The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENIN

now asserted in language of defiance and insult. We
have now avowals instead of intimations of " deep and
burning hatred of the Reformation"—explicit instead of
oracular vaticinations that "the demon of Protestantism
will tear and rend the body which it possesses, before it
leaves it." These manifestoes of hostility to the Church of
England (so far as free from Rome) present the novel
feature of being framed in the Church and University,
and of avowedly founding their legitimacy on a sense
of the articles expressly devised to defeat their purpose.
It is quite in vain for these dealers in duplicity in
the sense of plain English to tell us that Low Church-
men also evade such of our forms as they dislike.
Whether Low Churchmen are or are not justified in so
doing, we inquire not at present. But no Churchmen,
save this new junto, assert a right to take their stand
in the Church for the express purpose of pouring un-
limited insult and reproach on every point of doctrine
and practice which distinguishes this Church from an-
other. It will not be denied that there is a fundamental
distinction between the English view and the Romish
view of what constitutes a church. These men stand alone
in borrowing the artillery of the Vatican to discharge on
us from within our own pale. 'I hey stand alone in insi-
nuating, or openly advancing, the charge of schism against
separate Anglicanism—the duty of devotion to the See of
Rome—the ch erecter of heresy in all things thatdistinguish
(and because they distinguish) our symbols from those
of Rome. It is true that, in so doing, they necessarily
brand themselves also as heretics. For Rome allows no
churchmanship out of her communion—and no excuse
but invincible ignorance in any individual remaining
without that communion. These men, having lost the
plea of invincible ignorance, stand self-convicted here-
tics, every hour they stand out of Roman communion.
And here we come to the practical consequence of
their views in the University. They are turning it into
a pale senzinaire for the supply of Rome with proselytes
and priests. All who receive " the whole cycle of
Roman doctrine" into honest hearts must necessarily
act in accordance with the most important of all her
doctrines—that, namely, which anathematises as heresy
whatever is held or taught (and simply as being so held
or taught) out of Roman communion. It is a new
phenomenon in polemics, for men to ransack the Ro-
man armoury for all its most poisoned weapons cf
offence against their own nominal communion—while
every Roman theologian can tell them, that of all
heretics their case is most hopeless, because they alone
stand self-convicted of heresy clung to in the light of
knowledge. The consistent disciples of Newmanism
have, therefore, seceded, in considerable numbers, to
Rome. And Mr. Newman has himself acknowledged
his writings as a " disposing cause" to these conversions.
It is unquestionable that those writings are also the
original source of what we deem the far less honourable
alternative—namely, of the subscription of Anglican ar
ticks with a heart avowedly devoted to Rome. This
subscription, coupled with this avowal, is Mr. Ward's
logical deduction from Tract 90. And, forsooth, it is
mere intolerant meddling in the University to express
its sense of this revived lore of Loyola ! Those who
say this must mean to say that Convocation ought to
deem itself incapable of expressing any sense upon any
subject. If so, let it be so stated. Let the University
abdicate all its collective functions. In this way, its re.
fusel to give jusigment will at least not be construed as a
refusal to vindicate common sense and honest consistency,
for fear they should retard the conversion of Oxford to
Roman Catholicism.
STANDARD.—The property-tax, the sugar duties,
the tax on tea, the assessed taxes, the cotton tax, the
malt-tax, the duty on paper, and we know not how
many more taxes, had all found champions to claim
their abolition, when on Saturday a meeting of
soap boilers and Members of Parliament assembled
to insist upon the abolition of the duty on soap,
one-half the former duty having been loeg since
repealed. The soap discussion fills about four closely-
printed columns of the Morning Chronicle, and who-
ever reads the speeches of Messrs. Hawes, Joseph Ilume,
&c., must rise from the perusal with the conviction that
the soap-tax is really the only tax that imposes any
burthen on the country. To be sure, the same thing
has been said of every other tax with as much
eloquence and as much truth but what is
the Prime Minister to do ? It is certain that he
has a surplus of nearly three millions and a half.
But three millions and a half will not afford a reduc-
tion of about fifteen or twenty millions, which, at a
moderate computation, he is urged to reduce, and yet
each interest tells him that the empire will infallibly
be ruined, if the tax which presses upon it be not re-
moved. This is a distressing position, into which Sir
Robert Peel has brought himself by his surplus ;
but there is consolation. Though each interest
insists upon the necessity of the concession, R hick
it claims as of vital importance to the empire,
each allows that all other interests may go on very we'l
as they are. Thus all the votes being collected, each
interest will have but one vote against all the others, and
thus the result will be a great majority against the taking
off any one tax. And in good truth, this result would
seem to be fully justified by the prosperity of the
country under its present system of taxation. We
have not the most distant notion of what the
Premier is to propose on Friday ; but we know
what we should do in his place—take care
to disoblige no one interest by giving a preference to
any other; leave the taxes just where they are, and
devote the surplus to the defence of the country, by
additions to our steam navy, and by the construction of
ports and harbours. It is an additional recommendation
of this mode of applying the surplus, that nearly every
shilling of it would be expended in the wages of labour
—no small alleviation to the poor-rates, no slight benefit
to the agriculturist and to the excise revenue.

SOUTHAMPTOX, FEB. 10.—The Peninsular and
Oriental Company's steamer Pacha, Captain Burney,
arrived this morning, at eleven o'clock, from Vigo, bi ing-
ing the following mails :—Gibraltar, Cadiz, Lisbon,
Oporto, and Vigo. Her dates of departure are as follow:
—from Gibraltar, Feb. Ist ; Cadiz. 2d ; Lisbon, 4th ;
Oporto, sth ; and Vigo, 6th. Ships of war lying at
Gibraltar—None. Cadiz—H.M.S. Scout, a Swedish brig,
and a corvette, having been in search of three piratical
vessels, reported to having been seen off Cape St. Vin-
cant. Specie on Board—Six packages. List of Pas-
sengers—Thirteen, including the master and shipwre‘Ated
seamen who abandoned their vessel in a sinking state,
the brig Idus, of London, from Ichaboe, bound to
London, on the 14th January, in let. 49 N, long. 9 W.;
also four men from the schooner Tumbler, wrecked off
Cadiz; also from Oporto, the master and two apprentices
of the brig Hebe, wrecked on Oporto Bar. Three other
passengers.

iIIPERIAL PARLIAMENT
(THIS EVENING.)

lIOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four.

THAMES EMBANKMENT BILL.
The Sheriffs of London were introduced by the Ser-
geant-at-Arms, and presented a petition from the Lord
Mayor, Aldermen, and Members of the Council in Com-
mon Council assembled, r, specting the Thames Embank.
ment Bill.

would move for a return of certain papers connected
with the Mauritius and Sierra Leone.
COLONIAL ACCOUNTS.
Mr. HUME gave notice that he should postpone
till Thursday, the 20th, his motion respecting Colonial
Accounts.

RAILWAYS.
Mr. WALLACE gave notice that to-morrow he
would move resolutions relating to certain railways ;
and he also gave notice that be would bring in a Bill
to repeal the Railway Act passed last session.

CORN RETURNS.
Mr. MILES moved for certain corn returns, in
continuation of other returns previously ordered.
EDUCATION IN INDIA.
Mr. HUME, seeing the Right Hon. Gentleman the
Vice-President of the Board of Control in his place,
would take the opportunity of asking whether there
was any objection to lay on the table the educational
order of the Governor-General of India, of August,
1844 ?

Mr. BARING'S answer was wholly inaudible, but
from Mr. Hume's appearing to be satisfied with it, it
was supposed to be that there was no objection to the
return.

LORD ELLENBOROUGH.
Mr. HUME wished further to ask, if there would
be any objection to lay before the House the cor-
respondence which had taken place between the Di
rectors of the East India Company and her Majesty's
Government on the subject of the recal of Lord El-
lenhorough ?
Mr. BARING'S was again inaudible to the gallery
in his answer, but it was received with laughter in
the House.

Mr. HUME said if the Government had no inten-
tion to present the papers, perhaps there would be no
objection to his moving for them himself ? (A laugh.)
Mr. BARING'S answer was not heard.
IDOLATRY IN INDIA.—JUGGERNAUT.
Sir R. H. INGLIS would take that opportu-
nity, as the affairs of India had been introduced,
to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman whether anything
had been done to carry into effect the minute of the
Board of Directors of the East India Company, which
was to the effect that the Government of India should
be separated from all connexion with idolatry and
superstition. He wished to ask whether the pay-
ment of 60,000 rupees per annum to the idol of
Juggernaut was continued, or that the land
formerly appropriated to the worship of that religion
had been restored to the temple, so as to sever the
Christian Government of India from the support of
idolatry ? A second question he wished to ask was,
whether any steps had been taken to separate the
Pagoda lands in Madras (as we understood) from the
Government and transfer them to the management of
natives, as had been already successfully done in the
presidency of Bengal ?
Mr. BARING was understood to say that with re-
spect to the last question, no further information had
been received since a similar question was put last
year. But with respect to the payments to the Tem-
ple of Juggernaut, he had to state, that the annual
payment was formerly 60,000 rupees, hut so much of
the lands had been restored as reduced it to 36,000
rupees, and it was intended to restore the remaining
lands, so as to. render the payment altogether unne
cessary.

she relied with confidence on their Lordships' support
in her Majesty's endeavours to promote the happiness
and contentment of her Majesty's subjects.
On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY,
the answer of her Majesty was ordered to be entered
on the journals of the House.
LAW OF BANKRUPTCY.
Lord BROUGHAM gave notice that to-morrow
he would present to their Lordships' a petition of some
importance on the subject of the proceedings which
took place before the Commissioners of the
Court of Bankruptcy in the City of Lon-
don. His Lordship also gave notice that
on an early day next week he should renew the Bill
which he brought before their Lordships last year,
relative to the Bankruptcy Law, and which would
contain certain clauses suggested by a Noble Friend
and a Reverend Prelate, who was not then present,
for destroying the jurisdiction of the Bankruptcy
Court in certain matters.
OTAHEITE.
Lord BROUGHAM wished t ) know if the Noble
Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had any ob-
jection to lay on the table of the House the corre-
spondence which had taken place between her Ma-
jesty's Government and the French Ministry on the
subject of Craheite ?
The Earl of ABERDEEN said he was prepared
to lay portions of it before their Lordships.
Lord BROUGHAM asked if it would be printed ?
The Earl of ABERDEEN was understood to re-
ply in the affirmative.
POSTAL REGULATIONS.
The Earl of ABERDEEN laid upon the table of
the House the convention between her Majesty and
the King of the Belgians relating to communication
by post between this country and Belgium.
GOVERNMENT MEASURES.
The Marquis of NORMANBY said he held in his
hand certain returns granted to a motion made at the
conclusion of last session, relating to the period at
which different Bills had come up from the other
House. He found that three-fourths cf the Bills in
the last session came up in the month of July. He be-
lieved he was correct in stating that nearly se-
venty of them did so. It was impossible to judge
of the intentions of her Majesty's Govern-
ment from the measures alluded to in
the speech from the Throne. It did not appear to
him that any of these bills were likely to be originated
in that House; and as the Easter recess would hap-
pen very early, lie did not apprehend that there could
be any immediate attempt on the part of the Noble
Duke and his colleagues to remedy the evil of
which he complained. He was sure, however,
that the Noble Duke would exert his powerful in-
fluence with his colleagues in the other House to
secure that as many Bills as possible should be
brought into that House soon after Easter, instead of
all being postponed, as was the case last session, until
the last month of its continuance.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he did not
understand the Noble Marquis to put any question—
his suggestion should certainly be attended to.
The Marquis of NORMANBY said lie would
ask the Noble Duke whether any of the measures
in contamplation would originate in that House, and
whether they were likely to have any important mea-
sures submitted to them before the Laster recess ?
The Duke of WELLINGTON requested the
Marquis of Normanby to let his question stand as a
notice for to-morrow.
BAIL IN ERROR.
Lord CAMPBELL said in connexion with the
question put by the Noble and Learned Marquis, he
begged to draw the attention of his Noble and Learned
Friend the Lord Chancellor to the Bill with
respect to bail in error in criminal cases. He
hoped there would be no delay in bringing
forward that measure, and having been brought in
under the auspices of his Noble and Learned Friend
it would be sent down to the other House as soon as
possible. Another point to which he begged leave
to draw his Noble and Learned Friend's atten-
tion arose out of a criminal proceeding, to which
he was sorry to refer, because he was most
anxious not to revive any past discussions
with regard to it, or to say anything which
could in the slightest degree be disagreeable to
his Noble and Learned Friend. He referred to the
mode of proceeding with reference to a jury which
had been improperty returned. He would assume
that the opinion of the learned judges, whom their
Lordships had consulted on that subject, was per-
fectly correct ; he would also assume that his
Noble and Learned Friend took a correct view
of the matter when he concurred in that opinion.
Then supposing it was so, how was the law witl-
regard to a jury improperly returned? In that case,
as the law now stood, the accused party was without
remedy, because the challenge to the array was
taken away, according to the recent decision
of the judges. Before the law was recently
altered, and when the sheriff was entrusted
with the duty of returning the jury, a challenge
to the array would lie if the jury was improperly
returned by the sheriff. He did not find fault with
the law which altered the mode by which the jury
was returned. On the contrary, he thought it was an
excellent law. According to the recent decision of
the judges, the challenge to the array was gone; and,
though he bowed to the decision of the learned judges,
he should have humbly thought that some other mode
of redress would be pointed out—if that was the case.
However, assuming the decision of the learned
judges to be right, he thought that the Noble and
Learned Lord would acknowledge that the law ought
not to be left as it was at present; and if it was not
the intention of her Majesty's Government to bring
in a Bill (in whose hands he would much prefer to
leave the subject) to remedy this defect in the law,
he would feel it his duty to bring in a Bill for that
purpose. He, therefore, wished to know whether her
Majesty's Govesnment had any such intention ?
The LORD ;CHANCELLOR said that two ques-
tions were proposed to him. The first was whether,
the subject his intention to bring in a Bill
subject of bail in error. He
in pursuance of engagements into which he entered
Ntvhiethothreegr
anridghtto, it
begged leave to state that he had directed his attention
to the subject, and that it was his intention within a
few days to bring in a Bill on the matter, founded
in no inconsiderable degree on the Bill of his Noble
and Learned Friend. He thought his Noble and
Learned Friend was under a misapprehension with
regard to the other subject. He (the Lord Chancel-
lor) did not understand the learned judges to have
give nany opinion as to the effect stated by the
Noble and Learned Lord. Certainly, as far as he
(the Lord Chancellor) waf concerned, he never in-
tended to express such an opinion, and he did not
think the Learned Judges had not given any opinion
to the effect that the challenge to the array was taken
away in consequence of any alteration made in the
jury law by a recent Act of the Legislature.
All they decided was that a challenge to the
array did not lie in that particular case
referred to by the Noble and Learned Lord.
The challenge to the array alluded to either a defect
of the returning officer, or on an unindifference. The
Learned Judges stated that on this record there was
no imputation of partiality—that there was nothing
in the record showing unindifference. Therefore the
challenge to the array could not be allowed. The
particular defeat in this instance arose from a defect
in the book. The book was defective, but the sheriff
was bound to select from it. The sheriff had no•
thing to do with the formation of the book, though
he was obliged to take the names from it. He
apprehended that the learned judges gave no opinion
to the effect which his Noble Friend had stated. He
admitted that this evil required a remedy. The
defect of the book might arise from design or from
accident. The jury might be improperly empannelled,
and did not deny that these things required a remedy,
he had directed his attention to the subject, and if he
found it possible to provide a remedy for that defect
—that is if no remedy at present existed he would
feel it his duty to bring in a Bill on the subject, and
so remedy the omission. The defect of this case had
arisen from legislative measures introduced for the
purpose of altering the jury-laws. The common law
did not apply to the case, and the Legislature had
provided no remedy for the defect.
Lord CAMPBELL was extremely glad to hear
that his Noble Friend had directed his attention to
the subject, but he felt sure that upon further
consideration he would find the opinion of the
Learned Judges to be, that the right of chal-
lenge to tne array had been taken away alto-
gether. They said that on a difference or de-
fect arising from partiality was the only ground
for challenging the array. The matter was taken
altogether out of the hands of the Sheriff; where the
Recorder erred there did not seem to be any remedy.
He would not trouble the Howe further on the sub-
ject, resting with confidence on the assurance of his
Learned and Noble Friends.
THE INCOME TAX.
LORD MONTEAGLE then rose and said, that
their Lordships were aware that he had a motion on
:he paper of this evening for the annual balance
sheet of Income and Expenditure; and accounts re-
icing to Trade and Navigation in certain
branches. He (Lord Monteagle) would not have,
taken up any considerable portion of their Lordships'
time upon this subject had not an impression,
caused by a paragraph in her Majesty's gracious
speech, been created out of doors, and on that
passage he intended to make a few observations
The passage referred to said that it would be for them
to determine whether it would not be prudent to
continue the property-tax for a limited period. Now
that part of her Majesty's speech might be inter-
preted in two ways, and it was most material
that it should be properly understood by
the country. Their Lordships were aware that
when the tax was first enacted, its objects were
merely of a temporary kind, and no expectations were
entertained that it would afterwards be made part of
the ways and means of this country. Un-
doubtedly it would not be so objectionable if

3r, FEBRUARY 10

it were only intended as a party experiment
for the purpose of remitting some other obnoxious
tax, or gising relief in any case that pressed heavily
on the community; but if it were intended, as they
had reason to fear, to make the income-tax part of
the permanent ways and means of the country, then,
indeed, was it essentially necessary that the 1)1 oplc
should be aware of the rea; intentions of theGiA ern mem.
It was one thing to submit to an inconvenience and
inequality of pressure as in the case of this tax, and
quite a different one to consent to a permanent impo
sition. He thought that no one could doubt the ex-
pediency of continuing the income-tax for the present,
and he should state in a few words why he thought
so. Dealing in round numbers there was a surplus
of three millions over expenditure. Now, although
the public were led to consider that this uas
a large augmentation of the public revenue,
and that this sum, therefore, formed a fund
upon which different classes, upon whom particular
taxes pressed, might think they had a right to draw.
It was time that there; was an actual surplus of
3,000,0001. But then it was provided by the property-
tax, which yielded 5,000,0001., and was only a tem-
porary impost. Loaking t. the regular and fixed source s
of increase there was in fact no surplus. There was
quite as great a deficiency now, as when the income-
tax was impost d, if that tax w ere allowed to Expire.
It must be obvious to every one that the expiration of
that tax, under such circumstances, the Government
could not think of ; and he trusted that neither House
of Parliament would consent to its expiration. The
question, then, was, whether the tax was to be con-
tinued as the relief of a temporary pressure, or was
to be continued as a substitute !for other taxes to be
repealed. But if it were proposed, on the strength of
the temporary surplus, to reduce judiciously some
taxes, which 'might, as had been found to be the re
suit in the case of other reductions, tend ultimately to
ruin the permanent revenue and diminish the deficiency,
no one could object to that policy. The paper which
he was about to call for would illustrate the working
of the changes which had taken place, and he had in-
tended to move for another paper, in which he was
anticipated by his Noble Friend Lord Dalhousie,
whom he must take that opportunity of congra-
tulating upon his recent appointment to the head of
the department with which that paper was connected.
This document, which would probably be delivered
in the course of to morrow, was one of the most
important and valuable papers, illustrative of their
customs laws, that had ever been drawn up or pre-
pared for Parliament, furnished some inferences,
with respect to their customs duties, of a most
important nature. It exhibited in two com-
parative tables the state of the customs duties
in the two years preceding the alteration
of the tariff, and for the two years immediately suc-
ceeding that alteration. They were classed in two
different matters. The first was an analysis, according
to the different heads of duty, of articles pro-
ducing from 1001. to 100,000/. a-year ; the
other was an analysis of the respective
amount of duty raised on different classes
of articles. By this it appeared that out
of 22,000,0001. raised upon 813 articles there
were 585, or about tl-ree-fourths of the whole which
produced only 42,000/. a year. Parliament had the
power of reducing the whole amount of their Cus-
toms' duties payable on three-fourths of the articles
subjected to duty at a loss only of 42,0001.
But if such a proposal ever came before
them, he would suggest to his Noble Friend
that in their anxiety to give all possible relief to trade
and commerce they ought not to deprive themselves
of the opportunity of gaining ju-t and correct statis-
tical information. This error had been committed
with respect to the Irish trade. In their anxiety to re-
move all restrictions from it they had done away with
the necessity of any customs entries whatever. Thus,
from their desire to place it as much as possible on
the footing of a coasting trade, they had put it
out of their power to prove to the Irish
people that their condition had progressively
improved, and that their consumption of
the necessaries of life was daily extending itself.
There were several other other curious facts which
were equally apparent in the document before him,
and to which he had been calling their Lordships
attention, upon which he expected considerable dis-
cussion would arise. It was not now his intention
to enter more at length into this subject, but
when it came to be discussed before their Lord-
ships it would appear that in the reduction
made upon articles of consumption, those reductions
would appear to have been made upon articles of
minor importance. It would also appear that taking
into account the character of the articles that this
reduction had been made upon, there had been
comparatively little or no reduction upon
articles of raw material, upon articles partly
manufactured, and upon manufactured articles, while
upon the other hand it would appear that the great
increase had taken place upon articles of food. It
was for these reasons that he deemed it of much im-
portance to call their Lordships' attention to the fact
that this temporary tax had not produced an equiva-
lent equal to the sacrifice. This was not the proper
time to argue this question, but he did not think it was
out of place in him to tyke the liberty of drawing
their Lordships' attention to this tax. In speaking
of articles of food he did not of course mean to include
every article that came under that designation, such
as brandy, &c., but he alluded to the article of tea
upon which he found a considerable increase and that
circumstance had been fully explained in the document
before him. He had found that no alteration had been
made in the rate of duty upon that article, which
was 2s. Id. in the pound, though considerable altera-
tion had taken place in the price. Whether a reduc-
tion in the price of the article had been owing to a
reduction in the duty or the value, it was a matter of
indifference to the public, but the result of the reduc-
tion in the price had been an increase in the
consumption of the article to the amount of about a
million of pounds weight. The fall had been in the
price of the article from 2s. 6d. to ls. 6d. per pound,
thereby accounting for the increase in the consump-
tion. His reasons for referring to those subjects was
for the purpose of showing that the increase
surplus of the revenue was not so great as
had been imagined. Then with regard to
another article of general consumption sugar.
Last year an alteration was made in the duties im-
posed upon sugar. One scale of duty was imposed
upon sugar the product of British possessions; an-
other scale was imposed upon foreign sugar the pro-
duction of free labour, such as sugars from China,
Java, and Manilla ; and power was given to her
Majesty in Council, on satisfactory proof being
given that free labour was produced in other
countries to add those countries to the list. There
was also a clause in the Act entitling countries which
had with us treaties of reciprocity to the benefit of
the reduction. Now he should like to see wi ether
there had taken place for home consumption
any of that description of free-labour sugar,
not the production of British possessions. He
was aware that the Bill had not come into practical
operation until the month of November last, and,
therefore, it could not be considered as a fair
specimen of the working of the Bill. The
policy of the Government in framing that
Bill was to give the preference to free-labour
sugar, but it would be excessively whimsical if it
should turn out that no foreign free labour sugar had
been admitted under its provision, but that
slave labour sugar, which it was the object
of Parliament to exclude, had been admitted.
He believed there had been some O:ders in Council
respecting the admission of Louisiana, and he, and
those who acted with him, had last year
contended that Louisiana sugar, under the treaties
of reciprocity, would be entitled to the
benefit of the Act. Some Manilla sugar had, he
believed, arrived, but owing to some difficulty, had
not yet been admitted to home consumption. Par-
liament, he thought, was entitled to this information.
lie also wished to see what had been the working of
the Irish spirit duties. The Noble Duke would re-
collect that, in the first instance, the tax on Irish
spirits had been increased, but this increased tax had
been followed by a deficiency in the revenue.
The Government very properly took the mat-
ter into their consideration, and repealed the duty.
He wished to see what had been the working
of that alteration, and he trusted there would be
no objection to the return. The accounts of
the Excise would show the consumption of the
present year as commpared with former years
There were two other articles upon which alteration
had been made, and respecting which he also
wished some information. One was the article
of timber. He considered that the sacrifice of
the dnty on colonial timber was most unwise, because
it had not benefited the consumer, while a great loss
had resulted to the revenue. The other :article
to which he alluded was that of coffee.
He believed that the measure of her Ma-
jesty's Government with respect to coffee,
though not, perhaps, so complete as might have
been wished was not only a step, but a very great
step in the right direction.—(Hear, hear.)
Fie believed that the great increase which
had taken place in this article had arisen from this
measure. He was of the same opinion with respect
to wool-duty ; for, although the agricultural
interest had been very much alarmed by it, et
he believed that so far from their fears being well
founded it had greatly benefitted them. He believed,
to express a hope, that the same course with respect to
the duty on cotton wool would be pursued
as the effect of that tax on our manufacturer in
foreign markets was very- severely felt, as in these
markets his articles had to compete with articles
manufactured from cotton that had never been taxed.
He thought it was but justice that the House of
Lords should have time to consider these matters.
It was true they had not the right to alter
any measures, but they had the right
surely to exercise their judgment upon them.
Indeed, they did not do their duty without they did