The Sun.
London, England, 1827-02-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The discussion raised upon the navy estimates in the
House of Commons regarded principally the all-important
question of—how, in case of emergency, the navy of Eng-
land can best be supplied with seamen. We are, we trust,
no less alive than our neighbours to the disgrace which has
been fixed upon us as a nation by the dreaaful system of
impressment, or to the private misery to which it has ex-
posed many thousands of a most meritorious and gallant
race of Englishmen. Feeling deeply both these copse- ;
quences of the expedient through which the British navy
during war time has been hitherto manned, we are, never-
theless, conscious that there seems to be no subject more
beset with contrarieties of opinion, nor any problem of
which the solution labours under more distrust in highly
respectable and intelligent quarters, than the invention cf
a substitute for impressment, which shall operate with
greater mildness upon individuals, and with equal efficiency
for the State. The reluctance of 6tit seamen to enter on
board a man of war, is the obvious argument for impress-
ing_ them, and the sole justification of the practice, if it
admits of any. Whence, then, does this reluctance pro-
ceed ? The marine of England finds gentlemen ready
enough to volunteer in the very lowest rank of officers,
and to embrace a 'Service full of discouragements, so far
as concerns promotion, presenting few or no attractions
in the wee of emolument, and exposed to perpetual
itandshises, of a nature entirely strange and incom-
Pres:tensible to tile youths who are sent to endure
them. This is not considered by any one a cruelty,
or a severe visitation, or injustice, exercised by the
friends of the parties who thus feed the navy with
the flower of their families, to hold a station in the
service, no higher, or more flattering, or more
comfortable (but often less so) than that which they
abandon on shore. Then, why is it that the common
sailor should run away and hide himself when solicited to
stand in the same relation to the naval officer on board
ship, 'which in his original character of peasant or labour-
ing boy, he held towards the same officer when filling the
rank of private gentleman? There is manifestly some-
thing in the Maritime government of England which throws
disproportion of harshness, degradation, and irksomeness
vipoa the Is:den before the mast, as compared with those
"Pon tine quarter-deck, beyond that which the ordinary
"P:cure of a service whose fatigues and dangers are corn-
Mon to all in the profession, would of necessity entail upon
the private sailor. The army finds recruits enough, and
from the same classes of society whence seamen are sent
in handcuffs to the fleet. The ranks of the marines are
filled with eager volunteers; yet in both cases a new mode
of life is ventured upon by young men who have much to
fear and every thing to learn. The merchant ships are
plentifully manned by volunteers, and on board a merchant
ship there is neither personal safety, nor variety of whole-
some and palatable food, nor medical care under accident
or sickness, nor chance of prize-money, nor provision for
old age, in any degree that will bear a moment's parallel
with the certainty and abundance of all these advantages
in the Royal Navy. Why, then, we repeat, is an instru-
ment for manning the navy had recourse to, which be-
st:Mats a conviction in the mind of Government and of the
Legislature itself, that the naval service of Great Britain is,
and must be, an object of horror instead of desire to the
bulk of seafaring Englishmen ? Sir George Cockburn, an
experienced and able officer, and one who is reputed to
have the interest of the service at heart, states, we think,
an insufficient reason for the continued employment of the
press-gangs. He says, that the merchants will always
outbid the Government in the amount of wages. Now,
we are very far from believing that it would be possible
for the merchant so far to outbid the Royal Navy, as to
carry off the greater number of the seamen, taking into
consideration the various and imports ,t benefits enjoyed
on board King's ships, in contrast with merchant-ships,
and which must be esteemed much more than a set-off
against even a third or one half higher wages—that is to
say, provided the condition of the seaman on board of a
man of war was in other respects what it ought to be.—
But, as it is, we are disposed to think, that the principle
of impressment is far less revolting to the seaman, than
some abuses of power on board ship, and some provisions
of authority by the Government. Undoubtedly, where
the safety of ship and crew may be endangered, not merely
by a single act of disobedience, but by a tardiness in obey-
ing the orders given; where, again, the slightest ten-
dency to bad example in a single turbulent or disaffected
seaman, may have fatal influence upon the minds of
his messmates, and sap the foundation of all salutary
discipline on board ship, a power of prompt and vigo-
rous repression must be somewhere lodged, and perhaps
occasionally, though as rarely as possible, displayed for
the safety of the service. This, however, being a dis-
cretionary power, is liable to be indiscreetly exercised,
and we fear there have been cases where the abuse
of it was as manifest and injurious as the possession
of it may have been unavoidable. We put it to Sir
George Cockburn, whether it might not be an experiment
now, in peace, worth trying, to make every corporal pu-
nishment illegal but that which should be awarded by a
court-martial, even though it were a court-martial
held on the instant in the nature of a drum-head
court-martial ashore. Why, again, should the hard-
ship of impressment be aggravated by the undefined du-
ration of the bondage which it inflicts ? This appears to
us to be a grievance the most intolerable of all those
which have brought such execration on the naval service
of Great Britain. A man is not only enslaved and trans-
ported, but made a slave and exile for the whole term of
his life. A seaman who for ten or twelve years has bled
and been broiled alive in the East Indies, instead of being
sent at the public expense in triumph to his friends on the
return of his ship to England, has not so much as liberty
to spend a portion of his well earned wages in the bosom
of the land which he has honoured and protected by his
bravery, but is snapped up at once by a second press-gang
and shipped off to die at Jamaica. This is altogether in-
supportable to the mind of a British subject.' Instead
of impressment being thus aggravated by eternal imprison-
ment, the necessary pains and hardships of the King's
service ought to be relieved by their brevity. An act of
Parliament ought to-pass, making it highly penal to retain
any sailor by compulsion in the service for more than
seven years from the day of his enlistment, whether
by the press or as a volunteer; and a protection for at
least seven years more ought to be granted him, if he
chooses to accept it, after the completion of such a li-
mited service. No seaman ought to be taken by a press-
gang if more than 3.5 years of age ; and a certificate of age
annexed to his first indentures as an apprentice, and sworn
before a magistrate, ought to be made evidence of his title
to exemption. A voice in electing the representative of
his native city, borough, or county, might be beneficially
added to the pension awarded to him by law after a ser-
vice of 14 years. In the United States a sailor is enlisted
fornot longer, as we are informed, in war time, than the
space of three years; after which, if he has done his duty
correctly, he receives a grant of lands, and all the rights of
citizenship.
These are expedients for rendering the ser-
vice of the
be State an object of just ambition; and an ho-
nour to attained, rather than a grievance submitted to.
If impressment be still considered indispensable, which we
trust in God it will cease to be—though without presum-
ing to decide upon it—let us at least recommend, and with
the utmost earnestness, to the Admiralty, the adoption of
every possible means for alleviating and mollifying the
hardships which grow out of it, by attaching to the con-
dition of a British seaman whatever can be regarded as
most precious among the incidents-of a Node of life from
which toil and hazard, frequent privation, and sacrifice of
free agency, are inseparable.—Times.
The French seem greatly elated at the arrival of a Por-
tuguese man of war in a port of theirs loaded with a cargo
of Chamberlains and Officers of State, intended to give
eclul to the embarkation of the Infante Don Miguel, for
Brazil, The French Ministers have given orders that all
these guests, who have already reached Paris, should be
a sumptuous treated in - manner, till their Prince and mu,
ter arriverfram.Vienna ; but, if we iniatake not (and, in-

! deed, on this subject we expressed our opinion the other
day), this anticipated journey will not be undertaken so
....eon. Circumstances have materially altered since it was
first determined to convey the Infante Don Miguel to
Brazil; and then it was wished that the port of embarka-
iion should be Leghorn. It was • not with the concur-
; rence of the Austrian Emperor that a French port was
preferred; nor does he now like the change. He has, how-
i_wer, this and other more important matters to treat with
the Emperor of the Brazils ; and to render his negociations
' effective, in the interval he has sent a special Envoy to Rio
;le Jantiro, who, no doubt, is the bearer of certain dislikes
of the Portuguese Constitution, as well as suggestions of
an important kind, relating to the future welfare of Pot,
tugal, in which the Emperor of Austria is not the only
party. This special Envoy, as well as the instructions
addrensed to the others who are directed to act in concert
with him, would arrive at Rio de Janeiro after the de-
parture of the Emperor for the eastern bank of the river
Plate, so that a considerable time must elapse before the
negociations can be carried into effect and closed; for, en-
gaged as the Emperor must be, with matters of a more
pressing kind, it is not likely he will allow his attention '
to be diverted to this subject, on which, besides, he
would probably not venture to decide without the aid of
ins Council. All this time, we apprehend, the panting
Don Miguel will have to bear with his present durance, as
his guardian is too prudent, and too much devoted to the
preservation of tranquillity in Europe, to trust his ward
out of his own capital. At all events, we think he will
not be exposed to the risk of the disSipation of Paris.—
Morning Chronicle.
In the debate on the Navy Estimates on Monday night,
Mr. Hume and other Members having animadverted on
the system of promotion in the Navy and Marines, Sir
George Cockburn was understood to say that improved
regulations now guided these matters." We are happy
to hear this, for there certainly was in these departments
of the service great room for improvement. The exposure
which we made some time ago of the actual state of pro-
mction in the Navy, supported by facts derived from Par-
liamentary documents, established a case from which one
of these two consequences must follow—either that the
existing system must be altered, or the naval glory of
England decline. We there showed that great connec-
tions were of more value, in the eyes of the Admiralty,
than long services—that patronage was a more powerful re-
commendation than merit—and that the smiles of fa-
vouritism led to higher distinction than a veteran fami-
liarity with the dangers of battle and the ocean. We are
happy, therefore, to hear Sir G. Cockburn say, that "im-
proved regulations now guided these matters." It was to
bring about such improvement, if possible, that we made
the statements which we did, and if out efforts have been
instrumental in producing a fairer mode of promotion in
that department of the public service Which is connected
with the peculiar, and we may say, the natural defence of
this country, our labour has been repaid. Let those
who point out abuses from factious motives, exult
in their continuance ; but as our object is to make
the Press the independent advocate of the general
interests, without regard to the selfish ambition of party,
we are always glad when any causes of unpleasant ani-
madversion are removed. We recollect that when we
formerly made the exposure of the system of naval pa-
tronage some Papers which are called Ministerial were
loud in reprobating statements that they did not attempt
to refute. What will they say to Sir George Cockburn
now, and to the indirect compliment which he has paid
the exertions of those who had rather be the correctors of
abuse than the habitual flatterers of power ? We trust
that the statement of the Gallant Admiral will be borne
out by experience; we trust we shall never have again to
point out such instances of flagrant disparity in the dis-
pensing promotion in the navy, as we have heretofore
done. It greatly concerns the interests of the country
that officers of talent, skill, and experience, should feel
conscious that the power which superintends their career
observes their merits. It was for so exercising his office
as to inspire confidence through all ranks on his justice
and discernment, while directing the Army, that high
eulogiums were paid in both Houses of Parliament, the
other night, to the memory of the lamented Duke of York.
It is true his judgment was not infallible, and the kind.
ness of his nature might, be sometimes imposed upon ; but
if in any particular case he was in error, it was but the
exception to his general practice. Now this is just the
sort of superintendence which we want to see established
over the Navy. We cannot expect perfection in any hu-
man system, but -if meritorious promotion be made the
general rule, it must give great satisfaction to the country,
notwithstanding there may be now and then an incidental
exception.—Morning Herald.