The Sun.
London, England, 1829-04-06 00:00:00

Lords GROSVENOR and WESTMORELAND then rose at
the same time,—the cry, however, for the latter predo-
minated.
Earl WESTMORELAND then said that he hoped
to be excused if he trespassed on their Lordships' time by
a few remarks which he bad to make. The Noble Earl
conceived that the House Was bound to the second reading
of the Bill now before their Lordships. Noble Lords ought
to have kept their opinions upon the subject until the Bill
came to its last stage; the measures came recommended
from the Throne, and the House is requested by these
recommendations to well consider the subject. Ile (Earl
Westmoreland) was of opinion that the House should go
into a Committee. This measure is to make great and
serious alterations in our laws. Between distant and
speculative dangers, and pressing and urgent ones,
we are now placed ;—it is between these two we
are bound to balance, and upon that we take the
question into consideration. My Lords, after what
has fallen from Noble Lords, there can be no
question of the necessity of well considering this
subject. For me, upon this subject I have been
unfortunate enough, as I am afraid I have agreed with
but few friends. I have been considered as a Liberal.—.
(Laughter.)—All the mischiefs that now press have
been laid upon any shoulders.—(Continued peals of
laughter.)—On the other side I have been marked—notte
had the honour of being more marked, as a persecutor
and a bigot, because I have always attended to that
line of conduct which I have thought would best lead to
the peace and tranquillity of the country, and by which I
would continue to be guided.—(Cries of Hear, hear.)l
say, my Lords, I had the great honour of giving
to the people of Ireland every privilege that the British
Constitution allows, with the exception of a few offices,
and that of Members of Parliament. I resisted giving them
seats in Parliament, and some political offices, and I don't
envy the situation of many of those who acted otherwise
but am rather proud of my conduct—proud that I was
enabled to put the people of Ireland into all situations
except seats in Parliament, and some offices ; and Ido
not envy much this measure, which will at this day, in
any way detract from the liberties of the people
by taking from them their franchise. My Lords,
I had the honour, much to the dissatisfaction of some,
of doing that, and I shall now continue to do all in my
power to give to the Catholics of England that which I
had under his late Majesty the power to give to Ireland,
and, I believe, if instead of yielding to their turbulence, due
attention had been paid to the loyal Catholics of Ireland, the
unhappy dilemma in which we are placed would net now
have been brought about. However, in that dilemma we
are now placed, and after the speech of the Noble Duke
and his Majesty's speech there can be no doubt of the
urgency of the measure. My Lords, the powers of Go-
vernment are paralysed. What is the cause of that?
The great mischief then is the divisions of the
Protestants of Ireland. That has given power to the Ca-
tholics, and taken away the power of resistance. In my
mind it is necessary for the preservation of the Church,
and the exigencies of the State, that the minds of the
Irish Protestants should be set at rest.—(Hear.)—From
what cause this dilemma arises may by some be considered
doubtful. To what cause I shall attribute it in the first
instance is, to the Noble Lords opposite. My Lords,
I personally blame no man, but it is because it has
been made the source of English and of Irish party
that the subject has been continually worked upon,
and the public irritated. The next party whom I charge
with this are the landholders and gentlemen oflt eland, who,
for election purposes, have sacrificed themselves and the state.
My Lords, they have forgot their influence in their own
country, and given their legislative powers to the Catho-
lies.—(Hear.)—But there is another class, and I am
afraid I must put myself into it, I mean every Member of
my Lord Liverpool's Government for the last ten years.—
It is necessary, therefore, to look to the situation we stand
in, and to give an account of it. In the first place, let
us see what happened on the appointment, in the first
instance, of a gentleman who entertained those opinions
strongly, to be the Minister of that country.—(Hear.)—
The Secretary. of State for that country is responsible for
the consequences that have taken place, because it is im-
possible for any man to suppose that any Government fa-
vourable to the Constitution of this country could have placed
in theGoverntnent of that country agentleman of his °pinions.
We are bound to look with fear upon those persons who
have thus conducted the business which has brought us
int 9 this dilemma. My Lords, what was the next step?
Perhaps the Noble Lord opposite (Eldon) will admit
that it was the appointment of the Attorney General
to that country, a person still different in his opinions
upon it. The Noble Lord will, perhaps, excuse me
for saying, and also a :Noble Marquis, a friend of mine,
that however I may differ from them, I will do
the Catholics the justice to say that they were al-
ways more ready and willing to execute the laws
than the lawyers and Ministers of *is country.—(Great