The Sun.
London, England, 1842-04-25 00:00:00

PIM3LIC OPINION.

The Morning Post contains the following remarks:—" Not
being Whigs, we believe that something else requires protec-
tion as well as capital, and deserves more protection than capi-
tal. We mean the interest of the labourer—the interest which
the poor -man has in a fund of profitable employment. Now,
there can be no question that a thousand acres devoted to the
production of wheat gives employment to a great many mere
labourers than a thousand acres devoted to the production of
beef or mutton. In short, the protecting duty on wheat is a
protecting duty partly for the capital employed, but much more
for the labour employed, while the protecting duty on cattle is
partly for the labour employed, but much more for the capital.
If, then, the interest of the labourer be more worthy of legisla-
tive protection than the interest of the owner of capital, it is
just that the protection on wheat should be greater than the
protection on cattle. But it is the misfortune of Whig politi-
cians that, when the question of protection is mooted, capital is
the only thing they can think of."
The Times says:—" Mr. Wakley, though he would prefer,
like ourselves, a graduated Income-tax, and would decidedly
like best of all a property-tax, is persuaded, that as people be-
come more used' to the present impost, the table of the
House will be loaded with petitions praying for its continuance
and its increase.' We confess we cannot quite rise so high in
our expectation as Mr. Wakley. Conservative as we profess
ourselves, and disposed as we are to agree with him that the
principal inconsistency in the tax is the smallness of the sum
raised—the insignificance of its amount, and the shortness of
its duration—we still are not so sanguine as to suppose that an
experience which had only produced a bitter and ever-increas -
ing hatred up to 1915, will be found to have a composing effect
in 1842. It certainly did not improve upon acquaintance
then, and we know no reason why it should now, however the
enthusiasm of the moment may have hurried Mr. Wakley into
such a sentiment. With regard to the msrits of direct taxa-
tion generally, there can be little doubt that, if fairly levied and
properly modified, it must be by far the most honest and equi-
table mode of raising money. The first requisite of a tax is,
that it should fall upon people according to their means "
We take the following from the kerald :—" Admitting,
for the sake of argument, that it was necessary to remodel the
representation in 1830, the grand error of the Reform Ministry
consisted in their selecting an arbitrary amount of population
as the test for exempting boroughs from disfranchisement.
Some boroughs, which need not be specified, are so peculiarly
situated that it would be impossible to guard them from cor-
ruption ; and yet the only question asked, in regard to their
fitness for the trust of returning Members to Parliament, was
what figure they made in the census of the population. Had
the figure required been so high that the constituency would
have been too numerous for a candidate to purchase, there
would have been some check against bribery; or had the boun-
daries
of boroughs been more widely extended, the same
desideratum would have been achieved. But, unfortunately,
the desire of saving two or three pet Whig boroughs from the
disfranchising schedules prevented this; and so, to preserve a
a few Whig nomination boroughs, the representation is still
disgraced with a number of boroughs which are always at the
service of the highest bidder."
The following appears in the ' Chronicle :—" There are
strong rumours that something is going on among the country
gentlemen with respect to the tariff. The lay Mr. Pusey,
who does not seem to act on his reverend brother's doctrine of
reserve in communicating knowledge, let out the other day
that Sir Robert Peel was not to be allowed to inundate this
country with strange horned cattle and pigs, without a fight.
Miles had taken the matter up ! Miles had determined to stop
the Premier ! Miles was going to make a motion ! and the
country gentlemen were going to vote with Miles ! E.:es since
Mr. Pusey said this, Miles is the only topic at Boodle's. When
one squire meets another, they say, " What is Miles going to
do ? ' "Is Miles determined to go on ?" " Will the forms of
the House admit of Miles making his motion ?" " How many
will vote with Miles?" "Is there any chance of Miles being
able to carry his motion?" "What will happen if Miles should
carry his motion ?" Will Peel resign, and the Queen send for
Miles ? " " Will there be a Miles Ministry ?" And thus
Miles, like Hampden of old, is in all men's—that is, in all
country gentlemen's mouths ; those even who never saw or
heard Miles, accustom themselves to speak of him as a god
who is to descend and save the sinking 'squires. Be of good
heart, 0, Miles ! and do thy best against free trade. Thou,
and thy shepherds, and slow herdsmen will do little against
Peel, supported for the nonce by Russell, and even Cobden.
The shepherd Aristreus was, as Virgil tell us, able to bind the
changing Ps oteus ; but thou bast to deal with one far more
slippery and multiform than Preteus."
The Leeds Times speaks in a congratulating manner on the
return of Mr. Joseph Hume : " Leeds was greatly shorn of its
lustre when it threw out this indefatigable champion of the
people's rights ; and the Montrose burghs have done themselves
no small honour by returning their old and tried representa-
tive at the present juncture. There is no man alive who is
better acquainted with questions of finance, currency, trade,
and commerce, than Joseph Hume ; and there is none who will
be found more consistent in his support of the great principles
of Democratic liberty. We trust that Leeds will yet have the
honour of being represented by such a man."
The present agricultural excitement is thus commented on
by the Dublin Evening Post :—" The English farmers—
sweet fellows—who afflicted us and themselves with a Tory ma-
jority, are now beginning to find out that they have been done
.—that they hate been choused, cheated, and betrayed—and
now that the steed is stolen, they arc in a great fuss shutting
the stable door. Ssrved them right. As they brewed, so
must they bake. Peel will not ose a man of his majority, or
only a man."
Opposition to the Income-tax y the anti-monopolists is thus
advocated by the Bolton Free Bess .—" If, for no other reas
sons than that the tendency of the Income-tax will be to
rivet upon the people the fetters of the great monopolists,
Corn-law repealers ought, at the present, to offer it their most
strenuous oppositibn ; and when it has become law, they ought
to spare no exertions to dispel the mists which at present en-
velope the minds of the middle and working classes as to its
origin, tendency, and results."
Toleration of the Income-tax is regarded by the Devonport
Independent in the following light The new Corn-law and
the Income-tax may be both regarded as virtually carried ; but
how they will be endured is a question. Not long we venture
to assert. The union which has been commenced among real
Reformers on the great question of the extension of the Suf-
frage, gives certainty to the expectation that better times are
coming, and makes sure the ionviction that the days of class-
legislation are numbered."