Star.
London, England, 1830-09-16 00:00:00

BETA UU.

Beaux, Szris. 13.—N0 wonder that the late events in Belgium
should have surprised you; that country, which for the last 15 years
has enjoyed a degree both of liberty and prosperity it never before knew,
complains of grievances; and not merely complains of them, but demand
reparation of them in arms, at the same moment that Holland, the clas-
sical ground of rational liberty, and whose jwooperity has bast .sathcsd
to the interests of that very Belgium, expresses its indignation at this
conduit. This certainly is one of the phenomena which put our
larodulons powers to a severe test. The het, bower.; is but too
true, and the very iocredibility of it must, I think, be considered
as the muse of the ammeous ideas which, in your country, saes
pretty generally to be entertained respecting the nature of the din.
eatWaetion that exits. It is believed that the inaleasteats of Bel-
gium defend the isms mum as the French Liberals did against the
Government of Charles the Tenth. No notion can be 'more mistaken
and• it is hardly too much to say, that one of these classes of men is

totally the orpositc of the other. W'itit ray few exceptions, in this
country is and was enjoyed that which the French wanted, and a
great portion at lust of the Belgian enemies of the Government are
the friends and abettors of the Jesuits, averse to the existing order
of things on no other account than that of its liberal tendency. The
whole faction is composed of three distinct classes, two at least of
which have a profound and natural hatred of the third, but with which
they have concluded a monstrous alliance, fur the sake darning on
a joint warfare against the King, whom they disguise under the name
of the Ministry. These classes are as follow

1. The Ultra Liberals or Jacobins, (the last alluded to.) They
consist of old sycophants of Napoleon, and of some hot-headed and
office-hunting young men. Their demands are the ostensible ones of
the faction, as the other two classes dare not declare their wishes on
account of their ir.compatibility with radical pretensions.
2. The Aristocrats. The dissatisfaction arises from the civil and po-
litical equality which our constitution establishes between all classes of
society, and the rigour with which the King has put this principle into
execution ; His Majesty having called merit into action from every
corner where he could find It, and exalted it above imneritorious
high origin.

3. The Ultra Roman Catholic Clergy. The de jure and de facto
equality of all religious aesociations in this country was already ob-
noxious to these men ; but the fact of the King himself being a
Protestant was intolerable to them, and his Majesty having endeavoured
to raise, by means of the Philosophical College at Louvain, enlightened
clergymen, constituted a sin which they never can forgive.
It will be needless to dwell on the pretensions of the two latter classes,
but as the demands of the first have some plausibility, and even, it
must be confessed, some reasonableness at bottom, I will make a few
remarks on that subject. First, however, I most observe, how de-
plorable it is to see a cause, good in itself, in such infamous hands as
is the case at present, and particularly in Belgium. Rational desires
there only serve as a cloak to base and truly servile passions, for the
gratification of which no means are thought to be too ignoble. False-
hood and preurication are the main engines by which war is carried on
against a liberal government, and sympathy courted in foreign parts.
A glaring instance hereof is the danger to which they ridiculously re.
present the Belgians to be exposed here, where nobody has
offered them the slightest insult, and particularly that which
they say one of their deputies has tun at Rotterdam. It is true
there was a tumult among the populace there on the arrival of that
man ; not, however, on account of his being a Belgian, but because he
was an atrocious instrument of Napoleon's tyranny in these parts. The
great outcry among the malcontents is for liberty: must not persons,
who are not tolerably acquainted with the moral and political state of
this country, suppose that we are ruled with an trod rod ? And yet it
is an incontestable fact, that until the late French revolution, in no part
of Europe a portion of liberty was enjoyed Equal to that in the Nether.
lands. Over and above all the securities which an Englishman pos-
sesses, we have a greater extent than he of the liberty of the press, which
is here not limited in religious matters, as it is with you. The law in-
flicting a penalty on personal insults printed against crowned heads was
made to defend the:Bourbons against the invectives of French refugees,
and can surely not be considered as a very great hardship. As to the
banishment of De Potter and his accomplices, this will not be judged too
severe a punishment by any one who is aware of the conspiracy to over-
turn the Government, which, from their own correspondence, it is proved
that these men had formed, and which is now put in execution by their
friends. The demands with which one can sympathize are the fol.
lowing:—

I. The responsibility of Ministers. This seems to be a necessary
condition of a Constitutional Government, but our fundamental law
does not establish it. We therefore could only wish that the principle
had been subsequently adopted in a legal manner. As to the King,
his Majesty has already caressed himself favourable on the subject,
and'[ have little doubt but that it will soon be introduced into our
constitutional code.

2. The equal distribution of offices between Belgians and Hollanders.
It is, however, just to observe, that the existing inequality is mainly
attributable to Holland being an independent state when the Belgian
provinces were added to it, and that those who were in possession of
offices could hardly be deprived of them for the purpose of giving them
to the Belgian individuals, who, besides, was it from the circumstance
of never having enjoyed a separate political existence, have in general
not an equal aptitude for them.

3. The Jury in criminal matters. 1 confess this has always been a
great desideratum with myself, and 1 am convinced that if the middle
claws of society in Belgium were as enlightened as they are In Holland,
this institution would have been introduced by our Legislature. I
must own, however, that the peculiar organization which has been
adopted for our tribunals, leaves me almost without regret at our
missing it.

4. A little more of the popular principle in the elections ; this must
also be the subject of an act of the Legislature.
At the same time, now that the reasonableness of the above demands
is admitted, must it not be asked in wonder, are they worth making a
revolt for f. A remarkable circumstance in the Belgian disturbances is,
the fickleness and inconsistency of the malcontents in their demands. The
first rabble that began the disturbances at Brussels. and who were, in.
deed, only pushed on by more important individuals, exclititued against
the municipal tax on flour. The local authorities thereupon abolished
this tax. But hardly had the real instigators of the disturbances taken the
revolt in their own hands, under pretence of maintaining order, but they
sent* deputation to the King demanding the convocation of the States-
General, and the dismissal of the Minister of Justice. As the former
had already taken place, and the said Minister asked and obtained his
retirement immediately afterwards, both demands were satisfied; but
then the cry was raised for the separation of the two great divisions of
the kingdom. In no part of it this separation is more desired titan in
Holland, for it cannot be denied that the existing tie has created Belgian
prosperity at her expense ; however, we all know that the political situ-
don of European nations does not altogether depend on their own wishes,
but it is also an effect of combinations of a more general order. I trust
this rapid sketch will give you a prettty correct idea of the real nature
of the late events. The speech of the King this day, on opening the
Extraordinary Sitting of the States-General, is a document remarkable
both for dignity and moderation. I doubt not but that the deliberation
of the legislature, joined to the wisdom actually displayed by the Go-
vernment, will Soon make an end of the disturbances, which, however,
have already done immenpe harm to this kingdom—Private Lake it
the Tines.

FRANCE.
(From fibs Journal des Dsbaes.)

PARIS, Szirr. 12.
The Ministry, it is said, are to present to the Chambers a report upon
the state of the country. This measure appears to us an excellent one.
The report, we trust, will allay many exaggerated alarms, and also car.
rect many extravagant hopes. Exhibiting things in s just and true point
of view, it will place every one in a condition better to understand our
situation. As to the steps with which the Altnistry propose to follow
up the report, let them act with the majority of the Chamber, let them
boldly proclaim the union of the King, the Chambers, and the Ministry,
and the firm determination of the powers of the state to prevent die.
order; this is, in our opinion, what may, and what ought to follow the
report of the Al inistry. We are not among the number of those who,
on the one hand, think that we have been fur fifteen years serfs and
slaves, and who, on the other band, imagine that since the 30th of
July, 1830, mankind having no longer any passions, and society,
no motives to disorder, we are entering into a state of endless
political beatitude. This credulity, in both respects, is silly
and ridiculous; k calumniates the past, and flatters the future. What
do we behold in the present state of things ? Two species of agitation—_
a moral and &materiel ; one turning upon opinions, the other upon in.
tenets; the republican party, and the riots of the workmen. The moral
agitation is the almost inevitable coosupusee of the late revolution,
which still bewilders minds. But there is more noise than 'feet
in this agitation: ft is one of schools and clubs, nothing more. It
will not become dangerous unless it league with the material seta.
this, and the republican party avails itself of the tumults of de
workmen to forward its ends. But to do this, the republican
party Mit promise the inferior daises some advantage. Will

this be a political advantage ? Will every every workman be promised
to be made an elector ? But this would be no real amelioration of the cut.
dition of the inferior classes, and they know it welL They wantsomethte,
more substantial—the abolition of machinery, that manufacture, tr.
be enhanced, and labour better paid. Upon what conditions, thee, au
the party content their allies ? Upon condition of ruining the free • -
velopment of industry, and telling the manufacturers t You shall no
longer avail yourselves of the machines which science has contrived
you shall make indifferent commodities at a high coat ; and furter, rev
the consumer would not be willing to pay high for bad goods, and
would, therefore, be tempted to have recourse to the English, it is ',c-
anary to prohibt strictly the importation of foreign merchandise.' This
will be the result of the republican system, which, founded upon the
name of liberty, will destroy the freedom of industry, and the
freedom of commerce. In 1792 and 1793, the republican party eoui.l
manage the people by the grand worde, liberty and equality. The people
then had only passions, which were easily duped and lcd. The people
have now interests, and nothing is mere discerning than Interest. The
task of the republican party is therefore a hundred times more difficult
now than in 1793. The maxims of the republican party have, at pt.-
sent, no real strength or effect. Out of the schools and reading-rooms,
the republican party would not find ten Individuals who would int their
life for the idea of a republic. In discussion we use the words republic
and monarchy, it is true, because words last longer than the things or
ideas ; but in point of fact, these are mere terms the questions are
merely school questions. In short, the republican party is a sect without
power, unless it allies itself with the inferior classes ; and it cannot form
such an alliance without sacrificing the freedom of Ministry and the
rights of property. Who is interested in the niaintena..ce of property ?
Whore interest is it to repel the violent invasion of the inferior
classes ? The bourgeoisie, without doubt. Thus amongst our adver-
saries, those who know the true state of the case, do nut trouble then,.
selves about lowering the qualification of elector or eligible, about he-
reditary pts:rage, or a peerage for life. They talk of the citizen aristo-
cracy, and the amelioration of the condition of the lower orders.' T‘i
talk thus is to put the question where it really is ; it is to put it i.o
material shape. The debate is no longer moral or political; it i.
more serious, more effective. It is no longer in the line of liberty
that we fight, it is in that of equality. Royalty is out of the contest,
for the maintenance orEabolition of royalty forms no part of the qus-
don. It is property and the people which are in dispute. We do not
say that there is a general conspiracy of the inferior classes against
property and the people.,a The movement of :the inferior classes
is instinctive. There is. at the present day, a general impulse
in society. Bach desires to get forward ; nor is this an evil.—
Civilization has given every one the idea of increase and aggrandizement.
Forty years ago, the lower orders were too abject to feel this warn.
They feel now what Mirabeau calls "the malady of happiness."
rabeau was wrong to call the desire of bettering one's self, when one is
really comfortable, by the name of malady. This desire is the instm-
most of the progress of humanity. So far from the bourgeoisie being
an obstacle to the amelioration of the inferior classes, they arc, on the
contrary, an aid and instrument to them ; they are continually receiving
the select of the lower orders. How many bourgeois families of our
time have grown out of artisans ! Nothing is more favourable to the
amelioration we desire than the regular movement of the society : sub-
stitute for it the violent Invasion of the lower orders, and instead of the
elite of them3recrultinifthe bourgeoisie, let in the whole mass, order
will be destroyed, and the progressive advance of the society ar-
rested. To conclude. This is the state of France. A moral
agitation, which is superficial only, and has no future prospects, though
it vexes and disturbs the present : a material agitation, which is con-
, fleeted with the movement of society itself, which is important as re-
spects the future, though a matter of indifference as regards the present.
These two things, taken separately, present no danger, if the Govern.
mart be firm and confident. If a union takes place, then there will be
real danger then property and the bourgeoisie, the china-aristocracy,
as our adversaries say, will be in danger. Having so many means, and
so many legitimate motives, to defend themselves, the bourgeoisie
have nothing to fear, if they do not desert their own cause. Hitherto
they have displayed an admirable knowledge of their true interests, in
forming with > the National Guard. May this continue; may they
watch especially the union which may take place between the moral and
the material agitation; between the innovators and the inferior climes
—there is the danger. With the march of the age towards material
interests, a republic is at the present day impracticable, but at the ex-
pense of property; and every attack upon our Institutions is a means of
bringing about the union of the bourgeoisie.
Prowl the Gas** de France, dated Tuesday.
Pau, SEPT. 7.—The Spanish ferugees are flocking from all parts of
France to this country There does not a day pass without some of
them arriving by diligences and private carriages. After having been
tormented by the preceding government, and subjected tom very rigorous
surveillance, they highly praise the present administration, which lets
them come and go wherever their business calls them, without molesting
them in any way. It would be shutting our eyes against evidence, if
we should refuse to see that a movement is preparing in the Peninsula.
Superior oScers,who served under Mina in the was of independence, have
for some days past approached the frontiers, to try the ground, and to con.
art with other Spaniards who have come from Navarresnd Arragon. That
General, who left Paris two days ago, will find every thing organised
on his arrival. On the other hand, the Government of Ferdinand is
means to avert the crisis that threatens it. It is more than ever in agi.
cation to publish a charter, ontthe plan of that of Louis XVIIL This
act would be preceded by recalling all the exiles, who would thus have
no occasion to return to their country by force of arms. But if it is
to produce any good effect, this concession to the imperious necessity
of circumstances must be made without the least delay. In a few days.
Perhaps. it will be too late—Memorial des Pyrenees.
B4IIOIIIIE, Surf. s.—The Duke de Montebello arrived here yes.
terday with his wife, and his brother, going to Madrid : the two gentle.
men set out again this morning. The Duchess remains here till the
Duke's return. Many Spaniards have arrived here from the interior.
There are more than 700 men in the Biscayan villages of Owlet,
Sempe, laterite and Torrijos are expected. Colonel Valdez is
chief pro tempore here. They talk of entering the Spanish territory
on the 18th of September. Success is generally doubted of.—Memoriel
des Pyrenees.

ELECTION OF CORONER.—Szviwrn DAT.

STATE OF TILE POLL AT TWO O'CLOCK THIS DAY.
Wakley - - - - - .t-09
Baker 200

Every exertion is making by both parties to procure voters.

THE ZING'S COURT.

BRIGHTON, SEPT. 15.
Yesterday, in addition to the Royal suite, the Earl of
ABERDEEN, Colonel La COUTEUR, the Russian Ambas-
sador, and Le Prince TROUBITZKOI, had the honour of
dining with their MAJESTIES at the Pavilion.
The Evening Party of their MAJESTIES last night, in ad-
dition to the Royal Suite, consisted of—the Countess of
WARWICK, Colonel MERRICK, Sir John and Lady JOL-
LIFFE, Lieutenant-Colonel LYGON, Colonel JODRELL, the
Duke and Duchess of ARGYLL, Lady G. PAGET, Captain
and Lady AGNES BYNG, Lady ARABELLA FARE, Count
REDERN, Colonel and Lady BUCKLEY, Captain BAILLIE
HAMILTON, Baron and Baroness BuLow, Sir A. OTTWA v,
Lord and Lady Pow sow BY, Colonel KINLocn, and Colonel
COVENTRY.

This day Sir WATHATI WA LLER and Mr. WALLER took
their departure from the Pavilion, where Colonel Fox ar-
rived !ROOD after.

This afternoon Colonel LE COUTFUR, Captain BAILLI
C
HA MI LTow ond Admiral Sir BTAII MARTIN, had audiences
of his MAJNATT.

The following Noblemen and Gentlemen left their cards
at the Pavilion :

Sir BYAM MARTIN.
Lieutenant-Colonel BUCKNER,
Captain WALLACE,
La Prince TROUSITZKOI.
Baron and Baroness Bu Low•,
Lord RANELLOH,
Lord and Lady Poßsow ay, and
Count ANDERN.
This afternoon, the QUEEN, accompanied by P
GEORGE of Cambridge, rode on horseback ; as did
BUM, MISS FITSCLARIINCI, and Mrs. Fox. The Prin-
cess AUGUSTA and the Lsndgravine of Hans HomBERG,
rode in a carriage.

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bONDON SESSIONS, SEPT. 15.

These Sessions were held this morning, before the Right Hon. the
Lord Mayor' Recorder, Sheriffs, and Aldermen Thorp, Brown, Fare.
rother. and Ansley.
The Sessions papers, as Mr. Justice Park 'observed at the Hertford
Attires, presented but " short commons," for the gentlemen of the long
rube, there being only six charges of assault to be divided between
thirteen Course'.
'flit. Recorder, in his address to the Grand Jury, said there was no
rase in the calendar for the City that called for any particular observa-
tion. Although numerous, they were entirely of the ordinary kind, and
not attended with any aggravated circumstances.
!Miry Barron, was indicted for assaulting William Young.
The protecutor said, lam clerk to Basil Montague, Esq. On the 27th
of July I had occasion to call on a friend at the Hand-in-Hand Fire-
office. (rim(' walked out with me, and as we passed along Farrinff.
don-street, (late Fleet-market.) I thought I would go into a jeweller s
i.hop, and ask the value of a ring and key that I had in my pocket, and
:it the game time ascertain whether they were gold or not, as I had
doubts on the subject. (Laughter.) Accordingly I went into the shop
at the defendant's master, and made the necessary inquiries of the de-
tentjant, who replied that the articles were rubbish, and a " pretty fool"
must t.e to -.lst the value of them, and added that he would kick me
out of the shop.
RECORDEII—WeII, dfd he kick you ?
Prosecutor—Yes, sir, in an " unnatural place." (Laughter.)

R s:cohnEß—Have you any witnesses ?
l'ioxecutor—l have t witness, named King, but he is just stepped
hdo King.street—(laughter)—on a little business, but if you will have 1
the goodness to wait afew momenta. be will be sure to be here.—
(Laughter.)
RECORDER—The Court cannot wait, and called on the defendant
for his answer to the charge.
Defendant.—lf any assault has been•eommitted, it was by the prose.
tutor. He came into the shop and abused me in the most gross man.
nor. He said that the bills in the window announcing that the stock
was selling off, was a " dead take in," and after my telling him that
would not purchase his ring, which was only " petit d'or," he struck
me a blow on the arm with his umbrella, which fractured it.
REcoaDEß—Did you apply to a medical gentleman for advice ?
Defendant—Yes, sir, I did, six weeks afterwards—(laughter).
The defendant here became very clamorous for any gentleman of the
medical profession who might happen to be present, to conic forward and
examine the fractured member.

No gentleman, however, presenting himself, the Recorder inquired
if there was any person who could speak to the injury of which the
iendant complained'
A young man here stepped into the witness-box, and, after Icorrobo-
rating the defendant's statement, said I saw the prosecutor strike the
defendant with his umbrella,
RECORDER Did you see the arm after it was fractured ?
Witness—Yes, Sir, there was a large bump upon it the sire of a
walnut. (Laughter.)
REcomma—And how long did the swelling continue ?
Witness.-1 dare say nearly an hour.—(Laughter.)
The Jury, without hesitation, returned a verdict of Not Guilty.
The other casesoihich were not of the slightest interest, were disposed
of by 12 o'clock, and the Court afterwards was occupied in hearing pa-
rish appeals.

WEXFORD PETIT SESSIONS, Sept. 1.