The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 1, 1845.

the next thing they did was to let the United States out
of their engagement to co-operate for the suppression of
that trade, and they were now about to cancel
a treaty with France for the mutual
of search. Was he the only person whothought.
that
the mutual right of search was essential to the suppres-
sion of the slave trade? The first authority to which he
would refer was one at the time of 1814, at the con-
clusion of the war. The Noble Lord then read an ex-
tract from a dispatch from Lord Castlereagh to the Duke
of Wellington in 1814, in which the necessity and im-
portance of prevailing upon France to establish a mutual
right of search was set forth. So strongly at that
time was the importance of this measure felt,
that the Prince Regent, with the advice of his Ministers,
wrote a letter to the King of France, urging this point,
and expressing in the strongest terms his anxiety that
the French Government would agree to the proposal
the Duke of Wellington was instructed to make. The
Duke of Wellington, on the 26th of August, 1814, made
a proposal for a mutual right of search within the
northern tropic, as far as longitude 25 from Greenwich,
which was to the same extent as the treaties
then existing with Spain and Portugal. Upon
that note a conference with the plenipotentiaries
of France, Austria, and Russia, was held. That
memorandum was transmitted to the respective
Courts, but there was no answer to it till the conven-
tion of Aix-la-Chapelle, in liilB. A number of ques-
tions had been sent to be answered, and they were of
importance in this respect, that the answers to them
showed that the slave trade was in those times accom-
panied with as many horrors and excesses as it was at
the present moment, contrary to the opinions of some
who thought that the measures adopted with regard to
the slave-trade had increased its cruelty and harshness.
On the 29th of September, 1822, the Duke of Welling-
ton wrote to Mr. Canning from Paris. In that memoran-
dum he stated, that the slave trade was carried on
generally under the flag of France, for the obvious rea-
son that France was the only one of the great maritime
Powers of Europe which had not entered into the trea-
ties concluded with his Britannic Majesty, and the other
powers had too much respect for the flag of France to
seize those vessels which sailed under it. The Duke of
Wellington went on to say, that endeavours had been
made to introduce improvements with respect T 0 Spain
and the Netherlands, but no improvements could be
carried into effect as long as a contraband trade was
carried on under so respectable a flag as that of France.
The memorandum had been sent to the Congress of
Verona in November 1822, but the Congress separated
with a vague expression of their desire to see an end
put to the slave trade. Now he (Lord Palmerston)
would say that no man of proper understanding could
doubt, even if there was no authority to prove it, that it
was absolutely impossible, unless there was a mutual
right of search, to put an end to the slave trade—
(Cheers)—and that the conduct of the Government, in
having virtually given up the mutual right of search with
France, was quite inconsistent with all their declarations,
the consequence of which they now found to be the
augmentation of their navy. He confessed the declara-
tions made by the Government with regard to the slave
trade were calculated to excite the most painful feelings
in the minds of those who heard them. But perhaps it
might be said his alarms were unfounded, because of
the result that might be expected from the labours of the
Commission, that Commission being composed of two
distinguished men, who enjoyed the highest possible
reputation. He could place no confidence in men placed
in their position, for they could only come to one result
If, indeed, they were asked to consult upon some means
in addition to the right of search, for the suppres-
sion of the slave trade, he could place confidence in
their labours, because they could say nothing more
was to be done. But in Lord Aberdeen's dispatch it
was said that the right of search treaty was
suspended in the meantime, and once suspended
by the mutual consent of the two Powers, it could not
be revived again without their consent. And to make it
more humiliating to this country it seemed that the pro-
position for its suspension was made a condition imposed
by France upon England.—(Hear, hear.) It was in-
deed painful to see two individuals of such distinguished
character compelled to do work so little worthy. Of
the reputation they had hither to maintained he could
only say that if the Government pursued the course
they seemed determined on pursuing, an enormous in-
crease of the slave trade must be the manifest result.
Looking at the returns he saw that there was a
.narked increase in the number of slaves landed
on the continent and islands of America
since they had left office ; and, though it had been said
that this was owing to the exertions of General Valdez,
and some sudden changes in the Government of Brazil,
and also that some assistance was afforded by the
Governments of Cuba and Rio, yet, without denying that
these causes operated in a slight degree, he maintained
it was owing much more to the measures which the
late Government adopted, with respect to the Portuguese
vessels, both north and south of the line, and the mea-
sures they adopted with regard to the baracoons on the
coast of Africa, both of which caused the Brazil, Spanish
and Portuguese capital to be withdrawn from the slave
traffic. He did not wish to throw blame on any one ;
but he believed the traffic had lately increased.
He should be curious to see the returns. If the Govern-
ment persisted in their plan of relinquishing the mutual
right of search, there must be an enormous increase of
the estimates of the navy ; and, if they looked to what
passed, it was curious to see how the Government, in
dealing with foreign Powers, were led on from one step
downwards to another.—(Hear, hear.) What passed
ith respect to this particular commission ? M. Guizot,
who had negotiated the treaty of the right of search in
this country, was an ardent supporter of the treaty. He
authorised his ambassador in London to sign it, but in
six weeks afterwards he turned round and refused to
ratify it, which, he must say, was a breach of national
usage and of good faith.—(Hear, hear.) And this
was done without any remonstrance ; but the
French Chambers, encouraged by that, demanded of
Guizot that he should ask to have the treaties of
1831 and 1833 cancelled. What was the reply of M
Guizot ? He said, " How can you ask me to cancel
existing treaties ? Why, what would be the conse-
quence 2 I shall be met by a distinct refusal on the
part of the English Cabinet, and will you ask of me to
submit my country to a direct refusal, which would be
an insult to her.' That answer was accepted by the
French Chambers, but M. Guizot soon found that he was
entirely mistaken in the men whom he had to deal with.
Then there came other things ; there came the Ash-
burton capitulation and the dealings with Spain, which
led M. Guizot to see that he was dealing with persons
who—to use a phrase of his Hon. Friend the Member for
Finsbury—" were made of very squeez,ible materials."
Guizot then said to the French Chambers, " Wwll, I
have been thinktng these twelvemonths on this subject,
and now I think that these negotiations may not be so
hopeless as I thought they were last year, and that, by
doing so, I will not expose my country to such a decided
and peremptory refusal ;" and M. Guizot judged rightly
of the men with whom he had to deal. The negotiations
were entered upon, and M. Guizot had been successful.
The Government of this country, out of compliance to
a foreign Government, and to maintain as they thought
one foreign Minister in power six months longer than
he otherwise might retain it, and to catch for
him a few votes on a narrow division, sacrificed
all those principles which this country, the nation, and
Parliament had for years held as most sacred, and
were goingto bring upon the innocent and unoffending in-
habitants of Africa an increase of those horrors which
must necessarily accompany the slave-trade.—(lfear,
hear.) He could only say if they pursued that course it
would be difficult for men to determine, and he would
leave it to them to choose whether they would be guilty
either of most miserable weakness, or most hateful arid
detestable hypocrisy.—(Cheers.)
Sir It. PEEL said that he would fit address himself
to what had fallen from the Hon. and Gallant Officer
opposite. He regretted that the Hon. and Gallant Offi •
cer had been prevented from making his motion
in the manner he himself wished (Hear) but
he had an opportunity of making his speech
and he could not help thinking that the result would not
be very different if he had made the motion in the
manner he intended. The Noble Lord said that he con-
curred with the Gallant Officer in the opinion that
science ought to be called in aid of practical experience
in respect to naval improvements. He (Sir R. Peel)
concurred in that sentiment; but the question was who
should be the presiding authority when science was
called in aid of practical experience. The Gallant
Officer proposed a Committee, but he (Sir Robert
Peel) must say that the Board of Admiralty was
the proper tribunal to conduct an inquiry of
that kind, and to decide upon its results. He
could conceive no advantage in superseding the au-
thority of the Board of Admiralty, by making them su-
bordinate to the authority of the Commission sought to
be established. Ile apprehended that the Board of Ad-
miralty took the comae which the Hon. and Gallant
faoruflrd oo trn '
Officer opposite recommended the Commission composed
no
of naval officers to take. It did avail itself of the assist-
ance distinguishedommseeenriincteoa
whichbeloe llttis hot
ieoinl le
if
onon. country.for
man scienceadyn
Gallant and Officer
f c e r
had
practicalad
kw
en d
theg e .
present I f t h i s
Board Commission e
Admiraltyf
e appointed,rl wehdiwouldcidh nwhoeo t
would
objectlad clearly
b dis-
truste
implied, and there could be no doubt but both Boards
w
to the course v
taken as to the propriety of calling in the aid of men of
science. When they looked to the immense sums of
ersAtke,til.
in
money expended in the building of ships, he must consi-
der it of the utmost importance that any experiment for
improving the construction of vessels
should' be fairly
te
rlaVI
thyaLll
ecsopnetne
snidhel
ed
roforrt wh we
expensess, iiat a so
ft ht
eßnoaavryd,
its authority
ought to be enforced, and they should be
entrusted with the conduct of experiments. Why the
hi
nit i o
senlarl
entirely
safety,irel y
Board had contemplated these experiments by calling
for an additional number of seamen, for, otherwise, those
experiments could not be made. If the navy was re-
duced to the bare number of men consistent with the
thnersethtreiasni
lsacoeulo(pl
innoitonbe
with the Gallant
Right
on. Friend at the head of the Admiralty expressed
Officer opposite in this respect, and even invited
the assistance of the Gallant Commodore, and offer, d to
place at his disposal a steam-vessel, which his great
naval knowledge and experience would enable him to
superintend.--( Hear, hr ar, and cheers.)
Sir C. NAPIEIt__I have been applying these twenty
years for it.
Sir R. PEEL—And the Gallant Officer has now, from
a Board of Admiralty composed of men of adverse
politics, obtained now what he fruitlessly sought for
during twenty years.—(Hear, hear.) Could anything
be a stronger proof of the proper constitution of
the present Board of Admiralty ?—(Hear, hear.) The
Board was presided over by the most distinguished
member of the naval profession.—(Hoar, hear.) The
Gallant Officer said that Board was formed from party
considerations, and that if h t ere was a change of Ad-
ministration he might be a member of the Board of
Admiralty. Well he (Sir R. Peel) would think the
choice a judicious one. The Hon. and Gallant Officer
might speak of his friends beside him, but surely a
140ard Qt which StWil Men 43 Admiral Gede and the Hen.

and Gallant Officer near him (Mr. Corry) were members,
could not well be censured for its party bias. With re-
spect to the defence of the dockyards, to which the
Noble Lord had alluded—by whom were the dockyards
neglected ?—(Hear, hear.) Was this Government
chargeable with it ? Why it was the present Govern-
ment that originated a plan for their defence. There
was no necessity for a Commission—they had bad a
Commission already—and the subject had already under-
gone the fullest consideration from the highest autho-
rities in the country. He could assure the Noble Lord
that the subject had not escaped the atten-
tion of the Government, and the result would
be seen in the measures which they would
propose in the course of the present session.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) The censure of thss Noble Lord on
this head did not apply to the present Government.
So much for the particular motion ; but the Noble Lord
opposite had considered this a legitimate opportunity
for making observations with respect to the foreign policy
of the Government, and particularly regarding the right
of search. He wished the Noble Lord would bring this
matter to the test, and take the vote of the House
of Commons on it. The Noble Lord recollected per-
fectly well the result of his motion relative to
the Ashburton Treaty, or as he called it, " Capitu-
lation," and did not like even to make a motion for the
production of papers, the House had on that occa-
sion shown so little sympathy with the Noble Lord.
The treaty made by Lord Ashburton with the United
States had been entirely approved of by Parliament, and
whose vote had declared it consistent with the honour
and interests of England. The Noble Lord, he repeated,
would never forget that unfortunate result of his attempt
to depreciate the services of Lord Ashburton. The
Noble Lord, fearful of encountering the opinion of the
House by making a specific motion, had introduced the
discussion on the navy estimates. The Noble Lord
talked of concession, but at the same time admitted the
propriety of conciliatory language, but he (Sir R. Peel)
felt convinced that the Noble Lord had no reason to
complain of any undue concession, and the use of tern
perate language would not make them less firm and de-
termined, though they were certainly anxious to pre-
serve the peace of Europe. If the Noble Lord objected
to the conduct of England with respect to the affairs of
France and Morocco, and France and Otaheite,
let him bring forward a specific motion on the subject.
He thought that the most had been made of those op-
portunities, and if concessions had been made, they
had been made with the especial object of preserving
the good understanding that bad hitherto existed be-
tween the two countries, and surely it would not be
conceived, that the peace between two such countries
as these should be risked or destroyes: for the sake of the
protectorship of two small islands in the Pacific, 8,000
or 10,000 miles from the particular sphere of the French
Government ; and he did not think that the good un-
derstanding which bad subsisted between this country
and France should be destroyed on account of
this difference occasioned by the island of Otaheite.
With respect to the right of search, the Noble
Lord appeared disturbed because the most eminent
men, each of them known for his hostility to the
slave trade, the Duke de Broglie and Di. Lushington,
had united together for the purpose of ascertaining
whether or not it were possible to substitute some other
measure on the part of England and France for the
suppression of the slave trade, that should be more
efficacious than the right of search. No doubt it was
to be lamented that a public feeling should have arisen
in France which tended to paralyse the efforts made to
carry out the right of search. If England and France
cordially co-operated, it appeared to him that that mea-
sure was more efficacious than any, but its efficacy must
greatly depend upon the cordiality with which it was
carried on.—(Hear.) The treaties alluded to by the
Noble Lord, in the case of countries not very willing to
act upon treaties, were not very specific and particular.
It is true that at a certain period there was a strongdis-
inclination, on the part of France, to exercise this right
of search, and a strong opposition arose against it. But
when had that opposition arisen, and who had been the
cause of it ? It was after the events of the Syrian
campaign in 1840, when the Noble Lord was Minister
for Foreign Affairs, that the opposition to the right of
search arose. Nothing of it was heard in 1838 or 1839;
and without entering into the question of who was
to blame, it was certain that in 1840 there was an inter-
ruption to our amicable relations with France. It was
no inherent opposition to the right of search which led
first to the vote in the Chambers, then to the non-ratifi-
cation of the treaty, and then to the strong exhibition of
feeling in France tor the substitution of some other mode
of suppressing the slave trade. The Government were
not to blame that they found that feeling prevailing
when they succeeded the, Noble Lord in the administra •
tion of foreign affairs ; but if that feeling was in exist-
ence in France, it was the policy pursued in France and
England which was the exclusive cause of the opposi •
tion manifested in France to the right of search.—
(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord thought the Govern-
ment were wrong in not resenting the non-ratification
of the treaty, there was a period in which he should
have called the attention of the House to it. The Noble
Lord, as he (Sir Robert Peel) understood, said that
the right of search was now suspended. It was not so.
Did the Noble Lord believe that these two eminent men,
the Duke de Broglie and Dr. Lushington, would have
assumed the functions they had consented to undertake if
they were not animated by the sincerest desire to put an
end to the slave trade. Dr. Lushington could not be
charged with a desire to promote the political objects of
the present Government ; he saw that the right of
search had become ineffective, and he had only consented
to accept these duties in the earnest hope that it might
be possible to devise something more effectual. He (Sir
Robert Peel) believed, in spite of what had been
advanced by the Noble Lord, that the efforts that had
been made on the coast of Africa had been most be-
neficial, and he trusted it was needless to say that the
Government would not give their consent to the substi
tution of any plan that should be less effectual for its
object than the right of search.—(Hear, hear.) If some
other plan should be found, then it was an agreement
with France that the right of search should be sus-
pended, not abandoned, until it could be proved by ex-
perience whether or not the new experiment were effi-
cacious. If France would consent to keep a very large
naval force upon the coast of Africa, cordially acting
with us in the determmation to make every effort for
the suppression of the slave trade, and if no conside-
ration on the score of expense were suffered to
interfere with this cordial union, he believed that that
course might be more efficacious than the right of search
as it now existed It was in the hope of devising
some such means that the commission had been consti-
tuted. With respect to other matters touched npou by
the Noble Lord, as the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John
Russell) had given notice of a motion upon the subject,
he (Sir R. Peel) thought it better to abstain from any
reference to it, or matters connected with it, until the
Noble Lord had had the opportunity of bringing for-
ward that notice. But when the Noble Lord (Lord
Palmerston) said that, in making the agreement which
had been negotiated by Lord Ashburton, that the
Government had acted inconsistently with the honour,
and had sacrificed the interests of this country, to
that statement he (Sir Robert Peel) felt bound to give
a prompt, a most distinct, and peremptory denial.—
(Hear, hear.) He believed that no such sacrifice had
been made. The Minister of the United States had
been charged, as this Government had been charged,
with sacrificing the interests of America ; and because
he had made an agreement with this country for the
interests of peace, he had been denounced by the
war party with having consented to an arrange-
ment that was subversive of the honour of his
country. And so it would ever be. If two great
countries, animated by a sincere desire to preserve
peace, attempted, in a spirit of mutual conciliation,
to effect an adjustment by which immediate danger was
removed, no doubt it would suit the views of party men
in either country to denounce the Ministers by whose
agency such an adjustment had been made; and if those
Ministers were not supported in conciliatory endeavours,
there was no security in any country against the risk of
constant hostilities,—(Hear, hear.) He did not believe
that either that House or the country disapproved of
the efforts that had been made to maintain peace.—
(Hear, hear.) He did not believe that that House or
the country would think tbest the power of the Govern
ment to resist unjust demands, or to maintain the inte-
rests or honour of the country when the maintenance of
them became necessary, had been in the slightest degree
impaired, either by the holding of conciliatory language,
by the direct avowal of a desire to preserve peace, or by
having consented to compromise, where compromise was
possible, and where mutual concession had put an end to
immediate danger.—(Hear, hear.) He did not believe
that past moderation would incapacitate the Govern-
ment from acting with vigour, firmness, and determina-
tion, whenever it might become necessary to assert them.
—(Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL was astonished at the tone assumed
by the Right Hon. Gentleman with respect to theobser-
vations of his Hon. Friend. He thought there was suffi-
cient reasons for making an inquiry respecting the th
in-
crease of the naval force upon the coast of Africa, whenthere was an increase of the navy estimates
de-
manded.—(Hear.) There might be reasonsforthis in-crease of the estimates, but there were also other reasons
tor the observations of his Hon. Friend ; and it was
necessary for the satisfaction not only of the house, but
also of the country, that these questions should be ex-
amined. There was certainly very great excitement
respecting the suppression of the slave trade. His Noble
Friend (Lord Palmerston) had stated that Lord Castle•
reagh and the Duke of Wellington had thought the right
of search a point of the greatest importance. It had been
y
written, signed, and ratified
and was the
House now to be told that it should be be abandoned
and yet Government proposed, at the same time, that the
estimates for the navy should be increased in order to
suppress the slave trade. Was it not under such circum-
stances excusable in his Noble Friend to say, " We do
not object to this vote, but is it not fair, at least. that we
should know the purpose for
which this mousy is wanted
—the object to which it is to e applied ere we grant it?"
The Right lion. Baronet, in reply, had taunted the
Noble Lord with the course he liad taken with respect
to what was called th.. Ashburton treaty. He did not
think the Right Hon. Baronet hiuner,eaar,sohneatro.)pliTimhee
himself on the result of that
treaty.—(Hear,
proper merits of that question
were not to be lost sightwhat
of in the able speech of the Noble Lord. Why,
was the treaty in effect? His Noble Friend the Secre-
tary of State for Foreign Affairs at that time had in-
formed the House that the American Government had
advanced certain claims,
their
and they (the British Govern.
ment) had made claims, which, not being
acceded to, they gave the question u
American Government
said if we accedepio yTo The
er
propositions, shall you, in
return, give us the navigation
of the river St. John's. Many persons might think that
a great portion of the tteorrioory given up to the Anse.
ricans was scarcely
a loss or considered either as
gain ; but then they ought to consider
the manner in which that territory was trans-
ferred ? Was it WI- to the Madawaskwa villagers
that they, if willing to
abide under the protection
of her Britannia Majesty, glaild be transferred I

to another country? The Americans had said, "We
must have the whole of the right bank of the St. John's.
We cannot allow the British to cross the river." The
demands of America arose as she found them readily ac-
ceded to, and they obtained possession of a further terri-
tory which we granted to their claims. It was certainly his
(Lord John Russell's) opinion that in those treaties the
interests of this country had not been sufficiently at-
tended to. This might be thought a partial opinion ;
but it was one he had always maintained, for when in
office, in concurrence with his Noble Friend, he had in-
structed Lord Sydenham as to the negotiations with
America; and he had also, in conjunction with the Noble
Lord, conveyed to Lord Sydenham their approbation for
having broken off those negotiations. The Right Hon.
Baronet had said that these were matters to
keep up a hostile and vindictive feeling, and that a
better and more moderate tone would tend to the
consolidation and preservation of peace. He (Lord John
Russell) hoped that no one could accuse him of being
insensible to the blessings of peace, but he also thought
that this was not exactly the best mode of procuring
peace. The language which they might consider conci-
liatory other persons might call pusillanimous and weak,
and the consideration that the. Government might
have gained more if they had shown a somewhat in-
creased determination.—(Hear, hear.) He at the same
time gave the Government the fullest credit for never
having consented to anything which they really con-
sidered injurious to the interest or derogatory to the
honour of thtir country. The Right Hon. Baronet had
asked his Noble Friend to specify a case its which the
Government had not rated the honour of England suf-
ficiently high. He would mention one in which he
thought the Government standard had been placed a
great deal too low—he meant the case of Spain ; and he
complained that in the transactions relative to that
country they had not ascribed their submission to the
power of France, but to a revolution of opinion in Spain
itself. He would not touch on the other questions as he
intended to bring them forward on a future night.
Dr. Lushington, as far as he was aware of his opinion,
held that the right of search was one of the most effica-
cious means by which the country could put down the
slave trade, and he believed that the formation of this
Commission was solely owing to an excitement in France
upon the subject, and that it was deemed expedient to
give way to that excitement. He did not contend that
the leading men in France laid any great stress upon it;
but still this, he thought, led to its formation. He was
of opinion that, on such a subject, it would have been
better for the Government of this country to have at
once, and directly, treated with the Government of
France, for he thought it too important to be
left to the decision of two Commissioners.
The Right Hon. Baronet had admitted that were both
Governments increasing the number of cruisers upon
the African coast, that course would be more efficacious
for putting down the slave trade than any other. With
respect to the vote before the House, he was glad the
Government had determined to increase the naval force
of the country, and he therefore thought that sufficient
reason had been shown for the Committee acceding to
the vote. There was, however, another subject
upon which he wished to make one or two
remarks.—(Hear.) He alluded to the employment
of steamers for naval purposes. He did not desire to
disturb the present power of the Board of Admiralty,
with regard to the employment of steamers in a general
point of view ; but with regard to their employ-
ment for carrying on a war, he thought it would
be exceedingly useful to have a commission con-
sisting of scientific persons to inquire into and
report upon this branch of the subject. At the same
time he wished it to be understood that he had no de-
sire to disturb the present functions of the Board of Ad-
miralty, but be thought a report of a body of scientific
gentlemen on the subject would assist, instead of eintas..
rass, them. Upon those grounds he was incl;:ded
support the vote. to
Captain PECHELL was sorry to interpose at that
late hour, but it would be seen that 'ne had given notice
be hns duty
of a amendment to thaths!t vote-, and he thought it would
it. The case of a cl
S.ss of officers, who had a strong
i n to omit
.t, opportunity of mentioning
claim upon that House, had been entrusted to him,
but, somehow or other, discussions of a political tendency
had prevented him from bringing it forward. He might
be told that he could bring it forward upon any other
vote, but unless he could come to some understanding
with the Gallant„Officer opposite, he should feel it his im-
perative duty to proceed with it at once. He had, how-
ever, great faith in the humanity and integrity of the
Gallant Officer; and he trusted the Gallant Officer would
suggest some remedy for the evils of which the parties
for whom he pleaded complained.—(Hear hear.
Sir G. COCKBURN suggested that the Gallant Officer
might move his amendment upon the vote relating to
wages being brought forward.
And, upon the recommendation of Mr. HUME and Sir
C. NAPIER,
Captain PECHELL said he would adopt the course
recommended by the Gallant Admirals
Sir CHARLES NAPIER took that opportunity of
giving notice that upon the wages vote being proposed
he would bring the condition of the masters before the
Committee, and also the propriety of advancing seamen's
wages.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HINDLEY was, on the whole, not opposed to
the vote, but he protested against the principle which
argued that it was necessary to augment the naval force
of the country for preserving peace.
The vote was then agreed to.
The Chairman was ordered to report progress.
The House then resumed, and the Chairman reported
accordingly, and obtained leave to sit again.
The Customs Duties Act, and the Public Museums
Act, were severally read a second time.
The House then adjourned at ten minutes past
Twelve o'Clock.

The folowing is a list of the steam-ships and frigates,
with their cost and tonnage, referred to by Sir Charles
Napier in his admirable speech last night on the Navy
Estimates:—

STEAM-SHIPS.
Name, Guns. Horse-power. Tonnage, Cost.
Gorgon
Driver
Styx
Vixen 8
,
Geyser
Growler 8
Devastation
Thunderbolt
8
Cormorant 8
Spiteful
Virgo
Eclair 8 .. 286
Rattler
Hydra
Vesuvius
Stromboli
Dee . 3
Phoenix ..... 4
Medea ... 4
Black Eagle ......3 ... .. 260
Flamer •3
260
Pluto
Firefly
Rhadanaanthus .. 4
Salamander
He next came to the class of steam-packets which cost
the country a sum of 58,7521. vdthout the machinery.
They were as follows:-
Guns. Horse-power. Tonnage. Cost.
Spitfire
Blazer
Tartarus 0
Hermes . 3
Alecto 5
Prometheus 5
Lizard ....... 0
Ardent ... . ......... 5 ...... 200,41 ... 801 ...
Megara ............... 5.. ... 160, 37 ... 717
Dasher
Widgeon
Merlin
Medusa 0
Acheron
Hecla
4
Hecate
Volcano
Polyphemus 5,19... 200
Sydenham 3 .. 232 597
Albert
Wilberforce
Soudan 0
Bee
The steam-frigates of which they had no returns of the
expense were as follow:-
Firebrand
Vulture.
Eclair 1 059
Gladiator .
Sampson 1,299
Retribution
Scourge.
Terrible 1,840
Penelope -
He next came to the steam-ships that were building.
They were:-

FRIGATES.
Guns. Horse-power. Tons.
Dragon 8 ............ 560
Avenger
Odin
Centaur
Amphion 36 1,27
300
Vulcan .
556
SLOOPS.
Sphynx
Bulldog ...... .... 6
Fury . ............ 6
350 , 1,124
Harpy ............ 3
Torch
Spitfire
Trident
Myrmidon
Grappler
STEAM-VESSELS ORDERED.
Round
Niger 0
Dart ............... 3
Fury . ...... .... 6
Dauntless
Steam Frigate... 46
Encounter 8
I)esperate. ... No drawings.
2 Iron steam- frigates.
2 Iron steam-sloops.

SPORTING REMINISCENCE OF TAWELL.-A some-
what singular fact occurred in 1827 ; Captain Rous was in
Sydney, New South Wales, and had a horse taken suddenly
ill ; he went to the shop of Tawell to procure some medicine.
Tawell's horse and chaise was standing at the door at the
moment, and he volunteered to drive the Gallant Captain
back to his stable, and administer the remedy. Captain
Rous consented, jumped into the gig, the medicine was given
by Timell, and the horse recovered.

COURT CIRCULAR.
WINDSOR, MosnAv.—Their Royal Highnesses the Prince
of \Vales, Prince Alfred, and the Princess Alice, were taken
for a carriage drive this morning, accompanied by the Dow-
ager Lady Lyttclton.
Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge, and
the Hereditary Grand Duke and Duchess of Mecklenhurgh-
Strelitz, attended by Mr. Edmond Mildmay, left Kew yes-
terday morning for Belvoir Castle, Leicestershire, to honour
the Duke of Rutland with a visit. The royal party travelled
by the London and Birmingham Railway.
Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess Stephanie of
Baden, attended by the Baroness de Strumfeder and Baron
Roth de Schreckenstein, visited the Tower of London yester-
day morning. His Serene Highness Prince Edward of Saxe
Weimar accompanied the Grand Duchess during her inspec-
tion of the different objects of interest within the ancient-
edifice. Her Royal Highness, attended by her suite, after-,
wards went to view the Thames Tunnel, and then returned
to the Duke of Hamilton's, in Portman-square. In the af-
ternoon the Grand Duchess visited her daughter at her resi-
dence in Connaught- place.
The Chevalier Bunsen, Prussian Minister, paid his respecte
to the Grand Duchess Stephanie of Baden yesterday.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge attended the
rehearsal of the Concert of Ancient Music, at the Hanover-
square Rooms, yesterday morning. The Royal Duke visited
her Royal Highness the Duchess of Glcucester, at Gloucester
House.

His Serene Highness Prince Ernest of Hesse Philippstabl
arrived at Christie's Hotel, St. James's-street, yesterday, from
a visit to the Duke and Lluthess of Cambridge, at Kerr,
A Cabinet Council was held yesterday aftemoova at the
Foreign-office. The Ministers present -were—Sir R. Peel,
the Duke of Wellington, Lord Wharncliffe, the Duke of Buc-
clench, Left of Aberdeen, Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Earl of Haddington, Earl
of Ripon, Lord Granville Somerset, Earl of Lincoln, and the
Right Hon. Sidney Herbert.
Sir R. Peel arrived in town to attend the Council from
Osborne House, Isle of Wight. Lord Wharncliffe arrived in
the forenoon from Brighton.
The Council sat two hours.
Lord Wharncliffe left town, on his return to Brighton, 11n"
mediately after the Council.
A Deputation connected with the "Vest India colonies,
consisting of Messrs. Cavan, Cave, Barkly, and Colvile, bad
an interview with Lord Stanley yesterday, at the Colonial'
office.

His Excellency Sarem Effendi, Turkish Ambassador, trans'
acted business yesterday at the Foreign-office.
The new Commission respecting the slave trade held their
first meeting yesterday, at the official residence of Sir Robert
Peel, in Downing-street. The Duke de Broglie and the Right
Hon. Stephen Lushington, D.C.L., Judge of her Majesty
High Court of Admiralty, attended.
The Governor of the New Brunswick and Nova Scotia
Land Company, and- a Deputation accompanied by the
Secretary, had an interview yesterday with Lord Stanley.
Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, had an interview
with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday.
Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-oMee+.
from the Governor of Gibraltar. iispatches were sent ou,
last evening from the Colonial-office, for the Governor lot
Van Dieinan's Land.

HER MAJESTY'S VISIT TO TO

ISLE OF WIGHT.
COWER, MONDAY.—The inhabitants here are ill
ecstacies at the prospect of her Majesty periodical rev,'
deuce among them.
Her Majesty was driven over bier newly acquired 4°'
main in the royal pony phiet,en yesterday. The Ole
spy ctor of Palaces and royal, ens
gaged
architects are busily A'
gaged in planning .at
ions and improvements
_sr
the upholsterer is aln in attendance to receive her Maw
jesty's command-, as to the furniture.
A messfn!-,e was dispatched this morning to Gospotto
to order },
:er Majest)'s coachman to have the royal Ore
Vag(' readiness at the Royal Clarence Victuallifflt
w:ablishment by half-past three o'clock to-morrow, le
convey her Majesty and their Royal Highnesses Fria%
Albert and the Princess Royal and suite to the terailli?,,
of the Gosport Railway, whence the royal visitors NYl'l
return to Windsor or Buckingham Palace by a spec"'
train about four o'clock.

Sir Robert Peel left for town this evening.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S.—.-YESTERDAY. na
The attendance included a considerable number of icatt,
betters, but so small a proportion of backers, that althoub t
many horses were touched upon, the investments in 131
cases were so insignificant, that we have some hesitations
making a quotation. As exceptions to this remark, we °I
mention Semiseria, Obscurity, Ratan, Celeste, Ould Irele%;
and Patriot for the Chester Cup, for which, too, Pug, Fri
of Kildare, and Yheomun-ac-Knuck were in some deulan,,,,,"
and Lord Exeter's lot, Pam, and Weatherbit for tb.e nor;
Inquiries after Newsmonger, Mentor and Pantasa, but le
business done. For the reasons stated above we give I"
following list, " errors excepted :"

NEWMARKET HANDICAP.
5 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Croton Oil
10 to 1 agst Mr. Drinkald's Vol-au-Vent...taken
20 to 1 agst Mr. H. Davis's Gorhambury—takes „mit
Offers to take 6 to 1 about Porto Bello, and 10 to 1 81.
Skeleton.

TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES.
sto 2 agst Lord Stradbroke's Idas— a Idas--taken and ft °ff(l.
3 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Kedger—taken
5 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Cobweb colt
20 to 1 agst Idas winning this and the Derby—taken'
TAE CHESTER CUP.
8 to 1 agst the Irish lot—taken
10 to 1 agst Mr. Jaques's Semiseria—taken freely
11 to 1 agst Mr. W. Scott's Cataract—no backers
12 to 1 agst Mr. A Johnstone's Obscurity—taken to 1
13 to 1 agst Mr. H. H. Johnstone's The Era—tk 14
25 to 1 apt Mr. Bell's Winesour—taken
30 to 1 agst Mr. Stebbings's Celeste--taken
30 to 1 agst Lord G. BentincVs Pug—take 35 to 1
33 to 1 agst Mr. Cuthbert's Queen of Tyne—takes
33 to 1 agst Mr. Isaac Day's Portrait—taken ,
33 to 1 agst Er. Armstrong's Ratan-35 to 1 tkn awl
33 to 1 apt Mr. Davies's Yheomun-ac-Knuck....t3s
35 to 1 agst Mr. Irwin's Pride of Kildare—taken
40 1 agst Mr. Irwin's Ould Ireland—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Meikiam's Trueboy—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Irwin's Patriot—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Osbaldiston's Sorello—take 50 10
1000 to 15 agst Mr. Irwin's Faugh-a-Ballagh—taken
1000 to 15 agst Mr. Irwin's Polish—taken