The Sun.
London, England, 1829-03-06 00:00:00

sideration is the state of Ireland. -1•! that state not
owing to a want of energy that must always exist in a
divined Government? We bare seen that resistance to the
Catholic Claims has not brought paste to Ireland. It is
impossible to prophecy what will be the tesuic of the
proposed measure, hut certain it is somethine must be
done. -The resent laws are totally irstiffieient, and
whilst Parliament remains so divided nothing can
be satisfactorily done. I have been blamed for the policy
of this country as regarded Ireland. lam very willirg
to take my share of blame, but it is blame which
must certainly attaoh also to the lot of every public
man who hats preendel toe. In 1800 an Act was passed
fir the SuSpensifm of the Habeas Corpus. In 1803 a re-
bellion broke out, which was generally call .d Emmett's
rebellion. In 1806 the whole west of Ireland was in a
state of insuberdieation, and a .sp;;;ial Cointhission was
appointed. In 1807 the Insurrection Act passed, which
nrtde it a !A:ansportable offence
_for any person to be
Et7Oltt out of doors after sunset. In 1811 the Catholic
Association was ffist formed, which spread itself to
alarming extent. In 1525 an Act was passed to dissolve
that Association, which ended in 1827. In 1529 we have
again passed another Act for the sooprestion
of that Association, but this, like all other measures that
have been resorted t , Wi3l prove insufficient to ensure the
safety ,31 that conntry. The question therefore is,
What must be done ? The present state of things
is a divided Government, and a divided House of Commons.
This cannot remain, some attempt must be made. The next
question ix, what course must be pursued? I would ask, in
the first place, could an united Government be formed at
this moment determined to oppose the Catholic Claims?
Secondly, could a Government he formed unanimeus in
granting those Claims? I know, Sir, that it is
considered by some persons that there is a possi-
bility of the first being carried into execution,
But the majority of this House must think otherwise.
We have ineiveil, Sir, at that point when we have the
option of two courses—to oppose or to concede. I must
say no Government can he formed to offer remanent
resistance to the Roman Catholics. If that is acceded
to, my justification is complete—(hear, hear, hear)_
consequently no other course can be followed than that of
concession. It has been declared on the highest authority
that the common law is not sufficient for the protection of
Ireland, and when the Act fur the illegal Association ex-
pired the Law Officers of that country were consulted,
who entirely agreed in that opinion, and moreover declared
that something must be done. I, Sir, am of opinion that
the Act just passed will be totally insufficient, if unac-
companied by concession.—(Tremendous cheering.)—lt
would only influence the public mind and render it
still more desperate. It must be acknowledged that Go.
vernment cannot carry on measures of coercion or perma-
nent resistance, and the time is come when we might con-
sider the question with a view to consider the disabilities
under which the Catholics labour. My Hon. Friend the
Member for Oxford told us not long ago, that there were
in Ireland no less than 23 counties ready to follow the ex-
ample of the county of Clare in the event of a General
Election. Then, if such be the case, where, Frisk, is the
remedy ?—(Hear.)—ls it to be found in a dissolution of
Parliament?—(Loud cries of hear, and no, no.)—Does any
man expect that there can be formed an united Government
decidedly hostile to the claims of the Roman Catholics ?
What can you du? How are you to decide? There are
points upon which yon must come to an immediate decision
with respect to Ireland, or how are the evils which hang over
that country to be avoided? Thereare, no doubt, many Hon.
Members who think that Ministers might carry a Bill for the
Suppression of the Catholic Association, anti at the same
time go on to vote the Supplies, without introducing any
measures to remedy the evils which are now pretty generally
atintitted to exist in the sister kingdom. But I would ask
these Hon. Members to censider how the internal Govern-
ment of Ireland is to be carried on. Is it to be conducted
upon a system of exclusion ? If so, how were they to deal
with the Irish Representative Body? When the Catholic
Question was discussed in 1828, sixty-one Representatives
for high counties voted ; of these 45 voted in favour of
the Catholic claims, and 16 against them ; of the several
large towns, 16 voted for the Roman Catholics, and 17
against them. Thus making 61 votes in favour of the
Catholic claims, and 33 against them. Upon that occa
sion the Hon. Members for Dublin voted, one one way,
and one the other. The Member for the University of
Dublin voted in favour of those claims. The Members
for Cork voted in favour of the Roman Catholics. The
Members for Limerick voted in favour of the Catholic
claims ; the Members far Waterford voted in forour of the
Catholic claims; the Members for Galway voted in favour
of the Catholic claims ; the Members for Drogheda voted
in favour of the Catholic claims; and the Members for
Derry against the Catholic claims. Thus, then, you have
in Ireland forty-five Members of counties in favour of Ca-
tholic emancipation, and 16 Representatives of large towns
on the same side of the question. You may turn mond
awl tell me, that this preponderance of votes is owing to
the great weight of Catholic influence. To which I answer,
it certainly is—(load cheers) ;—end therefore increases, in
my mind, the necessity of permanently settling the Catholic
Question. We have been told that there are twenty-three
counties in Ireland ready to follow the example of the
county of Clare. Then, if this be so, or if we are to have
an addition to the supporters of the Catholic Claims to any
thing near that extent, I say that you have only to add
that increased number to the majority I have already de-
scribed, and then you will have the whole, or nearly the
whole, of the constituent body, as well as of the represen-
tative body of Ireland, united in favour of those claims.—
( Hear, hear.)—Sir, it is impossible, separated as England
;net Ireland are, to govern Ireland upon principles such as
these. It is impossible that, under such circumstances,
the moral influence of precept and example can fail to pre-
vail. Then, I again ask, what is your remedy ? Either
you must go on in the course son have cnnimenced—that
of concession, or else you must retract all the privileges
You have hitherto granted ; and if you do this, you will
give rise to a streegle the issue of which it is fearful to"
contemplate ; by such a step you will enter upon the great
chapter, which, if fiOlowed up, will annihilate all the
privileges hitherto conceded. in short there can be no
middle course; either there must he concession, or there
must be a re-enactment of all those penal laws, whirr!),
pushed to their legitimate issue, must lan productive of the
most disastrous effects. But is it, I would ask, in the
power of this House to send back the penal laws to Ireland,
in the shape in which they formerly existed ? Can we,
after having removed the seal frown the vessel which
contained the great spirit. and suffered it to escape,
again conjure it back, and confine it within its former
limits--(Cheers)?—Sir, we have seen the effects which
education has had upon the peat body of the population of
Ireland ; we have seen the manner in which that popula-
tion has increased. Now, I will only ask the House to
look at the numbers and opinions of that population.
I am now speaking under the supposition that the
Government of Ireland is intended h be carried on
upon a system of exclusion, amid the withdrawal of
all the civil privileges hitherto granted. Let us
look for a moment at the state of the population of Ire-
land. By the last census taken, I find that that country
contains six millions eight hundred thousand inhabitants.
Of these, about 1,900,063 were Protestants and Pro-
testant Dissenters of various descriptions. I make this
statement from the calculation's of the Honourable Member
for Louth, which calculations have been resioced to the,
greatest nicety and correctness. Now then, supposing the
Irish Government to be conducted upon principles of
coercion and exclusion, I have a right to inquire into the
nature and extent of the excitement which would be likely
to take place ; and in order to do this, I most look to the
manner in which Protestants and Catholics are divided in
the different districts. It might, upon a full view of the
question, be supposed that 2,000,000 of Protestants and
Protestant Dissenters could carry on the Irish Government
without difficulty; but when it is recollected that of that
2,000,000 more than 1,200,000 resided in Ulster, it
must be matter of calculation how the three provinces of
Leinster, Munster, and Connaught, could get on with a
Catholic population of 4,250,000 inhabitants, and
a Protestant population of some 750,000 persons.--
Besides, it should he considered that the pro-
portions of Catholic and Protestant inhabitants were
very unequally divided in Ireland. In the coun-
ties of Antrim and Down there are few Catholics. In
the county of Clare there are ten contiguous parishes is
which not a single Protestant or Protestant Dissenter is to
he found. In four pinches in Ulster, the whole popula-
tion consists of Protestants and Protestant Dissenters. In
Leinster there are 134 parishes, in which there are
186,000 Roman Catholics and 24,000 Protestants, making
a proportion of about seven and a half to one. In Munster
there are 72 parishes, containing 12,000 Protestants, and
167,500 'lonian Catholics. In Connaught there were 23
parishes, containing a population of 102,500 inhabitants, of
whom 96,200 were Catholics,and 4,800 Protestantomaking
a proportion of more than 20 to 1. If you divide the two
elassrs of subjects in Irel tad, you will enact a measure
which will lie viewed with great jealousy in Ireland.--
(I lear.)-11 you withdraw the privileges already granted
to the Catholic body in Ireland, hew, I ask, do you intend
to govern a population of 4,500,000 Catholics, having
only 750,000 Protestants amongst theta? Sir, it is idle
to argue the question. But I will ask whether it is for
the interest of the Protestant or of the Catholic religion
that tomb a course of things should take place ? If you de-
termine to do this, how do you propose to administer the