REDINGTON then moved the Order of the Day
for proceeding with the Bill on Wednesday next.
Mr. SHIEL said he also had given notice of a motion
in Committee of Supply, to-morrow evening, but in
consequence of the inconvenience it would be to public
business he would postpone it to some other day.
Sir R. PEEL said he was much obliged to the Hight
Hon. Gentleman. He was sure the House would not
blame him for the delay in going into the Committee of
Supply, as it was in consequence of the discussions on
the tariff.

but of the Government.

he was a member;

CEMENT STONE,
Mr. HAWES drew the attention of the Vice-Pre-
sident of the Board of Trade to the great increase of the
duty on English cement stone under the new tariff,
amounting to 200 per cent. ad valorem. This had caused
groat apprehension in the trade at the port of Harwich,
and he wished to know if the Government had received
any _representations on the subject from the vicinity.
mx.,GLADSTONE slid that the petition to which

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 1, 1842

nagers, and the public. It was well known that 1
Mr. Charles Mathews had lost considerably during his
management at Covent-garden, and Mr. Macready, it ap-
peared, was a loser during the last season at Drury-lane.
He therefore put it to the House whether this was a
state of things that ought to be suffered to continue.
He did entertain a hope that at a moment of
more leisure the subject would receive the conside-
ration of the Government. But no measure

would prove satisfactory, in which the licensing depart-
ment was not also a matter of consideration ; he thought

the power of the licenser ought to be more limited,
and if maintained, it should at least be differently

exercised. He also thought that the appointment ought
not to be in the gift of the Lurd Chamberlain,

The manner in which

he was remunerated was also objectionable.—(Hear.)
He was desirous that the country should be great in arts
as well as in arms, and he hoped that her Majesty's
Government would do everything they could to rescue
the stage from its present state of degradation

and decline, and that that justice would be done to the
dramatic authors of the country which they enjoyed
themselves. The Noble Lord concluded by moving
for copies of any communications which hare been ad-
dressed upon this subject to the Secretary of State for
the Home Department, in the course of the present year.
Mr. G. KNIGHT seconded the motion. The conclu-

sion to which the Noble Lord had arrived was nearly
the same at that at which a Committee, of which

sand which sat about ten

years ago on the subject, had arrived. With
respect to the law of copyright relative to dramatic
authors, he believed it subjected them to greater hard-
ships than any other class of authors, because they were
obliged repeatedly to drive hard bargains, and then they
had great difficulty in getting their money ; besides this,
they were subject to piracy from the provincial theatres.
The law in France was different from the law in this

country. In France no party was allowed to have a
piece acted at a theatre without having pre-
viously had the consent of the author. The Committee
which had sat upon the subject, had come to the decision
that it would be advisable to pass a similar enactment
in this country. But whatever might be the remedy
for the existing evils which the House might adopt, there
could be no doubt that dramatic literature was entitled

to their countenance and protection.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM confessed that he had not
paid the same attention to the subject then before the
House as the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman who
had preceded him. The question appeared to be one
of some difficulty, as neither the Noble Lord nor the
Hoa. Gentleman had been able to form any decided
opinion as to the course it would be desirable to adopt.

lie would, however, gladly give his best consideration to
any measure that might be brought forward by the
Noble Lord or any other person, and he should have no
objection to produce the papers that had been moved
for.—The return was then ordered.
RUSSIA AND POLAND.

Mr. GALLY KNIGHT rose to move for copies of
certain ukases bearing date the 18th of September 1841,
issued by the Russian Government and relating to the
administration of the affairs of Poland. Having
claimed the indulgence of the House, he said he had no
desire in bringing the subject forward to open an old
sore, or perpetuate a convenient annoyance. He then
went back to a narration of the circumstances that took

place at the Congress of Sovereigns in 1814, and quoted a
letter of the Emperor Alexander to the celebrated Kosci-
usko. The late Lord Londonderry addressed a note to the
Congress of Vienna, containing an exposition of the
views of the Government upon the Polish question, in
which it was treated as an European question. Prince
Tallyrand, on the part of Franca, and Austria and Prus-
sia, concurred in those views, considering the indepen-
dence of the Polish nation to be necessary for the safety
and peace of Europe. It was in conformity with those
views that articles were drawn up, uniting the Duchy of
Warsaw with the Russian empire, under the title of a
Kingdom. with a Government and army of its own. In
the year 1818, a charter was given to the Polish nation
by the Emperor Alexander. Since that period the Em-
peror had changed his mind with respect to Poland, and
had forget all his promises to Stanislaus. He did not
stand there to deny the right of the Emperor to adopt
the course he had done with respect to Poland,
but he thought the Poles were entitled to some
consideration. At all events, the Russians had
no right to destroy the constitution of Poland, with-
out obtaining the assent of those who were parties to the
treaty of Vienna. The two ukases for which he moved
were issued in the month of September, 1841, and com-
pleted the annihilation of the independence of Poland.
The effect of these was to assimilate Poland to any other
province of Russia. It was manifest from other ukases
that it was the deliberate determination of Russia to
blot out Poland from the list of nations ; while that
principle was carried out with the utmost rigour. He
only asked, looking at the political and religious enact-
ments of Russia, whether there was not an intention to
erase Poland from the list of nations ? The very names
of the provinces had been changed to assimilate them to
Russia ' • the Russian uniform and colours had been sub-
stituted for the Polish ; even the weights and measures,
and the style of the calendar had been changed, and the
Poles compelled to adopt the usages of Russia in every-
thing. He thought he had made out his case; it had
formerly been considered as an European question, as the
nationality of Poland was secured by the Treaty of
Vienna, and there was nothing in the present position of
Russia which rendered the course she- had taken more
safe to the rest of Europe than in 1814. He read an ex-
tract from the speech of the President of the Diet of
Warsaw, in support of his views, and stated that he be-
lieved in any exertions they might make they would re-
ceive the assistance of France. He believed that

if Russia were sincere in her professions of amity
toward England she would best show it by fulfill-
ing her treaties.—(Hear, hear.) He could not think
it could be to the advantage of Russia to keep alive this
constant jealousy. He might take an example from the
conduct of England towards Ireland, which for centuries
was treated exactly as Poland was now treated by
Russia ; after centuries of oppression the attempt had
entirely failed, and now a different system had been
commenced, which, though it had not yet produced all
the fruits that could be desired, yet he hoped it would
still produce a rich and abundant harvest.
MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
- -

Messengers from the Lords appeared at the table, and
brought up certain Bills.
RESUMED DEBATE.

Sir F. BURDETT seconded the motion, because he
looked upon it as an earnest of those inquiries that must
be made on the subject of Poland ; and he trusted her
Majesty's Government would, at a proper time, and
under proper circumstances, take the subject under their
consideration.
Mr. HUME was glad that this subject was brought
before the House; he trusted an opportunity would be af-
forded to the people of this country to wipe away the
stain that attached to them for allowing the Polish nation
to be destroyed. He hoped the time would come when
that nation would be reinstated in their rights. The
Government and people of this country had a right to
see the treaty of Vienna carried out. He condoled with
the people of Poland, and he regretted to see the manner
in which they were treated.
Mr. MILNES said that the question was surrounded
with great difficulties. It might not be desirable to go to
war on the question of Poland, but he did not see why
a protest might not be sent by a Government that was
friendly with Russia. Although this country had done
very little in the matter, all that it had done had been
honest, and straightforward, and manly. They were
only following out the conduct of the Governments of all
political parties in protesting against these violations of
the treaty. He was anxious that this protest should be
made, more with regard to the future than the present
time, for he did think that circumstances might arise
which would render these protests most valuable. Some
other sovereign, less firm than the present, might arise in
Russia, who might give freedom to Poland, and thereby
respond to the feelings of the whole of civilised Europe.
He believed it would yet be found, that the nationality
of Poland had not been destroyed; that that nationality
was indestructible. Poland had formerly been the bul-
wark of Europe against the Turks, and, he hoped it
would yet be the bulwark of Europe against Russia.
Mr. P. M. STEWART took it for granted that the
motion before the House would be acceded to by the
Right Hon. Baronet. There was no doubt great diffi-
culties surrounded the question of Polish independence ;
and an individual addressing a popular assembly on the
subject, had further to contend with the necessity of sup-
pressing those feelings of indignation to which the treat-
ment which Poland had" experienced had given rise.
There was only one weak point in his Friend's statement,
but that was the turning point of the question ; it was
that the reason why no assistance had been afforded to
the Poles was the revolt of 1830. Now, for his own
part, he believed that that was a most justifiable step,
and in that opinion he was borne out by Lord Ash-
burton. He believed, unless something in the nature
of a mild remonstrance was made, the perfect erasure of
Poland from the map of Europe would be the inevitable
consequence. The present Ixas the time for making the
protest on the part of this ciAtutry against the treatment
the Poles had received, and the manner in which Rus-
sia had broken through treaties. He believed, unless_
those remonstrances took place, Russia would extend
her aggressions, not only to Poland, bat to the posses-
sions of this country. In conclusion, he trusted that the
documents moved for would be printed.
Sir R. PEEL and Sir R. INGLIS rose together to ad-
dress the House, but the former gave way.
Sir R. H. INGLIS would submit one distinction to dm.
House. It had been said that there was as much right
on the part of England as any Catholic Monarch with
the proceedings of James or Elizabeth. To that he de-
murred ; they had nothing to do with anything but the
litcra scripta of the treaty. The discussion, however,
must do good, as it had been conducted with the utmost
calmness and temper. But he thought there was a tech-
nical objection to agreeing to the motion. He had an
objection to ask in this House for the municipal regula-
tions of another Government. The Four Powers who
were the parties to that treaty had never been united
upon it ; and before the House made any resolution upon
it a (malts ha, they ought to be certain that those Poweri
would concur with them. He had no objection to the
moral influence of England being used to induce the
Emperor to treat his Polish subjects in a spirit far dif-
erent from that in which he hitherto appeared to
have treated them, but he thought they ought
not to go beyond a proper and legitimate
diplomatic interference. 'With the exception he had
mentioned, he concurred in the views that had been
stated, and he thanked the Hon. Member for Notting-
ham for the utanner in which he had brought the ques-
tion before the House, as he believed its temperate dis-
cussion would have a beneficial influence.
Sir R. PEEL said he was not sorry that he yielded to
the proposal of his Hon. Friend, because it enabled him
to refer to the observations he made. He said that some
difficulty of a technical nature might exist against the pro-
duction of the papers. But in 1832 a motion of an exactly
similar nature was made, and it was acceded to by the
House.--(Hear, hear.) He agreed with his Hon. Friend

it reprobating the right of a foreign Power to remon-
strate with them, and if the question related merely ts,
the municipal regulations of a province of Russia he
should offer a decided opposition to the production of the
papers. He would not ent:2r into the subject of the revolt
of the Poles or the treaty of Vienna. The condition
of the Poles was a subject of discussion at that treaty,
and he did not think he was departing from diplomatic
usage in consenting to the production of papers relating
to that subject.—(Hear, hear.) If he took a course
different from that pursued in 1832, erroneous construc-
tions might be put upon it. The tenor and spirit of the
debate was very satisfactory, and there was a studious
absence of all offensive expressions.—(Hear, hear.) But
he was sorry the Hon. Gentleman had alluded to the
question of the East. It should he recollected, however,
that Russia disavowed the conduct of the agents that
were employed in that quarter, and that she had sig-
nified her desire to act in concert with England in re-
gard to Persia, and given assurances of her intention
not to interfere hostilely with regard to their Indian
empire.—(Hear, hear.) Misfortune befel their arms,
and if Russia was not sincere a great temptation was
held out to her to interfere ; but he must say the assu-
rances she gave were not only fulfilled scrupulously and
punctually, but she gave practical demonstrations of her
amicable feeling towards this country, which it was his
duty to admit and acknowledge.—(Hear, hear.) There
was on all matters a cordial and good understanding be •
tween Russia and this country, and it was for the peace
of the world that such friendly feelings should con-
tinue.—(Hear, hear.) But at the same time, however
desirous that such an understanding should continue,
and it would be the object of her Majesty's Government
to cultivate and promote it consistently with the honour
and interests of the country—(hear, hear)—yet he
could not, for the sake of continuing that understanding,
make any sacrifice of truth.—(Hear, hear.) He could
not say, as a public man, that the policy of Russia with
respect to Poland was a wise policy.—(Hear, hear.)
He did not think that the present course adopted by
Russia would ever extinguish those feelings of na-
tionality so strongly cherished by the Poles. Indi-
viduals might be removed from Poland who loved their
country, but by such a removal it might be said of them—
Ccelum non animum mutant.—(Cheers.)
Considering what had taken place since the treaty of
Vienna, in Spain, in Portugal, and in France—and con-
sidering how the sympathies of all those nations were
excited in favour of Poland, he could not but think that
the danger likely to arise from exciting those sympathies
was far greater than any benefit that could accrue from
the repression of the feelings of Poland by force.—
(Cheers.) With respect to the right of this country to
interfere, the exercise of it ought to be regulated by
prudential considerations ; and he was certainly not pre-
pared to make any hostile demonstrations in favour of
Poland.—(Hear.) He thought it right to state this ex-
plicitly, because he was convinced that nothing could be
more unfortunate for the Poles themselves than to raise

with respect to the schools at Greenwich, was intr3ducing
new masters, and allowing the old ones to remain. Arrange-
mmts, were now in progress to appoint two new masters, the
effect of which, it was hoped, would be to restore that
unanimity among the masters which he was sorry
to say had not prevailed latterly. The Admiralty
proposed to have a regular annual inspection, and that
a Report should be laid every year on the table of the
House. But they did not wish that the appointment of the
inspectors should be left to the Committee Of the Privy Council
of Education, as they did not think it advisable that the school
should become a civil instead of a naval establishment.
Sir C. NAPIER did not approve of the present practice of
allowing the sons of merchant seamen to share in the advan-
tages of Greenwich school. It seemed to him to be but fair
that all boys brought up at the school should be required to
serve her Majesty as a return for the expenses of the education
they had received. He thought it was a great improvement
that the boys at the school were now taught the art of rowing,
and that they were nut as formerly left without any instruction
which would qualify them for the profession for which they
were destined. He saw no objeetion to leaving the super-
intendence of the school to the Committee on Education: He
believed that the Members of the Committee were the parties
who, from the nature of their office, would be best qualified to
undertake the :superintendence of any establishment for the
education of youth.
Mr. PARKER thought it was more satisfactory that the
Report should be made to the Admiralty, than to the Privy
Council.
Mr. TUFNELL wanted to know how many inspections
there should be? _ _ _ . .

in their minds false expectations.—(Cheers.) As we
were not singly parties to the Treaty of Vienna,
—as Austria and Prussia were likewise parties to that treaty
recollecting, also, that due weight must be given to the revolt
which had taken place, to the effort which had been made by
the Poles themselves by an appeal to arms to relieve themselves
from the domination of Russia—without entering into the dis •
cussion of the question as to how far Russia was freed from her
obligationto observe the Treaty of Vienna with regard to Po-
land by that revolt, he could not but hope that the sympathy
which had been shown for that gallant and enlightened people
—(
Cheers)— would induce the Emperor of Russia to ameliorate
their condition ; and he was happy to add, that nothing had
passed that evening which could afford the slightest ground for
his refusing to adopt a course which would redound as much at
once to his own honour as he (Sir R. Peel) was sure it would
to the permanent interests of the great country committed to his
charge.—( Loud cheers.)
Lord SANDON was sorry to hear those expressions fall from
his Hon. Friend the Member from Pontefract which had been
already been animadverted upon. Looking at the spirit which
pervaded all the negotiations at Vienna in relation to
Poland, no other conclusion could be come to but that the
intention of all those engaged in those negotiations was to main-
tain the distinct nationality of Poland. There could be no
doubt but that the measures of Russia were in direct contraven-
tion of the policy of the Congress of Vienna, and that policy
was not justified by the conduct of Poland in 1831. He hoped
that some protest would be made to mark to the Emperor of
Russsia the opinion of all civilized nations on this subject.
Mr. SHIEL rose to make one observation only. He hoped
that her Majesty's Government would persevere, notwithstand-
ing the distress of our own country, in that magnificent hospi-
tality to the Poles which we had hitherto extended towards
them.
Mr. S. WORTLEY deeply sympathised with the Poles, and
highly approved of the motion before the House.
111 r. P. HOWARD thought that it was by an appeal rather
to the magnanimity of the Russian Sovereign, than by any other
they could adopt, that they could hope to obtain the object
which they had in view. He trusted that the Autocrat of
Russia would listen with a favourable ear to the appeal
of a free people, that he would imitate the example of his pre-
decessor Alexander in the first part of his reign, and when his
last day should come, he would look bask to that period as the
brightest of his life, when he restored Sarmatia to freedom
once again.
Mr. G. KNIGHT briefly replied, when the motion was
agreed to.
CLERGY RESERVES (CANADA).

Mr. S. HERBERT said that there would be frequent in-
spections, and but one Report.
After a few words from Mr. CHILDERS and Mr. WISE,
Sir R. PEEL said that he thought the House should bear in
mind that it was desirable not to break altogether the con-
nexion of the schools with the Admiralty. At the same
time, it was most desirable that that connexion
should not interfere with the proper inspection of the
system of education pursued in the schools. There were
two schools ; and in one of them the education was very ana-
logous to that adopted by the schools under the control of the
Privy Council. It was proposed to allow the schools to be
under the inspection of the inspectors appointed by the Privy
Council ; and by permitting those inspectors to act immediately
under the Board of Admiralty, there would be no ground for
jealousy on the part of the Board of Admiralty. All that was
desired was to obtain as much advantage as possible from the
schools.
Mr. COWPER replied, and (as we understood) expressed
his desire to withdraw his motion.
DONEGAL GRAND JURY.

The motion was then by leave withdrawn
Viscount CLEMENTS then rose, pursuant to notice, to
move for a Select Committee to inquire into the administra-
tion of the Grand Jury laws in the county of Donegal. The
Noble Lord proceeded to complain of the violation of the Grand
Jury laws generally—not so much on the part of the Grand
Jury as on the part of the officers appointed by them,
and then entered into a statement of the mode in which the
business of the county was transacted by the Grand Jury.
He did not blame the Hon. and Gallant Member opposite
(Colonel Conolly) for the malpractices which had taken place,
but he ought to have taken care that they were not
committed. He had also to complain of the inaccurate
manner in which the accounts were kept. He wished
to know what her Majesty's Government was inclined
to do in this matter. He should prefer a Commission
to inquire into the abuses which had taken place, for the
frauds which had occurred were only to he equalled by the
Exchequer-bill fraud.—( Roars of laughter.) He should there-
fore move for a Select Committee to inquire into the adminis-
tration of the Grand Jury laws in the county of Donegal.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL seconded the motion.
Colonel CONOLLY said the Noble Lord had indulged in
the most daring and singular representations he had ever heard
in that House. The Noble Lord had acted under the most
perfect ignorance of those acts which he had so unsparingly
denounced. He (Col. Conolly) had been connected with the
Grand Jury of Donegal for many years, and he knew the sub-
ject well. The Hon. and Gallant Member then proceeded to
deny that he had at any time improperly exercised his influence
among the Grand Jurors of Donegal. He felt indignant at
any attempt to cast censnre on the conduct of the Grand Jury
as a body, for which, after long experience, he felt the highest
respect. He regretted very much that the Noble Lord should
indulge in reprobating acts of which he could know but very
little.
Sir E. HAYES said, that after the statement of his Hon.
and Gallant Colleague, it was not necessary for him to do more
that confirm that statement.
Lord CLEMENTS, in explanation, denied having attacked
the Grand Jury. He guarded himself cautiously from doing so.
Mr. LITTON said that he considered nine-tenths of the
speech of the Noble Lord was made up of attacks upon the
Grand Jury. He was in the habit of going for many years to
Donegal in his professional capacity, and he could bear testi-
mony to the excellence of the character of the gentlemen com-
posing the Grand Jury of the county of Donegal.—( Hear. )
He hoped the motion would be rejected by the House.
Sir W. SOMER VILLE bore testimony to the honour and
integrity of the gentlemen of the Grand Jury of Donegal; at the
same time it was manifest that gross irregularity had taken
place ; and if the motion were pressed to a division he should
vote for it, without at the same time meaning thereby to cast
any imputation upon the Grand Jury.
Lord ELIOT opposed the motion. He thought that a sa-
tisfactory answer had been given to the charges of the Noble
Lord. Gross irregularity had been committed by some of the
officers, but these offers had been punished by the Grand Jury.
Mr. F. SHAW thought that the Noble Lord was not justi-
fied in the charges which he had brought forward.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought that it was a serious case,
and required investigation. The Government ought to send a
person over to the spot, to investigate into the circumstances.
He thought the Noble Lord had better withdraw his motion ;
but if it were pressed to a division, he should vote for it.
Mr. Sergeant JACKSON thought no ground had been made
out for inquiry, and he trusted the House would negative the
motion.
Sir R. FERGUSSON thought it would be impossible to
conduct any inquiry, except on the spot.,,ejle should oppose
the motion.
Mr. BROTHERTON moved that the House do adjourn,
but subsequently withdrew his motion.
Lord CLEMENTS replied—lf the Government resisted
that motion, he should not let the subject rest there.
Strangers were then ordered to withdral, but no division
took place, the motion being negatived without a division.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL for Ireland obtained leave
to bring in a Bill for consolidating the Four Courts Marshalsea,
Dublin, Sheriffs' Prison, Dublin, and City Marshalsea, Dublin,
and for regulating the Four Courts Marshalsea in Ireland.
Lord STANLEY gave notice that he should move, on
Alonday next, that the House resolve itself into a Committee of
the whole House, to take into consideration certain resolutions
relative to Australia.
Mr. FEtIRAND moved—That there be immediately laid
on the table of this House, a copy of the Report addressed to
the Poor.law Commissioners, and unanimously agreed to at an
extraordinary meeting of the Board of Guardians of the
Keighley union, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, on Monday
last, the 27th inst., and which was convened for the purpose of
• taking into consideration, and replying to certain allegations
made against the said board in the Reports of the Assistant
Poor-law Commissioners, Mr. Mott and Sir John Walsham,
and which Reports have already been printed by order of this
House.—Ordered.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of and the
House adjourned at a Quarter to Two o'Clock.
le

Mr. SHIEL postponed, till Thursday next, the Motion for a
return of the amount of the clergy reserves in the province of
Canada, which have been appropriated to the public worship
and religious instruction of Roman Catholics, under the Act
3 and 4 Vic., c. 7S.
GREENWICH HOSPITAL SCHOOLS.

Mr. COWPER rose, pursuant to notice, to call the atten-
tion of the House to the state of the Greenwich Hospital
Schools, and to move the following resolution :—" That, in
the opinion of this House the schools attached to the Royal
Hospital at Greenwich should be open at all times to the in-
spection of inspectors appointed by the Committee of Privy
Council on Education, and that Reports of such inspection should
be annually laid upon the table of this House." He thought
it very desirable that a high standard of morality should be
preserved in these schools, by which means only our
navy, which received a great many seamen from them, could
maintain its character upon the seas for honour and valour.
The present Board of Admiralty had paid a good deal of atten-
tion to those schools, and he had no doubt of their good inten-
tions with regard to them ; but, at the same time, he thought
that that House should do something for their amelioration.
He did not desire to take the superintendence out of the bands
of the Board of Admiralty ; all he wished was to have a regular
inspection, and that the results of that inspection might be
known to that House and to the public. There certainly were
some kinds of inspections at present, and, on certain anniversa-
ries, the Board of Admiralty went down, when the master of
the schools exhibited a number of his boys, who went through
their problems with a vast deal of accuracy and expedition; so
novel, indeed, that the old Lords of the Admiralty did not feel
at all inclined to test their powers by their own. No questions,
however, ever were asked ; their Lordships always expressed
themselves highly gratified at what they had seen, and
never struck them that the boys, whom they had seen exhi
bited, were the cream of the school. The fact was, that th
boys in the lower school were scarcely educated at all. Public
attention was first drawn to this by Earl Mint% who discovered
that ten boys had been sent from the school after having been
there three years, and that none of them could read—and no
wonder if they could not read, for there were only two masters
to conduct the education of four hundred boys, the rest
of the management being carried on by monitors,
wit') were selected from amongst the boys themselves.
Was it to be wondered at that they were unfit to enter either
the navy or merchant service? The case of the girls' school
was still more deplorable, and it was too frequently found that
many of the girls turned out to be demoralised characters,
and ended their lives in misery. The state of the lower school
was so remarkable that he must refer again to the Report. It
said that many of the boys could not give an explanation of the
commonest word. Out of 50 boys 15 could neither read nor
write, and yet there was a clergyman at the head of the school.
The Report said that 15 boys were unable to give an explana-
tion of the words in the Lord's Prayer. It further stated
that geography was not taught—the power of the
steam engine the boys knew nothing about. The
system of education was the old Bell and Lancasterian system.
Ihe Report further stated, that out of sixty boys twenty-four
could read well, twenty-two badly, and only four could work a
small sum. The next class of the bays could not read at all,
nor had they had any religious instruction. In fact, the whole
of the boys were devoid of religious instruction. This Report
was sent to the chaplain, in order that he might account for
this state of things, and he attributed it to want of teachers.
He (Mr. C.) had a letter from Captain Huskisson, who said
that many of the children had been brought up in vicious
and bad habits. This was the letter of a person impli-
cated; therefore, the Report from which he (Mr. Cowper)
had quoted was not ex parte. Very extensive changes
were afterwards made in the schools, and he was happy to say
that the lower school had been much reformed, and
now presented a good specimen of a moral school. But he
could not say so of the other school, inasmuch as it was placed
under a kind of hydra, for there were many heads to the schools.
The boy was a kind of Proserpine, he sometimes passed his
time under Ceres, and sometimes under Pluto.—( Laughter. )
On one day he was under the control of a Lieutenant and a
file of soldiers, at another he was under a Latin and mathema-
tical master. When the boy was out of school, he could
snap his fingers at his master with impunity. He (Mr. Cow-
per) thought it was an absurdity that the master should not
have the whole control: of the boys during the time they were
under his care. They could not expect that without this sys-
tem the boys could: be brought into habits of regu-
larity, or that their consciences could he developed.
Not only was the master unable under the present system to
develope the character of the boys, but there was a duty thrown
on the drill-sergeants' which it was utterly impossible for them
to perform. How could they—who had been all their lives in
the habit of commanding prompt obedience, and who had been
selected from,the army for good conduct—how could they edu-
cate a boy or do anything towards it? No doubt they were
well meaning men, but in this situation they were out of place.
If they were intended to guard the boys he thought they were
useless, as a scolding mother with a mop-stick could command
obedience. And even if the boys submitted to this control
they did it not from a knowledge of right and wrong, but from
fear of punishment. With respect to corporal, punishment he
thought it was as absurd as it was cruel and barbarous.
He thought that in the publie establishment of this country
the system pursued for education would not have the effect of
raising the moral character of the pupils In the best schools
of Scotland there was no corporal punishment, and the Irish
Board of Education had written a circular to the schoolmasters,
requesting them to dispense with the demoralising system.
Even the ancients were of this opinion. The mode of im-
pressing a child with true ideas of right and wrong, was not by
forcing it through his back. More was to be effected by
sympathy and love than by fear, and it was under this im-
pression he had been induced to bring the subject forward. He
believed if those in power would take that subject in hand the
Board of Admiralty would be under the necessity of changing
the system as it at present existed, and the result of
that would be to effect a great good. He felt
confident that the necessity of inspection would be
admitted, but his Hon. Friend opposite would perhaps say that
inspection should take place under officers appointed by the
Board of Admiralty alone. Now that he thought would place
the individual in a very invidious position. He believed if the
Admiralty were inclined to appoint an inspector into the
schools the country would hardly find them one. In his
opinion the inspectors ought to be appointed by the Privy
Council. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
the Government, who took such interest in the question of
education, would interfere to secure to this school the benefit
of an inspection under the Privy Councii.—( Hear.) This
school was connected with a service that was the pride of this
country, and he trusted therefore that the House would not pass
tho subject by lightly.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member con-
cluded by making the motion of which he had given notice.
The motion having been seconded,
Mr. S. HERBERT said he believed that the state of edu-
cation in the lower school was such as had been described.
He believed there had been great neglect there, but in the
upper school the case was far different, as from that establish-
ment some of the most clever boys had been sent out. He
believed that the great error committed by the Privy Council,

LAW INtELLItiENCE.
HOUSE OF LORDS, June
_3O.

The Lord Chancellor, Lord Campbell, and
the Judges, sat in the House of Lords to-day, to hear Writs
of Error.

?HIVES V. ACKERS.

The Judges give their judgment this morning in this case,
on the questions submitted to them by the House, when the
writ of error was heard. The question was whether the es-
tates, the subject of the cause, were vested or not. Their
Lordships stated their opinions that the estates were not vested.
The House reserved its final judgment.

ROE V. LORD TRIMLESTONE.
The arguments in this part-heard writ of error were resumed
to-day.

VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, June 30.
(Before Vice-Chancellor WIGRAM.)
CHENNELL V. MARTIN.
His HONOR gave judgment in this case. The case, as it
originally came before the Court, referred to the purchase of an
estate by a trustee, in 1785, for the sum of 950/. On the stk
of May, 1831, a decree was made by which the purchase was
declared to be void. N 3 appeal was made from that decree.
The case now came before the Court on exceptions to the
Master's report, the defendant contending that he had a right
to have allowances made for the improved value of the timber.
Alter going through all the circumstances of the case his
Honour directed an inquiry whether the purchaser was entitled
to any, and what just allowances for timber.

COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, June 30.
(Sittings at Nisi Prius at the Guildhall, before Lord DENMAN
and a London Common Jury.)
LITLLE V. OLDAKE.

This was an action brought by a physician to recover the
amount of his bill. It appeared the plaintiff also acted as a
surgeon, and it was contended that he attended defendant in his
capacity of surgeon, and was therefore entitled to recover. For
the defendant it was contended that, as plaintiff was a physician,
he had no right vi hatever to sue defendant for the amount of
his bill.
The Jury found for the plaintiff--Damages 15 Guineas.