The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-03 00:00:00

NEW POOR-LAW.

The NOBLE EARL then presented a petition from
Chipping Wycombe against the New Poor-law, and
several similar petitions from Bradford and
its neighbourhood. He had now to present a petition
from an individual named Butler, who had been em-
ployed under the old Poor-law, and who in his peti-
tion entered into a detail of the grievances under
which he laboured, in consequence of the alteration of
the Poor-law, and expressing a hope that the state-
ments of the petition would attract the attention of
the law officers of the Crown to the subject.

Lord,BROUGHAM doubted whether it would not
be contrary to the rules of their Lordships' House to
receive the last-mentioned petition. The petitioner
stated that ever since the amendment of the Poor-
laws had taken place, the different authorities had
managed to shift the responsibility of their actions
from one to the other ; and the prayer of the petition
was not addressed to their Lordships at all ; it stated
that -he confidently trusted that having laid his hard
case beforetheir Lordships the attention of the law
officers of the Crown would be attracted to the sub-
ject, and that they would take measures to amend the
law, and to have .the petitioner's grievances redressed.
laugh.) Under these circumstances he thought
the petition could not be received.

• E'arl STAN HOPE admitted that the petition was
not in the usual form—(A laugh)—possibly the-peti-
tioner had framed the prayer in the way he had done
for the sake of variety.—(Loud laughter.)
Lord CAMPBELL apprehended that no petition
could be received unless it prayed their Lordships to
do something. This was a petition, not to their Lord-
ships, but to the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals.—
(A laugh.) It had been misdirected.--(Laughter.)
The petition was then withdrawn.
The Earl of FALMOUTH presented, a petition
against the new Poor-law.
INCOME-TAX.
The Earl of RIPON fixed to-morrow week for the
second reading of the Property-tax Bill.
THE DISTRESS OF TIIE COUNTRY.
Lord KINNAIRD rose to call the attention of the
House to the motion, of which he had given notice, on
the distress of the country . Ile wished that some other
Noble Lord on his side of the House had been found
to bring forward the sub;eet, as he felt that he was
not competent to undertake a question which hecon-
sidered of the greatest. importance. It was the causes
of this distress which he thought it was necessary to
inquire into. There had been so many contradictory
statements on all sides, that he was satisfied many
Noble Lords were ignorant of the full extent to which
the distress . existed. 11 bile they lived at the west
end -..0f the town, they could see but little of
the misery which existed even in other parts of 'this
city.. And when they returned to their country
seats, in the cottages to which their own particular
attention was directed they saw nothing of the
misery which existed only within a few mileS of
them. Ile Mt he should not be doing his duty, if
he did not state to their Lordships some few, and
but a few facts, which had come to his knowledge
facts of the very deepest importance, as showing t 4
distress of the country, which had been gradually
advancing ever since 1820, and which had now
reached not only the working, but the middle and
trading classes. He was satisfied that her Majesty's
Government were fully aware of the distress. The
proof of it was. that they had advised her Majesty to
write a letter, for the purpose of raising funds for it
relief. He must own that he could not altogether
approve of that letter. The distress might call for it,
but he doubted its policy. He also disapproved of it
entirely in one sense, inasmuch as it was addressed
exclusively to the members of the Established Church.
For what object he knew not—no communication
• bad been made on the subject to the Dissenting minis-
ters—what could be the object he knew not, whether
it was for the purpose of setting forward the Esta-
I blishment as a pattern of charity. However, he thottght
it was necessary that the communication should ,be
general. There was another fact that convinced
him that her Majesty's Government was fully aware
of the existence of this distress. It was this ; ittd
V:33, a very important one, and one to which he might;
perhaps feel it his duty on another occasion to call
the especial attention of the House—he meant the
unconstitutional use (and he asserted it boldly) of the
public money to suppress—to strangle the public ei-
hibition of the distress. He asserted that boldly—he
could prove it. From what fund the money came, he
knew not, but that money was so applied, Govern-
ment could not deny. There was another proof that
Government was well acquainted with this distress, and
the danger attendant on it. It was this, an order had
been sent down from the Horse Guards to the
troops in the distressed districts, desiring them to
consider themselves as on active service. It was
known throughout the country that those districts
were in a dangerous state. He would do the Go-
vernment the justice to believe that • they could
not have been aware, nine or ten months ago,
of the then distress, because if they ,were, nothing
could justify Ahem for having let so much time
pass without doing anything
.towards an inquiry
or towards alleviating the distress. Hundreds of
petitions, signed by thousands of persons, had
been presented to their Lordships, praying for
cheap food, and their Lordships had turned a deaf ear
to their prayer. They had asked for bread, and their
Lordships had offered them stones.—(" Oh, oh.")
The effect of the Corn- law Bill lately passed was to
raise the price of corn 3s.' per quarter, and that, too,
without a prospect of anything but a further increase.
Ile supposed that one reason for that was, that grant-
big a Committee would be holding out to the people
that they could do something that would alleviate their
distress. He thought such a reason very insufficient.
Another ground was, that no advantage would
be derived from the Committee. He thought their
Lordships would remember they had heard from Noble
Lords that the Import Committee was of no use now.
What was the result? Why, that the Members of
the Government in the other liouse, when they wanted
an argument against their own friends, referred
to that very Committee, and the publication of
the evidence before that Committee had been
of the greAtest importance. And the excuse
might be, that it was not necessary, because the
prospects of reviving trade were much better than
they had hitherto been. He believed that such was
the
opinito. n of the Noble Earl, the President of the
Board
Trade. Certainly the accounts that had
been received from Manchester were better, but it was
not to be supposed that that would be permanent.
The Noble Lord, the President of the Council, had
stated the other night that, when the funds colleektd
through the Country were exhausted, it would then be
time enough to take other steps. In his opinion, they
ought not to wait for the result of that appeal. Tht
majority of the working classes had been existing, far
the last eight or nine months, almost entirely 61
charity. The Noble Lord then went into
a statement of the produce of the customs , add
.
mist since 1836, for the purPoeii of ilichtkvgliet So

compared with the increase of population, there hadbeen
a decrease in the consumption of articles of subsistence.
Although the population was increasing at the rate of
400,000 a-year, the quantity of articles they consumed
ivali diminished. The returns from the workhouses
showed the same fact. It was proved by returns
• laid before the House of Commons, that the num-
ber of persons who sought application into the
workhouses varied with the price of food;
Init. in the last year the poor-rate had increased,
though the average was not so high as in the
preceding year. He would take the parish
of Marylebone as an example. In the year
1836, the rate was Is. 2d. in the pound,
and the sum raised was 44,673/. Last year the rate
was Is. 11d. in the pound,. and the sum raised
was 76,3561., showing a difference of 31,782/. This
difference in the parochial expenditure was to
b attributed to the .increased expense of main-
a greater number of paupers. When
provisions were dear, the applications for ad-
mittance were - most numerous, and. .when
they were cheap, the applications 'were fewer,
better wages were given for labour.
There was another document to which he wished to
eA the attention of the Noble Duke and the re-

shoes and gloves, were attacked the moment theywere suffer-
ing distress. What was the consequence? Why, the price
or gloves abroad were raised, so that the people at home would
derive no benefit from the reduction of the duty. It would be

better to leave those articles alone, and attack the great mono-
polies of coin and sugar, which would confer great benefit on
these whom their Lordships praised for their patience under
suffering and distress. When parties came to him (Lord Kin-
naird ) and complained of their distress, he said that if he saw his
children perishing around him for want of food, and those who
were in gaol better provided for than those who were both wil-
ling and able to work if they could get it, he would rather at-
tempt to help himself with the food his neighbours possessed—
( Laughter. )—yes, those who could themselves roll along at
this end of the metropolis without seeing any of the misery of
the people might laugh, but let them listen to the reason he got
for the people enduring such distress with so much patience.
The answer he received was this " if the bread had been taken
from you suddenly, say to-morrow or the next day, you would
have done that, but if you were gradually reduced to starvation,
and weakened away by not getting Lod, your energies would be so
sunk, that you would not care to see even your children perish-
ing around you." That was the truth, and he wished to im-
press it on their Lordships mind. He was quite ready to go
with a Committee to those places where distress existed, that
ocular demonstration might convince them of what the people
wets. suffering, all of which he thought was owing to unwise
legislation. From what he saw, lie feared he should fail to get
their Lordships to grant the inquiry for which he was anxious,
but lie felt it was his duty to urge in the strongest manner he
'could, the importance of the subject, and to pray their Lord-
ships to think of it. He would adjourn the debate if they
liked till they had time to make further enquiry; and if he
thought there were the slightest chance of his getting the Corn-
inittee, he would not press his motion now. He would show to the
House what he and others considered necessary-extended mar-
kets

C•••
presentative? of the agricultural interests, and' he
thought it was a very important one. The actual
consumption of wheat in England was falling off.
During the last three years the consumption
had fallen off nearly one and a half million
quarters. There were numerous ways of
getting at the consumption, but it had been
found that the best way to arrive at_ the general con-

He had been in communication with one intimately con-

meted with the American trade, and who had particularly
attended to this matter; and he assured him (Lord Bosse)
that there was an opening there for European manufactures,
which was quite beyond belief. On the banks of the Missis-
sippi and the Ohio, were nine United State, and it would ap-
pear from their census of 1840, that the population there was
5,499,89• ; two of those States principally grew cotton for our
markets, and the other States were purely agricultural, and
there was not a single manufacture carried on, except that of
some coarse stuff for trousering. These persons putthe produce
of their farms on rafts of wood, and floated it down the Missis-
sippi to New Orleans; they wished to make arrangements to
exchange that produce for manufactured articles, and if they
could not get rid of what they brought down, of course they
could not take back the necessaries which might be expected
from England to New Orleans. Besides this, there was at
Tennessee a kind of sour flower, which was Most serviceable in
manufactures ; and when the Corn-law was passed, lie should
have wished to have moved that that sour flower should be ad-

. _
nimption was by multiplying the quantity re-
turned by the 150 towns, where the averages were
taken by five, and adding the amount imported from
abroad from the Ist of October, 1839, the quantity
returned by the 150 towns was 2,620,753 quarters;

whi6b, multiplied by tire, gave 13,10;3,765 quarters;
ttld to that 2,t120,7:,3 quarters imported from
a•broad. that v 111 give 144424:' as the general eon-
moil-Aim during those six months. In 1841

the quantity returned by the 150 towns was
2.467;783 quarters, which, multiplied by 5, gave
12,338,915, and p.dding, to that 1,311,642
quarters imported from abroad, and the total-eon-
umption would he Ibund to be 13,650,557 quarters,
being a diminution of nearly 800,000 quarters
as compared with the preceding year. Then
from the Ist of October, 1841, to the Ist
of May, - 1842, 2,216,201 quarters was the
quantity returned by the 150 towns, that multiplied
by 5 gave 11,081,005, to which being added 2,200,000
quarters, the quantity imported from abroad.
tie total consumption would be 13,281,005 quarters.
But out of the 2,200,000 quarters of corn imported.

mitted.—(A laugh.) Perhaps they do not know the use of
that flower. There was:upwards of 100,000,000 quarters of flour
used every year in England for stifling clothes and particular
kinds of studs, and the sour flower of Tennessee
would be just as available for that purpose as the good flour,
he believed that even if a million of quarters of that sour flour
were admitted annually, a great benefit would be conferred on
the manufacturing classes. He asked of their Lordships to re-
lease the country from the pressure of selfish impositions, to
unfetter industry, and to give labour a free competition and its
reward. That was all they asked ; it was not charity for
which the people were calling. They asked to be allowed to
take their labour to the best market ; and he would tell their
Lordships that it they continued to refuse that demand, fearful,
indeed, would be the consequences. He would take the liberty
of warning their Lordships, although a young Member ; and
warning from any quarter should not be despised. He begged
Is are to say, that in the statements he had made, he had no
wish to make an attack upon the Government; and if he had
been betrayed into any expressions of asperity, he begged leave
to apologise for the uninintentional offence which he might
have given. The Noble Lord concluded by moving for a Corn-
mitte to inquire into the causes of the present state of general

. .
Boni abroad; he had reason to know that 400,000

quarters. upon which the duty had been paid,
were still lying in warehouses. Their Lordships
would see that this would add to the decrease of con-
sumption in this, as compared with former
years. • - There had been a similar decrease
meat and other articles. The consumption

of grocery and butchers' meat in Leeds was reduced
by one-fourth : and as the decrease could not
be supposed to have principally fallen on the
consumption of the hie,her and middle classes, the
reduction among the lower classes must have been
still greater than he had stated. In gro-
cery and butcher's meat the decrease in Man-
chester was forty, per cent. In Dundee, 150
head of cattle had been consumed weekly in the
year 1836, while 71 head of cattle only were now killed
there each week. That decrease in consumption had
not arisen from any increased price, for he found
that in the year 1836 the price of meat in Dundee
was 6d. per lb ; in 1839 it was 7d., and the best meat
was now sold for 6d. But at the same time that the
consumption was deer easing the poor-rates in Scot land,
well as in this country, had greatly increased. It
should also be recollected, that in tngland nearly
30,000,000/. hart been of late years entirely lost, or with-
drawn from trade. These were very important con-
siderations, for their Lordships: when they found that
with this decrease of consumption and decline of trade,
they had a constantly increasing population, he did not
thirik that much reliance could be placed upon the
amount of exports of cotton, or other goods, as showing
the state of commerce. These returns frequently varied
much from each other. and it also often happened that
manufacturers sold their goods at a positive loss. He
would next draw the -attention of their Lordships to the
condition of. the poor in some of our principal towns.
That was a subject which ealled.for their utmost eaten-
tion ; and they might be assured that the distress which
existed was creating in the minds of many an alarming
degree of disaffection, the evil consequences of Which
might -ultimately be felt even by their Lordships. In
Manchester the population amounted to 192,408 in-
habitant. In 1836 the amount of poor-rates, for the
relief of the distress in that town, was 25,669/. In
another town there were 9,000 inhabitants who re-
ceived a weekly sum of but one shilling each, for
fetid, clothing, and every other necessary of life.
In the six years ending 1835, the number of patients
admitted into the dispensaries and hospitals was 54,000 ;
in the six years ending 1841, the number was 169,000,
showing an increase of 200 per cent. in the number of
sick poor, sick in consequence of being obliged to have
recourse to bad food, and many of whom had by distress
been sent. to an untimely grave. Crime, also, had in-
creased in consequence. In 1836, the average daily
number of persons in gaol was 539 ; in the last year it
was 722. ,The number of uninhabited houses in Man-
chester was 5,492, and of shops closed the number was
68. The assessed annual value of these unoccupied pre-
mises was 87,994/, and the actual amount of money lost
to the WWII, in consequence, was 100,0001. a year. In
lloltoit, with a population of 50,000, there were fifty
millet giving employment to 8,124 workmen. Of those
mills thirty were now stopped, and 5,006 work people
were in consequence standing idle. The distress was not
partial—it affected all trades alike. In 1836, the number
of ironfounders and machinists employed, amounted to
2.110 ; at present there were only-1,123 employed. Of
carpenters, in 1836, the number employed was 150 ; at
present only 49 were in work. The number of brick-
setters employed had been reduced from 120 in 1836, to
t.; in 1841. The number of stone-masons employed had
been reduced from 150 to 50 ; and the annual loss to
the town, in consequence of these persons being
thrown out of employment, was 320,5601. The people
who were now suffering these privations, were the
sons of the men to whose toils this country owed its
high position in the scale of nations, for there could be
no doubt but that it was by the skill and intelligence of
the working classes that that high position had been
achieved. The loss suffered by the people of Bolton
was 1,0001 a day. What charitable collection could ever
relieve such a state of distress as this ? This had not
come on. suddenly, it had been gradually increasing.
The spring, to which all had looked forward, had passed
away without any revival of trade, and they had to look
forward to • another winter • without any prospect of im-
provement. It was impossible that all these people
could get employment by next winter. The local funds
for the relief of the poor were nearly all exhausted. The
Poot-law was of no use,amd there were no means of pro-
riding for the support of the poor during the ensuing
inter. In the Burnely linien the distress had gone far
beyond the reach of the funds. They had 12,030 persons
on their books, and they state that they must leave the
matter to the Government. The Government had sent
tiowa a Commissioner to inquire into the state of the
disiriet and he had applied for funds ; the amount bad
been stated, but what he had already got was
a mere drop of water compared with what would
be required. All the surrounding towns were
in nearly a similar situation, and this was in Eng-
land. where they had a Poor-law ; in Scotland the law
was different, anti an able-bodied man had nowhere to
go. In Paisley, then. the people have been for three
weeks supported by the Government ; whence the funds
came from he did not know, but it must be public
mono , and, it Was for the public, and their Lordships to
y
know what was the amount. It appeared that there was
in PaisleY a complete staff; of a Commissioner, a Com-
missary, and a -surgeon, a complete establishment, and
the Relief Committee, that had distributed 25,090/, was
entirely set aside, and the relief was completely under
the management of her .Majesty's Government. On
another day, he should have to ask for some returns re-
latiYe to Paisley, and he should then have an opportunity
of still further verifying what he believed to be true.
From the year 182rto 1834, not taking in the specu-
lating years 1835 and 1836, the manufacture and export
ipt linen had been constantly decreasing ; in 1839 and
1840 the decrease had gone on, and a still further re-
duction had taken place in the last eleven months. The
amount of labour tints withdrawn front the working
classes could not but bo very large. One-fourth of the
whole trade was with America ; up to September
1841, linen was admitted to the United States
free, but after that a duty of 20 per cent.
was imposed, and a Bill was "then pending in Congress,
, a duty of ten per cent. extra on the manufac-
care; lacing
that did not take American produce.
A$ to. Brazil too, they kept up a high duty on Sugar, amid
the Brazilians, acting on their beautiful example as to
the Corn-laws, would retaliate, and then what would be-
come of the linen trade. He would repeat that 25,000/.
had been already distributed among the people of
Paisley by the Committee, in the district of which four
or live villages in the neighbourhood were included. For
the town of Paisley alone the expense of supporting the
people was 8001. a week, for the villages 1001.. One of
the reasons assigned for taking the power of distribution
out of the hands of the Committee was, that it had -been
rather extravagant. But what bad the COmmissioner
who had been sent down done ? Why be Inal merely
cut oaf the neighbouring'villages front the benefit of the
distribution; and now in these towns there were nearly
rs'oo persons going about in gangs begging, and that was
their only mode of subsistence. They had no other;be-
cause the local subscriptions were stopped. He wished
also to call the attention of their Lordships to a re-
turn drawn up by persons appointed to examine
ints the State of Leeds, which showed that the
average weekly income of 9,000 persons was only Is.
Every trade was in the same state of distress, and, such being
the case, he would ask what had bren done to alleviate
•
Absolutely nothing. Nothing had been
done to encou-
rage inquiry. Thishad not come upon th.ein unawares; since
1828 it had been coming on ; and
theyit- was trapostble, therefore,
for her Majesty's Ministers to say
‘mere not
ca, ware of it.
• What.had been done to remedy this? had
been passed, and What had been the result ofa t.l(l)artn7-.IIAN.Vhy,
that wheat bad risen 3s. a quarter._(
a,dobi,:steiahouensaero.tf)hthTehHe nextou,e
thing that bad been submitted for the
In, art anytime-tax, whieh was absurd
the people to consume had been eomp!etely exi meansr of
yeat Aeaspri from which relief aeaa premised-ryas t,heed-Tafribffe
upon what • tre thdught' it.was impossible for any man to say
.se.atie-abla-afilit,:jneaaurgewas framed. .There -was,. fa •
no
. pejpeieleee spaktrades, such as the making of

distress.
The Duke of WELLINGTON did not complain of the
course adopted by the Noble Lord, but he should not follow
his example in adverting to a variety of topics to prove facts
which nobody could deny. No doubt every body admitted the
existence of distress in the manufacturing nistricts of the
country, and it seemed to be the opinion of the Nollle Lord
that that distress might extend to the agricultural distri(!ts also.
The Noble Lord had made certain observations on the mea-
sures which had been adopted by her Majesty's Government
for the relief of that distress. It was certainly true that it
it was not exactly consistent with principle to send down pe-
cuniary assistance to any particular part of the country, but yet
it had been practised at different times, and the law itself re-
cognised the principle to some extent by authorising the levying
of rates in aid. In Scotland the power of granting' relief
under the Poor-law was not so extensive as it was in this
country, and large subscriptions had been raised for the relief
of that distress, and her Majesty's servants had thought it
exnedient to adopt measures to extend the means of rel ie,f not
only to that part of the country, but to every part of the country
that required relief. Her Majesty's Government had recom-
mended the adoption of that course which had been adopted in
fot mer times, namely, that her Majesty should write a letter to
the Archbishop of Canterbury. He understood that that
course had been approved of on a former occasion.
Lord KINNAIRD—I never expres,ed any approval of it.
'the Duke of WELLINGTON had understood that that
course had been approved of on a former occasion, but now it
appeared that that course was not approved of, because the ap-
plication was confined to one class of persons. If the clergy of
the Church Establishment were to be asked to use their influ-
ence to induce their congregations to come forward to relieve
the existing distress, the appeal must be made in the churches,
and to those over whom they might be supposed to have influ-
ence in their parishes. The Noble Lord had found fault
because the application bad not been made to other persons.
He (the Duke of Wellington) did not know to whom the
letter could have been so fittingly addressed as to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and her Majesty had come forward and
generously subscribed a large sum herself—(Cheers)—and her
example had been followed by those holding officc under her
Government. He (the Duke of Wellington) had stated before
that the distress had been admitted in both Houses of Parlia-
ment, and then the Noble Lord said he desired to have a Com-
mittee. A Committee for what? To inquire into the cause
of the distress; and he meant to produce papers before that
Committee. But it was usual for Noble Lords, in moving for
such Committees, to state what the object was, and to what
point the Committee was to go. Why, this was to he a Com-
mittee which, after the examination of the Noble Lord's cal-
culations, was to recommend the repeal of the Corn-laws—
( Hear, hear)—which had passed and become law within a
short period. If their Lordships wished to repeal the Corn-
laws, let a 13111 be introduced for that purpose, but
don't let them begin by moving for a Committee.
which would only have the effect of exciting the country. If
they were to have an alteration of the law, let them have it af-
ter a full discussion ; but fion't let them begin by creating great
excitement in the country by exaggerated statements of all de-
scriptions, and then .come to the discussion of the new Corn-
law. The Noble Lord then blamed her Majesty's Government
for not having attended to the subject in time. Why her Ma-
jesty's Government had been in office since the beginning of
September, and from that time to the present he would just re-
cite a few of the measures which they had brought forward, and
which hail become the law of the land. He would also advert
to the diplomatic and other measures which had been brought
forward, with a view to relieve the distress that existed; and
having done so, he would then ask whether it. was fair to. come
down with such a proposition as the present, foundedon such argu-
ments as had been used by the Noble Lord, and cast blame on the
Government. The Government first introduced the measure now
upon their Lordships' table, and which would be discussed
next week; a measure which had for its object the restora-
tion of the income of the country, the permanent income of
the country, so that it might be capable of defraying the
permanent expenditure. By this measure they hoped to re-
establish the finances of the country on the old basis, of having
sufficiency of funds to defray the expenses and interest of
the National Debt. This, he hoped, would restore the
finances of the country to the basis on which they ought
always to have stood; and, inasmuch as the commerce of the
country was, in some degree, dependent upon its credit, some-
thing would also be done for the service of commerce. Be-
sides this, they should also be enabled to repeal the taxes on
several articles; among them, taxes on articles of raw mate-
rial used in manufactures, and this would have the effect of
improving their condition. The taxes they should be able to
take off on articles of consumption, would also have the effect
of relieving the distress, and producing a beneficial effect on
commerce. According to the declaration of her Majesty's
speech, the Government were engaged in negotiations for trea-
ties for the extension of the commerce of the country. Besides
these treaties her Majesty's Government had been engaged in
various political arrangements, having for their object to esta-
blish peace in the world, and to restore the commerce of this
country. Before the Government came into office peace had been
to a certain degree, restored in the Levant ; it had been since en-
tirely established. It had been restored in Portugal and Spain,
and those parts of Asia which were under the Government of
this country. Efforts were being made to restore it in Central
Asia, in China, and in the United states. He thought all
these things would have the effect of improving the situation of
the manufacturers. He thought the Noble Lord might have
waited for the result of these measures before he moved for a
Committee, which must excite the discontent of one part of the
community. The speech of the Noble Lord might have been
made on a motion for a repeal of the Corn-laws. He hoped
that their Lordships would meet the motion with a neg
leaving it to the Noble Lord to bring forward a specific mo•
tion for the repeal of the Corti-laws.
The Earl of RADNOR thought the Noble Duke had net
acted with his usual fairness in attributing words to his Noble
Friend, which he-had not used.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble
Lord said the object of his Noble Friend was to get a repeal of
the Corn-laws. but there was nothing in his Noble Friend s
speech from which the Noble Duke could draw such a conclu-
sion.--( Hear, hear.) He had scarcely used the word Corn-
law in the course of his speech. His Noble Friend's argument
was that the distress of the country ought to be inquired into.—
( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend might er might not think the
Corn-law the cause of that distress, but he (Lord Radnor)
certainly thought it was. However, it was not now the ques-
tion. The Noble Duke also complained of the observations of
his Noble Friend with regard to the Queen's letter, but his
Noble Friend fit his ( Lord Radnor's) opinion, justly found
fault with it as being inadequate to meet the distress of the
country. He also found fault with the advances of public
money made to relieve the distress of Paisley and other places.
He thought that was a grave matter, and one which should be
further inquired into.—( Hear, bear.) Ile recollected when he
made a motion with a similar object to relieve the distress in
Spitalfields, the Noble Lord opposite said that such a mode of
proceeding was irregular. But surely if a Committee were
appointed, and it wire proved satisfactorily that the Corn-laws
were the cause of the distress, the Noble Duke himself would
not object to their repeal. And could the Noble Duke say with
confidence that they were not the cause of the distress? The
Noble Duke talked of the war in Syria, and peace being
established there by the present. Government—
The Duke of WELLINGTON—I said the very contrary.
The
The Earl of RADNOR so -understood the Noble Duke.
Noble Duke said that peace was more completely
established since the advanemnet to power of the present
eGs
to:beirni s
bnel ednbt
L;
obruet_tutrbt i(buetat,
na;(ucaLego
dohr ds nll oorre),
i, e thoughtunder
sttloi aotd
ptehart(t'ethwe re:
cwa•amsegilrietaoteora;leis. itne r
t.)h e
sEtausitto. sainndeepothrteugi \a-lo ba es
oDwuekr
ee
prevent
tthat the Government
el
just as
and peaceable
there
bcoeufilidrebtehenopdistressm eto into
the
country was riot diminished since they came into office.—
(Haar, hear.) The Noble Duke said they should wait to see
the effects of the other measures of- the Government,. It was
easy for their Lordships to talk of patience, but how were
people living on 8-10. a week to wait ? The object of his Noble
Friend was, that Government should give an car to the com-
plaints and an eye to the sufferings of the people, and afford
them relief. It was not, therefore, fair to say, that his object
was to set one class against another. Ills Noble Friend said
he was aware of that distress, and had documents to prove it,
and he should, therefore, sup; ort the mot ion of his Noble Friend.
The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. He had only
stated that peace had been established to a certain extent when
the present Government came
into office, and that since it had
been consolidated. He should also observe, that the object of
the Noble Lord, throughout his whole speech, as it appeared
to him, was to repeal the Corn-laws.
The Duke of RICHMOND said, that after the Noble Lord's
statements relative to the commerce of America, it was evident
he could mean nothing but a clap•trap foie the repeal of the
Corn-laws. All great changes only produced alarm in the
country, and alarm. would serve but to aggfavate the distress
'that now prevailed. He (the Duke of Ilichmond).feltior his
suffering countrymen as strongly as the Noble Lord did, but if

Bankes, George
Bannerman, A.
arnard, E. G.
Beresford, Major
Browne, W.
Chetwode, Sir John
Clayton. H. R.
Clef k, Sir G.
,ochrane. A.
Colville, C. K.
Cripps, J.
Darby, George
Douglas, Sir C. E.
Evans, William
Fielder, J.
Ferrand, W. B.
Goring, H. D.
Gtaham, Sir J.
Guest, J.
Hardy, John
Hawes, B.

they appointed a Committee, without seeifig that some good
would result from it, they would be but creating excitement
among the people, and thereby aggravating their distress. He
did not attack the motives of his Noble Friend, but he con-
tended that he had permitted himself to be made the tool of
the Anti-Corn-law League. The idea that there had been, of
late, a less consumption of meat, was purely theoretical.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE was astonished at the
concluding sentence of the speech of his Noble Friend. It had
been stated by all the authorities, including Mr. Porter and
Mr. Tooke, that there had been a great decrease in the con-
sumption of meat. If his Noble Friend pressed his motion to
a division, he would vote with him ; but he would recommend
him not to do so, because it took in too great a range of in-
quiry, to be embraced in the Committee.
Lord WESTERN thought it most extraordinary that in the
tweuty-sixth year of peace the revenue of the country should be in
such a condition as to render it necessary to resort to an in-
come tax. He hoped that some inquiry would be instituted
into the cause of such a state of things.
Lord MONTE AGLE thought the inquiry proposed would
he most desirable, because he thought it would be unadvisable
to give any colour to the statement that they had refused in-
quiry into the distresses of the people.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the Government
had, from the moment it came into power, been doing all that
it could to relieve the commerce of the country ; and all he
wished was that their Lordships would wait to see the effect of
those measures, and if they did not answer the purpose, it
e.ould then be competent for Noble Lords to introduce any
other measure that should be thought necessary.
Lard KINN AIRD said that as he found this motion was
likely to meet with very little support from their Lordships, he
thought it advisable to withdraw it. On a future occasion he
would call their attention specially to the subject of the relief
afforded to certain towns by the Government.
The Duke of RICHMOND said in explanation, that although
one of his objections to the motion of the Noble Lord was that
it would tend to unsettle the agricultural interests of the coun-
tiy, he thought there were many other reasons why their Lord-
ships should refuse to grant the proposed Committee.
Lord FITZGERALD was not surprised to find that the
Noble Duke was anxious that his motives should not be misre-
presented. The conduct of the Noble Lord was most extraor-
dinary, he had withdrawn his motion, and in so doing he had
chosen to repeat his attacks on the Government. He (Lord
Fitzgerald) denied that the Noble Lord had shown any grounds
for his motion in the inconclusive and multifarious speech with
which he had introduced it. The Noble Lord had alluded to
the manner in which the speech of the Noble Duke had been
cheered; those cheers had been given because the Noble Duke
had shown that, notwithstanding the Noble Lord's statement,
that he had alluded but once to the Corn-law in the course of
his speech, the Corn-law, in fact, had constituted the main
topic of the Noble Lord's address. He (Loid Fitz-
gerald) would not, at that hour, re-argue that question.
lie denied the imputations cast upon the Government.
and rested the defence of the Government, not on the speeches
of any of its Members, but on the facts themselves. It was
their duty to reli eve distress without discussing the principles
of political economy. He was surprised at the manner in which
the Noble Lord had alluded tothe Queen's letter, and wondered
that he should have been ignorant that a similar appeal had
been made to the Church of Scotland, through the Lord High
Commissioner, which had been nobly responded to.—( Cheers.)
He could not congratulate the Noble Lord on the support which
he had received in that House, and he did not think his (Lord
Kinnaird's ) opinions would find much favour with the country.
Lord KINNAIHD said he never found fau:t with the
Queen's letter ; what he said was that it proved the Govern-
ment knew the existence of the distress.
The motion was then withdrawn, and the House adjourned
at a Quarter to Nine o'Clock.

Irish Reform Act the Committee would see what thg
state of the law was, with regard to the appointment of
booths at elections. That section required that where
the number of electors
_exceeded 600 that he should ap- I

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 2.

point two or more polling places, and where there were
more than 600 electors, , whose names commenced with
the same letter of the alphabet, those names were not to
'be divided, but the officer was to provide as many new
places for polling as might be necessary, and to
appoint as many additional deputies as might be neces-
sary. The clear meaning of that section of the Act of
Parliament, when looked upon as a whole, was that
where the number of voters exceeded 600, the returning-
officer was compelled to provide as many booths as would
enable them to be polled out. But the section required
that no letter was to be subdivided.; for instance, the

names commencing with letter A were nit to be sub-
divided, but were to poll in Booth No.. 1. There
should be a booth for every 600, and they
should be so distributed that all persons whose
names began with a particular letter should be
able to poll in the booth, in which no other person
polled, in order that there should be no difficulty
in ascertaining their booth, as that A and B should not
poll in one booth, and A and Cin another. But if any
one letter on this registry comprised more than 600
wanes, it was competent to the returning officer to sub-
divide. The returning officer's interpretation was, that
more booths might be given, provided there happened
to be no single name which should comprise more than 600.
But this was preposterous,because the greater portion of the
Celtic names began with the letter 0, and a still greater
number with the letter M. In the election for the City

of Dublin there were 1,500 whose names began with the
letter M, and it would be absurd to suppose that the
same accommodation should only he given to those which
were given to 600. Seven booths were given to Belfast.
Booth No. 1 included the letters A. C. E., comprising
500 voters. No. 2 included B. and D., comprising 531
voters. No. 5., F. G. I. N., comprising 521 voters.
No. 4, H. K. 0., 510 voters; No. 6, L. P. Q. R. T., cona
prising 535 voters ; No. 7, S. Y. and other letters, com-
prising 336 voters. But in No. 5, containing letter M,
the number of votes was 892, and this improper allot-
ment of the booth was the cause of the loss of the elec-
tion to Lord Belfast and Mr. Ross. Not only were ad-
ditional polling booths refused to be appointed for letter
M, but it was constructed like the other booths. At
the election, therefore, booth No. 1, being constructed to
accommodate 538 voters, it was impossible that in letter
M, where only the same accommodation was afforded,
the number of electors commencing with that letter,
could have voted. The booths not having been sufficient
-for the purpose, a protest was made to the Returnings
officer, but all further accommodation was refused ; but,
not satisfied with this aerangement of the booths, these
circumstances took place with regard to the appointment
of the deputies. . Of the seven deputies who were
appointed 'to take the poll, four were minors,
a thing which he believed never occurred at any elec-
tion before. When they. recollected the important duty
of these officers, that they had the control of the mode
of taking the poll ; that they had to afford free access to
it ; that they had to keep order, and had a power of
cemmittiner, by virtue of the Act of Parliament, per-
, sons who interfered with them in taking the names ;
that they had to adminster the bribery and qualifica-
tion oaths at the poll, which a minor was incompetent
to do, it would at once be seen how improper it was
to appoint such persons. The system pursued by the
other party for the purpose of defeating the election of
Lord Belfast and Mr. Ross was this—the voting took
place by what they call tallies of five, and such was the
aptitude for intimidation at Irish elections, that it was
always found convenient to coma to a compromise with
your enemy, and to agree that one party was to
strike one blow, and the other party was to strike
another.—(Laughter.) Lots were drawn who was
to have the firent tally, and three minutes were
allowed to bring ii the tallies in 'succession, and when
one party brought up his tally of five, the other was to
succeed, and so on. Now the mode of obstruction given
to the electors in the interest of the Liberal candidates
was this, they determined to obstruct the 'Yelling of the
tallies iu letter M, which was the patriotic booth.-
-(Laughter.) That was the patriotic letter in the
Irish alphabet, containing the Murphy's, Molone's, WCar-
thy's, and Mahoney's, and M'Swiney's, who repre-
sented the purest patriotism of the Irish people.
Every paltry I and J and X found plenty of room to vote
in their miserable booths, but in letter M, where the
great strength of the Liberal party lay, it became impor-
tant to throw obstruction in the way of the voters. A
Mr. Malone, who was a mere boy, was the deputy in this
booth. Mr. Bernie was the Conservative inspector, and
Mr. Garratt the inspector for Lord Belfast and Mr.
Ross. It was important to the Liberal candidates
to bring up their tallies to the poll as quickly
as possible, and as soon as the first name
in the tally was called, Mr. Birnie required to in-
spect the certificate or affidavit of the voter, which he
inspected with the greatest possible leisure, in order
that there should be no mistake ; and, after pondering
on it a sufficient time, he required to see the registry-
book, in order to ascertain if the. registry-book and the
certificate tallied. This gave cause of additional delay
to Mr. Birnie, who could not be satisfied of the identity
of the person. Great deliberation, therefore, was required
before the certificate could be admitted as evidence of the
voter's right "to poll. After the lapse of a sufficient
number of minutes, the vote was objected to, and the
objecting paper was taken up by Mr. Birnie, and filled
with the greatest deliberation. This paper, containing
some frivolous objections, was sent to the assessor, who
had to decide upon the objection, and in every instance
the objection was sent back, with an order to admit the
voter, whereupon the bribery oath was put to him, which
had to be tendered by Mr. Birnie and before Mr. Malone,
and this was also done with the greatest deliberation., The
bribery oath having been taken, the qualification oath
was next tendered, which the Ace permitted to be put to
every elector, but not where the object was to cause
delay. This oath was also read with great deliberation,
and when it was taken the elector's name was taken down
also with deliberation. Theinspector, seeing everything
was complete, and that after all the elector was permitted
to vote, he was then allowed to declare for which.
of the two candidates he voted, and this practice Was
continued from Tuesday to the close of the poll on
Saturday. Some persons came up to vote who were-
so respectable, that Mr. Birnie had not the courage to
put the bribery oath to them, but in these cases he stipu-
lated with Mr. Garratt, that he should be allowed a
lapse of three minutes as a compensation. This Mr.
Garrett could not help, because if he did not consent,
Mr. Birnie would put the bribery oath, and more time
would be, wasted than by the concession of three minutes.
If the deputy returning officers were competent to do
their duty, these things would not have been permitted,
and no such delay could have taken place if a sufficient
number of booths had been given. There was no case
during the whole of the polling' in which Mr. Birnie did
not avail himself of .the three minutes, allowed to bring
up his tables, and also of the three minutes which he
was allowed, instead of putting the bribery oath; the
consequence was, that from 40 to 45 minutes were
consumed in polling a tally of five on the Liberal side.
But how did the opposite party proceed ? When Mr.
Birnie brought up his tally, Mr. Garratt, the Inspector
fur the Liberals, upon hearing the names of the parties,
took no objection, and interposed no delay, except when
there were real grounds for doing so, and the conse-
quence was that the Tory tally was polled in eight mi-
nutes, while it took from forty to forty-fire on the
Liberal side to poll theirs. It would hardly be believed
that while in the City of London twelve thousand voters
could be polled between eight o.nd four o'clock, that in
booth, letter M, net more than eighty persons were
polled during the election for Belfast. To be sure they
were uncommonly well polled—well certified, well affie
davited, and well sworn. In the other polling-booths,
though the same system was pursued, but not to such an
extent, they succeeded in polling more than 100. Not a
single moment was lost by the Liberal agents in bring-
ing up the tallies, who were pressing on to vote against
the obstruction:: that were offered to them. The conse-
quence of these obstructions was, that out of the 893
persons entitled to poll, at the close of the fifth day
more than 400 remained unpolled, because they could
not get access to their booth. So that, although the
majority for the sitting Members was more than 100,
the majority of those who remained unpolled in letter
M, would have given a majority the other way of from
200 to 300, or 400 ; the moment that booth M was
closed 100 persons whose names commenced with that
letter besieged the booth, and 40 of the more indignant
and patriotic amongst them were determined to do all
they could, and tendered their votes, but all to no pur-
pose, so that 100 persons who were ready to vote,
and 400 others' who were upon the registry,
were not able to poll in their booths during the election,
while in the other booths the whole number were
polled out. He said before that this conduct was
protested against during the election, and the other
party were warned that an election so carried would
never stand before an inquiry of the House of Commons,
and the consequence was that a formal protest was en-
tered against the election, particularly as regarded the
obstruction in booth M, and there was, no doubt that if
this conduct was illegal the election must be a void one.
It is no answer to say that the parties have. the power
to put the bribery and the qualification oaths ; the abuse
of the best things is always the worst, and nothing is
ever so bad as the abuse of a legal technicality. This
point had been formerly considered on the petition
against the Carlow election, and that election was set
aside precisely on the same ground. In that case the
abuse consisted in putting the oath only ; they had not
come to the refinement of a marked deliberation in read-
ing the affidavits and certificates, and making frivolous
.objections to the votes. There, as here, there were 400
voters who were left unpolled at the end of the election,
and who might have turned the majority, and as he
had before told them that election was set aside. It was
utterly impossible for' his Learned Friend to contend
that conduct of this sort must not vitiate the election,
because all that prevented the poll being taken neces-
sarily had that effect. When it appeared plainly from
with the letter
the documents that would be produced, that there were
el ef at rub 'n
unpolled,
rions whose names began
of the booth reefs
otrht
eed construc-
tionto,
onlyM, who were entitled to vote, and that at the close of
the election there were 400 of that number who were
andl
haantt
eighty vcters could be admitted to . be polled per
diem, it was 'impossible that - the election could stand.
It was to this part of the ease he should now address iiim-
noTentsoirqdufieenecse
self, and in the first instance he should prove beyond
question, by the production of documents, and of two or
three witnesses, the points be had stated, and then he
apprehended ho should be entitled to the decision of the
Committee. He should begin by putting in the poll-
books ; he 'should:then prove all those illegal abuses of
the provisions of the Reform Act, and then call on the
Committee to declare that the two gentlemen returned
for the town of Belfast, had not been duly elected: The
, 'Learned -GentleMan then called-.
Mr. Solomon Darkhouse, Clerk of the Peace for the
county orAntrirn, who put in the poll-books of the last
election for Belfast, stated that they were the same he
had received from the .Sovereign of Belfast, the return-

The Speaker took his seat shortly before Four
o'Clock, and there being only 15 Members present at
Four, the House adjourned.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

( From the Votes and Proceedings qf Me House of Commons.)
WEDNESDAY, JUNE I.
PUBLIC HOUSES BILL.—( In the Committee.)
DIVISION ON MR. WOOD'S FIRST CLAUSE.
Question put,." That the Clause be now read a second time :"
MINORITY—AYES, 23.
Agllonby, H. A. ' Forster. Matthew , Rushbrooke, Colonel
Allix, John Peter Thornely, Thomas
Boating, Or. Grosvenor,Lord R. Wakley, Thomas
Broaclwood, H. Manners, Lord J. Ward, H. 70.
Boller, C. Norreys, Sir D. Wawn, John T.
14J1ler, S►r J. B. Y. Ogle, S. C. H.
CnriMie. W. D. Philips, Mark
Duliconibe, 0. I Iteddington, T. N.
Flower, Sir James Roebuck, J. A.

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORN IN(T, JUNE 3, 1542.

ing officer, and that they were in exactly the same state
as when he received them.
Mr. Thomas Verner, the Sovereign of Belfast, and
the returning officer, was called, and deposed that the
affidavit 'put in with the poll-books by the last witness
was in hiS (Mr. Verner's) handewriting.
Mr. AUSTEN was proceeding to put other questions to
the witness, when
Mr. TALBOT interrupted him. He said the poll had
been proved, beyond any possibility of questioning it.
He had paid great attention to the case as stated in the
address of his Learned Friend, end he had conferred
upon it with the gentleman lep whom he was instructed.
The result of that conference was, that he was disposed
to make an admission which might save his Learned
Friend and the Committee much trouble. The two pe-
titions were transcripts of each other, and each of the
two contained two allegations ; one to the effect that a
gross and extensive system of personation had been car-
ried on at this election, at the procurement and contrivance
of the sitting Members ; the other allegation was still
more important ; it stated that the sitting Members had
by themselves. their agents, and managers, been guilty. of
gross bribery, treating. and corruption at the election
for the said borough. They all knew how election pe-
titions were formed in the first instance ; there was
generally very little time to draw them up in at first,
and it had been found convenient, as a mere matter of
precaution, to insert every possible charge that could be
made, without regard to the proof that could be adduced
with regard to them. How it had been in this
case he did not know.; but this he did
know, that his client-is, came there to defend
themselves only against those two charges of persona-
tion and bribery, because they felt that they reflected
severely on their honour and position ; they were aware
that it was impossible to bring those charges to anything
like a proof, before any tribunal whatever. But his
Learned Friend had not alluded-to those charges in his
opening. and he, therefore, concluded that his Learned
Friend did not find that the evidence furnished was such
as entitled him to support those charges before the Com-
mittee. He had considered the petition addressed
arainst his clients, apart from the charges to which he
had specifically alluded to, and he could only say
that could this result have been arrived at, in Belfast
instead of here, had it been said that this petition was
to be prosecuted simply upon the matters opened by Mr.
Austen, great expense might have been saved, and neither
side would hare had the trouble of appearing. The
statement of his Learned Friend went to show that-abuses
prevailed at the last election ; that a great number of
persons whose names began %Aid]. M were not able to
poll ; he had also stated that minors officiated as de-
puty returning officers. These facts, in the opinion of
Counsel of the first eminence, bad been decided to
be fatal to an election, and being conscious that the
sense of the constituency had not been ascer-
tained at the late election, not admitting the num-
ber of votes who were not taken, but allowing to a cer-
tain extent that the constituency was deprived of its
expression of:opinion, he was prepared to say that lie
could not uphold the petition against the return
made •at this election. The other charges of
the petition lie was not called on to defend,
but he was prepared to say that the election ought to be
Made void on the grounds that had been stated. He was
therefore not disposed to give his Learned Friend the
trouble of proving his case at a great expense, nor to
give the Committee the trouble of deciding on the matter ;
he admitted that the election must be voided, from the
impediments that arose at the election, and the other
points that had been adverted to.
Mr. AUSTEN said that -in consequence of this admis-
sion, his labours would be much abridged ; he only had
to call on the Committee,to declare the election void.
The room was then cleared, and after a delay of a few
minutes,
The Client: wee: declared that the Committee had
come to the following resolution :—" That Mr. J.
Emerson 'ferment, and Mr. W. G. Johnson, were not
duly elected to serve in Parliament for the borough of
Belfast, and that the lust- election for the said borough
Was a void election."
The Committee then separated.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

GLOBE.—The perturbation of the public mind,
caused by the dastardly and atrocious attempt on the
life of her Majesty, having subsided, and the assas-
sin in design having been safely lodged in Newgate,
there to abide the judicial investigation, and. its conse-
quences, prescribed by the law, the attention of th e public
naturally turns to the circumstances which preceded
and accompanied the act. Among these, the chief topic of
remark is the unaccountable disregard shown by the
Government to the premonition of approaching danger,
supplied by. the information which was given to Sir
J. Graham in the course of Monday, as to an attempt
to discharge a pistol at the royal carriage having been
4nade on the preceding day, on her Majesty's return
from attending divine service at the Chapel Royal.
Sir Robert Peel, on Tuesday night, in the speech
with which he prefaced his motion for an Address of
Congratulation . from the House of Commons to her
Majesty on her providential escape, admitted the infor-
mation communicated to Ministers of an attempt
having been made on the preceding day. As a matter
of course, they apprised their Royal Mistress of the
circumstance. Her Majesty's noble disregard of
personal danger, coupled with kind solicitude for
the safety of her female attendants the one
leading her to take her accustomed airing, as
though no such information had been communi-
cated; the latter shown in her declining the
customary attendance of the Lady in Waiting—
these were referred to. in both Houses as indubit-
able, ascertained facts ; and yet it does not appear
that a single precaution was taken either to avert the
consequence of another attempt, or to seize the in-
dividual who might, with more cautious and deter-
mined aim, again seek to execute his horrible design.
Not an extra policeman, nor any other person, with
special instructions to keep a watchful eye on the move-
ments of individuals whose manner was marked by
anything peculiar, was planted along the line of road
they must have been well aware, or might easily have
ascertained, her. Majesty would take l The beautiful
and characteristic trait in her Majesty's disposition,
in not allowing her female attendants to be exposed
to any danger, if such were to be apprehended, be-
comes yet more impressive when contrasted. with this
apathy, to use the mildest term, displayed by her Mi-
nisters under such circumstances.

STANDARD.—Nothing more than we have al-
ready stated has transpired to throw light upon the
late attempt upon the of the Queen. This would
disappoint our readers it'C4iriosity was the prevailing
feeling ; but a much higher sentiment is gra-
tified by the proof thus afforded, that this atro-
cious attempt was the act of an individual
villain without accomplices ; for had any par-
ticipated in his crime, it is scarcely possible
but that before this suspicion at least must have
lighted upon some of them. The fact is, that all the
man's acquaintances have been ascertained—almost
every moment of his time for several months has
been accounted for, and from all the knowledge thus
obtained the conviction has been arrived at that there
was no confidant of his guilty purpose, not even one.
Such considerations are important, as proving. that
there is no villain still at large from whom danger
can be apprehended ; and they are gratifying, as
fixing the proportion of loyalty in the British
people—many millions opposed to a unit. If it
were not forbidden to rejoice in the existence of
evil, in however small a circle, we might almost
rejoice. in the foul attempt that has been
made, from the opportunity it has afforded
of testing the loyalty of the universal British
nation, and the devoted love of which the Sovereign
is the object. We adduce not, as the proof of this
loyalty, the Addresses of the Houses of Parliament,
warm as these Addresses came from the hearts of
Lords and Commons ; nor even such displays as
that of yesterday's levee, though splendid and
sincere beyond example. It is of the sentiment
of the universal people we speak—of that sen-
timent thus eloquently but most truly described
by the Times of this morning—" East and west,
Parliament and working men's classes,' the levee
and the theatres, we are happy to see vie with each
other in the display of enthusiasm towards the per-
son of the Queen, and in indignation at the atrocious
and deliberate attempt which has been so providentially
frustrated." It is the opportunity of earning such a
feeling of enthusiastic love, and that only, which
renders rank and power desirable—this is the com-
pensation for danger and for a thousand toils and
vexations. Long may Queen Victoria enjoy it, as
she well deserves—exempt from the attendant perils
and alloyed as little as possible with whatever else may
disturb her quiet.
COURlER.—Matters .of more immediate tem-
porary interest precluded. u.S: from noticing yesterday
the subjects discussed in the Heine of Lords on Tues-
day evening—subjects 'Which,- though not of direct
bearing upon any great interest in the State, we
nevertheless deem to be of considerable importance.
With regard to the first question, we mean that re-
lating to .the conduct of the Bishop of Quebec in re-
fusing permission for the erection of a tablet, in the
cathedral of that diocese, to the memory of a British
officer who died there, it is sufficient to remark that the
sole power of granting or refusing vested in the
Bishop; and whether he acted with sound discre-
tion or not on the occasion was a matter upon which
the Parliament of England is not in a condition to
pronounce judgment. We therefore think Lord
Ilowden might have entirely overlooked the matter.;
or at least brought to its discussion greater equani-
mity and less bitterness of tone than he seems to have
done. The Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Lon-
don rested the justification of the denial on the regu-
lations issued by the Bishop of Quebec on the subject
of monumental tablets in churches, sub,ect to his
episcopal authority ; and upon being rather sharply
assailed by Lord 'Brougham, his Lordship took higher
ground, and boldly declared his approval of the act in
question.

Sir George. Hampson, Captain Langford, R.N.,
Captain Roberts, Captain Hardinge' and Captain Eyre, were
among the passengers that left the Brunswick Wharf. Black-
wall, yesterday, at cue oVock, in the General Steam Naviga-
tion Company's British steam-ship Rainbow, Captain J. Fife,
for Antwerp. This extraord:nary fast ship is a source of
great attraction on • her sailing days, in consequence of the
many rapid passages she has made, 30(1 her beautiful mould.