The Sun.
London, England, 1827-08-02 00:00:00

and because the Government of tngland has
the honour of having (as they say) encouraged
and promoted this defection. This entire story
rests merely upon rumour, and although hot ha-
probable in itself, will be proved, we imagine, to
have been premature. We refer to it_ only be-
cause it seems to us to afford a fine illustration
of the new code of political morality which is to
guide the present Administration, if we are to
suppose that the most zealous and the most pa-
tronized of its supporters are qualified to form
any correct notion of its principles and spirit.
The story is, and we take it as it is given to us
by the leading Journal of the Ministerial Party,
that the Pacha of Egypt has long entertained
the intention of casting off his allegiance ; that
he some time ago communicated that intention to
Mr. Canning, having an instinctive presentiment
that this was the proper quarter in which to seek
encouragement and applause ; and finally, that the
Right Hon. Gentleman, acting on behalf of the
King of England, one of the oldeo and most
intimate allies of the Porte, did not hesitate a

moment, but with most meritorious promptitude
promised the incipient rebel the sanction and
countenance of the British Government. This
statement is accompanied, of course, with the
warmest panegyrics upon the consummate skill
and dexterity with which the Prime Minister
Livailed himself of this opportunity to facilitate
the objects of the treaty then about to be con-
cluded for the settlement •of Greece. It would,
we admit, be unjust towards the Administration,
had and unprincipled as we consider it, to give
implicit credit to this statement. The perfidy it
describes is too. undisguised. The outrage upon
!national faith and honour which it pourtrays and
applauds is too violent and hazardous to be cre-
,lible ; but the statement thus put forth with so
many eulogistic flourishes by one of its organs,
,indicates at least but too plainly that the charac-
ter of the Government of England has recently
undergone a lamentable change ; that it now
aims at being ditinguished by its supe-
rior cunning, rather .than by its supe-
rior integrity; and that the more skilful
land acute of its flatterers offer to it accord-
ingly the kind of oblation which they know will
be the most grateful. In what light, we may
;ask, will these assertions and encomiums of Mr.
'Canning's friends and flatterers be viewed by the
Porte ? Will they not appear to illustrate in a
manner the most novel and striking the loud pro-
fessions of moderation, and impartiality, and
good faith, contained in the Greek Treaty ?
Will they not exhibit one of the parties to this
Treaty as being admirably fitted for the high
office of mediator between the POrte and certain
other of its revolting subjects ? To hold the
Administration expressly responsible for the
.foolish or indismet conduct of those who
iespouse its cause would be irrational and un-
fair ; yet it is nevertheless true that per-
!sons of kindred intellect and disposition
naturally cleave to each other ; and the
general character of a Government is sure,
!therefore, to be inferred from the ge-

neral tone of mind manifested by those who
stand forward as its most prominent advocates.—
It is no doubt a, misfortune to any country to

'have an Administration which can by possibility
,attract to its cause, partizans capable of such a
combination of stupidity and wickedness, as that
which has given rise to our animadversions.—
Other Governments and nations were generally
.disposed to put a charitable construction upon
the fulminations of Mr. Canning, threatening,
is they 'did, the whole earth with the power of
England as an inciter of rebellions and revolu-
tions. By the common consent of mankind, and
in a general spirit of reliance upon the known
probity and wisdom of his Colleagues at tha
period, his rash.and dangerous words were suf
fered to pass as

" A tale
Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury,
Signifying nothing."
We would seriously put it to Mr. Canning
,nd to his adherents, whether they are likely to
,dvance his character as a Statesman, or to pro-
note the glory and welfare of England, by now
idopting such conduct or language as is likely
o lead to a renewal of this interpretation.—
Horning Post.

. Now the political quidnuncs have completely
run the gauntlet of conjecture, and seem to -have
exhausted all their breath on the subject of a
Noble Duke's late visit to Windsor, that the
subject itself may not too suddenly pass away, or
the writers in question die of ennui, we will give
them another edition of the matter quite differ-
ent from any which they haVe hitherto hit upon ;
and it is this—That the Duke's interview with
his Majesty, about which so much fuss has been
made, had no reference to politics,, but arose en-
tirely out of his Majesty's personal feelings to-
wards his Grace and his family, as connected
with the painful and injudicious disclosures which
one branch of that family was at the time forcing
upon the public attention. Though we have no
more knowledge about the matter than those
who, professing to have so much, have clearly
none at all, yet we may state that this view of it
was long since intimated to us, through a quarter,
of probably quite as good authority as any from
which any of the previous conjectures may have
emanated ; and carries with it, to our minds at
least, an air of probability quite as convincing as
any which has hitherto appeared. . Of the King's
personal regard—we may say affection, for the
Duke, no one can entertain a doubt ; and• it re-
quires no penetration to imagine that, even the
highest Personage in the realm may feel a lively
interest in every thing which concerns the ho-
nour and happiness of a friend and subject so
highly valued. And this conjecture is not a
little strengthened by Lord Maryborough, the
father of the one party and the brother of the
other, being the messenger employed to effect
the interview. if this view of the matter be cor-
. rect, it renders it one with which the public can
I have no concern; and we therefore forbear to en-
, large upon it.—Morning Herald.

We have extracted from The London Maga-
zine a very able article on the Wellesley case,
which, we think, exhausts the argument on the
subject. It has been suggested to us that a
particular distinction ought to be made between
the children of the Sovereign and of Peers and
those of the rest of the community ; that as

Royalty and the Peerage are not empty honours,
but involve the exercise of powers in which the
people are deeply interested, it is of the utmost
consequence that all possible precautions be
taken that those on whom Sovereignty and
Nobility are likely to devolve, be fitted by their
education for the due exercise of the powers to
be committed to them, and that we accordingly
see that in the case of Royalty the education of
the Heir Apparent is deemed a concern over
which the nation has a right of controul. In the
case of the mass of men, interference between
the parent and child is less necessary, and would,
in fact, be impracticable. But in the case of
Peers, their elevation above the people, and pos-
session of legislation and judicial power, must