The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-31 00:00:00

SPIRIT Or THE teM,IC JOURNALS.

The subject which all fear to touch in Parlia-1
ment., and which out of Parliament all speak of
fre.ely enough, was last night brought forward by,
Mr. Tierney, in a manner at once manly as re-'
latex to himself, and constitutional as relates to
the practice of Government. The want of a re-
sponsible Prime Minister, by the sudden inca-
pacity. of Lord Liverpool, would, if it had not
been felt in the several subordinate departments
of Administration, be a circumstance which
would evince the vigour of a Constitution that
can go on by itself for no common time, without
impulse or guidance. If a General-in-Chief falls
in battle or dies in his tent, the next in gra-
dation assumes the command, and directs the
arm/. If the Captain of a Company be wound-
ed) .is subaltern takes his place. But the affairs
of the State are of so much less consequence than
the feelings of one of its stipendiary administra-
tors, That should he suddenly be tossed from his
seat, like Palinurus in the storm, no hand must
touch the helm, till it be known whether a for-
tunate wave will toss Mm back upon deck again,
or till it can be 4.-6certaincd what his wishes
might have been -with respect to his successor.--4
This delicacy increased of late years, and it is
a proof of tb.e improving refinement of the age. We
recollect 'to have read, that when George 111. was
visited by his two afflicting maladies, it was main-
tainf.d that nothing should be changed about him—
tbat he should remain surrounded, at no little ex-
pence to the State, by the usual cortege of the.
Court, the officers of his establishment—in order,
should reason return, that he might be misled by
the soothing and happy error that no evil bad be-
fallen
him. The delicacy which was then practised
to the Sovereign has now extended to the Prime
Minister. The remnants of the Administration, of
which he was once Chief, have waited respectfully
in their several positions around his vacant chair.—
The affairs of empire have suspended their march,
because he was suddenly rendered incapable of im-
parting his counsels to the former, or pointing out
their route to the latter. This stillness however was
broken in upon last night by Mr. Tierney. He inquired
who was to be the dispensr of the supplies about to
he granted to Government ; and was informed by
Mr. Canning, that a communication had been made
to the ' friends of Lord Liverpool, that however
painful the duty might be, his Majesty must pro-
ceed -to till up the chasm occasioned in the Ad-
ministration by the removal of its Chief. But
when? inquired Mr. Tierney. If before Easter, he would
not press his motion to a divison. Mr. Canning would
not pledge himself to any such precipitancy, but Ministers
would bear the responsibility of the delay as for any other
act of their administration. Great support .to the nation,
certainly, n Ministerial responsibility ! Great comfort ! It
is bread to the poor ! employment to the idle ! navigation
to the mariner ! Who wouU want anything more than re-
sponsibility ? It is all i:gt all. Mr. Tierney, however, not
being either enntePd with delay, or satisfied with responsi-
bility, (unreas,Aable man!) did press his motion to a divi-
sien, when:the numbers were—for the motion, SO ; against
it; 156. As these 80 persons must be all independent
T'Aen, not connected with either branch of the Administra-
tion, the number is very considerable. We shall however,
rejoice at the close of the interregnum, whoever may be
the future Ruler, because then the Administration, be its
general capacity what it may, will assume its full shape
and form, and Opposition will take up its intelligible func-
tions ; the national affairs will be adminsterad as they
have been heretofore; and the mischievous precedent of a
suspended Government will cease.—Times.

Mr. Brownlow's motion last Thursday even-1
ing, for the production.of a correspondence be-
tween the Irish Government and some magis-
trates in authority about Lisburne and its neigh-
bourhood, was lost by a large majority. This
result of a motion, made under such circum-
stances as appeared in the course of the discus-
sion, did not rouolri,awrpriacwaste—, Wlte-'vrattstie•
tioti which formed the basis of Mr. Brownlow's
proposition, and the subject matter of his narra-
tive, having occurred so lona ago as in the sum-
mer of 1825, and there being, in fact, not a
great deal of "round laid for the disclosure in
detail of a correspondence, the substance of which
was known already, we could net discover with
what view the papers were moved for by the
Hon. Gentleman, or what measure it was his
wish to found upon them ; quite enough, how-
ever, was made manifest, to prove that the Go-
vernment of Ireland is in one respect well suited
to the unfortunate nation itself, being equally
torn by discord, and incapable of every thing
like hearty assent to a common principle, or
steady co-operation for any comprehensive end.
A magistrate, a clergyman too ! of this patri-
archal age, after the law of the land has declared
all Qrange Associations, arid their acts as such,
to be decidedly unlawful, showed himself in open
day on the 12th of July, and in the
presence of an Orancre multitude engaged in
the business of one or their party processions,
with an Orange tiband round his neck. When
four of his brother magistrates, in the strict per-
formance of their duty, remonstrated with the offen-
ders, and told them to disperse, as their procession
and its purposes were alike illegal, this reverend.par-
tisan expressed his difference in opinion from them.
The people rent the air with shouts in honour of
this incendiary, and for the rest of the day the town
of Lisburne, says Mr. Brownlow, was a scene of
riot and confusion. The well-disposed magistrates,
however, sent up a variety of informations and afli-
davits to the Lord Lieutenant, touching, amongst
other proceedings of the day, the behaviour of their
Reverend Brother. The documents were handed
by his Excellency to the Lord Chancellor, who, it
appears, wrote a letter to the clergyman, correcting
his law, but approving of his conduct ! part of that
conduct being the public exhibition of the Orange
ensigns about his person, on a day and scene of Orange
enterprise, after the Parliament had condemned them.
Well, the other maeistrates, in their amazement at
this freak of the 'Lord Chancellor, wrote off to
Government, begging that it would be pleased to
enlighten them with regard to their duty, for that,
although they had but obeyed the commands of the
Lord Lieutenant in attempting to put down the Orange
illegalities, they found that a brother magistrate, who dif-
fered with and opposed them, bad received from the first
magistrate in the country, an assurance of his Lordship's
satisfaction. In reply, Mr. Secretary Goulburn, to re-
move all grounds of jealousy, we presume, wrote to the
anti-Orange magistrates, likewise a testimonial of the
Viceroy's satisfaction with them ! Was ever the ridiculous
carried further than on this occasion? or ever a more
striking proof afforded of the rotten principle on which
such a Government was formed ? In conclusion, it is
stated that the body of the magistrates—puzzled beyond
endurance by this contradiction between the two authori-
ties—that of the Lord Lieutenant, through his Secretary;
and again that of Lord Manners, under his own hand-
writing--sent up a formal memorial to the Castle, re-
quiring to know who was right ; to which inquiry no
answer was returned ! Now, as we hays said before, Mr.
Brownlow might have done no good by getting hold of the
official papers, of which the nature was sufficiently public,
without any such concession from Ministers; but he has
done no inconsiderable good by placing in a point of view
Aopalpable and disgraceful, the extent of that confusion
which reigns among our Rulers, and the grossness of that
cheat--the system of compromise—Aid.
Twp of the five Commissioners of Irish Edu-
cation have thought proper to express their dis-
sent from a recommendation of the majority, of
a Grant of 1,3501. a year to the Belfast Acade-
mical Institution. This Institution, formed
somewhat on the model of the Scots Colleges,
with a view to enable the youth of the North of
Ireland, all persuasions, to obtain a domestic
education; ft 4
containing auxiliary Professor-
ships for the education of the Clergy of the dif-
ferent descriptions of Presbyterians, has, accord-

irig tO the evidence of protestant Churchmen,
Catholic Clergy, and Presbyterian Ministers, and
the Nobility and Gentry of the North of Ireland,
been of the greatest benefit to the country. .In
the words of the three Commissioners, the esta-
blishment " stands high in public estimation.
Those persons who, t-ota their intelligence, rank
and station in society, are best enabled to judge
of its merits, express themselves in the strongest
terms as to the benefits which it has conferred
upon the North of Ireland. The approbation is
not confined to any particular class or party.—
The Lord Bishop of Down and Connor, and the
Right Rev. Dr. Crolly, Bishop of the Roman
Catholic Church, resident at Belfast ; the several
persons whom we have examined, connected with
the Presbyterian Body, and the resident Nobility
and Gentry, all agree on this subject." • The
two COrninissitmers, however, Mr. Leslie Foster
and Mr. Glassford, assign as reasons for
their dissent, that " the present Professor
of Greek, the present Professor of Hebrew
(who is also classical teacher in the school
department, and head of one of the two board-
ing-houses), the present Lecturer in Elo-
cution, and the English Master in the School De-
partment (who is the head of the other boarding-
house), are avowed Arians." It is admitted that
these Professors never have endeavoured, in the
smallest degree, to introduce their own religious
tenets to their pupils in the class-rooms; but it is
contended that it is hardly possible that the pupils
should not feel a regard for the religious opinions of
those by whom they are instructed in other matters.
We are not called on to pronounce any opinion on
the Creed of the Arians, but we cannot help think-
ing that it is pushing orthodoxy a little too far, to
' insist that no branch of learning shall be communi-
cated in a seminary of learning through any but Tri-
nitarian vessels. Englishmen are accustomed to
boast of Sir Isaac Newton and Mr. Locke, and it is
to these two individuals that the country is' more
,indebted for its intellectual reputation' than to any
other persons of the last century, and the greater
part of that which preceded it. Now, both Newton
and Locke were Arians. But had the one been
Mathematical teacher, and the other been teacher of
Moral Philosophy, in Belfast, the liberal-minded
Mr. Leslie Foster, and his charitable Scotch colleague,
.would have driven them to the street. We hear a good
deal of the illiberality of Papists. It happened that
a Protestant artist in Rome, the celebrated Thor-
waldsen, was lately appointed to lecture on the
fine arts in that capital. Some bigot (not, of course, any
one in the rank of Mr. L. Foster, or Mr. Glassford)
stated the objection of religion. But the objection was
received with universal indignation by all the Romans.
Such is the difference between Italian bigotry, and Pro-
testant liberality ! Neither Newton's opinions, nor those
of Locke, are secrets. We have now before us the two
letters of Sir Isaac to M. Le Clerc, printed in London in
1754, from the MS. in the Library of the Remonstrants,
the former containing a dissertation on the reading of the
Greek Text of 1 John, v. 7, and the latter on that of

1 Timothy, iii. 16., and they leave no doubt that be was
a very decided Arian. Yet, notwithstanding the fame of
Newton, and Locke, and Clarke, also an Arian, we have
not heard that their example has drawn many over to their
opinions. Perhaps our contemporary of The Courier
will account for this, by haying that the civil advantages
are all the other way. On this we say nothing. But we
do say, that it was well for them they'did,not belong to a
fanatical age like ours, and that their fortunes were not in
the hands of Mr. 'Leslie Foster and Mr. Glassford.—
Morning Chronicle.

We are not aware what course the House of
Commons mean to take towards Mr. Stanbury.
The House, probably is expecting that he will
petition them ;—he, on the contrary, may not
be ambitious of having either the first or the last
word with so powerful and inquisitive a body.
His alleged offence, we believe, is having
posely sy‘ldetLeiving evidema b.afor.the sr
Miitee on the Penryn Election. Being now
producible, one would imagine that the natural
course would bt :D cause that Committee to re-
assemble and examine him : though, probably,
having piade their report without his evidence
their functions are now at an end, and Mr.
Stanbury has a chance of lying. in Newgate till
the end of the Session. Our reason for noticing
the subject has no reference whatever to the in-
dividual; but, concluding that the evidence of
corruption which has been taken before this
Committee must, of necessity, lead to some le-
gislative measure, we are desirous that the
public opinion should be expressed, through the
press, as to what that measure should be.
There are two courses, one of which must be
pursued on such an occasion, viz. the disfran-
chisement of the corrupt borough altogether, and
transfer of the,representation to some other place,
as in the case of Grampound; or opening the represen-
tation of the place itself,-by extending the right of
voting to the hundred in which it is situate, as in
the cases of Cricklade and Aylesbury. If one
House of Commons is bound at all by the principle
and example of another, the case of Grampound is
that which we imagine the House should follow
upon this occasion ; and to this course even Mr.
Canning, the great opponent of Parliamentary Re-
form, we apprehend, stands pledged. It is useless,
probably, now to inquire how it happens that the
comparatively obscure county of Cornwall sends
twice as many Members to Parliament as York and
Lancashire united. But the fact itself being absurd
and anomalous upon the face of it, it follows, we
imagine, that every favourable opportunity should be
seized of rectifying what cannot, in theory, be for a
moment defended. We will not stop to argue the
question, whether the Members for rotten boroughs
may not be as good legislators for the kingdom at
large, as those elected by populous places. But,
when we hear of Old Sarum, Gatton, and Penryn
sending Members to Parliament, while such places as Leeds,
Sheffield, and Birmingham, send none, we think if any
thing occurs by which any such places as. the former fairly
forfeit their privileges, the natural course for Parliament
to pursue, is to transfer such forfeited privileges to such
places as the latter, to which they more properly belong.
The adoption of this principle will work a double good ;
first, by petting the owners and voters of close boroughs
upon their guard, and lessening the influence of corrup-
tion ; and, secondly, where this caution has not its effect
of bringing about that gradual reform in the representa-
tion, which can be effected without any radical or violent
change in the Constitution.—horning Herald.

The introduction of a system of Poor Laws
into Ireland, is a topic on which the minds of
well-meaning men appear to look with increasing
complacency. We are not surprised that this
should happen. When we consider the mass of
suffering, which, every nom and then, assails the
peasantry of Ireland, what benevolent mind would
not run the risk of some distant inconveniences,
for the sake of the alleviation of present evil
The Irish peasantry are reduced, habitually, to
the mininzunt of existence. They have not their
superfluities, their luxuries, their comforts, on
which the pressure of evil times may spend the
greater portion of its force. There is no cheapar
or more frugal sustenance, on which they may ;
fall hack, when they are unable to procure their
usual diet. Even in the best times, they are on
the brink of starvation ; and an unfavourable sea-
son, or stagnation in the course of industry
among them, plunges them into famine.
The objection to a system of poor laws is, that,
by counteracting the operation of those natural
checks, which fix the amount of the population
of a country, with reference to its means of sub-
sistence, and its funds for putting industry in
motion, they tend to create an excess of popu-
lation beyond that which would otherwise exist, I
under the actual supply of food, and demand I

for laboiir ; that this artificial excess of popula-
tion not only must, itself, suffer want, but by
increasing the supply of labour, and the demand
for food, must involve the whole of the labour-
ing community in a certain degree of -distress ;
that the people are thus reduced to a lower level.
as to enjoyments, and comforts, and their general
mode of life; that their moral and intellectual
character is at the same time, debased, and
prudence, and foresight both placed on a par
with that inconsiderate rashness, which assumes
the character of husband and father, without
any thought as to the means by which a fa-
mily is to be supported. These are the alleged conse-
quences of Poor Laws; and, if they have not been
felt in any great degree in England, it is only because
they have been checked by other more favoui able
circumstances. The increasing diffusion of know-
ledge among us, and the constantly accumulating
wealth, and expanding industry, of the country, have
saved us from the mischiefs which our Poor Laws
were calculated to work. The practical operation of
those laws has been negative rather than positive; they
have
„prevented the situation and character of the common
people of England from being improved so much as it
otherwise might haye been; they have to a certain ex-
tent, counteracted, but have not been able to overpower,
the other causes which were Working for our good._
But, in Ireland, the introduction of Poor Laws would
only exercise mischievous influence, by counteracting
all the means which may hereafter: be adopted for improv-
ing her condition. That condition can be bettered only
by altering the moral and intellectual habits Pf her popu-
lation, and raising their ordinary mode of life to a higher
point in the scale of comfort and enjoyment. Circum-
stances may arise, likely_ to favour c produce such a change.
The increase of knowledge, and th? establishment of ma-
nufactures, must promote it ; and the Labours of the higher
classes, each in the circle with which he is locally con-
nected, may do much towards assimilating Ireland to Eng-
land. But, if poor laws are introduced, there will be, at
every step, an opposing power, dragging down the condi-
tion df the people to a lower level, with more force than
is likely to be exercised by causes tending to elevate it.—
New Times. .•