The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-27 00:00:00

THE SEJN, LONDON, TriURSDAY EVNIN.FEBRUARY 27, 1845.

i.r.,sTi political dogma out into its full consequences ; for, perfect and systematic consistency in legislating on
thing
which they desired to rove. They haft al:wiled be sustained. But the question was now practically
, Is political dogma to the subject of brine,ing ..lave this, whether a practical stimulant. should be given to
Jab", ir
thai, ao the markets of this country. It was true the slave trade by encouraging the sugar of Cuba and
wh, frl'lnY of those dogma; were correct in the principle Brazil ? The questionkhad often been brought before the
a ejthey were intended to support, but there was also liouse.by Eon. Gentlemen opposite, and often been de-
Certain tendency in them, and if this tendency were cid( d in favour of the distinction. In 1842 the Hon.
theuqualified. those Hon. Gentlemen would find that, in Member for
.Du. tnfries moved for an e qualisation of the
a., e .
end. ePneation of their &eines, they defeated their own duties, and similar motions had since been brought for-
: toes .In the dogma which they had applied to the ward. He (Mr. G.) would not say that those gentle-
look tTli of the introductien of sugar, they had over- men who insisted so much upon the interests of corn-
fc,_.ea the market's element. The sugar grown in merce were indifferent to the claims of humanity. They
c.ri,lsniiessessions had the command of a great number ought not to accuse him and those who agreed with the
any
or(tflutiliifteyTat les st it had nearly become so—and con- because in the present case they were willing to make some
' equantly the sugar of the British possessions had less sacrifice of commerce to protect humanity. The majo-
fiir they wire confined to fewer marks ts. rity of the British Parliament had determined for years
Inue sugar of the West India possessions were conse- that the distinction should be kept up. He regretted
.heatlY placed under disadvantageous circumstances. that this question had been made ot.e of party, and that
in ;::;:e parties, who were deeply affected by these changes in 1841 it led to a political crisis, the acerbity ungsn-
, lam.ee law—parties who, from their long experience and dered by which had not yet passed away.—(llear,
ii,
his stake. in the interest now before the House, ought, hear.) But lie called upon Cit ffilemen oppoSite to have
LojectoPiniion, to be heard with great respect on this respect for the ascertained and repeatedly-expressed
the a, as-t iese parties a ere fair judges of the policy of Opinion of the majority in that House.—(Hear, hear.)
6., iterations proposed in the sugar trade, and might In 1840 the lion. Member for Dumfries brought the
eo'es:thuitted with advantage as evidence of the subject of equalisation before the House. He
.proposed
atle,laeaces of the competi,ion which the alter- a duty of 245. on British, and of 345. on all foreign
'40,.. of the differential duties would create. sugar. This was negatived by a majority of 95. In
the " gentlemen had entertained great fears of 1841 the question was -negatived, u.pon a division. a 281
• competition to which they were about to be sub- ayes to 371 ricer, making a majority of 90 against
jelaZialoatind had expressed their deep conviction that the the Hon. Member for Dumfries. In 1842 the lion.
.greatly of the sugars of Cuba and Brazil had tended Member for Taunton proposed that the duty on British
eee Yto secure to them a benefit which they felt to be sugar should be 205., and that on all foreign alike 30s.
Vieti:sarY to their welfare. Had this not been their con- That was negatived; the ayes were 164, the noes 245,
144:5-bad they not been assured that they had a great being a majority of 81. In 1843 the Honourable
yieidet,n the matter—they would surely have long since Member for Lambeth moved a proposition, involv-
Ittilihoee:::::eic;tytioesstetlitietoirprilrgessure which had lain so heavily upon ing only a differential duty of 10i,., upon all
Of eteraatil would, if from no other cause, yet for the sake foreign sugar. The majority on that occasion
this question at rest, and thus saving was 81, the numbers being, ayes 103, noes 222.
°l.thj e VeS frOnl the injury which the constant discu sion That showed that there had been no advance of public
occasioned—have last year joined with opinion in favour of those Gentlemen's views.—(Hear,
. Glad 'l,..entletnen opposite. But they knew, as he (Mr. hear.) In the same year the lion. Member for Taunton
Ilvestist"thni? knew, that there wasr a great difference be- moved a proposition for the admission of. Brazilian sugar,
tree, th country and Brazil. The cheapness of labour and it was negatived by a majority of 73. Last year
Cabs e ennziloyment of slaves would have given to the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) moved for a duty of
these very great advantages after the repeal of 245. on British, and of 345. on foreign sugar ; that was
lean. duties, .
, rhis benefit, the Noble Lord said, negatived by a majority of 69. That was the seventh
IsissOwlitlttita°lY have been shared among the consumers. time, in four years, when Parliament was called upon
‘,..43 Ver-bekared to him (Mr. Gladstone) that an error to recognise the principle of the Noble Lord's proposi-
Lip•esPeeehl Prevalent in the country, and in that House, tion of that night, and Parliament each time gave a defi•
tintri,l the quality of the sugars introduced into this nice and sensible response.—(Hear, hear.) He granted
!a4'44; 11,4111 Havannah. The' average quality of the that there was a commercial feeling in the country
akPpe arta" sugars was a high quality, and not, as it was against the policy of the Government,:but there was still
as -, a low quality;' and therefore re it was that the a more extended sentiment against slavery, and in favour
L'"l°' Pon. Gentlemen opposite to this subject was of the policy of his Right Hon. Friend.—(Hear, hear.)
ertax.„aa° one, for the application of this fact would Mr. COBDEN expressed dissent.
kliere ' the conclusion at which they had arrived. Mr. GLADSTONE—The Hen. Gentleman need not
ee the alas little doubt in his mind but that the abolition shake his head.—(A laugh.) He admitted the ability
the
~° differential duties would give a great stimulus to and sincerity of the Hon. Gentleman in the advocacy
this ',ll,°,4ase of Cuba and Brazil. It was believed that of commercial principles ; but he could not agree with
titioa'!udus would so act as to create a great compe- him that there was not a strong feeling, in favour of hut-
% 1° the British market in the sale of sugars, that manity in this quarter. Sir T. F. Buxton, Dr. Lush-
this deeetuPetition would increase the demand, arid that ington, Mr. Sturge, and Mr. Scobell, were all supporters
lit4z;linand world be satisfied by the sugars of Cuba and of the political party now in opposition, hut they were
Iviti„; i4O that there would be abundance for the people also in favour of the policy of the Government on the
eekstlt that elevation of price which would otherwise be present question.—(Hear, hear.) And it was to be Fe-
tter, I,9aed if the demand had increased and the supply had membered that those were the men who had put an end
/../,,Inaiited to the sugars of our West Indian colonies. to slavery in the British dominions.—(Hear, hear.)
that\t'l!l% Gladstone) did net share in the anticipation Whilst be called upon Hon. Gentlemen opposite to re-
al to sugars of slave countries would so grow in amount spect the often-ascertained opinion of the majority of
ties. answer the requirements of an increasing popula- Parliament, he would remind them that their movement
*nest un the contrary, he thought that there was a upon this subject excited little interest in the country
%lea; ProsPect of this increase from our West India or in the House, and that the interest was diminishing
40 in' he. and he. believed that if their interests were not every year.—(Hear, hear.) Surely it did not happen
4ltisf as to interfere with their produce, they would upon any question of interest that the benches
ae till toe demands of this country. On these grounds should be so thinly covered, when the leader of the
ttreprLolght the proposition of his Hon. Friend neither opposition brought forward a great motion, and the
aeo7t,l_eable nor illusory. The Hon. Member (Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer was to answer.—(Hear,
fDositi"oe.nere) who had sat down had said that this pro- hear, and a laugh.) If he could see any likelihood that
roposr,,Was neither more nor less than a renewal of the the Noble Lord would carry his principle even next
Nit thit,"°n of his lion. Friend the Member for Bristol ; year, he (Mr. Gladstone) might think it better not to
itBide ef ',was not the opinion of Hon. Members on his oppose it. But when there was such a stagnancy of
,ieet inkber-Petise. The Noble Lord had said that his feeling out of doors, and when the feeling of Parlia-
a. 4 Posit; thglng in his metion, was to put the House ment had been incontestably expressed, he called upon
B:BPeete,'" of some certainty as to their future conduct them (the Opposition) not to hold out prospects which
ititisilottntEsieiyegarttchlitueatn,income- tax Now he (Mr. Gladstone) only encouraged Cuba and Brazil in perpetuating slavery.
yftohringhis pa. rt, he thought that he had They had it in their power, by keeping up hopes of
more shadowy and inconclusive equalisation, to prevent the success of the policy of
tbechity itortglimeat of the Noble Lord. He had talked of Government in discouraging slavery in those places.-
41, 4 e, 14se and labour" d to show that while (Hear, hear.) With. . respect to the
.imputation
hi' us a duty of I4s. on British-grown cast upon the British people of being hypo
hi. ' there
itn,Qi x.ns , would be a duty of 28s. on sugar critical in their professed desire to put an. end
teatted „tile produce of foreign sanscountrie, had to slavery—those imputations were more discre-
p4e to tk`uat this difference was acting as mpedi- ditable to those who made them than to the British
eliftbree sale of the sugars ofJava and Manilla, which people.—(Hear, hear.) Ile could not admit that Mr.
re 'ed to a. t° the duties now imposed. He was com- Colquhoun's book was„as it had been characterised by an
aiththere ei4ifier from the conclusion of the Noble Lord, Hon. Member, a statesmanlike production, and its im-
keriii bas nothing to prevent the sale of these sugars, imitations_ upon the people of England were wholly un-
111 tD pro°3lCl or free. This he would endeavour to show founded, and contradicted by the facts ; for the English
thi:kat was from the statements of the Noble Lord, people had made great commercial sacrifices, in ex-
lte • %lit .4 that the sugar likely to be introduced into eluding the trade of Caba and Brazil rather than en-
-4,4, as trhY_ was of two classes. These he would de- courage slavery.—(Hear, hear.) He begged of lion.
Ile fitter ' elayed and the Muscovndo sugars, the latter Gentlemen opposite to consider what the effect of their
the %.,vas sealaality, and the former of the interior quality. proposition, ifcarried, would have upon the efforts made
It eaaterika."4 that he was not quite correct in describing to put down the slave trade by means of an armed navy.
1041' tak,.'lnality of foreign sugar as clayed sugar, but With what decency could they shed blood and take
teirtigh taZht for the purpose. Now the duty on clayed life, in the attempt to suppress the trade, if they ren-
‘lifeelt of r-,,,as 9s. 4d., while the Noble Lord was dered it necessary by the increased demand for the pro-
iirit7l,the is: The same terms were applied to each pro- ductions of slave labour. The question of armed sup-
IN t3lt Poseeigher duty to the higher quality, from pression was in a great measure prejudged by t.he.move-
`lo*"e 10 -34 ions as well as from foreign countries ments of those gentlemen who supported the principle on
It!ttii'llt4Benr,duty to the inferior quality from both, which the Noble Lord's proposition was founded.—
%ph ka..es'sutned that all the sugar introduced from (Hear, hoar.) The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by
%al t ex, aleh was the largest source from which we apologising to the House for having detained them so
WI duothreee o derive cur foreign supplies of sugar— much longer than he had intended.—(Hear, hear.)
:410`423Agars from Manilla were subject to the high Mr. MACAULAY said, if the motion had been one
:ais "leisas:(l,; According to the intimation of the of a merely financial or commercial character, it would
~,hilli'„this -nu of the Hon. Gentleman who had last sat have been more becoming in him to have remained
''' oikett ft, "'at. would be subject to a duty of 285., silent, because there were Gentlemen on both sides of
141',‘ 14 -"i'British possessions would incur a duty the House more competent to deal with financial and
.INi Ice:',. But here was a great mistake, the sugar commercial matters than himself. But he. could not
ultv -° the '17)41 Manilla was not all of the quality sub- conceive that the question before them was either one of
tisk / high rate
tehe In of duty, nor was the sugar from a commercial or financial nature, for he did not under-
11'4 kid the sugar manufactured in those countries, the stand that they were called upon to decide the question
6-4 tlvVele brow, it . s the former, the inferior upon pnrely commercial or financial grounds. He took
tl4)teliaeelr-e-eaa bestl: i:wctaed for these markets. ; and if it for granted, that the objection to the motion proposed
tlisi, MI e inclined to aendsugarofthe bestquality, by his Noble Friend was one purely moral. They
4411 Y' the was subject to the highest duty, to this were told that they were.. .under a moral
See se e eke J
li,m a, af th want who acted for him in the trans- obligation to make a distinction between the
' (It 4 fit e commod't ' would select that which produce of free-labour and the produce of
.slave labour.
st, ~, ted a . i 3
it4l' Glada,"" the markets of this country ; and Now he was as much averse to the abominable traffic,
ionC'et *A I , 10.4) would appeal to the experience of which was at present carried on between Africa and the
sk. V !led ;It'uer of that House acquainted with the Brazils, as the Hon. Gentleman who. lead just sat down.
then iati,e,ad the might, in this instance, appeal to his He, however, thought that it was in his power to show
the, a Ng "0 Member for Dover, as to his correct- that no such moral grounds existed as those alleged by
e,,sterciaesie:esPeet. He (Mr. Gladstone)' could not lion Members opposite existed. The Right Hon. Gedn:
tiZVsitjun th4t any great injury could arise from deman the President of the Board of T. rade had a
tt.,,ii 1 nett `he °f these duties. Complaints had been matted that this moral obligation restricted the corn-
%Tit B;cr 2: sugars of the West Indies had lately mercial interests of the country; and he (Mr. Macaulay)
YtZ4* tithrthta. Per cwt. Now, when lie recollected the thought that if he succeeded in showing that no such
tli , itt;;; Yesesthes through which the proprietors of obligation did -exist, the - proposition of his Noble
Oh -''' th lndies had passed during the last Friend ought to be adopted by the House. The Right
ttii:s the eednertl!itienities which for a series of years Hon. Gentleman who had just sat. down had said
Ilif,tlis Rree`', he must say, that he was glad to per- that if the House were to agree to it, the Government
Nosamit's Re-ulditals of prosperity ; and he could
.not would
.be placed in a position of considerable difficulty.
Las? sie fielser, ged them the little prosperity which The Right Hon. Gentleman dwelt upon the inconsistency
let3.l4eetie„ea evinced. It had been stated as an- which the Government. would be guilty of, if they were
atlas i tlefit to the measure of his Hon. Friend, that to make no distinction between the produce of a slave
tottliotilt° the ere derived from it, that benefit would and the produce of a free state. If they did not, the
!At ~'7t pf.Mieth .N'akets of the consumer. The question Right Hon. Gentleman said it would be impossible. for
cs,i;'• lithe ere, the benefit would at once go into the them to continue their present measures for suppressing
Ili tl,lllse„"Nsecily-e5,t1,41, er, but whether he got that benefit slavery on the high seas. Now it was impossible for
ttsi,:e6ss tia„ -',, ii Known that when a reduction first anyone to say that a person, or a body of persons, pro-
.ttially._Zi,;t4ennef.it invariably went to the producer fessing to do a certain thing, for a certain moral
'"ti- 414 44 41 ,‘-`., but who doubted but that it ulti- reason, could be acting with consistency while
t 4 ell esii„ tee consumer?
tt.tik whi ,ti., c He had received a letter they adopted another course with regard to a
4 sli,,eo had
~(HoPlaining that in the reduction on similar case. It
.was
.impossible, if this. were so,
t.oo,..seat , Just been made, the goods were not to believe in the sincerity of those persotr,. or. to
0,,P. "ii,,,04 hn!rgree cheaper, but that the whole of place confidence in their powers of discrimination.
the Re .17 gone into the pockets of the pro- But if this moral obligation were always to hold good
ate Oa 'aet ease-e hilr• Gladstone) did not see any the natural consequence would be to throw the whole
ll'al'iliit‘ elle111.141jet: 11/31 difference
i ;flee. ednicde ninotth doubtmatter from commercial world into a state of confusion, and he was
but at glad to see the Right Hon. Baronet's Budget was not
;1)1.4 it,t of tillie reduction would ultimately go into based upon the same principle. He was far from deny-
Oiptilelt :tenet e°llsumer. The fact was, the best in the existence of this moral obligation •; but it could
tiNa*teteitiner, over to this country was unfit not be applied in every case. Ile would give one
14altIiii8 al 8 but the fact was the re- stance which would not only illustrate his argument,but
0Q:11411:Ur uagaal;, of a lower qualit'y, and the demonstrate the discriminating powers possessed by tt!s,„_4li, ere et, ant over to Holland. [The Hon. Hon. Gentlemen opposite. He would take the simple
01:Net *hil'e:Aileed a sample of the best Java sugar article of tobacco. Not only did they take the tobacco
'l,NtitNili/tvhielt Ps ] lion. Gentlemen would siv by of the United States and of Cuba, which was grown not
phi 4thitit than e presented, and which was of a only by slaves, but by slaves who had recently been im-
Oiset°4ls/41' the usually seen in this country, that orted in defiance of every
.principle. of justice or
4titilt iso...es,i II efiner, it not, in fact, beyond his art. of humanity. But they. positively terdicteu
.t he
, ifettl,Ysta,%,Protr,aci stated that lie was friendly to some, free labourer of the -United Kingdom afrom growing
lot.(etj'lls„-,' pre,-iesti°° of Bs., and had stated that by tobacco. For two centuries they had had upon their
till'af 11„iejles _,'; , this duty would have saved all statute-book ant Act which provided that if any tobacco.
ititi ,shwas 'aid sata-t'ct,"e plan of his Right. Honourable was. grown_ in England, except for gad. n purposes, it
alAet Nit waste " that the plan of his Right Hon. might be destroyed. This applied only to. England..
t, a, tik r tit, efui
litl N , 1)4, . would and extravagant, and that At one time Ireland commenced the cultivation of
e 1144 he 8,, it__ I save all the mischief tobacco, and it opened an important labour market to
It
i tisi'4l`tur tr! I°ar, hear)—that it would have the population of that country. At length, however,
(",pi hefty tli lci's t:(h.' given a boon to the consumer, the English Legislature took alarm at this bold and
41:*Gls,,et flet!lght ti,thrJevenue. If such were to be energetic step, and they immediately and positively in-
ileipOsteaml, and 0 Noble Lord was bound to show terdieted the Irish freemen from growing the plant.
',Oa s-4 t ") Uot deal in vain generalities. He Now he conceived this was an exceedingly fair test of
` WI ° Pr, however w
its,' 6 03.,' fleece ~,, Mad apply the Noble Lord's the principles entertained by. Hon. Gentlemen opposite.
rlte,ok7 he:a the n . The Noble Lord would impose It enabled them to ascertain to what degree they in-
tit, i 1 14 es},
cr latish
andhus 18s.he
on foreign suears tended to carry their consistency, which had been so
,4r to ilti (' 00e 'ars; and t
It 01400 luftur, 20s. on foreig or 12/. an 201. on' eulogistically spoken of by the Right Hon. Gentleman
it klit if h., whieh would save the whole the Secretary of the Board of Trade. If he were to ask
\atiii,"ef la, Is la Was given to the country by if they were prepared to give this restriction
.up,
ir brti 4safnecight Hon.
Friend. Hear hear.) he was confident the Right lion. Gentleman die First
ftiltlsiill,ltklia,wohthat a duty of 127. on ritish and Lord of the Treasury, and the Right lion. Gentleman
i 46 t' I,la '43. 1.; fur ' v'?
a greater stimulus than' 14s. the late President of the Board of Trade, would in-
fatal tie,-elis :- will eign. His Right II n. Friend scantly answer, " No, certainly not." Amid why not ?
.4t,Wrvvwthtl.,;.:thilds I,,,,,:woctioindsu2._ntion olf ht
o year . at Why, because it would injure the revenue. The tobacco
L.te,i'L"-es:lvi`ttit I,:rlithliteelloeft'ettaletshideperr-Noedf:)uoaeluetvwLeroyrdisibeprlaaln,
that the consumption, whi was im orted from abroad the kne wa louse,ro
a lwl
oo
wu ladb be
whyhuslwavnerse,
tlahunt
pptehutpil e ktnuegwu
ia)31.5,0 d
et
rhi av te the
dCu tty atomsfr.om .itis,
lON kre.; aPotild 23°,000 to of the
.d.uty upon the. source to the amount of 600/. per cent., and in some
tivtll4. th ttn i, be 2 ass tons of British sugar, at cases 1,200,/ p.er. cent. If, however, this tobacco were
Lea ti,
,it wn stn
" W,OOOl ; and taking the in. grown by Englishmen or Irishmen it would lead to the
se)-06,i11y ,ruirt‘tins'ititiel yitiadt, 10 001
tons to make up the greatest. difficulty, and for this reason they would not
. tie aa '„st.)ene the , i -.Os. per cwt., 140,9001; submit to the loss in the revenue; and for this reason also
vi 1,4 of °m Ti, ""0 together, they would they gave the monopoly in tobacco to slave-owners. If
LNl4"etat:j the estha rev,'" Plan, therefore, would take this were right, if this were the moral obligations which
• I 'ail Iff "nae•—(Hear.) The next pro- lion. Gentlemen. opposite. thought paramount,s..e
°to...eV
.1) fv, ” 18s Lord
iisithl'u teWeelti ableall fi, '‘as the duty of 10s. on fiscal or commercial considerations, what feasible ibil.,
ttiVenietisse, allow 'relgn sugar. Now he (Mr. tion could there be to t.he proposal made3d. ii.ttilliont.
kile.l.
.11 elite leaßOultt to raise the consumption Friend. To be sure it might be said, and liesadmitted i ,
0, ps
a.-ea act" it greai)(or &eta
,_ 280,000 to 290,000, they found these things existing when they came into
',,‘NealtalNlill!lsk r allnotnsh not so good a de- office, sough still, if they maintained consistency, these
0. r,... Et pleat's to ar!Y gentlE.6 01e (fo poin. . gin acquainted with statutet to be put down. But this could not. he
ile keati aer th .nut in what
11, ti, , hear amount . way, upon the a,just and honourable objection, for what was the Right
.tils Yth fee 1., ) N. _ ot revenue would be re- Hon.. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury about
%tiqkst,tiht time 'IT man
our that was a very serious to do ? Why, he proposed to take away completely
la '4O hi thee° 914 Lord the
Noble Lord, and he the duty upon - cotton. Now, did he not know
"'kits
.44,_ onssiou , was not in the House, for that this cotton was grown by slaves ?-(Hear,
) t.he WI th, No, of it
was accidental, as it hear.) Could he make out a case of consistency
;'l`llll Bs I° nis°4l°
Led mean
ra°rd's plan WO het dfiiidl after this But it was said that cotton was not quite so
I:iti, 11 fit ab,eitt nteant to leave, ‘l'v ill. sugar Cotton was less destructive to life than
141a4,(Plitt itie,t-'dst some John Russell coarmeminoand sugar.aas No Country on the face of the earth produced
lafiughter.) He had now more human misery in. slavery than the republic of the
IN,.tit'k)ll4,'anildl' tiolt:'avergle
slati Part ,by kale gores that the Noble United States of America, and the produce of that coin -
'he tie. et th 4110th' Would le
tht %Li tip sa
.bjees delay, 90,0001. He would not duty. It was not the province of Members of Parbament
44 L'lave..3lß ,fe the House longer, but to discuss the affairs of other nations, nor could they ex-
i "the,Frowe asw., words as to the distine- pest that such a course could have any salutary effect;
J Were to"u free-labour sugar. He but his constituency might ask why they should take
Pretend to anything like a the duty off American cotton in preference to Brazilian

sugar. The paper makers, the soap makers, contributed
largely to swell the income-tax, and they natural]
asked why they were to be exempted from
their share in the benefit to be derived
a surplus revenue. The answer was, Brazil 'maintains
the slave trade. He (Mr. Macauley) said that in the
United States the slave trade eas more eaiious raid de-
moralising- than the traffic which was going on between
Africa and Brazil. In America there were two classes
of slavery. There were the breeding States, where
human beings were reared up and supported until they
were able to bear the fatigues of labour. Then there
were the sugar and cotton States, where the slave was
sent to end his days in toil. In the census of 1830 and
1840 they would sO the fluctuation of human beings
which took place in these two descriptions of Stater. In
North Carolina and Virginia they would find an enor-
mous increase in the number of human beings. What
became of them ? If they looked to another par tof
the census they would ,ascertain. In Louisiana and
Alabama they would find a proportionate decrease
in the same period. Now, any Englishman who
had travelled in the United States must be aware
of the humid state of the climate of the places
be bad just named. Was any description of slaVery more
horrifying than the traffic which was carried on between
Africa and the Brazils, where they saw human beings
driven, in bands of' three and four hundred, from one
State to another, in the same way that they drove oxen
in this country to Smithfield. God forbid that heshould
say one word in xtenuation of any form of slavery, but
this, he must say, was more horrible than the other.
How a Christian could bring up 500 or GOO human
beings till the age of maturity, and then send them to
labour, which generally terminates their existence in five
or six years, was to him most surprising. There was
something in it that surpassed the same trade on the
coast of Africa. Brazil had given them the power to
exercise the right of search, but the Republic
of the United States stood out against the right
and threw every obstacle in the way to prevent a sup-
pression of the slave trade. The United States, re-
fusing to submit to this right, had virtually taken it
away; but not content with refusing to submit to the
right, they held themselves out to other countries as the
fosterers and apostles of slavery. Could they wonder,
then, that any nation entertaining notions of national
freedom and national pride, should say, " We do not
know why we should submit—other persons have re-
fused to do so, and why should we do so?" It was
all very well for Right lion. Gentlemen opposite to talk
about maintaining the right of search, but under their
present system it was impossible they could carry it out.
'They would even have Spain asking to be released.
The reason the right of search could not be maintained
was in consequence of the conduct of the United States
of America, and for the slave trade going on, between
Congo and Brazil, the United States were more answer-
able than any other power. America seemed to glory in
being the evil genius of this traffic, and they openly
avowed their determination to encourage this state of so-
ciety. He thought he had made out a ease that the re-
public of the United States had acted, and were acting,
in a manner most culpable, and to them ought to be
ascribed the evil arising out of the African slave trade.
On those grounds, then, he would say he thought he had
made out clearly this fact, that of all the countries in
which the slave trade was carried on, the United States
stood alone as most determined to resist the right of
search, and as presetting every manner of facility for the
continuance of the slave trade to a much greater extent
than that between Brazil and the Coast of Africa.--
(Hear, hear.) But was it because the United States
bad this facility in the slave trade that they would treat
slaves more leniently ? or was it to be supposed that this
was a reason why those jobbers in black flesh would not
become more numerous than ever ?—(Hear, hear )
It had been said that this right of search would be a
great boon, and one which all who detested the slave trade
should applaud ; but he would confess be was utterly at a
loss to understand how the Right lion. Gentleman
opposite could reconcile it with his conscience to encou-
rage slavery in one part of the world, and lend his aid
to a partial suppression of it in another, and he would in-
deed be very curious to learn how ho could do so.—
(Hear, hear.) There certainly was something like a
want of consistency here, for while in the Budget it was
stated that the object which, above all others, the Govern-
ment were anxious to effect, namely, the suppression of
the slave trade--they in the same breath said, that
under existing circumstances they could not interfere
with that trade in the United States.—(Hear, hear.)
It would be rather precipitate in. him (Mr. Macaulay)
to have anticipated such a course by the Right lion.
Gentleman ; but as he had adopted it he (Mr. Macau-
lay) felt bound to state his reasons for the vote he should
give in favour of his Noble Friend's motion.—(Hear,
hear.) In the abstract he fully admitted and recognised
the power and authority that moral obligation ought to
exercise; and if an opportunity offered for doing a bene-
volent and kind act, to neglect that opportunity would
be highly blameable. There were some in the corn'.
munity who would attempt to justify such a course ;
but at the same time people were not bound
to look after the affairs of others to the
prejudice of the interests of their own families. If they
did act in this manner they would producs more misery
than happiness where they intended the latter—(Hear,
hear)--and therefore he would contet d for it, on the
same principle, that a Prime Minister should not injure
the interests of his own country in order to benefit
those of others. He would then say to the Right lion.
Baronet, it would be better to attempt the amelioration
or removal of a grievance that affected the interests of
this country, than to attempt to deal with that which
did not. He would a- k lion. Gentlemen to look at the
factory system, and he would ask, would it not be ab-
surd for the Prime Minister to propose that he should
undertake to supply a measure for the emanci-
pation of the serfs of Russia, and call upon the Emperor
of that vast country to undertake the correction of the
English factory abuses?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Now in taking this view of the subject, he begged to
assure the House he did not mean to dr. al in diffuse
argument or sophistry; on the contrary, he conceived
that this was a common sense view of the question, and
he had adopted it in order to vindicate his principles
and state his reasons for the vote he should give.—
(Hear, hear.) When he first came into Parliament he
found the slave trade going on in unmitigated force, and
lie gave every aid in his power to bring about its sup-
pression ; and the Right Hon. Baronet the Home
Secretary, knew very well that he (Mr. Macaulay)
resigned his office into the hands Of Earl
Spencer when he felt himself bound to differ
from him on the slave apprenticeship project ; and that,
too, at a time when office was as much acceptable to him
as it could be to any man.—(llear, hear.) • His resigna-
tion was not accepted ; but in the meantime the slave
trade had been very much mitigated, and he was happy
to be able to say he lent his aid to removing the stigma
from England that the continuation of that traffic in
human flesh placed upon it. He now carne to the ques-
tion of the slave trade in Louisiana, and his opinion was
that it did stand in the same position as those of the
West Indies ; for the former were obliged to work from
sunrise to sunset for the commonest necessaries of life.
They, ton, had a right to be relieved, for all nations
were entitled to enjoy a state of comparative
freedom ; and he would be as anxious to lend his aid
for the amelioration of those grievances which Ireland
had to complain of, as for those of the slaves ; but at
the same time he should confess, that when he took up
a New York paper, and read the Speech of the Presi-
dent's son against the Government of this country, he
felt half inclined to retrace his steps.—(Hear, hear, and
a laugh.) The next point of the Right lion. Baronet's
policy upon this question, to which he would call-atten-
tion, was in reference to the refining of sugar. But
here be would take the liberty of endeavouring to illus-
trate the course of the Right lion. Baronet, by relating
an anecdote which lie had read in a Spanish novel, called
" Gil 131a5." There was a character in that that put him
forcibly in mind of the Right lion. Baronet's public
course. The character was an old silversmith, who
affected great piety, and the most scrupulouS and austere
observance of all the forms of his religion, lie went to
mass every morning, and never missed a day, while he was
remarked as being continually counting over his beads.
—(Laughter.) This old man made it a habit to tell his
apprentice that of all human crimes there was not one
of which lie had so great a horror as the robbery of a
church, and that no inducement could be sufficiently
strong to make him become a purchaser of any articles
stolen from a church.—(llear, and laughter.) In a
very few days after having indulged in one of those
sermons to his apprentice, a very suspicious, ill-looking
fellow came into the shop and offered a silver crucifix
and other articles of church plate for sale. The silver-
smith recoiled with horror, and said lie would not buy
them. "Not buy them," said the man, " Well, then,
will you melt them down for me?" "Oh, that is quite
another thing," said the old man—(Great laughter)—so
he took the precious relics between the points of a tongs
and melted them down ; and then,tureing to his apprentice,
he asked him did he not observe how carefully he had
avoided touching the relics—(Renewed laughter.) Now,
he contended, that this was precisely the conduct of the
Right Hon. Baronet, in reference to the slave-trade ;
and •he would contend for it that nothing could have a
more immoral tendet.cy than such quibbling with so
vital a question.—(Hear.) He would ask, why seem to
admire the doctrines of Mr. Fowel Buxton, or Dr.
Lushington, and not practice them ? He did not mean
to accuse the Right Hon. Baronet of hypocrisy, but he
would say, he could not but regret the influence his
course would have on the public mind,—(liear, hear.)
When he remembered the strnggle that bad bee n made
in that House for the emancipation of the slaves, he was
indeed astonished how any of the lion. Members oppo-
site could lend the weight of their influence and abilities
to favour the present system.—(Hear, hear.) When the
Bill was brought in for the emancipation of the slaves,
the Right lion. Baronet said he could not take any part
in it, and begged to be absolved from any
share in the responsibility of' it. And in the year 1833,
the late Vice-President of the Board of Trade said that
the reason such a cry had been raised about the differ-
ence between the amount of labour necessary for pro-
ducing coffee and tobacco, as compared to that of sugar,
arose from time peculiar properties of the different soils,
and contended that the grinding labour in this country
was much worse.
Mr. GLADSTONE was understood to deny that he
ever bad said any such thing.
Mr. MACAULAY—He could refer the lion. Member
to the report of his speech, and he would find he had
quoted him correctly. But, speaking of the horrors of'
the slave trade, he could not help expressing his surprise
at observing the manner in which lion. Members oppo-
site moved from side to side, instead of sticking to the
West Italia question.---(Hear, hear.) Having now stated
his reasons for the vote be should give he would eon-
elude by declaring it would surprise him much if Hon,
Gentlemen opposite could reconcile their conduct with
their professions.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. GLADSTONE said that the Right Hon Gentle-
man had brought a severe charge against him—namely,
th4i rag 1)0 used conflicting arguments at one time or
another, as they might happen to promote the West
Indian interest. During the wholi) of tliese liiscussiops
he (Mr. Gladstone) bad never, to his knowledge, said

fr -nn

0, se word. upan the nature of the sugar eultivationaas
be Ingin itself d, structive-of life. In the year 1833 there
was* ;in extremely exaggerated notion abroad on this
subj.ece. He had stated so then, and he Leiteved su still;
but 'n all the speeches with which he had troubled the
lams aiu the discussions within the last far years, he
had never said a single syllable as to the elf; et upon
humans of the sugar cultivation of Brazil and Cuba.
lie tlell
chargeefor
to observe that the exceedingly
severe
the Right Hon. Gentleman had
a be:fla
made
atedwas totally groundless and incapable of being sub-
st.
Sir J. GRAHAM, in rising to address the House,
disclaimed any desire of placing himself in competition
with the Right Honourable Gentleman wh.i had
just sat down. It would be disadvantageous for
almost any Gentleman in that House to I follow a
speech so able and so brilliant as that which had
just been delivered by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—
(Cheers.) And he could assure the House that it was
from a sense of duty alone that he rose to address them
on the present occasion. He felt more particularly im-
pelled to do so by the personal appeal which the Right
Hon. Gentleman had made to him. That appeal re-
lated to a circumstance which redounded to the honour
of that Right Hon. Gentleman, and he (Sir James Gra-
ham) willingly bore his testimony as to the strict accu-
racy of the statement which he had made. It referred to
the period when that gnat question of emancipation
of slaves in our West India colonies was under
discussion, during the administration of Earl Grey, of
which he (Sir James Graham) was a member, when the
question respecting apprenticeship
arose, and the Right
Hon. tenth man, then holding a place in the Govern-
ment of Earl Grey, differed in opinion from the executive
Government on a material point, affecting, as he thought,
the interests of the slave, and he was anxious, by his
vote, to support a particular arrangement for the ad-
vancement of that interest. The Right Hon. Gentleman
on that occasion, regardless of all personal interests, and
from a sense of duty, did place at the disposal of the Go-
vernment the office which he then held, in order that he
might support that principle to which he was attached.
He (Sir James Graham) had taken a part in public af-
fairs with reference to slavery and the slave trade, as
he believed a consistent one. He was a member of
the administration in which the Right Hon. Gentleman
retired. He was a colleague, and an intimate colleague,
of his Noble Friend the present Secretary for the Colonies,
whose duty it was to bring forward that particular mea-
sure ; and to the best of his belief, he had given that
measure his cordial and sincere support, and ever since
he had had a seat in Parliament, he did not think he had
omitted an opportunity of recording his vote
in favour of the emancipation of the slaves,
To the best of his belief he had given his uniform and
constant support to the measures of emancipation, which,
in his judgment, he thought conducive to the interests
of the black population of our colonies. He must be
permitted to observe on the able speech which they had
just heard, that, brilliant as that speech was, connected
with one portion of the subject then under discussion,
yet he could not regard it as taking a comprehensive
view of the nature of the subject then under discussion.
The Right Hon. Gentleman commenced his speech by
observing that he would not deal with this as a commer-
cial or a financial question, that he would rather treat it
as a subject touching upon political morality. Now he
(Sir J. Graham) thought that such a great question as
that under discussion could not be considered in
such a light, for this question could not rightly be
regarded abstractedly as a question purely of political
morality, discarding financial and commercial conside-
rations. On the contrary, he was bound to treat this
question as one involving not only ri question of political
morality, but also a question of finance and commerce
of the highest moment. The Right Hon. Gentlerran
said that when he considc red this question of slavery,
he took a very different view of it. With respect to the
slavery of the West Indies, in regard to political mo-
rality, and that of the slaves in the territories of other
countries not immediately connected with our domestic
legislature, it was not for him (Sir J. Graham), occupy.
ing the station which he did, to follow the Right Hon.
Gentleman into a discussion on the social institutions
of a great country with which her Majesty entertained
amicable relations. At the same time, from molly of
the private feelings entertained on this subject—he was
hound to say individually—that he could not express,
with honesty, any great difference of opinion. He was
bound to say, as a Mini.ter of the Crown, that this ques-
tion must be looked on as a question of finance and com-
merce. He thought an abundant supply of sugar might
be obtained at a lower price, with very great advantage
to the consumer, by a reduction in the duty on sugar
imported from the British colonies and British posses-
sions.—(Hear, hear.) He could not altogether dis-
card from his consideration the present position
of the West India colonies. He thought the Noble Lord
who had opened this discussion did discard that con-
sideration. Although the West India planters had been
compensated by a liberal pecuniary grant, yet the means
by whieh their property was cultivated was almost de- i
stroyed. Considerations of humanity had induced them
to impose restrictions on their obtaining free-labour as a I
substitute for slave-labour. Under these circumstances, I
he conceived that it was the duty of the British Govern-
ment ;
ment to supply the British consumers from that market.
He could not discard from his consideration the fact,
that in the East there was a population of 100 millions,
who were ready to consume our manufactures to an
almost unlimited extent. But they had not the
means of paying with their produce, and making
remittances. It should be remembered that there were
places under this Government whose native manufac-
tures had been entirely destroyed. They had a soil
peculiarly well adapted to the growth rof sugar.
An honourable East India Director (Mr. Hogg),
had said that the valley of the Ganges, pro-
perly. cultivated, was capable of producing a
sufficient supply of sugar for the whole of Europe, in-
dependent of all other sources. Now under these cir-
cumstances, the question was not one purely of a moral,
but of a mixed consideration—of commerce and finance.
Would the House permit him shortly to address them
tracele m btehra t for
distinction.
upon what had been urged with respect to the dis-
tinction between free-labour and slave-grown sugar?
the
house
Dumfries wasln thlBe4ofirtsteincintheas.t
I
tion was first raised by that Hon. Member. On that
occasion the Honourable Member said that it was
ouse Hon.
his wish to propose that the reduction of the duty should
be made in favour of free-labour sugar, only--that he
was anxious to confine the benefit of the reduction to the
manufacture of sugar not made by slaves. On that oc-
casion the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Taunton resisted the motion of the Hon. Member for
Dumfries. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Taunton, and the Noble:Lord and his colleagues opposed
that motion. On that occasion. the Hon Member for Sheffield
(Mr. Ward) presented a petition from Sheffield, praying
that sugar, the produce of free labour, should be ad-
mitt de
under suc
slaveh advantages as to exclude all sugar the
prd labour. The Hon. Member for
Sheffield, and the Right llon. Gentleman the Member
for . Taunton; expressed the opinion that this petition
wits indicative of the feelings of the people of this
country. In the debate which took place on that occa-
sion reference was made to cotton and tobacco, which
were the products of slave labour, being admitted. into
the British market. How did the Right Hon. Gentle-
man the Member for Taunton meet that ease ? Why,
exactly as they (the Government) did now. In the
first place, the Rght Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Taunton contended that cotton and tobacco did not enter
into competition with similar articles raised by free
labour in our own colonies.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.")
He thought, if he was not mistaken, that the expres-
sion of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Taunton was, that he was not prepared to open a flood-
gate to the supply of sugar which would inundate the
British market, if the proposition of the Hon, Member
for Dumfries were carried. What was the language
used by Dr. Lushingtou on that occasion? Ile said
that the admission of slave-labour sugar was, in his
opinion, an abandonment of the whole of Ode anti-
slavery policy, and that if it was their object to main-
tain that policy, it would be impossible to admit foreign
free-labour and foreign slave-labour sugar on the same
terms. That was not only the opinion of Sir S. Lush-
ington, but of many other persons who were distin-
guished advocates of the Emancipation Act, and who
admitted that the measure a proposed, if carried,
Would be a departure from the established policy
with regard to the slave trade, and that it Would
be a national disgrace, for the sake of a paltry gain, to
depart from a policy to which the faith of the nation was
pledged. He had voted on that occasion, with the ma-
jority. He had, in 1841, adhered to the same course
which he adopted in 1831, and from that line of policy
he had not receded. The Noble Lord who brought for-
ward the present proposition had made one or two ad-
missions in the course of his speech, which seemed to him
(Sir J. Graham) to be almost conclusive with regard to the
vote to which he hoped the House would arrive that night.
Ho admitted that the West Indian proprietors were entitled
to some protection,
• and that that must be given in the shape
of a discriminating duty of Bs. or 10s. He (Sir J. Graham)
would not follow his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Newark into the calculations be made with regard to the effect
this would have upon the revenue. He believed that that
could not be effected without considerable loss to the re-
venue. It was not contended by her Majesty's Government
that it was possible to give a protective duty to the colonies
(which they did not mean .
to deny was their object) without
some loss to the revenue. But it was enough that the Go-
vernment had benefited the consumer by reducing the price of
sugar by Id. 0r,11)4d. per lb. Nothing. was so easy as to say,
when you enunciate some general principle, that those who did
net at once put it into practice were dishonest, but, on the other
band, those who would do so without considering all the bearings
of such a course might be called absurd. Nothing was so dan-
gerous, when one was dealing with a great question, as to con-
sider it without reference to the circumstances which might
surround it. He was of opinion that the measure brought, for-
ward by her Majesty's Government would effect great objects,
would give to the British consumer a considerable reduction in
the price of sugar, which was an article of first necessity. Corn.
bined with that reduction of price it would give to the British
colonist great relief from the difficulties of his position. It
would give great encouragement in the East Indies to the
growth of that particular product for which the soil was best
suited, and all this would be effected without stimulating the
slave trade, against which the faith and honour of the country
was pledged. He thought it would be a difficult matter to re-
con ci a their professions of desiring to put down the slave tradeif
they opened the British markets to the consumption of slave-la-
bour sugar. To make no distinctionbetween free-labour and slave-
labour sugar, would be to give a great stimulus to the slave.
trade. And to make such a distinction would in his opinion
be a great discouragement to it. Any such result fostered by
the Legislature, sanctioned last year by a large majority,
would be consistent with the course they had heretofore pur.
sued, and to which the faith of Parliament was plighted. He
had, therefore, no apprehension that a measure which lytw.ered
the price of sugar to the consumer, without departing from the
aadopted
nti,sllye trade
_policy hitherto . w011.‘4 Pot receive the
satiation of the Aritiih community, and he ootild not hesitate
to give the present motion his most decided opposition.
Mr. C. WOOD.said he did not feel surprised that therßight
Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, had not at all adverted
to the brilliant speech of his Right Hon. Friend (Mt. Macau.
lay.) He did not attempt any reply to a speech, one the most
brilliant in language and most unanswerable in argument
1ip..1 evef heard'.--(lielgt,Pet9, Foin.plaint of
the Right non. Isaronet that so Big" 41°n. hati
•

only dealt with the political and moral view of the
question, omitting altogether any notice of the corn-
mereial and financial view of it. But it was admitted,
that in th it view of it the Government were out of court.—
( Hear, hear.) His Right Hon. Friend took the political and
moral view of it because the financial and commercial one was
entirely given up.— ( Hear, hear. ) And his Right. Hon.
Friend had not left the Covet runent a leg to stand en, as far
as the moral aspect of the question went ; and the Right 11011.
Baronet must have felt this strongly, for he did not even attempt
a reply. In answer to the argument of his Noble Friend, that
the Government measure would encourage slave-grown sugar,
beesuse the free-grown sugar, which now supplied the markets
of the world, would he attracted to this country, and its place
would be supplied with slave-grown sugar, the Right Hon.
Gentleman the Member for Newark said that the whole quan-
tity of free-labour sugar would not be supplied by slave-labour
sugar, though he admitted the measure had that tendency.
Now he (Mr. Wood) thought that was mere quibbling.
(Hear, hear.) How could he douLt but that the measures of
the Government would have that effect ? (Hear, hear. )
With regard to the calculation of the Right lion Baronet ( Sir
It. Peer) he said that 2540,000 tons of sugar would be con-
sumed in consequence of the reduction of Id. or kid. per lb.
Admitting that his calculation was right, it would not give
a large consumption, after all, for it would only be 201 b. per
head in a population of 28,00.1,000 people. That amount was
consumed in 1831. There was nothing extravagant, there-
fore, in the calculation, supposing the price was lowered.
But would the price be brought down ? He did
not think that there would be any redon of price
t qual to the amount which the Governmentucti reckoned upon.
Ile considered, that there would be no adequate benefit given to
the commercial interest by the course that was to be pursued.
It was almost impossible to sat to what particular species of
sugar the duty would apply. He believed that there was the
greatest difficulty in discovering the difference between white
and elated sugar. 'I }tree •fourtha of the description of sugar
upon which the Right lion. Gentleman relied for procuring
duty was sugar of the higher price. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man had almost relieved him from the necessity cf saying any-
thing on this subject, by stating that the supply from colonial
sources would be larger than he had calculated. Of course,
in that case, a less amount of foreign sugar would
come in, and
thus the loss to the revenue would also be greater than
had been anticipated. He believed that, in spite of the course
now pursued by the Government, they would in the end deal
with sugar exactly as they had done with coffee. After re-
sisting the reduction of differential duties in the case of coffee,
they eventually came to the House and proposed that reduction
themselves; it was his firm conviction that they would pursue
the same course with respect to sugar. Notwithstanding all
that was said on the subject of slavery, the question, stripped
of appearances, resolved itself into this—whether a heavy tax
should be imposed on the people of this country, for the bene-
fit of the West India colonies? He thought the Government
were to blame for not seizing the opportunity now afforded to
them of admitting all foreign sugar. They would, in his opinion,
have acted with more wisdom had they pursued that course.
He did not believe that the benefit to the consumer mentioned
by the Hon. Member for Newark would be adequate to the
loss he would feel from the differential duty. He was sorry,
also, to hear that the income-tax was clearly settled onthem for
three years, and that there was no indistinct prospect of their
having it imposed on them for a still longer period.
Sir It. PEEL said, one complaint that had been made by
the Noble Lord opposite was certainly unreasonable and unjust.
The Noble Lord said that the Government had not, on this
occasion, entered into any detailed explanation of their reso-
lutions respecting the sugar duties. Why, the wish
of the Government was to have an opportunity of
entering upon that detailed explanation.—( Hear, hear.)
They had that day given notice for moving the Committee of
Ways and Means. His Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor
of the Exchequer was particularly anxious that the Govern-
ment should have an opportunity, in that Committee of Ways
and Means, of supplying that explanation which he (Sir R.
Peel), in the general statement he had made, had omitted to
give. His Right Hon. Friend was interrupted in that inten-
tion by the Noble Lord bringing forward a motion, perfectly
fairly he admitted, but which at any rate prevented his Right
Hon. Friend from of availing himself the opportunity he
sought. The Noble Lord, in bringing forward his motion,
raised quite a different issue from that which would be raised in
the discussion of the details of the resolutions of the Govern-
ment ; and the Noble Lord contended that before
they entered into the Committee of Ways and Means, before
they discussed the resolutions of the Government in detail, they
should join in a discussion of that question, which hail been
more than once discussed, namely, whether or not it was poli-
tic to exclude 'slave-labour sugar from competition with the
produce of their own colonies. The Noble
Lord avoided en-
tering on all the details of the subject, confining himself parti-
cularly to the subject—a great and important subject—to
which his own motion referred. He said nothing about the
establishment of a discriminating duty on sugar, he said
nothing of the details of the resolution; he (Sir
11. Peel)
thought that the Noble Lord invited them to enter into the
great question whether or not there ought to be any discrimi-
nating duty on sugar the produce of slave labour. They had
followed his example, and endeavoured to imitate him. He
thought, therefore, that with respect to the complaint of the
Noble Lord that the Government had not given a detailed
statement of their intentions, that complaint was quite
without foundation.—(Bear.) The Noble Lord had referred
them to the income-tax. Now, he ( Sir R. Peel) was cer-
tainly surprised at observing that while the Noble Lord con-
stantly attacked the ineome-tax, and denounced the policy of
continuing it, he yet expressed :his determination to vote in
favour of it.--(Cheers and laughter.) Why, if Hon. Gentle-
men opposite disliked anti disapproved of the income-tax, why
did not they vote against it ?—(Cheers.) If it was such an
inquisitorial and oppressive tax, why did they concur with
him (Sir R. Peel) in the proposal for continuing it for a
longer period ?—( Cheers.) And observe, it was stated that
the Government gave no sufficient guarantee that the income-
tax would cease at the end of three years. They said themselves
that they saw every probability of its continuance beyond that
period. Why, how could they reconcile this declaration with
their vehement objections to that tax—( Hear, hear)—while
they were so passively content to go on with him in its fa-
vour ?—( Cheers.) The Hoia. Gentleman opposite !aid that
he (Sir R. Peel) had convinced him that there would not ac-
tually be a su. plus—nay, that at the end of two years frem the
present time there would be a small deficiency, and
_therefore
he voted for the income-tax • he voted for it to supply that de-
ficiency. But the Honr Gentleman contemplated oily a
small deficiency of some 500,00 W. or 600,06 W., and if it was no
more than that amount, surely their financialaingenuity might
supply !that without recourse to the income-tax. Why, he
( Sir Robert Peel) asked him to vote for a tax producing
5,200,0001 a-year ! and yet the Honourable Gentleman
said lie was content to continue the present tax. —( Hear,
hear.) He said that at the end of one or two years there
would be a small deficiency—and, therefore, the lion. Gen-
tleman came to the conclusion, not that a small tax producing
some 500,000/. or 600,000/. should be imposed, but that a
tax producing the large sum of 5,200,000/. a- year should be
continued in operation.—( Hear, hear.) And this, not for
three years only, for the Hon. Gentleman said himself that
he believed it would be imposed for six. But at the end of
three years it was very possible that the Hon. Gentleman
might be reminded elsewhere of his support of this tax, and
therefore at the beginning of 1845 he thought it prudent to
leave it on record, as it might be convenient to him at the end
of 1545, that he had in debate disapproved of this tax. The fact
was that Hon. Gentlemen opposite decidedly approved of
the proposition of her Majesty's Government.—( Cheers, and
laughter.) It was not because they saw a probability of a
small deficiency that they voted for this tax, but because they
saw that this was the proper time to try a great, and, he
would call it, a bold experiment with respect to the taxation of
the country !—(Loud cheers.) But Hop. Gentlemen opposite
said, also, that the attempt to make commercial treaties with
other countries had failed. Had he ever denied it ?—( Hear,
hear.) And her Majesty's Government proposed this—that
as other countries would not enter into those treaties, at least
as far as the negotiations with respect to those treaties were
protracted for a very long time, so that the relations of com-
merce were thereby disturbed in the meantime, while in the
end the negotiations did not come to a satisfactory termination
—they proposed measures, not stipulating for any reciprocal
advantages from other countries; but believing the reductions
they proposed to make to be intrinsically good, and calculated
to promote their own interests, they were ready to make those
reductions, trusting that the efficacy of this example would ulti-
mately tell on other countries. If her Majesty's Government
had been wrong in their attempts to make these commercial
treaties, at all events it was an error into which other Govern-
ments had also fallen. Up to the present period, every
Ministry had attempted to make commercial treaties, and
if other countries wi uld enter into them, it would doubtless
secure a double advantage. It would secure the great advan-
tage of carrying on a traffic with many of those countries ; it
would also be a great advantage if they induced those foreign
nations to make reductions in their duties on the produce of
this country. But the question was, should they 'impose .a
great benefit to themselves, in the hope of, in time, prevailing
on those other countries to give them the benefit of reciprocal
treaties? The Noble Lord approved of the proposition of the
Government.—(Cheers.) Then, he also approved of the
income-tax. If he did not, would the Noble Lord ask them to
remove three millions of taxation without that tax ? It was
impossible that Hon. Gentlemen opposite could, in the face of
the country, reconcile the votes they were giving, with their
speeches, under any other impression that would be favourable to
thein,except that they approved in their hearts of the proposition
of her Majesty's Government.—( Cheers.) Now, he must own,
after reading the resolution of the Noble Lord, after having
listened to a great part of the speech of the Noble Lord, he
could not understand why the Noble Lord did not, the other
evening, vote for the motion of the Hon. Member for Man-
chester (Mr. M. Gibson).—( Cheers.) A great part of the
speech of the Noble Lord was occupied in showing that they
were putting money in the pockets of the West Indians, by
establishing in their favour a discriminating duty ; that that
was a great loss to the consumer in this country ; that the
State did not get the whole benefit of it; that the difference
was not divided be tween the consumer and the producer, and
that a large share of the reduction went into the pockets of the
producers.--( Hear, hear.) Why, if he (Sir R. Peel) had not
read the resolution of the Noble Lord, and had only listened to
a portion of his speech, he should have taken it
fur granted, that the Noble Lord was one of the
Gentlemen who would have given their cordial support
to the preposition of the Hon. Member for Manchester. The
Noble Lord appeared to be oscillating between these benches
and the benches opposite.—(Laughter and cheers.) For the
Noble Lord had made that excellent speech in favour of the
motion of the Hon. Member for Manchester, and then said,
on account of the position of the West Indian colonies, con-
sidering the great experiment they made respecting slavery—
considering that sufficient time hail not elapsed to test that ex-
periment, he was exactly of his (Sir R. Peel's) opinion, that
the West Indies had a good right to protection." The Hon.
Member for Stockport, assuming all the airs of an injured
fair one—( Laughter)—said, on a former evening, that he (Sir
Robert Peel) had jilted him.—( Great laughter.) He (Sir
Robert Peel) felt very grateful to the Honourable Member
for the support to which he had referred as having
given him, on another occasion, on the proposition of
the Honourable Member for Britt(); (Mr. Miles) when he
(Sir R. Peel) had the good fortune to vote with the Hon.
Gentleman, on the only occasion on which he had ever voted
with him in his life. The proposition of the Hon. Member
for Bristol was, that the duty on colonial sugar should be re-
duced to 205., and that there should be a discriminating duty on
sugar produced by free labour, which was not sugar of British
production. That was the proposition of the lion. Member
for Bristol. He ( Sir R. Peel) said he thought die reduction
of duty on West India sugar to 20s. would be of very I.ttle
benefit to the general consumer, and that he thought it
was infinitely better, when they made a reduction,
that it should be such a reduction as would be
felt ; and he had held this language that unless a
discriminating • duty was established as to the pro-
duce of British plantations, they should not attempt to.
impose a duty on sugar the produce of free labour. If the
House would not sanction the imposition of a discriminating
duty on sugar the produce of British plantations, they ought
not on sugar the produce of free labour. He thought Hon
Gentlemen might with justice accuse the Noble Lord of
"flirtation." The Noble Lord, at the beginning of the present
session, said that " protection" was the bane of "agriculture."
That phrase sounded remarkably well; but. ifthequesttiocnl weretu
re
N
put to the Noble Noble Lord that all protectiony ogru
be removed, it would be found that the Noble Lord
e would
record his vote for the continuance of this bane of agriculture.
—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord
laid down the general principle that protection was the bane of
agriculture.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL made an observation which was
inaudible in Op gallery.
sir RW3EitT PELL—Oh, but the Noble Lord said, at

the close of last session, that he thought agriculture wa fair
entitled to protection.—( Loud cries
of " Hear, hear," fromly the Ministerial benches.) He said he thought so, on account
of the local charges to which agriculture was subjected, as well
as on account of the malt-tax —(ltenewcd cries of " Hear,
hear,,,)—arid the !Veld,. Lord did disturb the agricultural mind
der rig the recess, by bolding out strong expectations that he
should propose some measure for removing or dimini,hing the
malt-tax. —( Cheers, and cries of " lie ar, hear. ") II is
agricultural friends—( Laughter ) —wei ein expectation of some
proposition of this sort.--( Hear, hear.) But the Noble Lord
would content himself with voting for his proposition for re-
moving the duty on cotton,-and the Noble Lord would vote
with him.if the question should be introduced, notwithstanding
his previous calculations against any reduction of the malt-tax.
--(Laughter and cheers.) The non. Member should not say
that he (Sir Robert Peel) had jilted him. It was the Noble
Lord who had jilted him--( Renewed laughter)—with those fine
promises; and when the Hon. Gentleman came to the Noble
Lord, asking him to fulfil his decla-ations, the Noble Lord
turned round and voted with him (Sir Robert Peel. )—( Cries
of Hear, hear," in which Ilr. Cobden and other leading
Members in the Opposition joined. ) lie thought it was better
not to enter into all the details of the resolution. He would
confine himself to the question w het her or not it was right that
sugar, the produce of slave labour, shi.uld be admitted into
competition with sugar, the produce of free labour. He was
glad that this matter had been discussed in the tone and temper
in which it had been. It was a question involving great financial
considerations. Although linty hail been charged with hy-
pocrisy, he believed it was their duty as Ministers of the
Crown to bear with those imputations. Every Ilo-
' nourahle Gentleman who had used them had disclaimed
any intention of giving offence ; but the Right Hon. Gentle-
man hail certainly charged them with dissimulation in no very
courteous language. But the Right Hon. Gentleman added
that though he disliked the proposition of the Government,
nothing was further from his mind than to charge them with
hypocrisy, " Although," he said, " you have recorded a reso-
lution recognising this principle, if it were not for that resolu-
tion and a mistaken idea of consistency, I am convinced you
would have taken a different course, and one more in accord-
ance with your own convictions." In short that they, the Go-
vernment, would not have excluded slave-labour sugar from
competition with sugar the produce of free-labour. Now,
he must say, that having considered and reconsidered the
subject, even if this resolution had not existed, he should
not have been prepared to admit sugar the produce of slave
labour into competition with sugar the produce of free
labour. Notwithstanding the very able speech of the Right
Hon. Gentleman, he did not think it would be just towards our
colonies, or at all consistent with the principles which they
had avowed in the face of the world, to admit sugar, the pro-
duce of slave-labour, at the same discriminating duty into
competition with free-labour produce. First of all, concerning
the question of policy. So far as this country was concerned,'
if we regarded commerce and finance alone, he was bound
at once to say that he could not defend this duty.—(Hcar,
hear, from the Opposition.) He thought, upon mere ab-
stract reference either to finance or commercial considera-
tions, they ought not to make distinctions between
free and slave-labour sugar. But it was impossible to dis-
regard the condition of the West Indian colonies.—( Hear.)
He admitted that Parliament had behaved with great
liberality so far as individuals were concerned, and that a
great pecuniary sacrifice had been made ; but he did not
think that pecuniary sacrifice, however onerous to the people
of this country—however complete as a compensation in in-
dividual cases—and he doubted that it was complete—but he
did not think, he repeated, that that relieved them from the
necessity of considering in what relation we were to these co-
lonies, nor would it justify them in admitting slave-grown
sugar into competition with theirs. Now, first as regarded
the slave-trade and slavery. You would tell them in that case,
to enter into competition with Brazil and Cuba, countries where
not only slavery existed, but where the slave-trade was carried
on to a great extent, and in violation of public engagements.
No doubt but after some time the colonists, with free laboui ,
might be ultimately able to compete with slave labour. It
might be gainful to the commerce of this country to admit
sugar, the produce of slave-labour, and to the consumer as well,
but it would so disturb the relations between this country and
foreign countries, so materially interrupt progress towards
an improved condition, and so disable the colonists from bear-
ing the burdens to which they were subjected, that he doubted
whether, ultimately, if we maintained existing colonial rela-
tions, the sacrifice we would be obliged to make for their inte-
rest would not countervail any immediate advantages from
sacrificing the produce of these colonies. The Right Hon.
Gentleman asked how it was possible for them, with any re-
tard to consistency, to make the proposition they had made,
looking at what they had done in respect to the admission of
other articles the produce of slave-labour. How was it possible
(continued the Right Hon. Gentleman) to make a proposition
regarding particular articles, the produce of slave-labour,
whiA they would not extend to other articles likewise the
produce of slave-labour. And he referred in particular to
articles the produce of the United States. The Right Hon.
Gentleman spoke with the greatest indignation at the state
of society there, in relation to slavery. He had not only ani-
madverted on the state of the law and usages of society there,
but adverted to the declarations made by public men and the
acts sanctioned by the constitutional organs of public opinion.
The Right Hon. Gentleman said, that if there was any country
against which the indignation of the civilised world should be
directed it was the United States of Areerica—that the United
States continued slavery in its most aggravated form—that
there were some States which bred slaves for the purpose of
labour—that the United States was the Power which had pre-
vented the extension of the right of search, which if universally
adopted would be effectual. the Right Hon. Gentleman said
that the present state of public opinion in France would not
have existed if the United States had not resisted the
right of search. All that might be true. But the
United States had a right to continue this condition of slavery
—they had a right to refuse being parties to the right of search.
They might have been very unwise to take either one course
or the other, but being an independent Power they had a per-
fect right to use that discretion. The Right Hon. Gentleman
said that we admitted their cotton, and why thould we exclude
their sugar ? The Noble Lord did not think that it would be
wise to interfere with the proceedings in this matter of the
United States. He did not think that it would be either
right or vri.e to interfere with the slaves passing from one slave
State to another. He seemed, indeed, as he bad said, to en-
tertain great doubts whether, by such interference, if he did in-
terfere, he would be in any way serving the interests of hu-
manity. But what, notwithstanding all this, did he
sa) ? He charged the Government with hypocrisy, in refusing
to admit sugar the produce of slave labour, while at the same
time, by the repeal of the duty, they had given free admission
to cotton, which was the produce of slave labour also. But
what was the case? There was a material difference between
the two articles—there was a material difference between the
production of the sugar of Cuba and Brazil, and the cotton of
the United States. The labour necessary for the production
of cotton was far less than that necessary for the production of
sugar. Again, there was a material difference also in the
healthiness of the rotten plantations and the healthiness of the
sugar plantations. But he (Sir R. Peel) did not mean to rely
on that ; but he did rely on this—that the two countries which
would enter into competition with the sugar of our colonial
possessions—Cuba and Brazil —were placed under very
different circumstances from those colonies, and it was
necessary to consider this, in the imposition of the duties
on sugar. The Noble Lord hail said that he recognised certain
duties which he bad to fulfil to his own country and his family.
The slaves, ho acknowledged, were so situated in relation to
him as to givo them a claim on his humane interference. But
he said, at the same time, that he doubted whether his inter-.
Terence would do them any good. Now he ( Sir R. Peel) slid
beiieve that the importation of slave-gr Own sugar into this
country inflicted such an injury on the lowest and most help-
less of all human beings, and such indeed as to give them a
claim on our sympathy and interference. He said this claim
was the greater from the injury being inflicted on the most
helpless of human beings—he meant the negro population.
What was our position with respect to the slave trade?
They had put themselves into a position to interfere with
those countries which deal in slaves. We had resolved
to do all in our power to pet down the slave
trade wherever it might exist.—( Hear, hear.) For
what purpose, he would ask the Noble Lord, was it, if
not for this, that this country hail constituted its cruisers the ge-
neral police of the world? The Noble Lord thought that we were
unwise in this respect, and that might be, but we had used our
utmost exertions to put down the slave trade. Other countries
had engaged to co-operate with us in this great object. Many
persons say that we are unwise in having entered into this
undertaking. He did not argue with them, he argued with
that House; and he did say, that having entered into that
undertaking, it was their duty to carry it out. In 1837, the
Hon. Member for Oxford had said that those countries would
zealousy co-operate with us in the suppression of the slave
trade. They had accordingly entered into treaties with Spain
and Portugal for this object, and the Governments of those
countries would do their utmost to suppress that abominable
traffic. From various circumstances, the effect of this traffic
was removed from us. We did not carry on the slave trade
ourselves, and, therefore, its horrors were not brought before us.
But he did believe that those horrors were in no way de-
creased, and he had a firm conviction that, if the sugar, the
produce of slave-labour, were to be introduced into this coun-
try, it would give a very great stimulus to the slave trade, and increase those horrors which we had been at so much pains
and expense to prevent. It was thought, and said by some,
the anti-slave trade feeling was extinct in this country, but he
believed that such was not the case, and that if the exertions
which had of late years been made by the country to suppress
the slave trade had rendered that feeling dormant, it had not
by any means been extinguished. He did believe that, though
dormant now, the feeling would immediately revive if any
measures were to be taken which were likely in any way to re-
vive the horrors which that feeling protected. What were
these horrors? In a space where the decks were only from two
to two-and-a-half feet apart, between 600 and 700 human
beings were crowded and transferred in that state from the
coast of Africa to Cuba and Brazil. Only conceive the hor-
rors of from 600 to 700 human beings being crowded into such
a space, and enduring through the whole of the Middle Pas-
sage in a confinement of two feet-and-a-half. On their
arrival in Brazil, their limbs were so paralysed that they were
unfit for the business for which they had been conveyed there.
The two countries which carry on the slave-trade are those
countries whose produce the Noble Lord was desirous to in-
troduce without discriminating duties. Beside the advantage
which those countries possessed in the cheapness of slave-
labour, there was also another. In Brazil there was more fresh
land, virgin land, than in any other from which sugar was
introduced into this country. Now, the opening
of the markets for the importation of Brazilian sugar,
without any differential duty, would be greatly instrumental in
promoting slavery. The effect of the efforts of this country
showed the full advantage derived in the suppression of the
slave trade. Last :year the number of vessels captured and
condemned was thirty-seven or forty-seven vessels. In 1844,
as compared with 1843, it appeared that the vessels condemned
by the Commission Courts—he did not allude to the Admiralty
Courts—was in 1843 fifteen, while in 1844 they were thirty-
five. 7 his, it might be said, was an imperfect test, and he was
bound to allow it, for he believed that as many slaves werehe now
landed on the coast of Brazil as there ever were.
They
didith
nut diminish, but this was no fault of the arrangements
their
that country, but the fact was the authorities
neglectedeneral Valdez
duty in this matter. In Cuba,
( who was appointed
honour
himself be
to the
office by Espartero)
whenwas G
spoken, he
the
Traci hoGneosvtelyrnor,
andto his
earnestly exertedslave trade. During his government the efforts to that end
lselfit to
were eminently successful, and the number of slaves intro-
duced into Cuba declined from 13,800 to 12,000, to 10 000
and in 1842 to 3,t 00. And he ( Sir R. Peel) believed, that
if General Valdez had remained, the slave trade in Cuba
would have been altogether suppressed. In Brazil, he be-
lieved the authorities were equally sincere, but private inte-
terest had proved too powerful for public duty, and the slave
trade had revived, and, without the concurrence of the au-
thorities, he believed it would revive. Would it be consis-
ehecosalastveof trade,A fr ic a
and,, for
thetent otsotenhsaivbe a navalpurpose
of armament
presenting
at the same time, to have vessels laden hw it sugar, the produce
and the support of that trade, sailing from Cub and to
our ports ?—( Cheers.) Those countries had entered into
engagements with us for prohibiting the slave trade, but
they had not fulfilled those engagements..—( Hear, hear. )
He must admit that there seemed to be some inconsistency
in aldowing the importation of slave-grown cotton, and pro-
hibiting sugar.— ( Hear.) He owned it was difficult to take
any course on those subjects that would not be liable to the
imputation of inconsistency. But he did not think that any
one on the opposite side of the House would prohibit the
illlpertation of cotton which was the production of slave labour.
—( Hear, hear.) But the question was, whether the importa-
tion of Lugar from Brazil and Cuba, which was the great CUTIO

MAXIMS AND OPINIONS OF THE DUKE OF WEL-
LINGTON.—A volume has just bPui pubished under the ..
above title, which must (meet a welcomely
eception from
all the admirers of the Noble Duke. The Editor oh-
serves —" Almost all preceding works of which the Duke
of Wellington has formed the subject, have been almost
exclusively occukied with the military exploits which
rendered him so illustrious during the first twenty years
of his public life, while his political career has been cow--
paratively neglected. The Editor of these pages has
therefore endeavoured to supply materials by which a
just estimate may be formed of the Duke of Welling-
ton's elairnias a Minister and a Statesman. The volume
Will be found to contain the Duke's deliberate opinions
upon all the great questions which have agitated the.
public mind since the commencement of the present
century."
Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening.
.fpost! irlic
Colonial-office, for Sir R. R. Wilson, Governor of Gibraltar.
The great number of letters which we have received
._
eonticetoil with
on the subject of the glass duty, t c 1 e
it, *how how lively an interest is takenalihiis."s:tgitilt7taitiritsit:xoirett)i-letoGre=e-
ment financial scheme. Above all, t?ure weighs
so
heavily
on
flint.giass
the impression that the Present dudt3
wine-olasses are ;mule. Inqtead
the niattal of Which decanters
on and
value 'of the article, it seesn's mit
toot. etengoalml4err. 31)(tLipe.r -cTall:et'circular whieh 'MIS noticed yesterday was
for the purpose of showing, . ,
that on the rich flint-glass articles no re,-
auction of
„ice would' tie• namievantd,Oke ;dole are evincing Inu`e.ibt.
eagerness to t403119C tlie natict of the public lu this respeet..--Tinies, •

•••••••,
0r the negro race, was to be permitted or not The growth
of sugar in those countries was. the gi ealeA ag-gravatien of all
the horrors of the : slave frade.—( Hear, hear.) The
quest on was not whether we were inconsistent or not, but
w list was the c..urs:- which we. sh.iu;d enosider 3.111-,ti:=, all thiri;s
ed, for pi.nnotisg the great interns s of burnssit
We had entered into engagements with other Covernme.res,
who joined with us in establishing a sort of naval folice on the
coast of Africa. Now, they might depend upon it, that if
tlrs country were to take inea,ures fur e. rivirg an un-
limited quantity Of sugar from Cuba alai lb soil, we could
not expect the co-operation of the Governments who ailed
us in our efforts for the suppres,i in of the slave-tras'e,
whilst we encouraged it with one hand, and
thwarted it feebly with the other. He believed that the
Governments of Europe were alive to the real state of this
question. They felt that after the measures we had taken it
was not safe for them to continue slavery in their own posses-
sions in its present state.--( Hear, hear. ) The King of
Sweden hail very recently taken measures for its nio.liticatioll
ici hispossessions;.iilitis
.sw•a stnl artrl
tuhses 71: of
abolition
I;ti it) k)a. isAh
Iwtiiion, most numerously signed, had been presentfil to the
Staves, praying slavery' to cease.—( Cheers.) In Frarir e the
question was under serious consideratiiin whe: her Is
v should
be continued or not. A nil Portegsl was making, lionouisble ef-
forts to fulfil her engagements with this country. Even the
United States, where there were peculiar irb.t.ic'e.,—e here
there had been a resolutien of Conger as that no petition for the
alsilition of slavery should be received; public feeling was un-
dergoing a change—the resolution is as rescinded, arid now it
was competent for every Member to present such a pel ninth—
( Cheers. ) He might venture to say that, notwithstanding
the state of public feeling in the United States, it would be
very difficult to maintain slavery there on its present footing.
It was not for him to offer any opinion upon the. internal po-
licy of the United States—(hear, hear)— but, speaking of
Europe, he believed that there prevailed through(;,.r.-
many, France, Sweden, and Denmark, a strong opinion that the.
time had arrived When they ought to follow the example of
England—(Cheers)—that the time had arrived when an puil
should be put to the state of slavery.—(Cheers. ) Ile hoped
that the House winild not come to any decision which would
interrupt that course into which the current of public opinion
throughout Europe had turned.—( Hear, hear.) England was
now admitted to be the only power that took effective measures
for the suppression of slavery—which made vigorous, deter-
mined efforts to put down the slave trade on the coast of Africa.
—( Hear, hear.) There might be an inconsistency in ad-
mitting cotton the produce of slave countries; but that
inconsistency did not affect the moral position whivh
England held in the eves of Europe on this question.
The ettbrts which we had made were acknowledged as most
generous, and even splendid. But if we departed from that
course—if we unintentionally, but practically and certainly,
encouraged the slave trade, by admitting the sugar of Cuba
and Brazil, it would be an admission that their efforts had
failed, and it would appear to justify the assertion of Mr.
Colquhoun, that we were reviving the slave trade on the coast o
Africa under the name of apprenticeship. Whatever imputa-
tion might have been cast upon him (Sir R. Peel) for the
course which he had taken upon the resolutions in Mil, lie
assured the House that if he now stood unfettered, he would vote
against the proposition of the Noble Lord—that sugar, the pro-
duce of slave labour, should be admitted into the markets tif
Great Britain.—( Cheers.)
Lard PA LMERSTON said that, whatever might be the re-
sult of the debate, nothing could be more satisfactory to him
than the discussion.--( Cheers and a laugh.) The It ight Ikon.
Baronet had made no attempt to answer the arguments 'thief'
had been urged in favour of his Noble Friend's proposition.—
( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, as was usual with
expert d•-baters, began his speech with topics in no way relavant
to the question. The Right Hon. Baronet began with the
income-tax, and taunted the Opposition with inconsistency in
supporting that tax, and complaining that use had not been
made of the surplus, so as to enable the Govetriment
to dispense with it at the end of three years.—
( Hear, hear. ) It was perfectly consistent fur men
to think that protection was the bane of the interests which it
was meant to prosper, and at the same time that it was not ex-
pedient to aithdraw it from the interests which had been long
vested upon its faith. The Right Hon. Baronet had taunted
the Opposition with their want of success in their commercial
treaties with foreign Powers. Now, the Right lion. Baronet
some years ago seemed to expect that when lie came into
office he would be able to settle these matters. What was the
fact ? Why, the Right Hon. Baronet's Government had en-
tirely failed.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet threw
over the commercial and financial part of this question, and
justified the distinction they made between free-grown sugar
and slave•grown sugar, on the ground that they had under-
taken to do all they could to suppress the slave trade. In this
respect, his ground was much narrower than the ground taken
up by his Right Hots. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and the Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of
Trade, because they took their stand upon the general prin-
ciple of humanity, and contended, upon that principle, that
the country ought to do everything toward discouraging slavery
and the slave trade. The Right lion. Baronet renounced this
advantage, and took his stand upon the arrangements existing
between foreign Powers and Great Britain, on the subject of
the slave trade. The Right Hon. Baronet, in reply to the un-
answerable argument of his Hon. Friend the Member for Etlin •
burgh, founded upon the importation of cotton, said the United
States had not entered into a negotiation with tl.is country, and,
therefore, none had been violated. The United States were
free from any engagements, and of course they had, said the
Right Hon. Baronet, a right to breed slaves and employ them
in the production of cotton. But, with regard to Brazil, the
case was different, and he made the distinction to punish them
for doing that which they hail undertaken not to do. The
Right Honourable Baronet had thus avoided the principle of
humanity, and thrown himself solely upon the rights given to
this country by the treaties. Brazil and Spain had entered
into treaties, by which they bound themselves not to prosecute
their trade in slaves. Those treaties were broken, and, there-
fore, as a punishment, this Government said they were enti-
tled to say their slave produce should not be admitted. If this
argument, however, applied to one, it was applicable
to all import duties on slave produce. If this p rotection
were given to sugar, it ought to be given to coffee.
But what did the Goverdreent do last year? Why, they re-
duced the discriminating duty on Brazilian coffee, the produce
of slave-labour.— ( Heat, hear.) This they did last year, but
had they done nothing this year in direct violation of their
principles? The Government proposed to reduce the duty on
copper ore, and where did copper ore come from ? From Cuba. How was it got from the bowels of the earth ? 13y
the labour of slaves.—(Hear, hear.) Thus by the tariff
of last year, and by the measures d,
the Government directly violated the principlepsropose they
asked the House to sanction—( Hear, hear)—and withheld
from the population of this country comforts and indulgences
which might otherwise be afforded to them. But lie must say
that this course was inconsistent front beginning to end.
He need hardly say that lie concurred in all that
had fallen from the Right Honourable Baronet about
the horrors of the slave trade. It was a mat ter
upon which the people and Parliament had always been
united, and however strongly Honourable Members op-
posite might declare that the Opposition only agravated the
slave-trade by their present course, he would. venture to say,
that there were those out of doors, who would confirm their
opinion. Instead of the evils being increased there was no doubt
they had been greatly diminished. In the year 1840, 1841,
anti 184", the number of slaves imported into Cuba and the
Brazils hail very considerably fallen off, and no one
denied the assertion of the Right Honourable Ba-
ronet that this change had resulted from exer-
tions made by the Government to suppress the traffic.
Now, though lie should feel sorry that there was any division of
opinion upon this subject, he was very glad to hear the state-
ment of her Majesty's Ministers, that it was their intention not
to relax in their endeavours until the slave trade should be en-
tirely done away with. But whatever the opinion of the Go- •
vernment should be on this question, or whatever their argu-
ments might
.be in support of this absurd doctrine of
protection, lie would ask how they meant to cleft Rd
the course they intended to pursue of continuing
this protection? Of what value, he would ask, would it be to
the country that large estimates for the naval force should be
granted, in order to keep up a number of armed vessels on the
slave coasts, if those vessels had not the power of the right of
search ?_( Hear, hear.) What had been the object of ail
modern Governments of England on this question ? In
the year 1814 it was a great object of Lord
Castlereagh, and it was with that view that he
entered into a treaty with Gena, anti a few years after wards the
Duke of Wellington tried to get a consent from France for the
abolition of slavery, but he found it to be impossible. Again,
in the year 1818, the same experiment was tried with France,
but again a refusal was the result. The same experiment was
tried in 1823, and again in 1827, and with a like result. Well,
then, the present Government came into office, and
what did they do? Why, so far from following
up this subject with perseverance, they recklessly threw it over-
board altogether.--( Hear, hear.) Then came the letter of
Loid Aberdeen, which was now on the table, and that letter
recommended the trial of an experiment as a substitute for
what previous Governments recommended.—( Hear, hear.)
Now, he would ask, what would b e the result, if '20,000 tons
of sugar were taken out of the market ; whether that were
the produce of slave labour or free labour, it would
create a void which should be made up, and until it was, the
price of what remained would be increased.—( Hear, hear. )
Therefore it would be quite absurd to make distinctions which
admitted of no difference, as in the proposed plan of the Go-
vernment. Therefore, whatever might have been the argu-
ments of Honourable Members opposite, there was no
real ground on which they could support them ; and
when those arguments came to be read by the public,
and particularly the speech of his Itglit Honourable
Friend the Member for Edinburgh, the opinion of the public
would be that the interests of the consumers had been sacri-
ficed without any consideration for humanity', but that it had
been done merely to promote the West India interests, which in
the end it would be found had not been benefitted, but pa-
ralysed by such legislation, and upon whom real benefit would
be conferred if all protection were withdrawn, arid a fair and
full and free competition given' to every branch of industry.
Sir C. NAPIER contended that sugar would be shipped
from Cuba and Brazil and sent to Florida, reshipped to this
country, and admitted as free-labour sugar. As to the slave-
trade, he believed that sending vessels to the coast of Africa
unless t
thoey
sat p
t n e
acvreu.itsreards e
rat o
tthhaet e oas
escapedt of
had put words into the mouth of the Noble Lord the Mem
fl3"roarmasziutlsheelaenesoast of Africa.—( Hear.) The Itight Hon.Gentlematt
ds'
for the City of London, which he (Sir C. Napier) did not
think the Noble Lord had used. The Right Hon. Baronet
stated that the Noble Lord had said that the slavers only eon_
tained two feet of stowage' room for the slaves. This was
evidently a mistake, for two feet would not be sufficient t
stow a turkey in.—(Laughter, anti cries of " Divide,") o
Strangers were then ordered to vvitbdraw, and the House
divided, when there appeared--
For
mt e
orders
rrai
itst amendment
y g •
oe.fap
.dt.
amh. e
day .....
amendment.......
... .
e..
t..
s:
02s1
e34d62,0
f 4,
and
The ot Ah
egra
e
the
House adjourned shortly before one o'clock.