The Sun.
London, England, 1845-07-31 00:00:00

LATE AND IMPORTANT FROM

PEIIU.
(From the Liverpool Times.)
Letters hays been received from Limalto the 19th of May,
brought overland across the Isthmus of Panama, and for-
warded to this country by the last West Inlia mail. Their con-
tents are very important.
It will be remembered that the Peruvian port of Arica was
bombarded by the English steam frigate Cormorant in August,
1644, in consequence of a quarrel, originating in a gross insult
to the British Consul at Tacna, inflicted on him by some of the
military partisans of the Government which has just succeeded
in placing itself in power, under the lead of General Castilla.
The authorities at Arica having also insulted the commander of
tke Cormorant on his demanding redress, and having refused
him permission to take in water, he immediately fired into the
town, and soon compelled the authorities to apologise. Letters
from Lima of the 19th May, received in Liverpool, state that
the British Government is not at all satisfied with this renara-
tion, and that it has sent a formal demand for redress, and for
the removal of the officers who vai re guilty of the original out-
rage, to the Peruvian Government. They also state that it
was not c xpeeted that the Government would grant the redress
demanded, and that it was therefore feared that Callao, the
port of Lima, would be blockaded, if not bombarded, by the
English squadron. The Collingwood, of 60 guns, the Meideste
of 21, and the steam-frigate Cormorant, were at Lima, under
the command of Admiral Seymour, and two frigates were ex-
pected fi cm Valparaiso—a force quite sufficient to enforce re-
dress, if it was refused by the Peruvian Government. The
following is a more complete summary of the letters relating to
this unpleasant event
In consequence of the British consulate in Tacna having
been forcibly entered by the local authorities, in the month of
May or June, 1544, Mr. Adams (her Majesty's Charge", for
Peru), demanded from that Government the dismissal and
disgrace of the prefect of Tacna, General Iguani, as a repa-
ration for the insult offered to the British flag. This being
refused by General Castilla, the acting president of the re-
public, the Peruvian squadron in Islay was detained by her
Majesty's steam-vessels of war (it being assembled there for
the purpose of conveying troops to Lima, which city was then
held by a party opposed to said Castilla). Under these cir-
cumstances, the Cormorant British steamer-of-war arrived in
Arica Bay, and proceeded, as usual, to take in water from the
shore, on the evening of the 31st May, which she was not
permitted to do. After some discussion, and being a second
time prevented from watering, she commenced firing on the
town, when the authorities, in alarm, permitted her to accom-
plish her purpose. Mr. Adams was on board the steamer at
the time.
" The affair remained in abeyance, and General Castilla,
who subsequently became President of the republic, re-
fusing any satisfaction until May last, when Mr. Adams (it is
supposed under authority from home) again brought forward
the question, demandinc, full satisfaction, and giving the
Peruvian Government a short time to decide in, it bing gene-
rally understood that in case they did not act satisfactorily,
the whole of the Peruvian ports would be blockaded. The
British force in Callao Bay consisted of the G Iliagyrood, Cor-
morant, and two sloops of war, two frigates being also daily
expected from Valparaiso. The Peruvian general had gar-
risoned the castle of Callao, and an extraordinary secret court-
cil had been held on the 18th of May. The result had not
transpired, but fears were entertained that the Governor would
not make the desired reparation. The British Consulate had
required from the several houses the value of the British pro-
perty under their charge. In this position the affairs stood at
the date of the last advices."
Since the above was written, we have seen accounts from
Lima to the 25th of May, which stated that Admiral Seymour
had sailed from Callao to Otaheite in the Collingwood. if this
news is correct, the Peruvian Government must have given the
satisfaction demanded for the outrage at Tacna and the insult
of Arica, though it does not seem to have done so until nearly
the whole British squadron in the Pacific bad assembled before
Callao.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
ROUSE OF COMMONS, July 31.

NATION AL DEFENCES OF THE COUNTRY.
Sir R. PEEL said—Sir, I feel all the difficulty under
which any person placed in my situation most labour in dis-
cussing publicly the question to which the Noble Lord has
felt it his duty to call our attention.—( Hear.) I totally differ
from the Noble Lord as to the defenceless position of this
country.—( Hear, hear.) I think I could prove that the Noble
Lord's impression on that subject is altogether erroneous ; but
I am quite sure that I should not be acting consistently with
sound discretion if I were to state the facts upon which my
own opinion is founded.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing could he so
unwise as to encourage parties—a small minority I trust—in
other countries who may be bent on hostility to ours.—(Hear,
hear.) I should be very sorry to furnish them with instru-
ments to be used against their own Government, and thus to
prevent that Government, though sincerely desirous of
maintaining peace, from securing that object on account of
the clamour of a certain portion of the community.—( Hear.)
I must say, generally, however, that the Noble Lord has
greatly underrated the power which this country would pos-
sess, in the event of hostilities, for the vindication of its honour.
—( Hear, hear.) So far from concurring in the opinion of
the Noble Lord, I believe that in case there should be a
necessity imposed on this country of resorting to hostilities,
there never was a period when such a demonstration as would
then be called forth has been made ; the Sovereign, sup-
ported and encouraged by the almost unanimous voice of the
people, being determined in a just cause to make efforts worthy
of the ancient character of this country.—( Hear. ) I have a
strong opinion that upon that head we have nothing to fear.
(Hear, hear.) I think it is hardly possible to estimate what
will be seen to be the dormant energy of this country if a just
cause should call it forth. At the same time, I must say that I
I concur in some of the principles which have been expressed
by the Noble Lord. 1 think it would be most unwise in this
country to trust altogether to present appearances, and I hold
that it is most advisable that this country should be able to feel
confident that, in the event of sudden hostilities, she would be
strong enough, and has the means, for her own protection. 1
quite agree with the Noble Lord, that on the sudden occur-
rence of hostilities, as for example in the year 1793, unless you
are in a state of preparation, the cost of sudden exertion is im-
mense ; and that it is a most unwise economy which would
leave you to make sudden, precipitate, and unlooked-for efforts,
in order to secure your own safety. I think also, with the
Noble Lord, that this country should be in such a state
that any other power may not on that account be encouraged
to resort to hostilities for the purpose of obtaining advan-
tages. I trust, indeed, that we shall be able to preserve the
friendly relations which exist between this country and
France this, I hope, will be the case, both for the sake of
England and France, and for the sake of the civilised world.
So far are this country and the House of Commons from
grudging the prosperity of France, that lam sure I speak the
general feeling when i say that we saw the returns respecting
the commerce of Fiance with great satisfaction.—( Hear, hear.)
I wish that more intimate commercial relations may be esta-
blished between the two countries ; but I do trust also that
whilst France is increasing in her commerce, she will see that
she owes that increase of prosperity to the maintenance of
peace, and that there will be among all rational people in that
country a deliberate opinion that the honour and interests of
France may be much better maintained by cultivating industry
and promoting commercial prosperity than they could be by
seeking that which is perfectly unnecessary for that most gal-
lant country, whose reputation stands so high at every period
of her history, namely, the maintenance of her glory by the
increase of her territorial possessions.—(Hear, hear.) But,
Sir, I must own that I am rather surprised at the Noble
Lord's excessive apprehensions on this subject; because the
Noble Lord was in office for a period of ten years, and I ven-
ture to say that this country is in a better state with respect to
the means of repelling aggression than she was at that time.
—( Hear, hear.) Did the Noble Lord see France expend the sum
of fifteen millions sterling upon the fortifications of Paris,
and issue an order increasing the army suddenly to the ex-
tent of 100,000 men ; and does the Noble Lord think that this
country now stands in the same position with respect to
France as it did in 1841 ?—(Hear.) There was no militia
knot at that period ; there was not near the same amount
of military force that there is at present ; and I very much
doubt whether there were as many sail of the line.—(}fear.)
The Noble Lord has, I admit, suggested many points deserving
of serious consideration. It is impossible not to see what a
change has taken place with respect to navigation.—(Hear.)
I think that this country has a perfect right to consult its own
security. If it were proposed to increase the military or naval
force of the country for the purpose of aggression, we ought
most seriously to consider the policy of such a course ; but, as
to taking measures for our own security in the event of public
hostilities, the last consideration which should present itself to
the mind of a Minister of the Crown is, " What will other
powers think ?"—( Hear, hear.) I should certainly not hesi-
tate to propose to Parliament, without reference to any other
powers, what I considered necessary even for contingencies.—
( Hear, hear.) With reference to the dockyards, let me ask
what was the state in which we found them ? The Noble Lord
does not tell us that years passed without any measures of im-
provement being adopted.
An Holt. MEMBER—Steam was not in existence.
Sir It. PEEL—The improvements which are even now
going forward make it desirable that we should not be hurried
on to the adoption of measures, lest the money which we
expend should be entirely thrown away. We have a perfect
right, however, to take precautions for the defence of the
naval arsenals and dockyards of this country. For the Navy
and Ordnance we proposed this year an addition of 1,100,0001.
in the estimates. I am placed, with respect to this matter,
between two fires.—( Hear, hear.) Every word that I say in
one direction may induce other parties to exclaim, " See what
the Minister said in the House of Commons ; we must now
have two or three millions more."—( Hear, hear.) I should be
exceedingly sorry to see a race run between great powers—not
a race in commerce and civilisation—but each increasing as
far as possible its military and nava] force.—( Hear, hear.)
There must be a limit to that. It is a question of the nicest
discretion, whether you shall propose large sums for the army
or the navy, or whether the effect will be to add to your rela-
tive strength. I know not a nicer question with regard to
economy and to every other public object than the extent to
which you will proceed. I hope, however, that this country
will never depart from that policy which has secured its safety,
namely, that of being strong as a naval power, and at the same
time not attempting to enter into competition with the great
military po'cers of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) Say what you
will, this country wculd not be satisfied with the existence of
a standing army of 100,000 or 200,000 men kept within our
own land. I admit that the amount of military force is not
sufficient now to enable you, consistently with due economy,
to meet the demands which may arise; but with respect to
our becoming a great military power, and relying upon having
a military force able at once to meet that of other countries,
except for the purposes of our own defence, that is a competi-
tion into which 1 trust this country will never enter.—( Hear,
hear.) Ido hope that this country will always have such a
degree of naval strength as will enable her to feel entire con-
fidence, in the event of hostilities. Then, with regard to the
subject of local militia, let me say that I apprehend we have a
demand, in case of necessity, upon a body of disciplined
men amounting to 50,000, in whom we might repose great
confidence. I refer to the Chelsea pensioners.—( hear,
hear.) When I was Secretary of State twenty years since, I
even then felt that the militia was in an unsatisfactory state,
and that there ought to be some local force constituted in this
country. The Noble Lord is aware that under the Act
there is no prohibition against proceeding to ballot for the
militia. The Act suspends the obligation to ballot, whic
f
would otherwise be imposed on the Crown; but, in case
too
necessity, the Crown would still be able to resort
fiat
this force. I would observe, that there has been
tfars
change in the state of society within the
few
which would probably render the _
theypreseo laws y not
a
exactly so suitable as they were, d
n tss, u tll,rete
drrgo useful alterations. It is notn ,might, perhaps, un-
o
11
ps
should now enter into any further explanation
t.,
which the Noble Lord has introduced. lam bound to content
ssion as to the defencelessness of
myself with stab log that hisimpie
this country is totally at variance
with my OIA n. I speak not
of that which concerns the public spirit and the honour of
Englishmen—(hear, bear)—for lam sure that the Noble
Lord will admit, that with whatever difficulties an appeal to
the country might be attended, that appeal would be entirely
successful.—((,beers.) Whatever may be required for the
public service will be asked for without scruple by her Ma-
jesty's Government. lam sure the House will feels the ne-
cessity of placing this country at all times in such a state of
security that it will not have to depend upon temporary and
possibly delusive appearances of tranquillity, but there will be
actual peace, without any anxiety as to the result of the imme-
diate occurrence of hostilities.—( Hear, hear. ) The Noble
Lord said that we had fortunately a large surplus. But who
is to be thatilatd for that ?—( Hear, hear, ana laughter.) We
have a largo 6141 as ifz coaleveno of that iropiition of tax.