The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-06 00:00:00

possibly remain. They had arrived at that juncture Ours:
foreseen, and always intended by those who had watched the pi'
. .

gress of Ireland—a juncture anticipated, as that in which Cat
lie Emancipation could be and ought to be conceded. He tru;

that the House he then addressed might be the happy means el
completing that great system of policy which would unite tbr
kingdom in constitutional bonds, and eradicate the discord whirl
had grown out of a difference in speculative opinions. Of all aie•
mosities, those proceeding from religious differences were the on&,
preposterous the most irrational, and load always been attended
with the greatest possible misfortunes. He would not sacrifice truth
to national vanity, but he would say, that England stood first of ell
nations that had ever existed, in point of intellect, information
and general instruction. In other countries, persons of every relk
gion were participators in the general benefits of the Government'
whilst in England alone was to be found a system of religious excite
sion. England having arrived at her elevation of grandeur, was tO
be degraded by this cause, into a mark for the finger of scorn tO,
point at. No other Government was jealous of its subjects ort 0'
eount of a difference of religious opinions. There was a different.
in a degree, but no difference in principle, between the religion'
persecutions of yore, the burning at the faggot, and the penalties,
the stigma, and the disadvantages now imposed in England on ats
count of religion. The principle was the same, whether the object of
persecution was obtained by pains and penalties, by disqualifi..
cations, or by pointing out the persons to society, as not fit t°
be trusted like other men. In France, in Spain, all over the
world, a difference of civil rights has ceased to be made on Recount
of a difference of religious opinions. Catholics and Protestants,
persons of every religious denomination, live together in friendshiP
in other countries. They associate as good neighbours, as god
friends, and are faithful to each other in all the duties of life. Tio
man asked another what religion he was of. All partook of the
general advantages, for all had to bear the common burthens.---
England was the only exception. He did trust that the House
would not retrograde from what former Houses of Parliament bad
done, but would give efficacy to their preceding decisions, by ecs
lieving England from the burthene arising from the way in whiclt
Ireland was managed. He would ask what were the supposed
dangers to arise out of Emancipation? He would maintain that
the measure before the House would give the Catholics ne
power in addition to that which they already possessed. The
effect would be only to remove from them the stigma under
which they had so long laboured. If Emancipation did not give
the Catholics an addition of power, he would tell the House
what it would give. It would give power to the King—it would
restore to him a part of his ancient prerogative. The preseat state
of the Catholic law took from the King the power of employe
ing persons of all religions. The circumstances under which he
he.d been deprived of that power no longer existed. The rea
eons under which the Roman Catholics had been deprived of
their liberties were as ancient as obsolete, and absurd as the be
lief in ghosts and witches. They could not evoke the Pretender
from his grave. The reasons for which these disqualifications
were enacted, bad long ceased to exist. That phantom of fear
—the apprehension of the Pope—ought to have vanished when
the realities ceased. It was a curious part of the subject, that
the portion of the Cabinet which was most opposed to the Cae
tkolic Claims, must be the least apprehensive of any danger
arising from the Pope, otherwise they were of all men the
most culpable. They, and they alone, had set up the Popei
when he was recently cast down. English soldiers were noeunte
ing geard to protect this Pope—this phantom, which was 66 td
fright the isle from her propriety." Ireland, under her prevent
management, was a greater danger to England than the Pope.
The risk of irritating six millions of men was really a dangers
He believed that was the only danger connected with the subject.
In 1525, could the thunders of the Vatican shake even the most
unsteady apprehension ? People argued the question as if the cir-
cumstances of the twelfth or thirteenth century still existed.
They never carried their ideas to their own times. What are the
dangers of granting Emancipation to the Catholics? The mea-
sure he had to propose had only the effect of giving power to the
King to employ lois Catholic subjects if he pleased. It would
give power to four or five of the most illustrious families in Eng-
land to take their seats in the House of Peers. It would enable
a few Irish Gentlemen to be elected to that House. , Could there.
be any greater danger in either of these circumstances ? Was
any danger that could possibly be supposed to arise from these cir-
cumstances equal to dissatisfying six millions of subjects? " Cu-
randum in primis ne magna injuria fiat fortibus ac miseriss"
Whilst he warned the House of thissdanger he did not mean to say
that it would reallyl .ppen. If they did'an injustice to the Catholics
of Ireland he did not believe that they would be provoked any ,
more than the. Catholics of England to disturb the State. They
would controul their passions by reason, and would still see i
that the connexion with England was desirable. Allegiance was
to be preferred to resistance. They must feel finally and even-
tually their claims would be granted. They were too just and
too strong to be resisted ; and they would be strengthened by- the
forbearance and good conduct of the sufferers. He would say
that it was not tloe way to advance the claims to run into extremes.
Jt was wrong to augment the feelings of discontent. He would
admit it was natural for sufferers to express their sentiments, but
considering all the circumstances of the case, the magnitude of
the injury, the long continuance of oppression, it was wonder-
ful to reflect upon the very few who had given way to any ex-
pressions of violent feelings. If the House contemplated the
immense number of Catholics, it would be unjust not to take
into consideration the great forbearance, the great discretion
by which their proceedings in general were marked. But the
practical point to consider was, could the country remain as it
was? and if it could not, what was to be done? He was satis-
fied, and he would say with the utmost confidence, that the
Catholics of Ireland would be more wisely directed, if, instead
bofeecnon(tioienueatioly htheollnd,intg up
their
rlbeeadfnerres t‘hvoeiurldeyespassthethwermonog:ett have
rha
altoge-
ther. If they would point out the strides they have made in ob-
taining a cause--the amelioration of their condition—the re-
laxation of the violence under which their forefathers groaned, and
the gradually increasing liberality of this country towards them ;
this would teach them to entertain hopes for the future. He
would acknowledge that the whole system pursued towards the
Catholics was most iniquitous ; but considering the dreadful
nature of religious prejudices—considering that the question in-
volved so many interests and agitated so many passions, the
Catholics ought not to be altogether insensible to the feelings of
gratitude for what they load already obtained. Let them consider
the progress which their cause had made in public opinion within
the last thirty years. Nothing so much softened the asperity
which arose out of religious differences as the diffusion of know-
ledge and the improvement of the public mind. Bigotry and
superstition, with their necessary attendant, persecution, were the
mere offsprings of ignorance ; they were the passion& of unen-
lightened brute nature, which decreased in proportion as the in-
tellect was instructed. The liberation of the Catholics was an ab-
solute and necessary consequence of diffusing knowledge. What
was the condition of the Catholics thirty years ago ? There load
eati he period of Cato
been a gradual, he must confess a slow, progress of amelioration
in the condition of the-Catholics. The system had not advanced
rapidly, but it had never retrograded—it had always been pro-
gressive. He w
Emancipation could not be long deferred. There were certainly
very many on whaL perfectly
this
r g
u m satisfiednt woulddtt
for it is no consolation to a suffering individual to be told that the
a make little imiiresshinolic ;
next race would be relieved from the injuries and the oppression
under which he was labouring. The Catholic Clain-is: were in-
debted for their progress very much to the discretion with which
they had been urged. Whatever differences of opinion might
exist upon the general system—upon isolated measures, or upon
the manner in which they bad been urged, there was a perfect
accordance upon one point (upon this all persons were agreed),
that the proposed measure must sooner or later be taken. He was
of this opinion—he thought it obvious, and it was equally ob-
vious, that if the measure must be taken, the sooner it was
adopted the better.—(Hear, hear, hear! and loud cheers.)—The
earlier the benefit was confer red, the more beneficial would be the
effect.—(Hear, hear !)—lndependently of the substantial merits,
and the general principles of the case, there were certain circum-
stances which gave the present discussion most peculiar interest.
He alluded to the hopes that had been held out to the Roman
Catholics of Ireland by Government, and by Parliament, and to
the talents by which their cause had been supported.' Inde-
pendently of this, their hopes had been excited, when the King of
England had visited their country. The Catholics had been
taught, that the appearance of his Majesty amongst them was an
assurance of the accomplishment of their most ardent hopes--the
confirmation of their just rights. The presence of the King Twas the
assurance of the pardon of offences. When that most infamous and
disgusting Monarch, James 11., received the Duke of.Moomouth,
it was clearly understood by that Nobleman that the interview
was to lead to a remission of the penalties of the law—(Hear,
hear !)--When the King recently received. the Catholics of Ire-
land, his appearance among them, his professions, the Addresses
that were put forward on that occasion were. tantamount to an
assurance that the disabilities would be done away with. It was
perfectly absurd for a Monarch to .come among a body of his most
loving subjects whilst he was disqualifying them from civil privi-
leges, on the ground that they were not to be trusted. The case
admitted of no doubt. It was set at rest by the letter which hie
Majesty had desired Lord Sidmonth to write upon the occasion.
There might be quibbles raised upon Lord Sidmouth's letter, but
under the circumstances which dictated it, it spoke to the heart.
So thoroughly had this letter been understood in Ireland thai
it excited the expression of feeling, which •in England war
thought to transgress those sentiments of affection which a fro