The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-24 00:00:00

Stettin on the 20th of July, which was shipped on the 13th of
August, did not arrive at Liverpool till the 13th of Sept. Hull
had an advantage over Liverpool in the importation of corn
from Dantzic ; but corn could be sent from America to
Liverpool in less time than from Dantzie. Now, that justly
defines the propositrou of the gentleman who spoke to me—
namely, it was possible to bring flour from the United
States in six weeks. The Honourable Gentleman
the Member for Edinburgh, whose absence surprises me—
( Hear, hear)--made an attack on me ; the whole of his
peech was an attack on the statements I made in
bringing forward this measure. That Right Honourable
Gentleman commenced his speech, by stating, that he
represented so peculiar a constituency, that it was
incumbent upon him to speak. He assurai that
House that his constituency was swayed by no personal inte-
rests—that they were corrupted by no prejudiced views—but,
as they were the concentrated esience of the intelligence of
Edinburgh—(Laughter)—it was incumbent upon him to state
his views to the House of Commons. It was unfortunate
for the Right Hon. Gentleman, considering the peculiar
, position in which he was placed, and considering, also, the
intelligence of his constituents, and the weight their opinions
were calculated to have in that House—it was unfortunate for
him, and it was much to be lamented, that when they ap-
proached the division he should have retired to his repose in-
stead of being in his place in that House.--( Great laughter.)
What aid, I would ask, has the Right Hon. Gentleman given
, us on this question ? lie voted with the Noble Lord, but he
could not assent to my plan. Then the Hon. Member for
Wolverhampton brought forward a motion for a total repeal ot
the Corn-laws, and the Right lion. Gentleman has decamped
from the House because he will not vote.—(" Hear, hear,"
and laughter.) The Right Honourable Gentleman
has not the manliness to say no to the proposition of the Hon.
Member for Wolverhampton ; he says, I object to the imme-
diate repeal of the Corn-laws—the word now is a insuperable
objection, but if I give my vote according to my opicion I shalt
be liable to misconstruction, and, therefore, it is 1 absent myself
from the division.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Why did
he say that he considered the measure precipitate, and that he
was prepared to vote against it? He relieves himself from any
possibility of misconstruction, but he leaves others, who
come exactly to the same conclusions as himself,
to take the more manly part of voting against
a proposition they cannot agree to,_( Hear, hear.) The Right
lion. Gentleman stated that I maintained that cheap food was
no advantage. I maintained no such thing. What I stated was
that I thought it unwise and unjust to sow discontent and dis-
affection among the people by telling them there were others
who had their provisions at a much less charge. I said I
thought the relative amount of the cost of food was not the test
of enjoy,rent, but the demand of different countries. I also
said, but nit abstractedly, thct I thought it was ill advised, and
would be productive of evil consequences, to produce cheapness
of provisions by a sudden disturbance of the relations between
landlord and tenant. I did state that they might p.
sudden cheapness in provisions ;, but they could not remedy
the evils under which the country laboured, by having- fresh
causes of disturbance, or by bringing distress among the great
body of agriculturists. It was with these qualifications I said
that I thought you were bound, in introducing cheap food,
to regard the interests that had grown up under protection, and to
regard the different laws relating to agriculture. I also said
that it was not wise that the substantial supply of this
country should be derived from other countries. One word,
and one word only, with respect to the motion upon which
1 trust we are now about to divide. It is sn
absolute declaration of the opinion of this House
that the Corn-laws ought to be instantly repealed. The Hon.
Gentleman has not moved—so deeply impressed was he with
the policy of immediate repeal—that he has not moved any
protective measure. The resolution he submits to tha House
is that the Corn-laws ought at once to be repealed. The
Hon. Gentleman says that he can acquiesce. He
says if they can to repealed they ought.—( Hear. )s
The Noble Lord -has come forward and distinctly stated that
in his opinion, agriculture has no claim to protection, that it
is for the purpose of mere revenue, to levy duty upon the im-
port of foreign corn. I put it to him whether, if you levy duty
for that purpose, it wined not be as legitimate to levy excise
duty; on corn, the produce of th s country ?—(Cheers.) And
instead of the Noble Lord advocating a fixed duty of Bs. ou
foreign corn, I think it would be well to consider and propose
a duty of 45., with a view to its being applied equally on corn
the produce of foreign countries, and corn the produce of this ;
because corn the produce of this country having no claim to
protection, it plainly would carry out the Noble Lord's views.
and he will see the advantage of an inland duty in England.—
( Laughter.—( Lord Palmerston made some remark across the
table. )—ls it possible the Noble Lord can dispute that doc-
trine ? It is utterly impossible for him to deny that if it be le-
gitimate to the mere purposes of revenue to extinguish
all protection, and to lay a duty on the importation
of foreign con that he cannot resist the argument that a like
duty should be taken on corn the produce of this country.
But there are those with the Noble Lord who cannot
vote with the Hon. Gentleman any more than those who.
in consequence of disturbing the relations with respect to Ire-
land—of those who consider agriculture, and who are
alarmed now at any reduction of the duty on oats—all those
who dread the consequence to Ireland of a sadden,
unlimited, and immediate importation of foreig
oats into this country—those who hesitate on this
subject, cannot vote with the Honourable Gentleman. Those
again who think there ought to be an interval of time between
the present and a total abrogation of these laws, cannot vote
with the Hon. Gentleman. The Hon. Gentleman has even
given a vague intimation that he would possibly consent to
something, if he was certain of carrying his motion; but hi.
motion for which you must vote is, that the Corn-laws should
be repealed. Thsse who are unwilling to incur that risk,
cannot vote with the Honourable Gentleman. It is
needless for me to say that, with my views, it is
impossible for me to assent to the proposition. Sir, whet,
I look to the proposal which I have made, and when I heard
the speech of the Hon. Member for Liskeard, who told us that
he thought that those who voted against the agricultural in-
terest ought to be cautious--that he thought we ought not to
excite undue apprehension amongst the agriculturalists—that
the consequences would be dangerous to the existing interests
of the country, by causing a diminution of the cultivation et
land—how the Hon. Gentleman can refuse to vote with me and
against the Hon Gentleman, 1 can hardly comprehend.
Mr. C. BULLF.R—I shall vote with you.
Sir R. PEEL—I believe the Hon. Gentleman wishes for
an ultimate repeal, yet he wishes them to act with caution, era,
not excite apprehensions in the minds of the agrieulturt.ts
I knew that my proposition would not hay.
that effect ; and it the Honourable Gentleman had seer
the communications I have received, I think he woulr
think that I have advanced as far as I possibly could without
raising those apprehensions. It was therefore on this account
that 1 anticipa.ed his vote to-night in opposition to the Hon.
.Gentleman. lam sure that if I had gone much further thou
apprehensions which the Hon. Gentleman fears would hay.
been fulfilled. Sir, when I recollect what Mr. Ricardo's views
were—and Mr. Ricardo was no particular friend to the
agricultural interest—he thought the present system ot
Corn-laws were difficult, that you ought to pave the way for
a better system—but he thought that when you attempt to im-
prove you must not destroy. The proposal Mr. Ricardo made
was, theta fixed duty at 205., should be imposed upon the importa-
tion of foreign corn, and that a gradual diminution should take
place each year by Is., and remain fixed at 10s. eta duty on
fore.gn corn. That was fifteen years ago, and the same
argument in dealing with the Corn-laws would apply now.
It Mr. Ricardo thought that absolute benefit would result from
a sudden tampering with the Corn-laws, would he not have
expressed that opinion ? He proposed, therefore, a fixed duty
of 205., to continue for one year, and gradually diminish till it
arrived at 10s. Compare the scale 1 have prepared with the
proposal by that stated friend to free trade, Mr. Ricardo.
Compare my scale with that of Mr. Whitmore in 1828,
and then say if I have not proposed a material relaxation.
Sir, let me express an earnest hope, that if the decision of
this question shall be taken as a decisive mark against the
motion of the Hon. Gentleman, coupling that decision with
the decision which was given against the motion of
the Noble Lord in favour of my plan—let me entreat
the House to bear in mind, that as the commercial
and manufacturing interests of this country are not
to be tampered with, nothing can produce so much mischief
with respect to the Corn-laws, as ignorance of those proposals
which her Majesty's Ministers may have to make. Let me
express an earnest hope that in reference to the public weal,
you will proceed with the utmost expedition as connected witl,
a proper deliberation of those important measures, and I
believe this Bill will be a material and beneficial relaxation ot
, the law of the land. _

Mr. HASTIE then rose to address the House amidst loud
cries of " Divide, divide," " Question, question," and great
confusion, which rendered the Hon. Gentleman's observations
totally inaudible in the Reporter's gallery; after reading sonic
documents which were supposed to be with reference to the
difficulties which arose in China in 1839, the Hon. Membt r re-
sumt d his place, when the cries of " Divide, divide," and" Ad-
journ, adjourn " were renewed.
Mr. JO HNST ONE rose to address the House, but was un-
able to obtain a hearing.
The resolution of the Honourable Alember for Wolver-
hampton, was then read by Mr. GREENE at the Table, and the
question having been put—
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose, and said : Sir—l know
not whether there is any reason. why the debate should
not be brought to a conclusion on the present occasion,—
( Hear,' hear, and cheers from the Opposition benches)—but it
the debase ought to conclude.to-night, every attention should
be given to the suggestions of Hon. Gentlemen, who thought it
necessary to address the House.—( Hear, hear ) I rise, Sir,
for the purpose of protesting against the doctrine propounder
to-night by the Right Hon. Baronet, and of protesting against
the inference which will be publicly drawn from the speech of
the Right Hon. Baronet.—( Hear, heir.) The Right Ho-
nourable Baronet tells us that there was a proposition upor.
which there should be a division of this House, and when
that division was made, the House has nothing to do but to
pass into a law, as quickly as possible, the Bill which the Right
Hon. Baronet meant to bring in.—(lronical cheers from the
Opposition benches and counter cheers.) Sir I say that that
is a question for the consideration of Parliament.—(Loud
cheers.) The Executive Government were bound to give
their best attention to the proposition which they were to
make—it was their duty to consider it maturely.—(Hear)—
and it is the business of Parliament to appro.. e or pass that
motion into a law if Parliament thinks fit.—(Cheers.) What
the Executive Government had to propose was merely to con-
sider what was best to be done; and it is for Parliament to
consider whether they will agree to that measure, and in
what shape they will have it passed into law.—(Cheering. )
That which Parliament has now to decide is of the utmost
importance to the interests of the country, but what time did
the Executive Government take this measure into considera-
tion? what time did they take in considering,that which we
are now told the Parliament should hasten to pass into law ?
During all uncertainty as to the price of corn, all uncertainty
as to foreign commerce, all uncertainty as to whether that
measure should or should not relieve or mitigate the distress of
the country. The Executive Government took five months
to consider what. that measure should be. Having taken that
time,-and having taken on themselves at last to bring forward
a sliding scale, differing only in detail from the present scale,
which they took five months to consider, surely the repre-
sentatives of the people in this House, the representatives of
the agiieultural itderest, the representatives of the commercial
interest, and the representatives of the manufacturing interest,
are bound to give every attention to such a measure, and
a'e not to be told that they should hasten the matter oven—
( Loud cheers.) 'think of how great consequence your
deCision will be. We have heard in the course of this discus-
sion, that there will be nothing of finality in the decision;
that, Sir; I must say, is nut the view the agriculturists take of
the measure. The Right lion. Baronet has told us of the
great apprehensions entertained by the landed interest; they
I:ave been dispelled by the Right Hon. Gentleman, and I think
they would have been dispelled if a much wider n easure had
been proposed. When you have passed this, they will say
" These are the terms you required us to submit to, these are
the changes to which we itssented ; but having made them, we
you, the Government and the Parliament, to abide by
i:i.'l' on
That will be the language of the landed interest. That
being the case, it is more incumbent. en you to consider what is
tioinn.
the law you are about to pass—e iHt
nins mi%oierembienrcsumnbehnnton you
to give every attention to
their ! . . have to
Iviw"ills onteheregsupeesct
the _Right Hon. Membr for Edits-
There is only one other topic _ allude, g
address the llouse, and to hetaorwhieb
an Hon. Friend of mine,
burgh. The course of not" voting is not the course I mean to
adopt myself, I inean to vote against the proposition of the
Hon. Me
there are use's when a man may feel
mber- . for Wolverhampton, but I think that
4fde. —(llear, and laughter.) Does the
that it is his duti-notlto
Right Hon. Gentle•
min think that the present Members of the Reformed House
would now sit here, had it not been that certain of the Mem-