The Sun.
London, England, 1829-02-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.

With respect to improper interference in this Ca- I
thelic question, we believe it will be acknowledged
by those who know best the breach of faith which
has been committed, that we have exerci-ed con-
sider ble forbearance. But it is irnpoesible for a
man to calculate rition the impunity ref hi- offences,
from the belief that they are of so disgusting a
nature, that what he has dared to commit, others
should not venture to mention. If there be such a
man, let him now at once assure himself That he is
mistaken. Tice country is impatient to have him
exposed ; and the general anxiety to see ,wettish
justice intlieted upon him, eeceeds even the natural
love of decency which is almost inextinguishable in
the British people. Nity, they wi! h horn Ito ap-
pears to be in unison shrink from him, and in gene-
ral, wish their cause were nor contaminated by such
a defender. Why is he here, we say ? Let him
fly—let him begone. He is well aware that the
Enelish people do not affect his person, and cannot
brook his character. If he stays among us, we
perceive (and we know something of what is going
on in the world), that he will kindle a conflagration
which cannot fail of at least burning him; and may,
by their too near proximity, scorch others. He of
whom this is spoken feels too consciously who is
the person meant, and may say, in extenuation—
" What have I done ? I have been quiet ? i have
simply spoken once, and that most guardedly." To
this we answer, that what he has done in public
.has been allowed from a contemptuous pity for
his situation. But why did he come here to
subject himself to the necessity of speaking even
once ? We know, however, into whoSe ear he is in-
stilling poison; and to that person—be he his Grace,
his Lordship, his Worship, or even his Majesty—
we
now turn, and entreat him to canvass his own
heart, with respect to his sincere opinion of him
who now assumes the right to be his adviser—to
recall to mind in what estimation he was held by
their common inother,—nay, to recollect the man-
ner in which he himself has spoken of him in a
thousand ears. Can these things be forgotten ?
No, never. With respect to the measure itself now
in progress, undoubtedly the Duke of Wellington
and the Ministry know best the manner in which it
is most likely to be effected : they are acquainted
with the provisions of the forthcoming Bill. We,
however, who must be allowed to know something
of the feelings of the public, may venture to suggest
that the obscurity in which the provisions are in-
volved creates certain blind suspicions of menaced
mischief, which can have no foundation in fact, and
which the Bill itself will dispel. If secrecy, there-
fore, be for some cause necessary, we hope the du-
ration of the secrecy will be curtailed as much as
possible, by the speedy introduction of the measure
itself into Parliament. The feelings of Ministers
seem to be the same with our own on this last
pant; for it will be seen by the proceedings in the
House of Commons, that the Bill is to be brought
in on Thursday.—Titnes.
The election at Oxford may, we infer from our
account, be considered as closed. Sir Robert Inglis
may be said to be returned, and Mr. Peel defeated.
When it is considered that this gentleman bad re-
cedetl—most properly receded—from that opinion
which had formed the basis of his previous popu-
larity, it was, perhaps, too much to expect that a
mass of a thousand electors should, without his
means of information, at once chunge their convic-
tions along with him or immediately after him, and
upon the mere strength of his character, however
meritorious, support a measure which they had pre-
viously deprecated with the utmost force of expres-
sion and feeling. We are not, therefore, surprised
at the result. But this result, saving the respect
which is due to the majority of the Masters of Arts
and Doctors in the leerned University, is no proof
that the measure of concession is wrong; it is no
proof even that the electors of Oxford, or the ma-
jority of them, might not have changed their opinion,
and decided otherwise, if they had had the same
time for reflection, and the same means of inform-
ation on the grand subject in dispute, as the Right
Hon. Gentleman himself, who has become a con-
vert to the new opinons, or at least to the doctrine
of State-stecessity. - The failure at Oxford will of
course be provided for, by the return of Mr.
Peel for some vacant borough. And now, what
will the Gallant Duke do on this occasion ?
What will he do? Why, pursue his course with
more zeal and vigour than ever. He has not lost
a colleague on the occasion, though Oxford has lost
a representative worthy of herself. But what must
be that opinion entertained 105- the University, as to
good sense, reason, and policy, which discouraged
a Canning from proposing himself as a candidate,
and has driven Peel front the representation ? Do
the pedantic residents in halts and colleges, and the
stammering incumbents on rural vicarages, know
better what is for ihe service of the state than the
moist favoured of Natre.'s children, atter long- ex-
perience in ilie science of poetics, the art of uovern-
ing, and the knowledge of mankind ? The Duke,
we again say, will pursue his course with more vt-
gour titan ever, and not with the less determine-
dust ; because he knows that if he were to fail, his
Sovereign would be left in distress, and the nation
without a Government. And though blind fury
would plunge public affairs into such a crisis, atom
though it might be a proper punishment thus to
suffer his enemies to ruin thetnseives, yet will his
cerise of the public weal overcome every feeling of
personal disappointment and anger, and invigorate
his resolution to carry that measure, without which
he knows that there can be no generZeratiquillity—
no union between the several parts of the empire.
He does not fear open opposition, and he despise-
treachery.—lbirl.

The majority against Mr. Peel, at closing the
poll, yesterday, was 126. There is no cause, we
apprehend, for yet despairing of his success ; bur
there is cause for making every possible exertion to
obtain it. There are Residents enough, we under-
stand, on Mr. Peel's side to neutralize the advan-
tage gained by Sir R. H. Inglis. But others must
preys forwa d to their support. Once more, we
repeat, let every exertion be made.—Morning Chron.

It was stated by the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer last night, that it was the intention of bottle one
Member of his Majesty's Government to make a
statement to the House, on Thursday next, of the
measure which was in contemplation for the removal
of the disahiiitie: of his Majesty's Roman Catholic
subjects. On that day there is a call of the Ho4se.—

The same farce is acted night after night in the
two Houses. " It had been justly stated by high
legal and constitutional authority (said Lord Tulla-
more), that the manner in which the people of this
country could operate most effectually upon the
Government was not by acting, but by ah.ewing
that they were prepared to act. The power of
the people consisted, under such circumstances,
oct in striking, but in keeping in awe. As Man-
lius said to the Roman people, " Ostendite mod°
belluui ; paeem habebitis." So the Duke of Wel-
longton is to be frightened by the high and low
rabble, old women in the two Houses, and women
and chilirett throughout the country. But this is
the idea of those puerile Statesmen, of whom the
Duke of Newcastle, Earl of Winchilsea, &c. are
the heads. We will show the Duke that we are
prepared to act. If the Duke were silly enough to
be one single moment discomposed by such tom-
foolery, the sooner he took leave of office the better.
His Grace will not even do these old women the
konour of boasting, as he did with respect to the
Catholics, that he was not in the least intimidated.
—When Major Cartwright caused the table of the
House of Commons to be covered night after night
for many werks with petitions for Reform, it was
declared at the time that these petitions, though
beyond all precedent numerously signed, were en-
titled to little weight, as they did not contain the
spontaneous expression of the sentiments. of those
by whom they were signed, who had been un-
duly biassed. But it was impossible that Major
Cartwright, a stranger, could have procured up-

wards of a million of signatures from the va-
rious towns which he visited, had there not been a
strong predisposition on the part of the people to
accede to the measure he recommended. But wheat
abuse was lavished on him—he was called apostle
of sedition, fire-brand, and what not. He was
never, however, reproached with having procured
false signatures, with obtaining the names of women
and children. This is now a part of the system.—
When Sir Wiliam Geise last eight presenti.d a pe-
tition from Clifton, it was stated by Mr. Otway
Cave, with reference to the manner in which it had
been got up," that he understood it had been signed
by a great proportion of the charity children of the
place, [natl,- ut them under seven years of age. Se-
veral of these children subscribed different names ;
one boy, he was told, had. written no fewer than
eight. It was signed by parish paupers. He had
received his information on the subject from a most
respectable gentleman, well known to the Hon. Ba-
ronet, who was ready to prove the fact, if necessary."
Again, on the presentetion of a petition from King-
ston-upon-Thames, by Mr. C. Pellmer, the Hon.
Gentleman was asked by Mr. Tennyson,
whether he was aware that the petition hid been
subscribed by several ef the juvenile Statesmen al-
luded to on a preceding evening, and by several of
the fair sex. Mr. Pallmer could see no reason why
females should not be entitled to express their opi-
nions. " It was not possible for him," he added,
" to discover whether there were any signatures of
charity children to this petition. But if there were
he must in justice observe that Kingston was in-
debted for all its charitable institutions to Queen
Elizabeth; and that if the children who were
brought up upon the bounty of that great protec-
tress cf the Reformed Religion held her memory in
veneration, there was some excuse to be made for
them."—(A laugh.)—Such are the means resorted
to, " in order to operate effectually upon the Go-
vernment." It would be strange indeed if the
Clergy, who have made opposition to the claims of
the Catholics an affair of their own, should not be
able, with the aid of their creatures in every parish,
to fill sheets of parer with names, especially on
this comprehensive plan of including women and
children. It has not been customary to admit young
persons to the sacrament till arrived at the age of
puberty; but these Reverend managers of petitions
conceive that infants of seven years of age, charity
children, are perfectly able to determine whether the
welfare of the people of this empire would be best
promoted by repealing the civil disabilities of the
Catholics, or by continuing the laws of exclusion.—
A circumstance stated by General Gascoyne may
account for a few of the signatures. " A petition
had been brought to bins that morning," he said,
" against further concession to the Catholics, by the
Churchwardens of a parish, which he believed was
in the Ward of the Hon. Alderman who had
lately spoken (Weidman.) The individual who
brought it told him that it had lain for signatures
for a day at the vestry ; and that towards the even-
ing a number of the persons by whom it was signed
continuing to linger about the vestry, they had been
requested to depart, when they observed that they
had been allowed a pot of beer each for signing the
counter petition, and requested a similar gratifies-
tion.—(A laugh)."—Who would scruple to give a
few pots of beer for the preservation of our glorious
Protestant Constitution''—Thid.

Most cordially do we congratulate the public on
the happy result of the second day's poll for the •
election of a Representative for the University of
Oxford—a result which may reasonably be con-
sidered as decisive of the contest, and as insuring
the triumph of the best and most vital principle of
the Constitution. At the close of the poll, it will
be seen, the nusethers were—For Sir R. H. Inglis
676 ; for Mr. Peel 50; leaving a proud majority
of 126 iu favour of the sacred cause of the
Constitution in Church and State. The contest is
expected to close this day ; and in our next we hope
to have the happiness of announcing the final
success of a cause involving the most important
consideration to the King, the Church, and the
State, diet has ever arisen since the memo-
rable epoch of the glorious Revolution. The Mem-
bers of the Church, we rennet help observing, have
dono themselves immortal honour on this momen-
tous occasion. The promoters of the revolutionary
enterprise whirl.; is to place in the high places of the
British Government the professors of an idolatrous
faith, and the minions of a foreign authority, ex-
pose the desperate nature of their design most com-
pletely, when they manifest by their conduct that
they deem it essential to their success to asseil the
clearest rights, end to depreciate the exalted devisee
ter of the National Clergy. The Ministers of the
Established Church of England are, it is pretended,
the dependants and stipendiaries of the State, and
depart therefore from their duty when they
unite with the nation at large, and incite it
by precept .or example to resist, the in..
eutiees of Goyerianeut. Nothing can be
more false than this assompiion. The Church
is a separate and independent power in the State,
having inherent rights, privileges, tied authority, an
well established, aa well defined, and as ancient as
those of any branch of the Government whatever...,
tile natural and efficient ally of Government, so
ion es its course is consistent with the pure reli-
gion of which the Church is the special and ap-
pointed guardian, and with the Constitution of
which that religion is a nu st essential part, but
bound, nevertheless, by the most solemn obliga-
tions of conscience to resist government to the
utmost, whenever it deviates into an oppsite course.
Another pretence of those who would .obvert
the Constitution of England by installine Popery
in the seats of political power is, that the Clergy of
the Established_ Church are not qualified to form
an impartial and correct judgment of the nature
and consequences of thie revolutionary act. We say
that they are peculiarly tie:ail:led to form a judgment
on this subject, upon which ogee; men may safely
rely ; inasmuch as it is the only politicel question
upon which, for a long aeries of years, their dety as'
Christian Ministers has ireperetively called upon
them to reflect—inasmuch as it is'a subject upon
which they knew the country would in every crisis
and emergency look up to them for counsel and en-
enoragement—inasmuch es: it is a subject upon
which they cannot oppose Government without
sacrificing their individual interests those of
the Church and Constitution of England. What
do the friends of Popery seggest to us by the
imputation they cast upon the Clergy of the Church
of England, of being moved by considerations
of self-interest in their present zealous and me.
ritorious opposition to the revolutionary measure
of Government ? Do they not suggest the proba-
bility, that if that measure ehould be completed,
Protestant Episcopacy will in twenty years be
abolished in England ? It is clearly the interest
cf
every Clergyman of the Established Church to sup.'
port the measure, unless he sincerely believe it
to be incompatible with the peseeenency of the
Protestant Hierarchy of England. Who, ree ask,
has the better chance to be a Bishop—the venerable
Head of Trinity College, Oxford, or the Dean of
Chester, in consequence of the conduct which these
eminent persons at the present moment respectively
pursue? Unquestionably the latter. Of the two,
therefore, the latter is the more liable to the suspi-
cion of interested motives—motives we mean of per-
sonal interest—since, if the Ciwrch of England sur-
vive, he by his conduct secures to himself the rever-
sion of it:. highest dignities, whilst the former
evidently sacrifices the chances of preferment to
himself, in favour of whet he believes to be the
permanent interests of his order, e.thelf interests he
also believes to be identified with the Constitution
of England.--eellorning Post.