The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON. THURSDAY -EVENING, F 1 I3RU.ARY 20, 1845.

the empire that her population-and extent would enable her
to do. The people of England would find that the surest
way of securing a relief from the burdens that now pressed
on them, would be found in the increasing prosperity of
Ireland.
Mr. S. CRA WFORD rose amid loud cries of " Question"
and tt Divide." He briefly stated that he was not prepared to
say the landed property of Ireland ought to be exempted from
the income-tax.—( Hear, hear.) Though Ireland might claim
to be exempted, on many grounds, from several heads of taxa-
tion, yet, when called on to vote on this question, he could not
bring himself to say that the land of that country ought to be
exempted.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. DARBY should give his vei.e in distinct opposition to
the amendment of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath.
In bringing that amendment forward, he seemed to have
thought but little about it, for his speech was one thing and his
motion quite another.--( Hear, hear.) He was quite mistaken
in his assertion that gentlem n, by living in London or Paris,
could escape the payment of assessed taxes in Ireland. At
the present time Ireland was improving, and he believed that
nothing would be so impolitic as to lay the income-tax upon
that country now. He cared not what the Right Hon. Baronet
mig!sthare said on former:occasiona—( Hear, hear, and leughter)
—he should consider the imposition of the tax most impolitic.
Mr. ROEBUCK then repled. He said he stood in a pecu-
liar position. Many Members felt with him—tnany had spoken
with hire—but almost all, with a few exceptions, had attacked
him ; but before he sat down he hoped he should have an op-
portunity of repaying all his friends, with interest.__( Laugh-
ter.) The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Govern-
ment said theme had been a great change in his opinions on this
subject. He (Mr. Roebuck) would ask the House to remem-
ber the difference between him and the Right Hon. Biironet in
capacity and experience. The Right Hon. Baronet com•
menced life almost as a Secretary for Ireland, and had con-
tinued in an almost unbroken official life down to 1825. Yet
with all his means of information the Right Hon. Baronet
held down to a recent period the opinions which he ( Mr.
Roebuck) had expressed that night. When he left office for the
Opposition, and vies building up with great care and astonish-
ing art the great party by whom he was now surrounded, he
still continued of that opinion. In 1835 he was again called to
office, and again he expressed the same opinion he (Mr. Roe-
buck) had expressed that night. Yet he now told him that this
tax was imprudent, impolitic, and mischievous. Was it all these
when the Right Hon. Baronet supported it ? The charge of
impolicy, therefore, came hardly well from the Right Hon.
Gentleman. He would not for a moment compare his capacity
with that of the Right Hon. Gentleman, but take all the op-
portunities the Right Hon. Gentleman had had, and he would
ask, why was he to be charged with being impolitic because he
still retained the opinions which the Right Hon. Gentleman
once held himself ? The Hon. Member for Warwickshire had
used some observations, intimating something about his (Mr.
Roebuck's) being an insignificant person. Suppose it was so;
suppose all he had advanced was worth nothing—
Mr. NEWDIGATE said the Hon. and Learned Member
had entirely misunderstood him. He had never applied any
such remark to him that could be so construed. What he said
was, that he thought his motion a very mischievone ens.
Mr • ROEBUCK said that the Hon. Member had of course
a perfect right to do so. But another observation had been made
by the Hon. Member for Waterford, which was, that he (Mr.
Roebuck) had made remarks en the Irish Members which he
would not have dared to make had those persons been here;
that was to say, that if the Irish Members had been present, he
(Mr. Roebuck) would not have dared to complain of their ab-
sence.—( Great laughter.)
Sir H. WINSTON la ARRON rose amid loud cries of
" Chair, chair." He appealed to Mr. Greene.
Mr. GREENE said the Hon. Member had a perfect right
to explain any previous observations he had made.
Sir H. WIN -TON BARRON said he did not charge'the
Hon. and Learned Member with making any observation on
the absence of the Irish Memeers, t berefore the Hon. and
Learned Member had said this for the mere purpose of raising
a laugh. —(" Order, order, chair.") What he did say was this—
that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would net have made
use of the words " personal insignificance," meaning the Hon.
Members who were absent were men who " could well be spared."
That was what he fouud fault with. He repeated, that he
would not have dared use those words if those gentlemen had
been present.
Mr. ROEBUCK begged to tell the House that in his small
experience of the law in cross-examining, that if he had to deal
with a witness of a peculiar temperament, he always found
that his best plan to adopt in the first instance was, to let him
tell his own story.—( Laughter ) Now, he did not complain
of the peculiar phraseology which had been used by several
Members; but what he did complain of was the single
phrase " dare." Now, what was it that he " dare" net do ?
( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Dared he net to say that the
Hon. Gentlemen, to whom he had alluded, had deserted their
post, like sentinels who, having been placed on duty, had
thrown down their muskets and ran away?—(Hear, hear.)
And after having said that, he supposed that the mortified
vanity of those Gentleman it was that had led them to do so.
Those were his words, and that his opinion, and he now
begged to say he still adhered to it. The Hon. Member for
Cork had appealed to his kind feelings—(Laughter)—and the
Hon. Member for Dungarvon had also remarked upon the
strong phrase he (Mr. Roebuck) had used ; but in reply to
them, he would ask, of whom had he been speaking?
Were those Gentlemen he had mentioned at all careful
of their phraseology in applying it to 'Members of that
house.—( Hear, hear.) He saes Hon. Members present to
whom he had alluded, and he would ask had not motives been
imputed by them to him, and vulgar expressions used, and
mountebank acts practised ?—( Laughter)—for there were such
things as great mountebanks as well as little ones.—(Laughter.)
He would not deign to reply to what had been said by the Hon.
Baronet the Member for Watet ford ; but what had been said
by the lion. Member for Cork and the Hon. Member for
Dungarvon did call for some observations from him, and, in
strongdoin thans another ,heswo
ootul d sayby
whichthat,i f
tomark
there was t h
ea nylang
desertionuageof moretbe
Hon. Members he had mentioned, and their conduct while de-
serting, that language he would use.—( Hear, hear.) He had
heard an Hon. Member opposite talk of the agricultural inte-
r t
e s t,s ,
b ando tabger i
,icpueel t ucrba lo
fdti
that
tarte ss ,
Hon.bu tsaiall hb en( Al
eßd.)ecroyullidkesaasy
if he wished there was an end to this tax.—(Laughtef.) The
Hon. Member had said that the imposition of this tax upon
Ireland would be unjust and impolitic. He said that he had

GREAT MEETING

he importers of foreign sugar of the first clans received 245.
per cwt. ; the importers of the second class, 28s. per cwt. ; the
importers of the third class, 355. per cwt. ; and the importers
of the fourth class, 38s. per cwt.; while the congimers paid the
same price for all.—( Hear, hear.) Now if the Minister said,
" I will charge the high?st rate of duty, namely, 28s. on all
those classes of sugar, it was quite clear he might do so with-
out raising the price one fraction to the consumer.--( Hear. )
The Right Hon. Baronet reckoned that from those various
duties he would receive 3.916,0001. He made a sacrifice of
near 2,00‘),0111., and then he asked the country to make up
the sacrifice by imposing an income-tax.—( Cheers.) Now if
he had imposed the same rate of duty on all those descriptions
of sugar, which would give the same price to the foreign and
to the colonial grower, he would receive, instead of 3,9 0,0001.,
no less a sum than 7,001,0001., while the public would not pay
a fraction more for their sugar.—( Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet also, in order he supposed to render his proposal
more aoceptable to the country, favoured them with certain
estimates as to what he believed would be the supply of sugar
next year. Now all estimates of what the supply would be
were extremely unsatisfactory—( Hear, hear)—and four years
ago, when the present Ministry were in opposition, and the
then Ministers proposed an alteration of the sugar duties, Lord
Sandon brought forward his motion, which was based
on an estimate of the future supply. On that occasion Lord
Sandon said, We do not want slave-grown sugar, because
the produce of our own colonies is increasing so rapidly of late,
that there would be a sufficient supply without having recourse
to other countries." Lord Sandon estimated the supply at
225,000 tons. Well, four years have passed over since then. The
population had in that time increased one million, and while
the consumption of tea had increased 2 000,000 of lbs., and
that of coffee 3,000,000 of lbs., the supply of sugar, instead of
increasing, had been diminishing year by year; and last year,
though there were strong promises of an increase on the part
of those who would exclude Brazil sugar, the supply had fallen
from 225,000 tons to 2J4,000,—( Hear, hear.) The public
should not, therefore, place implicit confidence in the declara-
tion of the Minister with respect to the supply of sugar from
any particular quarter. The article of sugar has, perhaps,
been one by which the system of monopoly was tested, more
than any other; for since 1811, while the population had in-
creased upwards of 8,000,000, the supply of sugar remained
stationary.—( Hear, hear.) While the supply of tea had been
doubled, and that of coffee quadrupled, the supply of sugar,
which was most protected during all this period, remained sta-
tionary.—( Hear, hear.) And yet, notwithstanding the falsi-
fications of those predictions with regard to the supply of sugar
from their colonies, they found that the mast absurd distinc-
tions were to be kept up, which every Englishman ought to feel
ashamed of, when he thinks of the numerous inconsistencies
in which it landed them, and the numerous disadvan-
tages in which it placed their commerce.—( Hear, hear. )
The Right Hon. Baronet had already said that he intended to
persist in the distinction between free-labour sugar and slave-
grown sugar, but in the very same Budget in which he pro-
pounded that intention, he proposed to take off the duty on
cotton-wool, a measure which perhaps was one of the best he
could have brought forward, but while he recognised the dis-
tinction between slave-grown sugar and free-labour sugar, he
altogether repudiated it in the case of cotton-wool, which was
altogether produced by slave-labour.—( Hear, hear.) While
lie recognised the distinction in the case of sugar, for reasons
best known to himself, he abandoned it with regard to coffee
also, for twice within the last four years he had reduced the duty
on coffee, the largest imported product from the Brazils. Now,
he did not at all object to those reductions. On the contrary
he was very glad of them, and he only brought those cases for-
ward as examples of the inconsistency which applied one rule
to sugar and a different one to cotton and coffee.—(Cheers.)
There was another for reducing the duty, on which the Ris,ht
Hon. lhronet took credit to himself, and he was entitled to
credit for it per se—that was, the reduction on the duty on copper
ore.—( Hear, hear.) And not only was that the production of
slave-labour in Cuba and Brazil, but the product of slave-labour
in its worst form.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Gladstone, to get rid
of the inconsistency of aeting one way with regard to sugar,
and another with respect to coffee, said that the labour required
for the production of coffee was light and easy as compared
with what was required in the production of sugar, which
was cruel and destructive to the constitution of the negro,
but the working of copper ore was the most distressing to
which the slave could be subjected, either in Cuba or Brazil.—
( Hear, hear.) The effect of the new sugar duties, instead of
lessening the protective duty, as it was wished to be believed,
and to benefit the consumer, the effect would be. taking price
and revenue together, quite the reverse. The old duty left a
differential duty of 103 6d, but the new duty left a differential
duty between 14s and 28s, and for all practical purposes, if all
the duty was available, the real practical differential duty
would be 14s, instead of 10s 6d.—( Hear, hear.) It might
not be fair to ask on what grounds this distinction was made in
favour of colonial produce. There was a feeling in the public
mind, that a preference ought to be given to the colonial pro-
duce, but he believed that the grounds of this opinion were
based on erroneous impressions. In the first place, they had
been very apt to believe that a large portion of these exports
went to the colonies, and it was frequently urged that it was
wise to maintain their colonies even at an apparent dis-
advantage, in order to secure an outlet for our manufactures.
Now, as far as our exports go, our colonial possessions in
America, including the West India Islands, Canada, and Novo
Scotia, took goods last year, which was the latest period at
which there were any returns, to the amount of 4,600,000/.
Other parts of America, including Brazils and South
America, the produce of which were excluded by the course
of our Legislature, took our goods to the amount of
11,500,0001.—(Loud cheering.) The whole of our
colonial possessions throughout the world took, during the
same year, goods to the amount of 13,500,0001., while the
whole of the foreign countries with which this country traded,
and which asked for no preference or exclusive advantage for
themselves, but merely a fair exchange of their produce for
what this country had to give them in return—those coun-
tries took of our goods net less than 38,000,0001.—( Cheers. )
Some, again, supported their colonies and their colonial le-
gislation on the ground of affording an outlet to our increasing
population. For his part, he was not a friend to emigration.—
( Hear, hear.) He would rather see the many means at their
disposal, at home, put in requisition to afford employment to
the population.—(Hear, hear.) That might be done more
effectually by extending our commerce than by sending the
people abroad, and scattering them over the face of the earth,
to find employment.—( Hear, hear.) But were he a friend
to emigration, he would tell those men who supported their co-
lonirl system on this ground, that it appeared from the Report
of the Emigration Committee that the United States of Ame-
rica furnished an asylum for double the amount of emiirrants
that all our colonies in the world did. Yet though the United
States of America furnished an asylum for our population
greater than all our own colonies they sought for no peculiar
privileges on that account. Sir Robert Peel was fond of
talking of our pr.tecting and encouraging countries where the
English tongue was spoken. He (Mr. Wilson) did not know
if it entered into his head that our colonies should be encou-
raged, in order that there might be a greater sale of Lindley
Murray's Grammar and Walker's Pronouncing Dictionary.
If that were the reason why our colonies should be protected
and encouraged, then very little attention would show that the
English language was four times more extensively spoken out of
our colonies than in them.—( Hear, hear.) There might be,
and there was, another reason assigned for protecting our co-
lonies—namely, that they were a stay to the empire—that
their protection afforded them greater political power ; but
people in this view of the case were very apt to argue in a
circle. If one spoke againat the expense et the army and navy,
it was urged they are required for the maintenance of these
colonies—if one spoke of the expense of the colonies, it was
said they were necessary to give employment to the army and
navy, and to maintain our political power.—( Hear, hear. )
Sir R. Peel said he could not reduce the army—not because
they were wanted at home, but because it was necessary to
have relays to send to the colonies. And he agreed with Sir
R. Peel in the necessity and policy, so long as they had colo-
nies, of affording relief to the troops who were in the colonies,
f--r they ought net to exact from military men a greater sacri-
fice than ought in fairness to be made. The time
of their service abroad ought not, therefore, to be
extended beyond a certain period, and they should
be satisfied to bear the expenses of the colonies as long as
to
oh
insinuatew,
ae
gr ea
nwillingthats,r tatho
maintain.,youPeelg iat skteotdh efbmoer , andga
given
he did
p million.
—t no( o at
Hear,
t s
uppa support
m hl r
tea
the
han
. e)
navy, not that it might be employed at home, but that there
greato
stmha yiogstheht
pas be
aaewscatai s
cn wrlgrhselirncf
safety
available ah
in
noy blhntare
having
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hnti
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eetebhe
tedlt commerce
n
evieid nrdocto
there
mmme aenrwe
was
and that the world's peace was more likely to be secured
thereby. But what he asserted was, that the colonies ought
not to be maintained at the expense of the consumers. What
had been the effect of the protective system in the colonies ?
They had many articles produced in their colonies, and there
was not one in which they did not excel all the world when it
was free from protection.—( Hear, hear.) Only a few years
ago the article of indigo was unknown in the East Indies. It
was introduced there from Mexico, about fifty years ago, but
now their East Indian possessions entirely monopolised that
article, and not only did they supply this country with that
article, but the rest of Europe was supplied with it from this
country.--( Hear, hear.) Again, the articles of wool, silk, and
fi:x were articles all grown in their colonies, and which
had all increased without protection, and he be-
lieved that if there bad been no protection to their
sugar, but if the grower of it had been subjected to that com-
petition to which other classes of manufacturers were, sugar
would have been grown this day cheaper in their colonies than
anywhere else, and would benefit the colonies themselves.—
( Hear, hear.) He would not lightly or rashly form an opinion
of so much importance to the West Indian possessions, and not
less so to the East Indies. There was not a newspaper pub-
lished in the West Indies which be did not receive regularly
by every mail, and, if those papers taught
.him anything, they
showed that protection was the bane of the colonies.—
(Cheers.) There was not a single newspaper in which the
acknowledgment was not to be found that the system of pro-
tection had been the barrier to all improvement.—( Hear,
hear.) And it was only within the last year or two that this
question began to be agitated, that they became alive to
their situation, and that symptoms of improvement had taken
place ; and by the last mail he received papers from which he
made several extracts, which he would not trouble the meet-

OF THE
A NTI-C RN-LAW

LEAGUE

AT
COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE.

A great metropolitan meeting of the member of the An

Corn-law League was held -ast evening in Covent-garden
Theatre. The doors were opened at half-past six o'clock ; bat
long before that hour crowds were waiting outside, anxious to
obtain admittance. Within a quarter of an hour of the time of
the opening of the doors every part of the house—even to the
slips and upper gallery-.was crowded to excess ; and long
before the commencement of the proceedings there was not a
single place in the house unoccupied.
At seven o'clock, Mr. Cobden, M.P. for Stockport, Mr.
Bright, M.P. for Durham, Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P. for
Manchester, Mr, W. Brown, of Liverpool (late candidate for
South Lancashire), Mr. W. J. Fox, Mr. J. Wilson, of London,
Mr. George Thompson, accompanied by other well-known
members of the League, entered the theatre, ar.d were re-
ceived with the most enthusiastic cheering.
William Brown, Esq., of Liverpool, in the chair.
Among those present, we ob-erved the Hon. Charles Pelham
NI. P., Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P., John Bright,
Esq., M.P., Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P., George
Thompson, Esq., James Wilson, Esq., W. .1. Fox, Esq., T.
Wordsworth, Esq., Major-General Briggs, Sir John Morris,
Bart., Dr. William Cooke Taylor; Colonel Tucker; Messrs.
John Taylor Crook (of Liverpool), Joseph Wrigley (of Hud-
dersfield), Greenham (of Trieste), W. Graham, Robert
Fowler, J. Gerstenberg, C. S. Crowley, D. Dewar, Robert
Tong tod, Thompson, Wm. Garraud, T. F. Ashton, T.
Gosnell, H. Hegginbotham, Bailey, James Mellor, J. T.
Can/part, W. A. Wilkinson, J. Fergus (of Kirkaldy), J.
Hodgkin, John Poulton, John Dyte, John Chalmers, George
Brettell, James Stansfeld, J. Williams, Farrand,
Richardson, Wm. Wilson, James Midgley (of Rochdale), A.
Graham, Wm. Graham, T. R. Pritchard, C. J. Baker, W.
Were, Henry Briggs (of Wakefield), J. M'Conkey (of Bel-
fast), Henry Yandall, F. Scheer, Thom (of Inverary),
S. B. Bayfield, Holland (of Dumbleton), F. L. Hay
Grant, Henry Marshall Fooks, Joseph Heap (of Liverpool),
J. P. Nixon, Thomas Harvey ( of Falmouth ), Henry L. Keel-
ing, Henry Crosfield (of Liverpool), Rev. W. P. Davies
(lat.e of Ashburton, Devon), Agate (of Horsham), G.
Trowton, George Ridge, J. Fitzpatrick, T. Mackenzie, J.
Battiscombe, H. Sparrow, Wm. Geesin, &c.
Mr. Coanare, M.P., advanced to the table, the audience on
his appearance rose en masse to greet .him. A most enthu-
siastic cheer was set up—hats and handkerchiefs were waved,
and the cheering was repeated again and again for several
minutes. Never was reception more triumphant. Silence
having been partially restored, the Hon. Gentleman said—
Ladies and Gentlemen—ln the absence of our friend, Mr.
George Wilson, the Chairman of the League, I beg to move
that Mr. William Brown, of Liverpool, the late candidate and
future member of South Lancashire—( Immense cheering)—do
take the chair.—( Renewed cheering. )
Mr. WILLIAM Bnowir then took the chair, amidst loud
and long-continued applause from all parts of the House. He
spoke as follows :—Ladies and Gentlemen--Our good friend,
Mr. Cobden, has apprised you of the reason why he has called
upon me on the present occasion to preside over the proceed-
ings of the evening ; and I can only express my regret that
during the absence of our friend, Mr. Wilson, he has not
been able to get a gentleman of more influence and
importance to conduct the affairs of this important
meeting. But I can assure you that there is no

individual in the country wha has more at heart the pro-
gress of free-trade principles than the humble individual who
has now the honour to address you.—( Loud cheers.) It is
not the province of a Chairman to make long speeehes—( Hear,
hear.) But I cannot refuse to myself the pleasure of con-
gratulating you upon so much of the Premier's budget as car-
ries out the principles of free-trade—(Cheers)—without at
the same time being considered to express my satisfaction
with any portion of it of which, as free traders, we cannot ap-
prove.—( Cheers.) Ido hope, and expect, that the progress
which free-trade opinions are making, will be pressed forward
with an accelerating velocity in consequence of the proceedings
of Friday last. —(Cheers.) And I have no doubt that the day
is not far distant when I may be able to congratulate the
members of the League en all our principle: having been car-
ried out in the manner that we could all wish they should be
carried out.—( Cheers.) A great deal has been said about
the declaration made by Sir Robert Peel that it was the duty
and privilege of every man to buy in the cheapest
and sell in the dearest market.—( Hear, hear.) But
while remembering this assertion of Sir Robert Peel's,
we forget what another Cabinet 'Minister told us some years
ago ; and I consider this, of even more importance than what
was stated by Sir Robert Peel. Some years since Sir James
Graham said that the landed aristocracy ought to recollect that
they were a small minority, enjoying the peculiar privileges
which they did possess, solely because public feeling was not
hostile to the present corn-laws—he spoke this of the late corn-
law—the old sliding-scale, but the words are equally applicable
at the present moment. He said that the receivers of rent were
but a small body, but they were backed by public opinion,
which rendered them omnipotent; but that, in opposition to
public opinion, they could not expect long to enjoy exclusive
benefits. In such a state of things, a moat fearful contest
would arise if they were to attempt to continue the enjoyment
of those benefits in opposition to public opinion, and they would
flod arrayed against them the power of that hunger which
breaks through stone-walls.—(Cheers.) Ido not know that
lam quoting the exact words made use of by Sir J. Graham,
but I am certain that such was the meaning they intended to
convey. He said that in the event of such a contest the barriers
of society would be broken down, and estates and dignities be
swept away in one overwhelming torrent. Such was the lan-
guage of a Cabinet Minister seven years since, and I do not
believe that he will now be disposed to repudiate it. —( Cheers. )
I will not trouble you with any further observations of my
own ; but again congratulating you upon the great step taken
in advance in our progress to free trade, by what took place
in the House of Commons on Friday night, I will call upon
Mr. James Wilson, of London, who hu ever been one of the
greatest friends of the Anti-Corn-law League and to the
principles of free trade, to address you.—l now beg to intro-
duce to yon Mr. James Wilson.

hopes of Ireland's p;osperity, and of the influx of capital into
that country ; but he had not shown how his (Mr. Roebuck's)
proposition would interfere with that —( Hear, hear. )
What he (Mr. Roebuck) did propose was this, that this coun-
try should not abstain from taxing the rich men of Ireland,
while thereby they taxed more heavily the working people of
England.—( Hear, hear.) That was his argument ; and how
bad it been met ? By telling the House that capital was flow-
ing into Ireland, and that the imposition of the tax would
cheek it. But the House was not told in what way the taxing
of the Irish landlords would prevent one pauud of English
capital from flowing into Ireland. —( Hear, hear.) They had
been very significantly told by the HOU. Members far Armagh
and Dungarvon, that the tax would cause a revolution.—( Hear,
hear.) Why so ?—( Hear, hear.) He did not propose to tax
the poor or the middle classes in Ireland, but only the land-
lords, who had caused all the evils under which that country

Mr. JAMES WILSON then came forward, and was received
with loud applause. He said that their worthy chairman had
already congratulated them on so much of the Budget which
had been proposed by Sir R. Peel on Friday night as carried out,
inhisown estimation, the principles of free trade ; and he heartily
joined their chairman in that congratulation on the tendency
of the measure which had been proposed by Sir R. Peel on
Friday night. In that measure two most important doe
trines for which free traders had contended for the last half
century, had received, not only full recognition,
but had been carried into practical effect.--( Hear. )
But the Hon. Gentleman, although congratulating the
meeting on that part of the measure, must be permitted to say
that there were many parts of the Budget which were highly
objectionable ; and it must be a matter of public observation to
all who considered the relief proposed to be afforded by the
Right Hon. Baronet, that, although he had been praised for
the boldness of his free-trade measures, he had carefully se-
lected those articles on which he had every reason to expect
the slightest opposition, where he had left unattached the
greater monopolies.—(C'heers. ) He did net wish to take
away any of the merit due to the Right Hon. Baronet of re-
cognising free-trade principles, but he wished to impress upon
the country that they ought not to give the Right Hon. Ba-
ronst too much credit for what he bad done, when they learnt
what he had left undone,--(ctmers.) There were two great
monopolies existing—one of these the High] Hon. Baronet had
left altogether out of his Budget; and with regard to the other,
he was prepared to show that instead of ameliorating it as far
as the consumers were concerned, he had rather studied the in-
terests of these who already profited by the monopoly.—
( Hear, hear.) The Right lien. Baronet, the other night, had
proposed an alteration of the sugar duties. Now, although that
alteration was upon the face of it very specious—although
the Right Honourable Baronet pretended that he
was about to lower the duty upon sugar for the
benefit of the consumers of the country, he (Mr. Wil-
son) believed that he could show, to the satisfaction of every
reasonable man, that the alteration intended would not really
benefit the consumers but the producers ; and that while the
revenue suffered the people would not be benefited. The ex-
perience of the last four years had taught the people the great
fact that their interests were identified with those of the re-
venue.—( Cheers.) And the last thing the people would wish
to see was the revenue sinking to such a state as should en-
danaer the safety of the Country. For the purpose of main-
taining the revenue they had been willing to submit to the im-
position Of the income-tax, and he believed that they would
willingly submit to the imposition of a more onerous tax, even
than that, rather than see the country disgraced by the loss of
her credit. But in the case of the reduction o f duties they
should always see that the benefit of that reduction went to the
consumer and not to the producer ; if they were called upon to
submit to a fresh tax to make good a lass arising from the re-
duction of duties, let tiiem at all events see that the benefit
from that reduction found its way into the pockets of the people
for whose benefit it was pretended to be made. —(Ckeera. )
No principle of government or legislation was so delusive—no
principle had produced so much evil to the people, as the prin-
ciple of differential duties; and if the true character of diffe-
rential duties were known, If the operation and definition of
differential ditties had lie-n as well Understood some years since
et the meaning of prohibition, he was convinced that, at the
present day, neither differential duties nor prohibition would
have been in existence. Ile was afraid it was a very difficult
task to explain the real operation of differential duties to such
eti assembly. But so important did he consider the subject,
that he would attempt to do so, even if he should fail. In
order to illustrate the operation of the differential duties, let
them take the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet on Fri-
dey nieht last. He had told the country that he had estimated
what would be the supply of sugar during the next year, and
the amount of revenue which would be derived from it. He
airtight to establish four different rates of duty. At one rate
he expected a supply of 160,000 tons, the produce of our own
eolnniet ; at another rate a supply of 70,000 torts, also the
produce of British possessions; at a third rate he expected
5,000 tons of foreign sugar ; and at a fourth rate he ex-
pected a supply of 15,000 tons, also of foreign sugar. Now
he (Mr. Wilson) would call their attention to the work-
ing of this scheme. The 15,000 tons of foreign
sugar was to be admitted at a duty of 285. per cwt. It was
clear, therefore, that before they could get these 13,000 tons
of sugar into consumption they must pay 2tes, per cwt, added to
the first cost of the sugar. That being a foreign sugar it was
admitted into competition, not only in the English market but
but in all the markets of the Continent ; and the price in this
country wonld be rendered so much the higher by the amount
of duty imposed. The price in bond of this sugar was 245. per
cwt. It was the same at Hamburgh—it was the same at An-
twerp--and in fact in every market in the world. This sugar
paid the highest rate of duty, and that added to the first price
would make the cost in the English market 52a. Now, if
you take any sugar whatever, you will only get the same quan-
tity at the same price; but when another species of sugar was
brought into the country the Minister said that that might be
admitted at a lower rate of duty, but any difference of duty
that might be made must go to the enhancement of the price
to the import merchant. The Premier said that he hoped to
get 15,000 tons at the duty of 284, the cost of which to the
public would be 525. lie expected 5,000 of the second class,
at the duty of 235., bat the import merchant would get the
advantage of this difference of duty, for the price of that sugar in
bond, instead of 245. would be found to be 28s. Bd., still making
the price to the consumer 525. Then there was another rate of
duty proposed at 165.—that was a colonial sugar. At that rate
of duty he expected a supply of 70,000 tons, but the importer
sass, " You set in the market 525. a ton for sugar. This
only pays a 16s. duty, and therefore the price which I shall
charge in bond will be 335. Bcl.- Then there was a fourth
class, produced from all our West Indian Islands, of which he
would take the quantity at 160,000 tons. Sugar of that qua-
lity commanded a price of 526., but that sugar was to be ad-
mitted at a duty of 145., which would enable the producer to
receive 3es, for it, instead of the original price of 245. In all
these processes, while they were giving up duties, they were not
rendering the commodity cheaper to the consumer—they were
not lowering the price by lowering the duty, but they were in-
creasing the price to the importer, while they let the consumer
pay 525. ; and while the revenue lost the benefit of the in-
creased duty en these 160,000 tons, the consumer had not got
his sugar one fraction cheaper than he would have
had it had these 160,000 tons paid the 28e. duty.
They therefore saw, by those four different rates of duty, that

suffered. —(Cheers.) For his part, he did not believe that all
the arts that could be used to produeo agitation, would induce

the Irish peasantry to rise into rebellion for the purpose of
saving the landlords from a tax.—( Cheers.) For his part, he
had always endeavoured to do good for the Irish people.—
(Ironical cheers.) He had never voted for a Coercion Bill.—
(Cheers.) He had never voted for the Irish Church.—
(Cheers.) But if the Irish landlords had a particle of gene-
rosity, they would a•k to be taxed.—(Great laughter.) He
did not regard that laugh, but he asserted still that they shrunk
from the tax with a want of that generosity which was charac-
teristic of the Irish people.
Lord CASTLEREAGH, who rose amidst loud cries of
question, wished to say, on the p ire of the Irish landlords,
that they did not shrink from their fair share of the public
burthens.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) For his ewn part,
he paid ttCl. a-year to the income-tax.—( Laughter. )
fhe Committee then divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment
Against it
Majority against it ... 242
The Committee then divided on the original resolution, when
there appeared—
For the original resolution
Against it ......

223
30

Majority for the original re501uti0n......198
The Ileuse resumed.
The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to
sit again on Friday.

ASSMSSED TAXES.
Captain PECHELL moved for returns of all surcharges for
duties on windows, which have been decided by the Commis-
sioners acting in the execution of the Act relating to the As-
sessed Taxes, from the Ist of January, 1839, to the 31st of
December, 1544.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER begged to
assure the Hon. and Gallant Member that it was utterly impossible
that those returns could be furnished, inasmuch as the assessors

were not Government officers, but were appointed locally, and
kept no record of their proceedings.
Mr. HUME contended that the returns could be had for
the last year at all events.
Captain PECHELL said he would divide the House on his
motion.

The Rouse divided,and the numbers were—
For the motion
Against it

;Majority against
The House then adjourned at One o'clock.

-26

PRINCE PITC KLE R M USK ALI'S "EG
only complete English E dtion of this work, translated
by IL E. Lloyd, Esq., has just been published by Mr.
Colburn, in two volumes, comprising the three rolumes
of the original German. The singular facilities which
Prince Puckler Muskuu enjoyed in his intercourse with
Mehemet Ali, afforded him advantages such as have
never before fallen to the lot of any traveller. We here
see Mehemet Ali himself, not through a distorted me-
dium, but be the scenes, for the Prince not only had
the privilege of daily and confidential intercourse with
him, but travelled with the Viceroy when he went on
his tour in Upper Egypt ; and the complete unre-
servedness of that great man, in communicating his
noble and enlarged views for the people whom he go-
verns—his account of his early life, as detailed in the
last chapter of the first volume, are deeply interesting,
and are here communicated for the first time. Yet the
work is not wholly of a political character. The author
takes every opportunity of giving information respecting
the scenery, antiquities, and the manners of the inhabi-
tants of the countries through which he passed ; and,
in his usual graceful style, has addressed a letter from
the top of the Great Pyramid, which he ascended twice
in one day, to his friends, giving an amusing account of
his ascent, &c. The Prince then proceeded up the Nile,
where he rejoined the Viceroy, and then set out on his
journey to Nubia and Ethiopia. Th. second volume is
dedicated to a visit to some of the most remarkable
ancient monuments of those countries ; but, perhaps,
the most valuable and interesting part of this volume is
the account of his journey to the South, his voyage up
the Blue River to l)ongola and Meroe, and his journey
across the Desert, during winch, besides personal ad-
ventures, he communicates ma '.v important particulars
respecting the kingdom of Darfonr, and other countries
further south than Wadi-Medmeh.
TH. wEATILER. —The PARKS.—After eight o'clock
on Sunday night the Previous cloudy atmosphere was secceeded by a
brilliant mornhag, the wind blowing briskly and piercing from N.N.E.,
the mercury tiegan to fall, and during the night, and up to seven
o'clock yesterday morning, the thermometer at the Receiving house
in Hyde Park stood at 28 degrees. 'net advance of the day, how-
ever, dispelled all the hopes of the skater, and though the mem-
bers of the Sit:ming Club met in Ilytie Park, all were compelled to
forego their favourite amusement. The thermometer at noon was
38 degrees, and hail declined very slightly up to eight o'clock last
night. Tl 3, wind blew chiefly from the southward.
MR. BELANY ONCE MORE.—The North Sunder-
land corTespondent of the Berwick Advertiser says—" Mr. Belany,
who is said to have been about Ayton last week, is aiming the
Rundle d ter damage done to his property by the fire, on an occasion
which will he in the recollection of our readers. Ile puts in his claim
at The sum of 3,M)01. According to reports, it was the intention of
Mr. Belany to leave this place before the fire occurred. At all events
several articles of furniture Were sent north prior to it • and several
others were stowed away in an outer house. On the night of the fire
there was a good deal saved from the dames. There is every like-
at present that the rate-payers of the northern division of
itaanbro' ward will meet lielany against lilac; laim at Newcastle, at
thca coming awitzes."---Yezrcastie ..ldrerilser.

lug by reeling, but they showed that a spirit of activity and
improvement was manifesting itself. Like Site agricultural

associations here, they were forming societies and offering
prices for the lsrgest production of sugar. In autumn last
year, the Clarendon Agricultural Society of Jamaica offered
premiums for the cheapest production of sugar. There were
two competitors for the prize, and the result of the competi-
tion was, that on one estate sugar was produced at 255. 103 d.
per cwt., on the other at 9s 66d. per cwt. ; in both cases at
less than Id. per lb.—(Cheers.) He had heard that in
Jamaica and the West Indian Islands there was a great want
of labourers, but on looking over the papers he found ample evi-
dence that there was a superabundance of labour. He found
that there were even complaints made of the number of
able-bedied paupers, which was not very consistent with a
want of labour.—( Hear, hear.) He found that they were
going to make a railway in Jamaica, with the chief contractor
of which he was conversing some time since, and he was in-
formed by that individual that labourers at such hard work as
that on a railway, in such a climate as the West Indies, could
be procured at 7s. a week—( Shame, shame)—and be also
found in the papers arguments as to whether the labour per
day should be la. or I s. 3d. It would, therefore, appear that
whatever might be the case two or three years ago, there was
no want of labour now. But those papers found fault with
the proprietors and planters for their want of spirit, and one
very remarkable instance occurred in January last year. Se-
veral proprietors and planters had been asked to subscribe to
the railway to which he had alluded, as it would facilitate
the conveyance of products to the sea from the
interior, but though it was to benefit themselves,
not. one of them was got to subscribe—not the slightest
encouragement was given. At last the projector,
fearing that he must give up the matter as a bad job, proposed
it to two or three flee-traders in Liverpool—( Hear, hear) ---
and in less than two days the whole capital was subscribed by
free-traders—( Cheers)—who had been accused of having in-
tended to ruin the country.—(Cheers.) The gentleman from
land.
whom he had this information had all his sympathy
He was a native of Jamaica, to which he waste aanbdouatltsooinfr‘
for the purpose of attending to his own estate, return
uthrne
free-trade, and an entire
purpose of preaching the doctrines of
But there was
equalization of the
It was stated that this was -
one very serious objectionsutgoattorhebepTrhitot,pofilsuniattilonnioeitftwiethhmiecehllnlt,i,nouifstteihnre..
sugar question.—( Hear, hear.).
aurththinegp,
uanridoswe-asoffoucniif,loirngain)riasicitgieetitoe
hear)—and every calculation made by
utreolinuocpeedradtiidven,etexseetetplet
ttiheea r,
planters, and the dealers. It did not even
twhheomleetrreldaen—t,(,
prevent slave-grown sugar from coming in—( Hear, hear).—

which it was the object of the all to exclude. Was it likely
that there would be more security under the new Bill ? What
person of ordinary prudence would risk capital when there was
so mach uncertainty ?—(Cheers. ) It was a measure so dif-
ficult and intricate, that he defied any merchant in the city of
London to say what its operation would be for twelve months.
—( ) Hew could the mercantile interest go on with any
certainty if, day after day, and session after session, new and in-
tricate propositions were to be made, each succeeding the other ?
How could the West Indians themselves, who were looking out
with anxiety for the new measure to regulate their measures?
They would not be able to do anything, because they must per-
ceive that the present arrangement would not be permanent,
and that to enable them to carry on their operations with cer-
tainty, the duty must be placed on a permanent and secure
basis. —( Hear.) That was the great evil of the protective
system, that it gave no security, and as long as protection
continued, the question would not be settled.—(Hear, hear. )
lie believed the West Indians, as a body, lost considerably by
the protective system, and that their position would be much
better if the duties were removed, not gradually,
but entirely and at once, than it it was continued to them.
He was quite sure that no person could hope for any perma-
nent settlement of this question, except by the entire abolition
of protection. —( Hear, hear.) He was quite satisfied from
the vigour and the spirit of determination which that Associa-
tion had shown from the first—the perseverance with which
it had followed out the subject, from the success which bad
attended that perseverance, and froai the encouragement
which it had received to persevere still further, he was quite
sure that until every protective principle, every particle of
protection was given up, there was no chance of the agitation
subsiding. He therefore trusted that the time was not far
distant when all persons eonnected with protective interests
would come to the conclusion that there was a way by which
that interest might be tendered a mutual interest with the
world at large and their own countrymen, and that could only
be by perfect unreserved tree trade, and the entire abolition of
the protective system.—(Cheers. )
The CarataataN—l now beg to introduce our distinguished
and eloquent friend, Mr. George Thompson, the powerful
advocate of free trade.
Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON then came forward, and was re-
ceived with a loud burst of cheering. He spoke as follows :
I deem it, Sir, a high and noble privilege to be permitted to
occupy such a position as that in which I now stand. If
pride were allowable under any circumstances, a man, I
think, might be forgiven who was proud to address such an
audience as this, on ,ruch a theme, surrounded by such in-
dividuals as occupy this platform and various other portions
of this House. It is gratifying to know, in giving utter-
ance to what we believe to be just, humane, and en-
lightened opinions, that our audience is not confined within
these walls, but that we find an audience of millions of men,
wherever our language is known, and wherever the measures
wej recommend, are likely to affect the interests and
destinies of the human race.—( Great cheering.) Ido
not think there is a spot on the surface
of the globe, to which human eyes are directed with more in-
terest than the spot on which we stand to-night. I do not
think there is a question agitating the minds of intelligent
beings in any part of the world, more important than that
which is occupying our attention to-night. I do not think
there is one question that enters more intimately into the con-
cerns of men, and is more closely and inseparably allied to
their best temporal interests.—(Cheers.) We are not even
discussing a national question ; fur we hold it to be true that
free trade is not only the right of man individually, but the in-
terest of nations universally.—(Cheers.) We are not advo-
cating the cause of our country alone, still less of any parti-
cul class in the country—we are advocating the cause of men
everywhere, wherever they live—and where do they not live
—under the primeval curse of earning their bread in the sweat
of their brow.—(Cheers.) All we ask is that human indus-
try should possess its own. That men should be per-
mitted to enjoy the fruits of their honest labour.
—that no man robs them in the quantity and quality, or price,
of that which they obtain in exchange for their labour. It is
exceedingly difficult to know on what topic to address an audi-
ence in Covent-garden theatre. I would advise the man who
expects to speak here at any time never to read the speeches
that are made here—never to hear them. Let him content him-
self with the merits of this question, and be as ignorant as he
can be of what goes on in this house, or, in reference to the
question of free-trade, even in other public meetings. For if
he shoald attend these meetings, or read the speeches, he
cannot, while he sits here, or while he meditates elsewhere, se-
lect a topic on which he does not know that eloquence and ar-
gument have been almost exhausted, and lie cannot choose that
topic without treading over ground that has already been tra-
versed by those who had gone before him. In fact, our ground is
growing every day narrower, even if we take in all the topics
that are legitimately in connexion with this question. We
had a good many fallacies afloat in days paq—they are.exploded.
—( Laughter.) The man would be fighting a shadow to-night
who got up to battle with the paramount interest of agricul-
ture. He would be fighting with a. shadow who got up to talk
about peculiar burdens, for we have never been able to find
them, and the squires won't help us to do so, or show us
where they are. We cannot even take up the old topic on
which we used to talk, namely, the antidote to distress, and
depression, and misery, that were brought forward, all of them
intended to direct public attention away from the one great
source of evil, the one grand remedy for existing grievances.
We. hear no more talk now of emigration, as a substitute
for a repeal of the corn-laws—no more talk—or
very little, at least, of home colonisation—very little
now of national education, as the topic to which
the public are to direct their attention—and not mach, I believe,
though some considerable sensation was created awhile ago, on
the subject •f the allotments of land. We may, however,
glance, Sir, to-night at some events which have transpired
since a public meeting was held in this place. Several inte-
resting events have occurred. The first to which I will allude
is the holding of a great meeting in Manchester, at which the
Council of the Anti-Corn-law League laid a report before their
constituents. It was a good report. As our brethren on the
other side of the Atlantic would say, it was " a most satisfac-

tory document."—(Cheers and laughter.) It reported that
Sti,ooof. had been collected in fifteen months—it reported that
our respected Chairman would not again have to sustain a de-
„ .

feat in the Southern Division of Lancashire.—(Great cheer-
ing.) It reported that his defeat had led to the enfranchiso-
.

ment of about 1,750 individuals in that county, and the ob-
taining of a clear majority of more than 1,000 of the votes in

. _
that county in the cause of free trado.—(Much cheering.)
The repot t also stated that a great effort, and a sucees,ful one,
too, had been made in the cause of registration in almost all
parts of the country—that much had been done in the ‘I est
Riding of Yorkshire, and that that important portion of the
kingdom is not likely soon to be again represented by two gen-
tlemen who are monopolists. It reported also, that in other
parts of the kingdom, in North Cheshire, as well as in
the minty in which we are assembled, much had

been done in the way of carrying out the plan
so ably devised by the distinguished gentleman on the plat-
form, and his coadjutors, for the purpose of regenerating the
county constituencies of the kingdom. All that is reported,
and the sanguine expectation is held out that, when the mag-
nificent anti-corn-law bazaar is held in this place, in May
next, there will be such an addition made to the League fund,
as the result of the entrance money and purchase money
connected with that grand exhibition, that the maximum sum
—asked for at the hands of the public in the cause of free-

trade—will be quite, if not more, than realised.—Great
cheering.) We have not only had a report from the Council
of the Anti-Corn-law League of a most gratifying character,
but we have also witnessed in the City of London a grand
meeting of the Agricultural Protection Society.—(Laugbter.)
I have read the report of that meeting, but I cannot
pronounce on that report the same verdict as I have
with reference to the report of the Connell of the
Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) A more stale, flat,
unprofitable, unargumentative document I have never seen—
( Laughter)—all rationality seems to have fed from the heads
of the men who are connected with that Protection Society.—
(Laughter.) It seems to be only necessary to join the Anti-
Corn-law League for a man to become a sensible man.—
( Cheers and laughter.) It seems only necessary to join the
Protection Society in order to become most confused in intel-

lect—( Renewed laughter)—most incapable of understanding
the subject, and still less of arguing respecting it. I will un-
dertake to sacrifice anything you shall please to condemn me
to sacrifice, if you will find an individual who will find me

throughout the speeches made at the Freemason's Tavern on
the occasion of the great agricultural dinner, one argument.—

(Cheers and laughter.) .1-t' is needless to dwell on that spec-
tacle. If there was nothing edifying there was something at
least amusing, and a vast deal supremely ridiculous.—( Laugh-
ter.) We have had a Queen's speech, too. On that it does

not become me to speak, excepting to say that it is as tame
as Queens' and Kings' speeches usually are, and has turned out
as delusive as such speeches generally turn out to be. And we
have had, above all this, a financial statement from the Prime

Minister of the country, and that seems to be the topic of topics
at the resent moment. And what shall we say of this ? I
will not say it wants skill, but I will say it wants courage.—
(Cheers.) I will not say it wants plausibility, and tact, and
eloquence, but it vastly wants honesty and truth.—(Cheers. )
I will not say it does not profess sympathy with the poor, but I
will say that the measures recommended do not possess much
or have much power to benefit this class of society, which
seems to be, according to the words of the Right Hon.
Baronet, the special object of his sympathy and regard.—
(Cheers.) It has been already stated by the enlightened gen-
tleman who has preceded me, that with the measures of Sir
Robert Peel brought before the public in that statement, we
do not seriously quarrel. They are good as for as they go. We
are thankful to know that the cow se is now being cleared by

degrees for the grand heat.—( Laughter and che—ers.) This
might not be absolutely necessary, but at all events it will prove
to be convenient. We shall not now have deputations going

up about glass. We see through that subject no-vv.-11
(Great laughter.) We shall hear no more of deputa-
tions on the subject of coals, unless others come up
to London to ask for an export duty again to be put on coals,
which is not very probable.—( Laughter.) Sir Robert allows
the introduction of certain kinds of woods to stave off the dis-

cessions on other subjects; and then, by delusive schemes,
which Mr. Wilson has so ably exposed—and no man can expose
them better, and few so well—he tries to be exceedingly sweet
on the community, and to put off the repeal of the corn-laws
by giving us a lollypop.—(Laughter.) Now some benefit will
. .

d... .. . . „
oubtless accrue from these changes. We cannot contemplate,
without thankfulness, any prospect of glass windows being put
into the cabins of the Irish.—(Cheers.) We are very curious
to know whether we shall have our watches and chronometers

regulated by glass balances instead of steel ones, for we are
told that one of these remarkable curiosities was exhibited by
the Prime Minister of England on the Treasury benches the
other night. We find little fault with that which he has done.
A grievous sin, and it is a heavy sin for such a man
to commit—for a man possessing his knowledge of
this country, and a knowledge of its geographical
position. its high and wide connexion with the world at large,
the peculiarities of its population and the resources for which it
is distinguished, as well as the manufactures for which it is ce-
lebrated—that such a man should satisfy his own conscience and
seek to satisfy the public and the world with coming down
on
the House of Commons for the purpose of reducing_duetrtiee,
certain articles without disturbing those gigantic bb
in
the shape of protection which are still permitted robberies
live un •
Minister.—
assailed and even nnthreatened by the Primee
.
( Great cheering.) He has granted what
vi
for the purposes
We did not ask for a reduction of taxes.ver asked for.
leviedin and annihilation of
of revenue. We did ask for a
taxes levied for the sole purple
,sobuftarheashlasie
rriguc-ottuection, but Sir Robert
Peel has not only not touched tg_imeeopnrtoeiteicittisveprsycifistr,
rather strengthened it
r...nrdrorasuof judgment have been corrected
has touched it at
by Sir Robert
l. He has known how to remedy the
defects of his predecessorseeceessors in matters of legislation upon minor
points. This he has done. He has shown an udnetwaotln,
t perhaps saga-
city,
industry, patient toil, and mastery
of
s,tperior
to
what almostryother man could have exhibited ;
but what has he done? i
.ehas corrected those errors of jtidg-
ment, those errors in legislation, which usay be referred more
to the judgment than to the heart—more to the intellect, than
to the want of principle—and he has left alone that error of
legislation against which the whole community is crying out,
and lie has purchased the support of great monopolists, holding
out to the people tke prospect of purchasing certain articles
mere cheaply, and importing some articles more abundantly,
although that very reduction in taxation they themselves will
have to make up, and he therefore only makes them a present of
part of their own. For what does he do ? He says there is
a surplus revenue for this year of 5,000,0001. sterling; but I
mean to continue the income-tax. I might do away with the
income-tax, and I might meet all the orditiar7 twenses of the
State until April 1847 without having recourse to any income-
tax.,,.or to any property-tax. I recommev nevertheless that
you should continue that tax for three yes, a, and in exchange
for the 5,000,0001. taken out of the pools of the people, 1 will
reduce the taxes on glass, coact*, coke, &e., to the amount of