The Sun.
London, England, 1827-02-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A brief statement, on respectable authority, of our pre-
sent relations with the Court of Persia, is given in ano-
ther column. The only question of immediate urgency
on this subject, viz. whether, in virtue of any obligation
contracted by Great Britain with the Cabinet of Teheran,
a prospect might arise of embroiling her in the military
contest now carried on between the Schah and the Russian
Government, may, we think, be fairly answered in tlie
negative. Where express and definite contributions in
men or money, for the succour of a friendly state, are
undertaken by its ally, and provided for by a treaty, the
objects of which are purely defensive, there can be no
just offence conceived by any foreign Court, which after-
wards goes to war with the first-mentioned power, at the
fulfilment of such stipulations by the other. A general
engagement to give aid in men and money to Persia,
would no doubt, in case of her attacking, or being attack-
ed, by the Russian Emperor, be justly construed into a
consent on the part of England to embark in general hos-
tilities against Russia, whenever she might make or find
an enemy in the Schah. But. the present treaty entails
no such contingency on Great Britain. It merely binds
her to- pay to Persia a subsidy of 200,000 tomans annually,
in the event of her being attacked by any State at war
with his Britannic Majesty ; but in case of an attack upon
Persia by any Power at peace with England, then is Eng-
land, in the first instance, to interpose her good- offices as
a mediatrix, and failing these, to pay the subsidy as before.
--The former of these conditions, it is rumoured, the
Tiritish Government has already used its best endeavours
execute; but should the Court of St. Pctersburgh not
think fit to accept an adjustment on such terms as Eng-
land may consider equitable, it is certain that the Russian
Cabinet can take no exception to the alternative which
will then be imposed upon this country by the faith which
she has plighted.---Tinzes.

We do not recollect any public occasion on which such
general, and apparently too well-grounded dissatisfaction
has been expressed, as at the arrangement, or rather want
of arrangement, at the funeral and previous lying-in-state
of the remains of the late Duke of York. Not only does
public expectation appear to have been trifled with and
disappointed in the most reprehensible meaner; but, in
addition to this, it no* seems that the lives of some of the
first persons in the state have been actually endangered,
and that of a venerable and highly-respected Prelate pre-
maturely shortened, by the inattention, or something worse,
of some of ttie persons on whom some part of these ar-
angem,:rnts devolved. Could we single out the parties on
mom the blame actually attaches, we should not hesitate
to do so, even at the peril of offending a Learned Judge,
who wisely avoided encountering the danger himself; but
this we avoid for the present, even so much as conjectur-
ing, lest we should lay a charge so serious as that of en-
dangering the lives of the most eminent persons in the
state at the wrong door. But we would respectfully sug-
gest to those who have the means of ascertaining the truth
upon the subject, whether it is not absolutely incumbent
`llpon them to set on foot an inquiry which may show who
:t was that caused a pageant on which so much public in-
terest rested, to become so complete a failure, as it appears
to have been, as well as preventing in future the recur-
rence of similar complaints and mischief. We dare say
the main chance will not be overlooked upon the occasion,
that the charges will be quite as,high as if the arrange-
ments had been perfect. This Ivill be bad enough ; .but
the expende) were it ten times what it is, is as nothing
compared with the absolute cruelty and insult of exposing
tlie lives of any persons, more especially of such persons as
those whose lives appear to have been exposed to immi-
nent danger upon this melancholy occasion. The country
has a right to know how this could happen, and we trust
will not remain satisfied till it does know.—Morning
Herald.

It is universally admitted that the Lord Chancellor
possesses an extraordinary memory, and his admirers are
incessantly putting forward the peculiar strength of this
faculty in Iris Lordship as one of the best of all proofs of
his superiority as a Judge. How wonderful, they say,
that one head should be able to carry such a multitude of
Minute particulars as were detailed in the affidavits of the
Wellesley case ! Even the phrase in a letter " Play Hell
and Tommy," he deemed of so much consequence, that
having substituted Jcmmy for Twenty, he deemed the cor-
tection by one of the Counsel of so much consequence,
that he thanked him eordially for it. These eulogists of
his Lordship are not, perhaps, aware, that those who
have occupied themselves with the study of the human
understanding, are very generally agreed, that an extra-
ordinary memory for minute particulars and strength of
judgment are seldom possessed by the same individual.
" It is a noted observation (says Lord Kames), that a
great or comprehensive memory is seldom connected with
is good judgment." In ordinary life, we constantly meet
with men, well known by the title of prosers, who mer-
cilessly inflict on their audience all the particulars of the
transactions in which they have been concerned, or of which
they have been witnesses. We question whether the Chan-
cellor can be adduced as a pregnant instance of an indivi-
dual, who falsifies the ordinary notion, by combining a
strong judgment with a strong memory. That he frequently
sees circumstances which elude the observation of others,
and that unconnected observations of great subtlety occa-
sionally escape from him, will hardly be disputed. But
he seems incapable of a lucid disposition of his ideas. He
is like a man wandering through a level and tangled
forest—he sees distinctly the bushes which surround him
for the time, but his vision is limited to these objects, and
he cannot tell the relation which they bear to the whole.
To be able to take in the whole, a man must gain an ele-
vation, from whence the more minute features of objects
escape observation. In like manner in intellectual pro-
cesses, it is only by confining ourselves to certain essen-
tial points, that we can take comprehensive views.—
In the decision of the Chancellor in the Wellesley case,
there was great indistinctness in the outset in the exposi-
tion of the law on the subject. The jurisdiction had been
contested, at least it had been contended, that this was
not a case which came within the limits of the jurisdiction
of the Court. His brother, Lord Stowell, whose judicial
faculties are universally admitted to be of the highest
character, would first have established the authority of tile
pis -ass in general, and then
Court to the jurisdiction in su
he would have i„,:,eu whether the particular question
raiXPri
..uat case, namely, whether immorality in a fa-
crier, if proved, ought to deprive him of the guardianship
of his own children. Having determined that immorality
might justify such a deprivation, the next point for
inquiry was, the particular kind of immorality, and the
amount of commission, either of one or more species
of immorality, which would form the justification—
whether, for instance, adultery taken singly, or adul-
tery with swearing, or adultery with swearing-or false-
/100(1i or whether one, two, three, four, five, or six acts
of adultery alone, or coupled with a plurality of other
vices. Having now cleared his ground, he would have
proceeded to consider whether the facts and circumstances
established amounted to what had been so laid down as
the justification; and all that thea remained would have
been to lairs sentence in accordance with what had been
AO ascertained- :`Some such course as this would have
been pursued by a Judge, in which the reasoning faculties
were what they ought to be. But instead of this, a vague
and confused account of the jurisdiction of the Court was
given at the outset, from all that could be gathered .was,
that in many cases with regard to infants, the Chancellor
had interfered to secure their property and due education.
The particular principle involved in the Wellesley case—
namely, the immorality of the father—was not made the
subject of inquiry, to that no man can tell whether there
is any principle which would warrant the entering at ail
into the evidence taken in this case. Having evaded al-
together the settling this most important point, he pro-
ceeded to recapitulate what had been proved, but having
done so, he made no earthly use of it, but decided on a
point foreign altogether to the inquiry,
—nalnelY, the
merits of Mrs. Bligh. This may be judicial perfection, but
to us it appears to merit a very different character. For

the public guidance, it 'is hardly possible to conceive a more
useless decision. Nothing is ascertained,
_nothing is de-
termined, from which individuals can derive the slightest
benefit. All that can be said of the proceedings is, that
the Lawyers have profited by them—the other suitors have
seen the time of the Court unprofitably consumed by them
—the public know a little more of Mr. Wellesley's affairs,
through them, than they ought to know, or can be agree-
able to that gentleman. That what we object to, is im-
putable to the character of his Lordship's mind,
.we are
disposed to believe. We have seen the same peculiarities
nearly in all his decisions. In his capacity of Legislator,'
in like manner, he never elevates himself, even- by acci-
dent, to general and comprehensive views. But, in re-
turn, he is without an equal for discovering flaws. And
if he dislike any measure, from his command of means of
that description, he can always waive the more obnoxious
ground of opposition, and defeat the measure without be-
ing under tl necessity of disclosing his real views.—
AfOrning Chronicle.

We gave, yesterday, a long, and what we can seldom
predicate of the discussions in Leadenhall-street, a very
amesing, report of a debate at the East India House. The
principal orator, we might say the only one, for his speech
was long enough and comprehensive enough to overlay
even the harangue of Mr. Joseph Hume, was Dr. Borth-
wick Gilchrist. Dr. Gilchrist is from the " North coun-
Erie ;" he is a grammarian, a poet, a politician, and, par
excellence, a man of erudi-ti-on ; he is, in fact, an Oriental
Dominic Sampson, and every nook and corner of his brain
is so crammed with Hindostanee, that common sense has
no room to effect an entrance, much less a lodgement. It
would be a very unprofitable task to follow the vagaries of
the Doctor's speech, because, though it touched upon every
thing between the north pole and the Hoogley, there was,
as Mathews's traveller says of a tour not quite so exten-
sive, nothing in it. But though the speech is not worth
much, the object of it deserves a little attention. It
cannot be denied that he who is called to command, it
matters not whether in India or elsewhere, will find
obedience much more prompt and satisfactory if he can
give his commands in the language of those over
whom he happens to be placed. Nothing, indeed,
can be more absurd than for an officer to be obliged
to have recourse to an interpreter in order to make
his orders intelligible. But this remark applies to
spoken language only. However desirable it may
be that our East India functionaries should write
Bengalee, no necessity requires that they should, nor is it
essential that they should, read it. Interpreters in either
case may be had in any number, and they will, in genera],
be sufficient. The real question, therefore, is, whether it
is easier to learn to speak a language in a country, where
not a single soul can speak it (at least with the genuine
accent), save and accept John Borthwick Gilchrist, LL.D.,
or in a country where, with the exception of a handful of
Europeans, not one out of eighty millions of people can
speak any thing else. That there should ever have been
two opinions on such a question must appear wonderful
to any man of plain understanding. It is necessary, in
looking to the acquisition of languages, to keep in mind a
distinction of some importance. A language, the struc-
ture of which is complicated, although presenting for-
midable difficulties to him who begins the study of it
by grammars, may, nevertheless, be very easy of attain-
ment to him who acquires it, from the lips of those who
speak it ; indeed, it is not going too far to say, that by
the latter process all languages are equally easy, and that
a boy of fourteen will learn to speak Hindostanee, as
easily as he will French. There are, indeed, in India,
some difficultiei to be overcome which are not to be met
with among our gay neighbours. We cannot domesticate
with the natives, and, from the prejudices entertained in
India, we would not if we could. Still, even from his
servant, an Englishman in India will acquire more Hin-
dostanee in a month than he will in England, from his
master, in a year. We do not state these things from
the slightest wish to underrate the excellence of the in-
stitutions at home, which we are most fully disposed to
admit, and which we also grant, supply certain essentials
in general education, which cannot be obtained in India.
All we mean to aver is, that they cannot communicate
the knowledge of the language of India so well or so ex-
peditiously as it may be attained there, merely because
working with human means, they cannot overcome diffi-
culties which, without the gift of miracles, are, in their
nature, insuperable.—New Times.

TRADE TO THE EAST INDIES.

(FROM OUR MANCHESTER CORRESPONDENT.)

" There is nothing connected with the policy of England
(says a late writer) more remarkable, than the degree of
apathy which her people generally appear to experience,
with reference to the affairs of the most important of all
our dependencies, the EASTERN EMPIRE. At a moment
when the influence of Great Britain is felt and acknow-
ledged over the whole Continent of India; where an
hundred millions of people directly under our own sway;
and millions upon millions besides, who dwell under the
nominal rule of their native princes, look to us as the ar-
biters of their destiny, and the guardians of their happi-
ness ; and when it is avowed, that the loss of this influ-
ence would affect us more materially than almost any other
calamity, it is surprising to behold the neglect with which
every question relative to the proper management of
British India is treated."

At a moment too, when the manufacturing districts in
this country are suffering most heavily for want of a market
for their goods, and when the manufactures of other coun-
tries are treading closely upon our heels ; * it is of great
importance, that the people of Great Britain should be,
fully acquainted with the restrictions, which cramp our
trade with our own Empire in the East Indies,—that
they should be fully aware of the vast field which India
opens for our relief; and of which we are only prevented
from availing ourselves to an extent almost unlimited, by
heavy duties. upon imports from the East Indies, beyond
what are laid on similar articles from the West Indies.
A duty of 101. per ton more (being 50 per cent. on the prime
cost,) is laid on East than on West India sugar. The duty
on West being 271., on East India, 371. per ton.
£2B per ton more is laid on East than on West India Coffee.
Thu duty on West being 561. on East India, 841. per ton.

£2B per ton more is laid on East than on West India Cocoa.
The duty on West being 56/., on-East India, 841. per ton.
£7 per ton more is laid on East than on West India Turmeric.
The duty on West being 3/., on East India, 10/. per ton.
Ils. 6d. per gallon more is laid on East than on West India
Rum. The duty on West being Bs. 6d., on East India, 20s.
per gallon.
£6 per cent. ad valorem, is laid on East India Cotton Wool,
while West India is admitted free of duty. t
There are also higher duties on a variety of other articles, such
as Dye-woods, Mahogany, Hides, &v. &c. than on similar
articles from the West Indies.
N.B. The Mauritius, a small island, (ceded to us by France,)
is cultivated by Slaves ; it lately has been selected as the object of
favour, being the only spot in our Eastern Empire, put upon the
footing of the West Indies, with regard to import duties.

Notwithstanding these disadvantages, under which our
Eat India trade is placed, it is a remarkable fact, that our
expofts to that country have increased in an astonishing
degree.

Export of Cotton Goods to India from official documents, but di-

vided by 28, to give the quantity in Pieces 28 yds. each.
Printed. Plain. Total No.
1814 ending Jan. 5,1815, 21,600
1815
1616 35,398
_ _ _ 25,521

1917

ISIS
-- -- 164,790 315,787

132,628 121,930 254,558
1819

1820271,509 240,144 511,653
• --

1821
We are also shipping to Indiaconsiderable quantities of Cotton Twist.
What then would be the extent of this trade were the

France now manufactures about as much Cotton as we (lid
only 14 years ago.
tWe lay the same duty on Cotton from our own dominions
in India, as on American Cotton, while America imposes from
25 to 100 per cent. on our manufactures,