The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-29 00:00:00

ing the Raja acquainted with the charges proved against
him, and givinir him the opportunity of defence, although
in the peculiar position of the case, it seems to me hardly
necessary, yet, as exhibiting to the native Powers the
equitable course we desire to adopt, as showing to him
every lenient consideration, and awarding to him the
fullest possible measure of justice, I do not hesitate to
assent cordially to it ; but with this it will be indispen-
sably necessary that, for the protection of those who have
given their evidence, and to prevent tampering with
witnesses, and intimidating them, as Colonel Ovans
has pointed out, he be suspended from all power as Raja
while making his defence. The political effect of this
course is also most important."
t (Sir R. Grant, Sept. 23, 1835, June 8, S. P. i. 335.)
" We are called upon, I feel, by very strong considera-
tions of propriety and expediency, to bring the guilt of
the Raja to the
just pr lest of a final proof by the best and most
Teess which can be devised ; and then, if he should
have been unable to exculpate himself, to remove him
from a throne, of which he will have shown himself emi-
nently undeserving."
The Resident's Reports upon the several charges
being before Government, Sir Robert Grant recorded in
the course of the month of May, 1838, minutes, amount-
ing in all to nearly 600 paragraphs, to prove theßaj a's guilt.
Now, I will just ask any one whether there can be a
treason worth thinking of, that requires 600 paragraphs
to prove it ? I never heard of such a thing ! Nor can it,
I think, be deemed any thing less than lamentable self-
delusion in Sir Robert Grant to have believed that he
could calmly sit down to try impartially an alleged trea-
son which he had composed 600 paragraphs to prove.
However, let that pass. This step which, I must
say, I cannot consider free from objection, of
recording his full conviction of the Raja's guilt
on the three charges finally maintained against
his Highness, was followed by the members of Council
of Bombay, and the Governor-General having these vo-
luminous papers transmitted to him when Affghan poli-
tics were about to occupy so much of his attention, fol-
lowed the example of the Government of Bombay, under
the express understanding that a fair hearing would be
allowed to the Raja. It may be here mentioned that at
a subsequent period the members of the Government of
India recorded in like manner their opinion that the Raja
was guilty. Two of them stated that they did not think it ne-
cessary to give him a hearing, and the third seems not to
have alluded to that point. The decision of the Governor-
General on the long debated point of the Raja's guilt,
reached the Bombay Government in October, 1838. And
now at last the time did appear to be coming when the
Raja, who, from June, 1837, to October, 1838, had occu-
pied a position in his own capital from which the meanest
of his subjects would have shrunk with dismay—that of a
butt merely for accusations, concocted by the
ingenuity and malevolence of an influential, numerous,
and unscrupulous caste of natives, his known enemies,
aided and supported by British credulity and British
power—seemed at length likely to attain that which he
had in vain been endeavouring to gain the whole time,
viz., a full and impartial hearing. He was never far-
ther from the attainment of that object than he was at
that moment. Now, as well as on the previous occasion,
when the statement of evidence was submitted by the
Resident, came on a perfect fever of apprehension of the
Raja's " vast resources, boundless wealth, and despotic
power," to allure alike and intimidate witnesses, coupled,
too, with the Raja's unscrupulous application of them in
all probability to those ends. " His vast resources and
boundless wealth" were described by the Bombay Go-
vernment, in the despatch to the Secret Committee, of
the 15th of September, 1836, par. 10 (S.P., i. 2), as fol-
lows:—" His revenues do not exceed fourteen lacs
of rupees per annum, and his military resources are con-
temptible, and totally inadequate for the enterprise ho has
undertaken. We must,therefore, believe that he is associated
with other Powers anxiously desirinc, to shake off our
rule, and we infer that he looks to his Highness the
Nizam, Scindia, and other native Chiefs, to declare against
us, when their plans have been brought to maturity."
His " despotic power" is exemplified in Colonel Ovens'
letter of the 25th Novembeie 1841, paragraphs 9 and 10,
(S. P. iii. 24), wherein Colonel Ovens rules, and the
Bombay Government say nothing against the interpreta-
tion, that the Raja was guilty of an infraction of the
treaty. for failing to be guided in any matter by the ad-
vice of the British Agent at his Highness's Court, even
though such matter should be the right understanding of
an article of the treaty itself, which conferred on the
British Government that authority over the Raja, with
which it was willing to be satisfied after the conquest.
As breaker of the treaty he was of course liable to de-
thronement, and, with respect to the difficulty of de-
throning him, we have Sir J. Carnac's testimony corrobo-
rated by experience (Minute, June 19,1834 ; S. P. i. 290),
that "he is altogether at our mercy, and the execution ofan
order to dispossess him of his territories, would scarcely be
a more difficult work than to sign such an order." So
much for his resources, his wealth, and his power, if he
presumed to use them against the British Government.
As to his probable unscrupulousness in the use of them,
I shall show subsequently that the Raja offered "not
once, not twice, but repeatedly," to surrender his terri-
tories into the keeping of the British—a thing which
most unquestionably, I, in his place, and no more guilty
of treason than I am at tkis moment, would never
have ventured to do—provided that a fair and impartial
hearing were granted him. He seems, therefore,
to have thought but little of the unrighteous appli-
cation of his vast resources, unbounded wealth, and des-
potic power. I shall show presently that these advan-
tages were used against him in other instances beside
that remarkable one of Sukaram Bullal's deputation to
Govind Row at Ahmednuggur, before noticed. Most of
tie authorities agreed that his suspension was necessary
during the trial ; but I am happy, to see that my most
\ esteemed and valued friend, Mr. Anderson, records the fol-
lowing sentiments, though in opposition to the majority:
(Minute, June 7, 1838.)—5.P. i. 253.
" Par. 21. I should not, however, consider it 'a wise
course to depose the Raja, whilst any inquiry was going
on, be that inquiry of what nature it may.
"22. It would be a shock to the feelings of the people
whether high or low, to find a Sovereign so treated.
They would scarcely (I should say certainly not) respect
our motives. The degradation to the Prince would be
thought of, not our sense of justice, and the cause would
rather be attributed to our weakness than our strength.
I do not think it either necessary. The same end can
be gained without it, and the influence or power of the
Raja to injure could for such a purpose be prevented by
our guarantee and assurance of protection."
Well, upon my word, I think so. However those who
knew the probable value of the evidence against the
Raja, in all likelihood, better than Mr. Anderson, were
very averse to the Raja not being altogether suspended
from power, while the trial was going on; and Sir Robert
Grant, in his minute of June 8, 1838, pars. 4 and 5
(S. P., i. 254), enables us to see, that the objection to
leaving the Raja, at this moment, in possession of
power was felt principally by Colonel Ovens, " who
so well understands the case," giving utterance
doubtless, to the sentiment of Balajipunt Nattoo,
who, I am quite sure, understood it much better.
Sir R. Grant, in his Minute of Bth June, 1838, par 4,.
says :—" I observe that Mr. Anderson is adverse to the
deposal of the Raja whilst defending himself. I am
quite willing to leave this point to the determination of
the Governor-General, to whom it more properly apper •
tains ; but I am still, I confess, impressed with the idea
of the extreme difficulty, if not impracticability, of
bringing this matter to a fair and just issue, if his High-
ness is to make his defence while in, possession of all
those vast means of corrupting and falsifying the:caie,
which we knew to be at his command, and which-he is
likely to employ with so, little scruple. The per-
suasion also has become general -among his sub-
jects, that he is certain, or nearly so, of acquittal,
though that consummation may be delayed by the
intrigues of the Bombay Government—the moral effect
of this persuasion, aided by the free use of the means
atto've-mentioned, is sure to give him a large body of
witnesses, ready to swear exactly as he may choose to
dictate. As a counteractive to these mischiefs, Lieute-
nant-Colonel Ovens, WHO SO WELL UNDERSTANDS THE
CASE, has again and again declared that a suspensio
ad interim of the Raja (for, after all, it is only a suspen-
sion, not a deposal) is an absolutely essential measure.—
Now, if any step short of his suspension could gain that
object, let it by all means be adopted ; but, after all, I
see, there is none other which will both afford efficient
protection to true witnesses, and secure us against the
inundation of false evidence."—This apprehension of
subornation on the part of the Raja, is particularly
indefensible and inapplicable, when it is recollected that
Government had before it the proceedings of the Com-
mission of 1836, and that his Highness had not
on that occasion been charged with having re-
sorted in the slightest degree to such practices.
The Raja, I should mention from the time when his in-
tercourse with the Government of Bombay became so
unsatisfactory, had sought out other means of communi-
cating with the British authorities, and for a long time
corresponded with Dr. Milne, at least so it would appear.
The Bombay Government intercepted this correspond-
ence, and Colonel Ovens on the Ist of October, 1837,
much objected to any correspondence with the Raja,
which was not entirely within the knowledge of Go-
vernment. The Governor- General, though he did not
approve entirely of the correspondence which seemed to
have been carried on, was yet inclined to let it continue
till the Raja had been tried. Notwithstanding the in-
terception of the correspondence the Bombay Govern-
ment seemed to prefer that it should be put a stop to,
and at length on the 30th January, 1839, this object was
accomplished. We find too that at that period it was
intended to prevent a deputation from the Raja being
sent to England, if this could have legally been done,
(S. P. vol. i., pp. 278 to 285.) In this state was this un-
fortunate Prince left. He was subjected, thus fettered,
to a most searching inquisition, for many months carried
on with all the influence of the British Government by the
British Agent at his Court, who had not a doubt of his
guilt, and directed by his most implacable and formidable
native foe, a leading man in the most influential caste
in India, a caste notoriously at variance with the
Raja, unscrupulous, vindictive, and having religious spite
to gratify ! Sir, I cannot imagine any man to be in a
situation more helpless then was the Raja at this period,
and yet I find him prevented from resorting to any for-
tuitous aid which he might have been fortunate to dis-
cover. I declare, though perfectly satisfied of the Raja's
entire innocence, I am astonished at the weakness of the
case against him; under these circumstances, let the same
means be resorted to in any other Indian Court, and I
am convinced that in one-third of the time an infinitely
better sustained charge would be made out. This may
be a fitting opportunity for placing before you what the
Resident considered a fair way of trying the Raja at the
beginning of 1838, and towards the end of that year :
" 50. But I must beg to express my doubts whether
furnishing the Raja with copies of the statements (pre-
pared statements of the evidence), above referred to,
will do this—bring the inquiry to a final close. It is
clear that time will be demanded to prepare the reply ;
that it must be sent to Bombay to be commented upon
there, and that no conclusive or satisfactory answer will
be given. Instead of refuting the facts, it is much to
be feared that the same course will be pursued now, as
formerly, at the time of the Commission, viz., to defame ,

the character of the evidence ; and that a mass of irrele-
ant statements will be produced, which it will be diffi-
cult either to reject or to reeeive."
" 55. That which I think holds out the best prospect
of meeting the views of Government would be to read
over all the evidence in the presence of the Raja, and any
two or three of his native advisers whom he choses to
select, to confront the witnesses with him at the same
time, and then immediately take down any defence he has
to offer, as well as to summon and examine any wit-
nesses on his own behalf, whom he may name. This, I
think, would answer all the real and substantial ends of
justice, and would, it is to be hoped, bring matters at
once to a close.

" 56. To render this proceeding more solemn, and
satisfactory to all parties, and to remedy any future
misrepresentation that might arise, I would also very
respectfully beg to submit, that should it appear to be
expedient to the Right Hon. the Governor in Council, a
confidential officer of rank might be deputed here for a
few days, for the special purpose of being present at
their final proceedings, and of reporting the case for the
information of Government.

" 57. By the above proceeding, I conceive that this in-
vestigation could at once be brought to a close, and
affairs here once more put on a satisfactory footing.
But I must beg to repeat, that I conceive the suspension
of the Raja's authority necessary to the success of these
measures ; and that without this I see no end to present
difficulties. It would, I think, in every point of view, be
attended with advantage ; for, even supposing that his
Highness should be able to exonerate himself from some
of these charges, yet enough, I believe, will remain to
subject him to any penalty Government may he pleased
to inflict, and a temporary suspension of this nature
would serve as a salutary warning to him for the future,
as well as a lesson to the country at large, that such
conduct will never be passed over with impunity.
" 58. Indeed, it is very much to be feared, that with-
out some decided step of this nature, affairs here will
not admit of any speedy or satisfactory adjustment, for,
as I have before stated, concession will only aggravate
the present evils. The more we show ourselves disposed
to overlook what has occurred, the more extravagant
will the Raja's demands become ; and by such a line of
policy we will be involved in a labyrinth, from which it
will perhaps be difficult to extricate ourselves.
" 59. But if we now show our determination to act
with firmness and vigour in punishing these intrigues,
there can be little doubt that this mode of proceeing
will be attended with the best effects, and that it will
tend to restore our character and influence throughout
the country, both of which hare materially•suffered by
the extraordinary and unprecedented license so long as-
sumed by this Durbar, and which, if permitted to con-
tinue, can only end in its final ruin."
(Extract of a Letter from Colonel ()vans to Government,
15th November, 1838.)

"20. Whatever may be the Raja's reply, however, it
appears evident from the Minute of the Right Honour-
able the Governor-General, that some ulterior and final
proceeding is meditated; and, if such be the case, would
it not be wiser that such proceeding should at once take
place ? and thus prevent all the mischief and intrigue
that will immediately be put in operation by the Raja, on
the receipt of this Yad.
" 21. The oils that it will produce are clear and evi-
dent, the good problematical ; nor will it, I fear, bring
us at all nearer the close of these proceedings, which is
the grand object to be obtained. It will, on the contrary,
probably delay, nay, perhaps, in the er.d, entirely frus-
trate this desirable consummation ; inasmuch, as if the
witnesses be tampered with, and the Raja be permitted
to burden the PRESENT SIMPLE STATEMENT OF FACTS
with loads of irrelevant evidence, supplied both by his
own ingenuity and that of his Bombay advisers, any
Commissioners hereafter appointed may be involved in a ,
labyrinth, from which it will be very difficult for them
to escape."
I come now to a consideration of the merits of the two
latter charges against the Raja; and it must always be
remembered that upon these no trial or hearing what-
ever has been granted him. I have perused repeatedly
Sir R. Grant's minute of the 24th of May, 1838, on the
Joudpoor case, and I have found it, I must say, weari-
some reading. In the name of common sense, are Princes
in India to be deposed because vagabonds at enmity with
them say that verbal messages were sent to a dethroned
I rince, in the destitute situation of Appa Sahib of Nag-
poor, requesting him " to make preparations to join in a
war against the English," and " to exert his interest with
the Sooltan of Constantinople to let the Russians
pass through Turkey to India," and because it is stated
that a sword was authorised to be sent in a veena to
such dethroned Prince, whom the Dewan requests to
send 25 or 30 Lacs, to enable the Portuguese troops to
capture Nagpoor ? Unworthy of serious thought as these
charges are, I do not believe them. Elojee Mohitey,
one of the leading witnesses, was an adherent of Appa
Sahib of Nagpoor, and was denounced by the Raja to
Captain Grant Duff as an intriguer; and, as for the story
of his destroying the letter and the shoes (S.P. i., 209),
he couples with this service an alleged promise by the
Raja, to make his mother give up to him some disputed
property. It would surely be natural for the Raja to
pay useful service to himself, even at his own expense,
and at any rate at the expense of others. Yet the mo-
ther of Elojee Mohitey was not, I believe, compelled
by the Raja to make the surrender in question.
What is the plain inference ? Why, that Elojee
was dissatisfied with the Raja, and that his
Highness did not mind about him. Abba Mhareek, an-
other leading witness, is connected by marriage with
Elojee Mohitey. I cannot stop to say more upon this
paltry charge of political communication hostile to the
British Government with a fugitive and a beggar ; and
one, moreover, who seemed to have taken up the idea of
becoming a religious ascetic ; and we are called upon to
believe that this silly, useless treason, had been going on
for years As for the principal features and characters
in the Goa case, let us suppose a gang of robbers taken
up. They are found to be connected with a coining shop;
the officers proceed to it, and find quantities of false
money and tools for making it, and on asking for
explanation, they are answered by the principal
coiner, " Coin money--to be sure we do, and a very good
thing we make of it ; I trust that we shall long do so; we
have the Queen's authority." " Oh, very well," we may
suppose the police-officer to answer, "I am happy to
hear that we are with respectable people ; I find all is
right here ; now you will, doubtless, be good enough to
show me the Queen's authority." "Why, yes," the
chief coiner will reply, "I certainly would have great
pleasure in obliging you, as you are so polite, but the
fact is, the Queen's authority was given verbally ; and it
may be as well to mention—not to any of us, but to that
highly venerated individual, the late head of our
firm, who died about a year ago ; and you per-
ceive, Sir, we are all in mourning for him ; and
we have, I assure you, Sir, a great many witnesses.
to prove that that departed saint did really state that he
had such authority Now, I ask, could such an ex-
planation be listened to gravely ? And yet I declare
that it seems to me parallel to the position of Nago's
company with reference to the Raja. There is nothing
to show that Nago required any authority from the
Raja for anything he did. Ile wrote treasonable letters
in the Raja's name, and made and appended seals as he
pleased ; and he carried on this for twelve years Can
any one believe this ? And who was this man ? A
Brahmin, as well as the rest of his party, who are also
principally his relations; and the principal, Nago Dea-
rao, died on the 30th July, 1836. and he was a servant
of the of Sunkeshwur, one of the. heads Or the
religious feud between the Brahmins and other castes.
But there are letters from Don Manoel, and the S'igna-
ture, if not genuine, is a far better imitation than would
have been necessary to deceive the Raja ! These letters,
and the extravagant treaty and notes of instructions,
stated to have. been communicated by Don Manoel,
are found only on Nago's party ; and as for the
goodness of the signature, if forged, it would
have been necessary to forge it well, if, as I be-
lieve, it was intended to deceive those who under-
stood Portuguese signatures better than the Raja did.
The attempt to connect the Raja. with Nago, and his
company is beyond measure weak. The particulars of
Dr. Herculano's intercourse with the Raja, and of Nago's
interviews, are meagre and unsatisfactory, and are incon-
clusively shown. The Doctor, though alive, has not
given evidence, and the persons who do depose are
Brahmins of most indifferent character, and members of
that party of intriguers who, admitting themselves to
be so implicated in transactions of this nature,
and having upon them the evidence of their
guilt, are under the necessity of impugning
the Prince, whose name they have so unwarrantably
used. Tejeram, the banker, committed, lam told, some
years ago, a fraudulent bankruptcy, and came under the
corrective operation of the Raja's Adawlut ; his books
and evidence have been ably commented on by General
Robertson, in his speech at the Court of Proprietors last
July. Sir Robert Grant's minutes on this case, amidst
the loads of matter which they contain, seem to me to
exhibit scarcely an occurrence that can justly be said to
affect the Raja ; and certainly none that, if his High-
ness had had the hearing which he solicited,
he would not, in all probability, have entirely disproved.
And what a host of improbabilities present themselves
to prevent our crediting this charge ? I will enumerate a
few :-Ist. The extravagance of the plot. Sir Robert
Grant admits, in many passages of his writings, that it
is almost too absurd to conceive ; and I would remark,
that surely it is not very satisfactor'i to be forced to be-
lieve that which one cannot explain or conceive. 2d.
The improbability that the Raja sbauld place such un-
bounded trust in Brahmins, whom it is well known he
hated and distrusted, and by whom similar feelings were
entertained against him. 3d. The improbability that for
so many years those enemies, who perpetually showed a
desire to ruin him, should not have betrayed him. Sir
Robert Grant admits also that the knowledge of
his intrigues was widely spread. 4th. The weak-
ness of the evidence, as admitted by Sir Robert
Grant in several passages in his writings. sth. The
enormous powers of Nago. 6th. The distress of
Nato's followers after his death, when they had it in
their power, if the intrigue would last, to extort what
money they pleased from the Raja. 7th. The absence of
proof that the Raja sent to secure Nago Dearao's papers
after his death—the more especially as Sir R. Grant ac-
counts for Nago recovering the Raja's supposed papers, by
saying, "To the ex-Viceroy discovery might be incon-
venient ; to the Raja it was ruin irremediable." Bth.
Disreputable character of the principal witnesses. 9th.
Intriguing character of the SwLmee of Sunkeshwur, who
may therefore well be suspected to have lent himself to
plots against the Raja, to whom he was notoriously
inimical. 10th. The circumstance of Don Manoel's
successor and political opponent, Senhor Peres da
Silva, never having exposed Don Manoel's in-
trigues ; had they existed, he must have disco-
vered them, and would have denounced them.
I consider the Goa plot more ci,arly than any
other a Brahmin plot for the ruin of the Raja.
Brahmins have been engaged in all qua: tens to furnish
evidence, nor is there any room for surprise that the
evidence taken at different places should correspond, if
we suppose, as I do, that Balajipunt Kattoo at Sat-
tara directed the whole intrigue, and sugfested in each
case where evidence was to be got, after ho bad taken

OTHERS.
Soobadar SeToolam Sing
Havildar Chtadur Sing
Cosia Maloo
Abba Mhareic
Abba Parusnes
Elojee Mohitty
Abba Mohite:

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 29, 1842.

care that it should'De there. Row suspicious,' I might
say how conclusivefr condemnatory, the vast number of
Brahmin witnesses I have taken from Colonel Ovens'
letter, of the 15th C November, 1838, which I consider
the best authentic ocument for the purpose, the names
of Brahmin and oCer native witnesses; and I find the
number much beond that stated in Colonel Ovens'
letter, of the 25th if November, 1841.—5. P., iii. 24, 25.
The following is tb list:—
FIRST, ORSEPOY SEDUCTION CASE.
BRAHMINS.
Soobadar Ga.* Missur
Purushram, prfumer
Kasee Punt limdrey
Untajee (con fssion)
Govind Row )ewan (do.)

SECONE OR JOIJDPOOR CASE.
BRAHMINS.
Krustmajee thintamun Agassey
Babjee Myputee
Parsotum Arvind
Rugho Punt Datsakul
Kasee Punt jundrey—before named
Govind Row Dewan—beforo named

OTHERS.
Elojee Malty—before named
Appajee Jad)o
Wittoo Bovnia
Wittoo Pateykur
Kedaree Mania
Dhoondee E.atia
Abba Mhareek—before named
Abba Parumees--before named
Dinkur Row Mohitey

THIRD, OR GOA CASE.
BRAHMINS.
Wasdeo Shastree
rt
Dajeeba Waeed
Balkoba Kelkur G-
Moro Punt Josee I`;4'
Hurry Punt Fatuk
Narain Bhut Chitty :4- gleir-
Rowjee Kotnees
Khundoo Venktesh
Kasoo Bucherow
Gopal Jayram Kolutkur
Abbajee Narain Josee
Moro Punt Putwardhun
Nilo Abbajee Burkunkur
Sunjeewun, Brahmin
Pursotum Anunt Gosawee
Vishnoo Kesoo Dewastkuly
Ballajee Punt Nattoo
Kasee Sewram Bundrey—before named
Ramehundur Gungadhur
Josee Dufturdar, or Dajeeba Josee
Rajaram Bhut Moondlee
Govind Row Dewan (confession)—before named
Vishnoo Punt Funseekur
Narain Bhut Sidhey
Sewram Bhut Ladkur
Ballajee Punt Jogleekur
Harbhutbin Ramchundur Bhut Hulbia
Ramchundur Sadasew Bhut Abhienkur
Dhoondoo Vishnoo Aptey, Government vakeel al
Sawunt Waree

NAGO DEORAO'S SERVANTS.
Augee bin Feerajee.
Sukhojee bin Limbajee.
Venkapa bin Pillajee.
Hybutee bin Jotajee.
Pattoo bin Sooltanjee.'
6 Khundoojee bin Tookajee

35 OTHERS.
Tejecram, banker.
Hissur Bhugwan.
Balaram Chuprasee.
Abba Parusnees—before named.
Pandoorang Rao.
Dinkur Row Mohitey (confession)—before named

The numbers, therefore, are as follow :
Brahmins. Other Natives.
Ist, or Sepoy Seduction case 5 7
2,1, or Joudpore case
3d, or Goa case *3s 6

46 22
If those occurring in more cases than one, are numbered
separately.

And
Sepoy Seduction case 5 7
Joudpore case 4 6
Goa case

42 17
If those occurring in more cases than one, are num-
bered only once.
I must say that where so much depends upon the verbal
evidence of the witnesses, I think it very fatal to the cre-
dibility of these eharges that the native witnesses against
the Raja should be more than two to one Brahmins,
whom he always :disliked, and was at no pains to conci-
liate, the more especially when, as in the Goa case, one
is required to believe that he placed unbounded confi-
dence in those his known enemies—and enemies, too, of
the most vindictive and unscrupulous character, inflamed
by religious bigotry, and supported by religious zeal.
I have adverted above to effects such as might have been
expected from the steps taken to procure evidence by the
officers of Government. In page 111 of the first volume
of the Sattara Papers, paragraph 3, the case of Bkow
Lely is referred to ; this person appears to have volun-
teered to furnish Lieutenant Durack, for a considerable
reward, with papers which would prove the Raja's
treason. Colonel Ovens mentioned the proposal being
entertained, and when he failed to produce the papers at
the time agreed upon. allowed him a longer period. He
failed in the end, but it is suspected, not without grounds,
that his intention was to get the required papers forged !
In pages (190 and 191) of the same volume will be
found mention of three documents, said to be, one a letter
from the Raja of Setters to the Viceroy of Goa, the two
others, in the Mahratta language, but in Roman letters,
from the Viceroy to the Raja. All these are disowned
by the Nago Mundullee, or party (who have letters, con-
taining the same matter, but authenticated in a better
way they imagine). Now, who• then forged these dis-
honoured letters ? Certainly not the Raja's friends. It
must have been done by enemies of the Raja—aye ! and
by enemies, too, who knew something of what was pro-
posed, or intended to be proposed by those enemies who
produced the documents stated to be authentic, since
they correspond in matter with those documents. After
this disclosure, I confess it surprises me that the
Government did not strongly suspect that forgery by
the Raja's enemies was . abroad. •I come now to the
consideration of the question of the probability
of a Brahmin conspiracy against the Raja. Colonel
Ovans, in his letter dated May 29, 1841, par. 12., S. P.
iii., 24 and 25, considers it as a fiction, mentioning the
number of Brahmin witnesses, as above represented, viz.,
21 out of 44, while he observes, " If any conspiracy ex-
isted, it was on the part of the ex-Raja and his Chit-
navees, to trample on the Brahmins, and to elevate the
rival caste of Purbhoos, to which the Chitnavees be-
longed." .Now it is undoubtedly true, that in this feud
the Raja took the part of the Purbhoos, and surely that
alone makes it likely that Brahmins would rather plot
against the Raja than for him. What was it that, some
short time back, filled us with grief ? What but the
confederacy of the Affghans against us ? And why did
they confederate against us ? Doubtless because they
considered we had trampled upon them. It is against
those whom they deem to trample upon them, that men
usually do conspire. My excellent friend, Mr. Wil-
loughby, in his Memorandum of 31st Oct., 1841, S. P.
iii. page 13, is not, I think, at all more successful upon
this point, for what does he say ? Why, that it was not
likely that the Brahmins should conspire to pull down a
Hindoo Prince, whose territories would, under the cir-
cumstances, be likely to be transferred to the British Go-
vernment. To that I answer that the question is not whe-
ther the Brahmins would be likely so to conspire or to
rest tranquilly under their fig-trees. It is an undoubted
fact, admitted by all, that numbers of Brahmins did
engage in intrigues for some object or another, and are
we thought credulous because we believe that revenge
being the strongest passion of the mind, or nearly so,
the object of the conspiracy should have been to put
down a Prince whom they disliked, and who disliked and
provoked them ? aye I even though his territories might
fall into the hands of the English ? Is it not, I would
ask, infinitely more improbable that the Brahims should
intrigue for the benefit of their enemy ?—to augment
his power, so that from trampling upon them he might
grind them to dust ?—and can anything be more un-
likely than that Brahmins should intrigue to restore to
power, in India, by our ruin, the bigoted and cruel Portu-
guese, the most implacable enemies whom the nindoos and
the Hindoo superstition have ever had, with the single ex-
ception of the Mahometans, and hardly that ? The con-
jecture I consider extravagant and unjust towards our
Government—we are liked better than the Portuguese,
whose tyranny and forced conversions, I imagine,
are remembered better than Albuquerque's glory,
and if our Government in India is to stand
until Brahmins league with Portuguese to subvert it,
depend upon it we have a long term of empire yet. It is
to be remembered, too, that those who believe that the
Brahmins' intrigue was against the Raja, and not for
him, arid for Portuguese, do not, as the other side have
done, require this to be taken as proved. They desire
full and free inquiry only. They say, "Do not upon one-
sided evidence alone (inadequate to establish a story not
in itself unlikely) declare that to be beyond a doubt
which is glaringly improbable, and requires, before it
should be credited, the strongest and most severely
scrutinized evidence. In short the Goa case appears to
me to be a mass of violent improbabilities, as an
intrigue for the Raja's benefit, and on his behalf. And
this case, it is admitted, is the strongest of all.
For Sir Robert Grant in the 4th paragraph of his Mi-
nute of 24th May, 1838, (S. P. i., 208) ; and 7th para-
graph of his Minute of 31st May, 1838 (S. P. i., 236,)
declares 6e Goa case to be much stronger than the
Joudpoor case, wbile he admits in paragraVas 8 and 15 of
his Minute of 30th Jan. 1837 (S. P. i., pp. 68 and 69),
and in paragraph 3 of his Minute of 15th August, 1837
(S. P. i., 92,) and in paragraph 3 of his Minute of
31st May, 1838 (S. P. i., 235), that the first, or

* Including Bervints, not Brahmins, of Nago Do n%

Sepoy seduction case, was a weak one. It is
also to be remembered that neither on this case
nor on the Joudpoor case has the Raja had any hearing
whatever. To crown the incredibility of the Goa plot, a
great authority, the Right Hon. Sir John Cam Hobhouse,
Bart., the late President of the Board of Control, has ex-
pressed his total disbelief of this charge at least in the
followin words taken from his speech in Parliament,
delivered on the 23d June, 1842, as published by Ridg-
way, Piccadilly :
" The Hon. Member has also accused me of believing
that the Raja of Sattara was about to bring 30,000 Por-
tuguese from Goa to invade British India. Where the
Hon. Member learned that, I know not. I have seen
some trumpery statement in a newspaper to that effect,
but there is not a word of truth in it. As President of
the Board of Control, I know that those charges ware
brought against the Raja of Sattara, but to say that I
believed them is what the Hon. Gentleman has not the
slightest foundation for saying."
I can only say that I have always been simple enough
to think that the charges were believed by those who
sanctioned the dethronement of the Raja by Sir James
Carnac, because he would not certify by his signature that
he was guilty of them ! If the gentlemen behind the
bar, would say that they do not believe them, it would
spare me much trouble, and, under the circumstances,
considering that there are, on this side of the bar, be-
lievers staunch, good, and true, in most of what the
Court tell them, I-think that it would be but fair to state
particularly what it is that is expected to be believed.
It becomes now necessary to take a review of the con-
duct of the Raja, subsequently to the appointment of
Colonel Ovans, as acting Resident. Colonel Ovans ar-
rived at Sattara on the 15th June, 1837, and had an in-
terview with the Raja on the 19th, which is reported in
his letter of the 24th of June, 1837, from which the fol-
lowing is an extract :
"4. ( Accompaniment 1 contains the substance of the
conference.)
"5. As regards this document I will only at present
remark, with reference to the sixth paragraph, that I
beg leave respectfully to call the attention of Govern-
ment to the fourth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of my
letter of the 23d instant, in which I have stated, that
that Commission (of 1836) being a secret one, no copy
of any part of its proceedings could be given, and that
the two members alluded to avoided waiting on his
Highness, in consequence of the situation in which he
stood ; but that they had not the slightest reason to be-
lieve that he had anything further to communicate in
regard to his case.
" 6. In the interview above alluded to, the Raja showed
an inclination to put himself into my hands, but as my
communications with him at this crisis are necessarily
reserved and distant, in accordance with my instructions,
this feeling on his part must be expected to wear off.
In reply to his frequent allusions and remarks on the
subject of the Commission, I gave him distinctly to
understand that the whole case had been referred for
the consideration and instructions of the Government of
India.

" 7. I also informed his Highness that his yad o
fifteen paragraphs would be forwarded to Govern
ment, &c."

The following is an extract from the report of the
interview :

" 5. That his first and only object was to preserve the
favour of the Government ; that as to his raj, he would
give that up and go to Benares, but he wished to clear
himself from this stain in the eyes of Government and
the world ; that as to the Doctor, or anything else of
that kind, it was with the view of obtaining a hearing,
and of making his case known ; that many things now
occurred to him which had not at the time he came
before the Commission ; and all he prayed for was, a
thorough investigation, as without it he could not be
satisfied. 'lt was better for him,' he said, to lose
all, than to live in this sort of doubt.'
" 6. He wished, therefore, now to have what he begged
for at the time, a copy of the evidence against him, that
he might consider and answer it. The Commission had
gone without seeing him, and he had had no oppor-
tunity of entering into further explanation then, but he
hoped now he should be permitted to do so, and then he
would be content, whatever might be the decision.
" 11. However, if the Governor would only write to
him a few words, saying that he had the welfare of his
Highness's Government at heart as much as his own, he
would be satisfied, and would atone° unburden his mind,
and conceal nothing—every thing else will be disclosed.
12. I begged that he would repeat this declaration
to prevent mistake, and, as he laid so much stress upon
it, that he would give it to me in writing ; and the ac-
companying is the original sent by his Highness to this
effect.

" 13. Throughout the interview, and in reply to his
appeals to my own opinion, I told him that I was the
servant of the Government, and, as such, I had only to
carry the orders of Government into effect."
His Highness's yad (Memorandum) to the effect re-
presented, stated that when the letter he solicited was
received, he would tell all regarding the false accusation
against him. It is probable that he could then have
ventured to name Balajipunt Natoo as the originator of
the conspiracy against him. The letter which he soli-
cited was one which, by a British and Superior Govern-
ment. might well have been given to a native and com-
paratively powerless Prince, of admirable character, if
it had been desired to serve him ; except only, that
whereas it contained the expression of a willingness to
aid in effecting his Highness's designs, of course this
should have been limited to "designs meeting the appro-
bation of the British Government." A letter much to
the same effect was sent to the Raja by the Hon. Mount-
stuart Elphinstone, on the 12th September, 1826.
Could anything, I would ask, be more proper than the
Raja's conduct on this occasion, and anything more chil-
ling and repulsive, than that of the Acting Resident,
agreeably to the orders which he had received ? The
Raja's request, which he twice made, that he might have
a copy of the evidence against him in the Sepoy seduc-
tion case, was not complied with, on the plea that the
Commission being secret, no copy of any part of its pro-
ceedings could be given to any one, as if any one ever
heard of a trial so secret, that the evidence against the
person accused could not be had by him in writing. His
offer to relinquish his territories,
,provided only he
could obtain a hearing, was treated with neglect.
The letter of favour which he begged, the Governor at
once resolved to withhold, because, he said, the terms of
it " might be construed to imply that Government had
acted unjustly towards his Highness." Could Sir R.
Grant have looked forward to September, 1839, he would
have seen the unfortunate Raja dethroned for declining
to sign an admission that he was a traitor ! He offered
again on the 17th July to abandon his territories for a
full and fair investigation, and how was this noticed ?
The Governor in his minute of the 21st of July, 1837,
concurred in by the Board, writes :—" Ido not think
any notice should for the present be taken of this
communication, which, I think, betrays the Raja's
uneasiness, arising from a consciousness of guilt."
Strange that the man who was conscious of guilt
should act in this way. He boldly protested his inno-
cence, and offered to divest himself of any possible
means of concealing guilt. If guilty he would, if timid,
have confessed, and, if bold, would never have offered to

resign his power. No one could act in this way but an
innocent man. But other parties there were who, lam
of opinion, undoubtedly did betray guilt some months
before. I allude.to the Soobadars. from the 35th par.
of the Governor's Minute of the 27th April, 1837
(S. P. i., 83), I feel convinced that they at that
time felt all the tenor of approaching detection,
from which the Governor's reception of them
Must have proved a most welcome relief. The
Raja again, on the 26th July, 1837, repeated his
offer to abandon his throne for a full and fair inquiry,
and on the 28th the Senaputt3' and Dinkur Row Mohitey

waited on the part of the Raja upon the acting Resident,
and begged humbly for his advice, which his instructions
of course withheld him from granting. The tormenting
inquiries, the political inquisition, it may well be called,
went on without interruption—for a time the Raja was
applied to by the acting Resident to procure the
attendance of witnesses, which he seems never to
have failed to do to the extent required, but
after a period the acting Resident summoned and
detained the Raja's subjects as he pleased. I
cannot think, without pain, of the degradation to
which this high-minded Prince was reduced at this un-
happy period, while his Brahmin enemy, by British aid
too confidingly given, was stealthily, but surely, work-
ing his destruction. I cannot wonder that his Govern-
ment was disorganised ; I am almost surprised that he
did not, in despair, leave his country, and search for a
retreat in any quarter where he might have been per-
mitted to go. He was without a friend able to defend
or aid him, and he was himself in the grasp of those who
could annihilate him in an instant ; but he still continued
firm in the belief that in the end justice would be done
him ; and kept as he was at arm's length by the Resi-
dent, who, also, he was sensible, was occupied, with
the assistance of Balajipunt Nattoo, in making out a
case against him, he strove, by every channel or means,
to open a communication with the British authorities.
Moi e "intrigues," as they were called, were engaged in ;
these were easily met—all his correspondence, I imagine,
has been intercepted, and what does it show on his part
but an earnest desire to be permitted to make
his INNOCENCE CLEAR ? for as to the stories
of his intended appeal to the Russians or the Pacha
of Egypt, these are, I imagine, quite abandoned. I
must say a word or two about this intercepted corres-
pondence—a good deal of it appears commented upon in
the minute of the Governor of Bombay, of 24th August,
1838. It does not seem to contain much of moment, but
is it therefore useless to the Raja ? It is anything but
that : it would, indeed, have been of little use to him,
had it been allowed to pass without examination—inter-
cepted it is high valuable. In searching out and scru-
tinizing the Raja supposed intrigues, the British autho-
rities,_ without a clue to guide them, might often be a. t
fault—but, if the Raja's intrigues were real, he and. his
confidants with whom he was corresponding., intimately
acquainted with all the various plots, must have had
their attention directed, with the utmost anxiety, to the
various sources from whence they would have feared
detection. And can it be conceived, that in all this con-
siderable quantity of intercepted correspondence there
would not occur repeated allusions to this or that person,
place, or thing, happily screened from search ; fears lest
discoveries might be made here or there ; precautions
taken to prevent these, and so forth ! There cannot be a
doubt of it. I consider the Raja's intercepted correspon-
dence quite sufficient of itself to demonstrate his perfect in-
nocence against evidence far stronger than he has to en-
counter. The Court of Directors receiving reports of the
protracted inquiries which the Bombay Government was
conducting, intimated to the Governor-General on the
13th June, 1838, and the Secret Committee on the 22d
January, 1839, the latter, after receiving the Governor-
General's minute of 23d September, 1838, stating his
change of opinion—" that it would not only be a waste
of time, but seriously detrimental to the character of our
Government to carry on any further inquiry into the
matter ;" and in the letter the Secret Committee
desired that proceedings might be stayed until Sir James
Carnac arrived. It is quite clear that the sentiments of
the Court of Directors at this time, were favourable to the