The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-16 00:00:00

IeREE-TRADE MEETING AT BLit-

"MINGHAM.
Psrnassxcis ass The-. l 5 ---A r.nunerons and highly re-
nite,mg •Ai,a 11.1,1 IWS j.l) 111 1.1.0
convened by Henry Smith, Esq., mayor of the borough,
for the purpose set forth in te following requisition,
viz. :—" For considering the propriety of memorialising
her Majesty's Government for the immediate opening
of the ports of the United Kingdom for the free admis-
sion of all kinds of fereign grain and provisions."
The requisition was signed Ly upwards of two thou-
sand respectable merchants and tradesmen, and in com-
pliance with their request the Mayor called the meeting
for to day. Twelve o'clock was the hour appointed.
Shortly after that time the hall was crowded to excess.
On the p!atforte we noticed amongst others—G. F.
Muntz, Esq., M.P., Richard Spooner, Esq., M.P., H.
Smith, Esq., P. H. Muntz, and Wm. Scholefield, Esqrs.;
Aldermen Vanwart, Beale, Weston, Bolton, Geach,
Room, Thornton ; Councillors Baldwin, Smith, Coral),
Sargant, Perry, Webster, Clifford, Malchett, Middle-
more, Barlow, &c. ; Thomas Redfern, Esq., George
Edmonds, Esq., Joseph Sturge, Esq,, Charles Sturge,
Esq., R. K. Douglas, Esq., Thomas Eyre Lee, Esq., Ed.
Barker, Esq., Lucas Chance, Esq., and many of the most
influential men in the town, of all parties.
HENRY SMITH, Esq., Mayor, having taken his seat,
opened the business by saying he held in his hand a re-
quisition, signed by a number of names, equal, in point
of respectability, in point of station and commercial im-
portance, to any which he had ever before seen attached
to a requisition got up in that town ; and bearing that
filet in mind, he could not hesitate one moment to con •
vene them together, in order to afford the inhabitants an
opportunity of expressing their opinions upon the sub-
ject. He had his own opinions upon the important
question involved in the requisition ; but he was not
there for the purpose of annunciating them, but for the
purpose of collecting the opinions of others. Believing,
as he did, that the question was one the most vitally
connected with their interests, and the interests of the
community at large ; and also believing that they were
met to consider and discuss it at a crisis in the affairs of
this kingdom the most important that ever was witnessed,
and, in his opinion, the most serious that could ever as-
semble them together, he entreated them to bring all that
firmness, that judgment, and good sense, which they
were possessed of, and which the importance of the sub-
ject deserved, to the consideration of the resolution which
would be brought forward. He had now only to remind
them that this meeting was called to consider the pro-
priety of memoralising her Majesty's Government to
open the ports, and to admit into the country that food
which the people stood in need of. But he had also to
remind them, that consistently with good order every
person who was present had a right to be heard so long
as he adhered to the immediate object for which Ole)
were assembled. He asked them, therefore, for a patient
and impartial hearing for every gentleman who might
think proper to address them, and he should do his duty
to secure for every speaker that attention to which he
might be entitled.—(Loud applause.)
W. SCHOLEFIELD, Esq., then presented himself to the
meeting, and was received with great cheering. After
which he said, nothing but the conviction of the great im-
portance of the business for which they were assembled
could have induced him to appear before them as the mover
of the first resolution. The Committee called upon him for
the purpose of submitting it to their consideration, and
without any further apology he begged leave to move the
following resolution :—" That this meeting cordially sym-
pathises with those vast multitudes of their fellow-sub-
jects, who have already made known to her Majesty's
Ministers their apprehensions as to an impending
scarcity, and their anxious wishes for a repeal of the
corn-laws, the existence of which checks the free use and
enjoyment of the necessaries of life." They would need
no argument to prove to them, that in consequence of
the failure of the potato crop, the country was in immi-
nent peril and in great danger of famine. Mr. Dugdale,
cne of the Members of North Warwickshire, bad told
them in a recent speech that they had this year an enor-
mous crop of corn. If that was the case, he (Mr. Schole•
field) was very glad of it, but he was afraid that the
Hon. Gentleman would get very few to believe that such
was really the fact.—(Hear.) He (Mr. S.) hoped
they should be able that day to view the question as
one merely of fact, and irrespective of any topics cal
culated to create angry feelings amongst them.—
(Cheers.) There was no necessity for referring to mere
party politics. They were met to consider a grave and
serious question, and one in which the dearest in-
terests of all present were involved. It was now a
fact that bread was rising in price, that potatoes were
rising in price, and that it was to be feared ere long
scarcity would exist in the land. Under these cir-
cumstances he hesitated not to say that the present
movement ought to be the most fervent, the most deter-
mined they bad ever yet made.—(Loud cheers.) That
the corn-laws were an evil of the first magnitude was
admitted by all who had ever seriously and honestly con-
sidered the subject, and he believed there never were
such a combination of circumstances existing at any
period since their enactment so favourable to their re
moval as at the present moment. Through the exertions
of such men as Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright the fallacy of
agricultural protection had been exposed. The agitation
they carried on throughout the country had convinced all
whose opinions were worth having in the agricultural
districts, that what was called protection was in reality no
protection to the farmer. That agitation had converted
the ablest of the Whig leaders—(Cheers)—and that agi-
tation had upset the strongest Ministry that had existed
for many years in this country. That agitation had
proved, beyond the possibility of doubt, the iniquity
of the corn-laws, and had aroused public opinion
to that point that if they could not now suc-
ceed in gettinc, a repeal of the corn-lawn from the pre-
sent House of Commons, they must look forward to
an alteration in the constitution of that House, and
he trusted that if ever the time should come when it
would be found that the present constituency were
not equal to the emergencies of the country, such an im-
provement would be made in it as would render it suit-
able to the wants of the nation. He trusted that if this
time should arrive that if the opinion of the working
classes did not come up to the notions of the middle
classes upon the point of suffrage, the middle class would
descend to the opinion of the working class. (Cheers.)
For at all hazards, by all legitimate means, and within
the pale of the constitution, they mist have an imme-
diate and unconditional repeal of the corn-laws.
Mr. MELSON seconded the resolution.
JOSEPH STURGE, Esq., then proposed an amendment,
having reference to the franchise, which was afterwards
overruled by the Mayor.
Mr. Alderman WESTON next briefly addressed the
meeting.
Mr. JOHN MASON, a Chartist leader, on the part of
the working classes, expressed their earnest desire for
the removal of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) The
corn-laws had been always opposed by the leaders of
the people.
GEORGE EDMONDS, Esq., Clerk of the Peace, next
presented himself to the :sleeting, and was received with
tremendous cheering. When the applause had sub-
sided, he said—Seven years ago, eight thousand persons
met in that hall, and then Mr. Muntz, their Hon. Mem-
ber, had declared his opinion that the corn-laws ought
not to be removed until they altered the money-law s,
and yet that gentleman had now been obliged to come
forward and vote for a repeal of the corn-laws, because
he could not get an alteration of the money-laws. Their
excellent friend, Mr. Thomas Attwood, had also been of
a similar opinion ; but he (Mr. Edmonds) was now de-
lighted at being;able to read to the meeting a letter
which had been sent from Mr. Thomas Attwood. Mr.
E. then read a letter from Mr. Attwood, expressing re-
gret at his net being able to attend the meeting. From
that important document they would perceive that Mr.
Attwood was now decidedly in favour of an im
mediate repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud and long-
continued cheering. In the year 1815, when the
aristocracy forced the corn-laws upon the country,
they were told what the consequences would be, but
they despised all warnings. They surrounded the House
of Commons with soldiers and cannon, and in spite of
the people they imposed the heavy yoke upon them
which they had now borne for thirty years—(Hear)—
but which it appeared they were determined no longer
to endure.—(Cheers.) The repeal of the corn-laws was
a practical question. It was one which the people could
now settle if they were only unanimously resolved upon
it, but if they now let the golden opportunity slip—if
they deferred the question of the corn laws, or attempted
to substitute the suffrage, or currency, or any other mea-
sure in the place of it, they might depend upon it they
would have reason to regret their conduct.
Mr. MUNTZ, M.P., next addressed the meeting. He
said that, as the name of Mr. Attwood had been intro-
duced, he felt it his duty to state that he had long
experience of that gentleman's character, and he could
bear his testimony to the fact that if he had any
fault, it was the possession of too kindly a heart—
(Cheers)—infinitely too kindly for a place with which
he (Mr. Muntz) had been well acquainted for the last
six years.—(Laughter.) He (Mr. Muntz) was of opinion
that the corn-laws ought to be repealed; but he did not
look for such results from their abolition as some par-
ties expected. Indeed, he believed that in twelve months
after their abolition every man in England would be
convinced that more was required for the prosperity of
the country that a repeal of the corn-laws. Whilst he
believed that the abolition of the corn-laws was not the
only measure which was required in order to secure the
happiness of the country, yet he was an advocate for
their abolition, as it would have a tendency to effect the
ultimate success of just and correct principles of lsgisla-
tion.—(Loud cheers.) He had stated in his address to
the electors of Birmingham in 1839 that he was in
favour of the principles of free-trade, and as the basis of
those principles a tree-trade in the prime necessary of
life, corn, and in gold and silver as well, and he still ad-
hered to those opinions. —(Hear, hear.) He thought
that in order to remove the evils under which we
suffered, there ought to be a change in the money laws;
but he found from his experience in the House of Com-
mons that both parties were disinclined to carry that
alteration into effect, and he did not feel on that account
he could be justified in refusing to exert himself to pro-
cure a repeal of the corn•laws.—(Cheers.) Agriculture
and manufactures were both the same as regarded their
commercial nature. Agriculture was undertaken for
profit just as manufactures, and they ought to be both
placed in the same position, one not having more protec-
tion than another.—(Cheers.) He felt it, however, tote
his duty to caution them, as to his view of the effect
which was to be expected from a repeal of the corn-
laws, in order that when they were repealed the people
of Birmingham could not say to him (Mr, Muntz) that
be had deceived them as to the result of the abolition
of those laws. The country required not only that the
corn-laws should be abolished, but that sugar and othi r
articles of consumption should also be allowed to enter
freely into the country. He could not agree to the cot-
rectneas of the argument that we ought not to be al-
lowed to get any slave grown sugar, whilst we used
slave-grown cotton, and coffee, and tobacco. Their ex-
ertions to put an end to the slave-trade had rather
increased the horrors of that trade, whilst it had
not at all diminished the number of slaves imported.

There had been no less than 6,000 vessels, with slaves
on board, seized since 1819, and yet the importation
of slaves from the coast of Africa had not de-
o-fcasuti. We Lad given twenty millions of money
in order to put an end to slavery, we still kept a
large fleet at great expense on the coast of Africa,
and we were still called on to pay a high price for
our sugar, under the pretence of putting down the
slave-trade, although, as he before remarked, we
used slave-grown coffee and tobacco without any
scruple.—(Hear, hear.) If we were to go on interfering
with every other nation and taking care of everybody,
we should soon be in a position where our interference
would be useless. They had heard a good deal about
the reduction which would result from the repeal of the
corn-laws, but if such a reduction of necessary expenses
followed, then he did not see why the pay of the army
and navy, and of the cabinet and the judges should not
be reduced also.—(Laughter and cheers.) Now they all
knew then there was to be some change in the Ministry.
He had some doubt about it.—(Hear, hear.) For he
believed that Lord John Russell would not be able to
form an Administration.—(Hear, hear.) He was no
party man, and he cared not whether Wbig, Tory, or
any one else was in power—(A laugh)—and, if he was
satisfied he was doing right, he cared not whom he
opposed. He had been charged with doing great
wrong in advocating the repeal of the corn-
laws ; and it was said that great evil would
arise from such a measure ; but he had done
all in his power to obtain redress for his constituents.
He was convinced that all who lived by the operation of
labour were robbed of one-half by the corn-laws—
(Hear)—and he, therefore, left it to the meeting to say
whether he was wrong in supporting, as he had done,
the repeal of the corn-laws, knowing as he did, that re-
peal would not produce immediate benefit—that it would
produce very great distress—but that distress would
oblige all parties to do something to relieve it.—(Hear.)
That might be said to be doing evil that good might
come from it ; but it was what every one did every day.
Now, as he said, the Ministry was to be changed ; but
whatever Ministers might be in, they might promise a
great deal, but let not those whom he addressed believe
them.—(A laugh) All parties promised wonders, and
some had done wonders. The Tories had done wonders.
—(Hear, and a laugh.) For instance, they put on
5,000,0001. of taxes, and then said " Look at the revenue."

—(Laughter.) There was another means of putting the
hand into a man's pocket, and bringing up the revenue—
he would not say what it was—but it was abcut equally
as justifiable.—(Laughter.) However, the oftener the
Ministry was changed the better for the people of this
country.—(A laugh.) No change took place without
concession. Ministers who now come in had:to bid for
their places. His own opinion was that the Whigs were
not ~0”....0n In f ‘.,;th the nrinciDles of government, and
that they did not understand tae interests or posittens
of the people ; and that the Tories were quite on a par
with them—(Laughter)—and, therefore, the only way
to expect anything from them, was by rubbing them
against each other, and so rub off the surface of their
skins, and eventually they might get some good from
them.—(Laughter.) His Hon Colleague seemed to
think with him upon all points but one ; but he could
not understand how he, knowing how the landed inte-
rests were robbing them in their position, was so timor •
some, and could not go the whole hog.—(Laughter.)
But of this he was convinced, that his Hon. Friend and
colleague wished them well ; and, as far as he (Mr.
Muntz) was concerned, he must say, that as long as he
represented them he must do it honestly, and would do
all in his power to ameliorate their condition.—(Loud
cheers.)
RICHARD SPOONER, Esq., M.P., followed, and com-
menced his address by saying as his Hon. Friend had
read an extract from one of his addresses, he ,(Mr.
Spooner) must beg leave to read an extract from a speech
which he delivered in that hall when they first placed
him in the important trust of representing them in Par-
liament. The words he used were these, "I have told
you before, I do not approve of the present corn-laws.
I told you I never had supported them, that I never
would support the present corn-laws." These were the
words which he used, and his opinions were unchanged.
The present corn-laws he never did support, and the
present corn-laws he never would support ; but he would
tell them at the same what he had told them before, that
an immediate and total repeal of them would inflict upon
the country generally, and that borough in particular,
1 misery so intense, that he could not conscientiously con-
sent to their sudden removal. The Hon. Gentleman
then repeated the arguments which had been used by
Mr. Muntz in favour of an unconditional removal of the
corn-laws, and concluded his address (which was listened
to with mingled expressions of dissent and approbation)
dissenting from the resolution.
Mr. Councillor JAMES BALDWIN said the question
before them was the repeal of the corn-laws and the im-
mediate opening of the ports.—(Hear, hear.) It was
nis opinion that if they (the people of England) were
fairly represented in Parliament, they would not be
compelled to meet there that day to demand their just
and lawful rights.—(Cheers.) He agreed with the Hon.
Member, Mr. Muntz, upon every point which he had al-
luded to. Mr. Muntz and his colleague seemed, from
their speeches that day, to have an inclination to assist
them in carrying out the repeal of the corn-laws ; and
from that time he (Mr. Baldwin) would forget all poli-
tical differences which he had had with those gentlemen,
for he thought they both had their country's cause at
heart. It was his opinion, if the corn-laws were not re-
pealed very speedily, inevitable destruction threatened
the land. A famine of no ordinary character was im-
pending, and unless the ports were opened and the corn-
laws repealed, starvation was their lot.—(Hear.) Let the
people of England express their determination to a man
that the corn.laws must and shall be repealed, and he
would be bound that no Government could stand against
them, and till then they would not repeal them. It had
been said by the opponents of free-trade that the reports
respecting the potato crop were greatly exaggerated,
and that there were scarcely any injured in many parts
of Ireland. Now he would say, do not believe these
statements, for they were false. He moved the follow-
ing resolution :
" That this meeting cannot view, without deep con-
cern, the advanced prices of all articles of food, arising,
as they believe, from the operation of the corn-laws, ag-
gravated by the insufficient corn harvest of the present
year, and the partial but too extensive failure of the
potato crop ; and are convinced that a deficiency of
nutritious food must be accompanied, as on former oc-
casions, by a decline in trade, and by widely extended
difficulty, distress, and disease among the industrious
5 classes of this densely populated borough, and of other
parts of the United Kingdom."
Mr. LUCAS CHANCE seconded the resolution.
Mr. Alderman PHILIPS moved the following resolu-

tion :
" That as the Houses of Parliament are not at this
time assembled, and as there appears to this meeting a
most urgent necessity to adopt promptly and fearlessly,
those measures which may prevent the ravages of fa•
mine in the United empire, and also to afford a supply
of seed for the next year, this meeting would respect-
fully, but firmly urge upon the consideration of her
Majesty's Ministers the absolute and imperative neces-
sity of opening the ports of the United Kingdom for
the admission of all kinds of grain and provisions duty
free, preparatory to the abolition of all protective duties."
The Rev. Mr. Swart then came forward, and was re-
ceived with great cheering; after which, he said he rose
for the purpose of seconding the resolution proposed by
Mr. Philips; and, while on his feet, he would make a,
few observations. He said—This is a righteous, a hal-
lowed agitation—now, it is hoped, near an end—an agi-
tation against monopoly and class-legislation—an agita-
tion for the rights of the working masses against the un-
just encroachments of the privileged few—an agitation
for peace and commerce against war and oppression. Ho-
nour be to those men who have carried it on with sivih
talent and energy during the last seven years. Their re-
ward is now near. And the men of Birmingham, whose
hearts have ever beat true on the momentous question,
are now called to lift up their voice for the last time—to
come in at the death of the monster monopoly. That
voice, on all great questions, hath often been heard all
over the world—let it be heard again. .. . But God Al-
mighty himself, in the partial failure of the fruits of the
earth, speaketh from his throne, to rebuke the wickedness
of man, and the nations hear it, and tyrants tremble on
their thrones. In this way, out of evil the benignant
Parent of the universe, in his wondrous working,
will educe good. What man would not do, God, in his
providence, will do ; and that which is lacking in one
part of the earth the other will supply ; and thus all
nations will be united in one golden bond of eternal
amity—cultivating the arts of peace, &c. Is it not a
fact, that the continental Powers have opened their ports
to let in the corn, and the fat Dutchmen, puffing at their
pipes, are laughing at the expense of John Bull ; yea,
even the Russian autocrat no longer fights against Pro-
vidence ; nay, the very Turks have been moved at the
cry of their oppressed poor ones. To what depth bath
our favoured country sunk What shall we say for
England ? What evil spirit hath come over us ? Are
the Turks Christians, the Christians Turks ? No, the
-thing will be done ; the proud must be humbled ; the
men of station must serve those whose labour maintains
them in their places, or give way to others. God him-
self is working ; the curse will come on those that
withhold the corn ; :but the blessing will descend on
the head of him that selleth it—" For the oppres-
sion," &c. All men know what these laws are, and
what a fearful amount of suffering they have caused.
Are they not impolitic, unjust, un-Christian ? Sound
policy will instantly blot them from the statute-book,
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deepest and darkest curses. Not a word can be said for
them on the score of policy, justice, or religion. These
three witnesses all agree in their condemnation.
A memorial to the members of her Nlajesty's Govern-
ment, in accordance with the resolutions, was then
adopted.
A Mr. NIXON said Mr. Spooner had not stated in his
speech whether he would support the repeal of the corn-
laws in Parliament if it should be
brought before him.
He should like Mr. Spooner to answer that question.
Mr. SPOONER said he would never support the present
corn-laws, nor did he ever support them.—(Groans.)
Mr. NIXON—That is not answering the question. I
ask you again, will you go for a total repeal of the corn-
laves?—( Lear, hear.)
Mr. SMITH here said that he could not allow Mr.
Nixon to proceed, for it was out of the ordinary course
of proceeding.—(Great dissatisfaction.)
The Chairman having vacated his seat,
Mr. MUNTZ said he rose with pleasure to propose a
vote of thanks to the Mayor, who, he was sure, had
acted wisely and impartially.
Mr. SPOONER seconded the resolution. In answer to
Mr. Nixon's second inquiry, he begged to say he would
not pledge himself to support any measure which was
brought before him, if he thought it wrong.—(Cheers
mingled with hisses.)
The meeting then separated.

__-
Lord Stanley left town yesterday morning on a vis
to the Marquis of Exeter, at his seat, Burghley House.