The Sun.
London, England, 1842-04-19 00:00:00

IPSWICH.

The Committee-room, as heretofore, was crowded. The
proceedings yesterday commenced with the re-examination of
Obadiah Barwick Luca-, who said be was not a warm parti-
san, but he took some interest in conversations about voters
that took place at the Dave and the Plough, sometimes as
early as five o'clock in the morning, and where every one that
was thirsty might have his favourite cordial, and the landlord
would take no money unless it were offered. The witness was
a landlord himself, and used to supply beer and breakfasts, ex-
pecting that Mr. Ganod would pay him, if not some other
principal gentleman would. Witness voted for Wason and
Rennie.
The examination of the witness was postponed for particular
reasons.

Isaac Phillips, a shoemaker (examined by Mr. Austen)—
Had a conversation with Mr. Thornhury at the Dove the day
before the election. He was asked to vote for Wason and
Rennie, and he promised, though he had no vote, for 51., which
he took, but only that he might thereby have positive evidence
to stop the shocking bribery which he knew was going on.—
(Great laughter.) Witness, having got the evidence, indig-
nantly returned the note to Thornbury, adding that he had no
vote. Say nothing about it, says Thornbury. I would not
keep my tongue tied for 201., answered the virtuous non-
elector.—(Great laughter followed the declaration.)
Cross-examined by Mr. PHILLIPS—I told all this to Mr.
Roberti of the Blue party, but I believe the Blues bribed as
well as the Yellows.—( Laughter. )

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

GLOBE.—We have taken some pains elsewhere, and on
former occasions, to signalise the consistency of Sir Robert
Peel's practice and principles. The illustration of that dis-
tinguishing quality of the Prime Minister will be completed
this evening, when he brings in his Income Tax Bill, with its
appropriate and improved machinery. The Sir Robert Peel
of 18:33 spoke as follows on the impolicy of constructing any
such machinery for any such purpose :
"1 think likewise," (Mirror of Parliament, p. 1,331),
" that the Noble Lord has done well in not proposing an in-
come or a property tax. Nothing but a case of extreme neces-
sity can justify Parliament in subjecting the people of this
country, in a time of peace, to the inquisitorial process which
must be resorted to in order to render the impost productive,
and to have recourse to such a machinery for the purpose of
raising 2or 3 per cent. would be most unwise. Such atax is a
great resource in time of necessity, and therefore I am unwill-
ing, by establishing the disgusting inquisition with which it
must be accompanied, tQ create such an odium against it, as
would render it impossible to resort to it in time of extreme
necessity."
We have it, then, on the most explicit authority of the Pre-
mier himself, who is so fond of quoting his own prece-
dents, that what he means to propose to-night, and what-
ever machinery he means to carry it into effect by—are
most unwise. It is most unwise to erect such machinery
to raise two or three per cent. ! What must it be to erect
such machinery to raise so little, for so short a period
Well, then, we can only save the Premier's reputa-
tion for wisdom by supposing that his ostensible pur-
pose in pushing this measure is not his real one. That—with
the ministerial Ma chiavelism ascribed to him as a merit by the
Times—he does not mean to be " hanged for half-a-crown"—
to levy an income tax for three per cent. —to call into life such
swarms of animalcules—such " spawn of tax-born riches"—for
so small a matter, and so short a span of vermin vitality—to
raise so vast a scaffolding for so puny an edifice. At present,
his projected machinery eau only strike the mind's eye like the
" firm-compacted balks" which surmount the Nelson column in
Trafalgar-square. There is nothing at present but thin air
between them ; but we know there is to be. But Sir Ro-
bert's scaffolding would seem at present to be about to be
erected for its own sake—n• at least for the sake of such a
per-tentage as Sir -Robert has declared is not worth the cost.
Are there other and more permanent purposes kept in the back
ground ? We do not believe it. We de not credit the Premier
with any large views in the matter. if lie has: large schemes
of finance, he must have based them on just principles. Merely
to magnify the vermin he .s now creating, will turn ioseeis
into monsters. 'I he country will tolerate no such microscopic
enlargements of deformity
STANDARD.—'I',.,: people will, however, gain something
in protection, if not in present abatement, by the removal of
pronibitions and prohibitory duties; provisions cannot rise
much higher in price, and this is au important consideration
in an augmenting population, and, what we trust, to Coeser-
vaive Crovernment, it will he a population advancing in prospe-
rity; and can the intelligent farmer doubt that he gains much
in relief from obloquy—that it is of great value to him to have
his position secured against a renewal ot the attacks of which
for twenty years he has been the object, by the surrender of a
merely nominal protection? And are not all classes benefited
by a knowledge of the truth? But this is a narroe view
of the subject. The tariff is a whole, and as a whole it is
eonfeisedly beneficial. But is any farmer weak enough to sup-
pose that such a measure could pass without including articles
of provision ? If the farmer would fairly estimate his gain by
the whole tariff, let him turn his eyes to the Continent. As we
have before said, the articles of provision raised by European
agriculture zre pretty generally as dear upon the neighbour-
ing parts of the Continent as they are in England;
but it is yet very certain that meny prudent fami-
lies pass over to the Continent upon economical considerations,
and that they are not disappointed. But how is this? Be-
cause all, except the articles of provisions referred to, is so
much cheaper—because taxes are so much lower. Begin with
the single article of house rent. We have seen a calculation
satisfactorily demonstrating that the rent of a moderate house
at Dover or Brighton, capable of accommodating a
family of eight persons in middle life, would pay all
the expenses of the same family iu equal comfort at the ether
side of the Channel. But the house rent is the heaviest ex-
pense, .and the main element in this is timbCr next
comes the cost of furniture then coffee, &e. finally,
taxes. To be sure, there is this to be said, that
the animal food, from which the farmers dread com-
petition, is so bad, as well as dear, that there is a
motive to use little of it, which helps something iq
saving. Lately, the lighter branches of education are
cheap, because a general condition approaching' to poverty
makes intelligent human labour abundant and o low price.
Now, glance from the condition of middle life abroad to
the tariff, and it will be seen in how many articles the British
farmer, and every other British subject, will obtain relief; let.
him then make his eleetion between the basely nominal compe-
tition of the Continent with the rest of the tariff on one side,
and double Assessed Taxes, all the indirect taxes unrepealed,
and the obloquy of prohibitory duties from which he derives no
advantage on the other.