The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-14 00:00:00

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SUN- OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM TUE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—The changed position of Sir Robert
Peel, from leader of the Opposition to head of the Go-
vernment, has involved him with the ultras of his
party with reference to what he has done, and what
he has not done, in his new character. This has already,
to a considerable extent, had the effect of undeceiving
their hope arid of shaking their attachment. Another
occasion of discord in the matter of Church Extension
by Parliamentary grants from the national revenue, still
remains. Sir Robert Peel's silent and sulky vote
on Sir R. 11. Inglis's motion in the last Parliament,
was anything but satisfactory to the Oxford Baronet,
and those who regard him as leader of the Church
militant in the House of Commons. Still it was hoped
that that vote, constrained as it was, might be taken as
a pledge of better things to come. At the last election,
therefore, the High-Church party lifted up their ban-
ners in his name, and zealously beat up for votes in fa-
vour of his candidates. If Sir R. Peel were placed in
office, by a Tory majority returned to the House of
Commons, the waste places of the National Church
would be restored, by the erection of new churches
and large additions to the established clergy, at the
national expense. The good old times would be re-
vived ; when the nation was church-ridden, and
Toryism was the creed, religious and political;
the • articles of which were imposed as the
terms of civil privileges in :this world, and
'enforced as essential to happiness in the next.
The organs of the party to which such expectatiors
were held out and such arguments ;applied, begin to
suspect that gross deception was practised upon their
simplicity ; and, as a matter of course, .to complain of
and to resent it. The last Session of Parliament passed
over without any allusion to the grand scheme of im-
posing new taxes upon the entire nation, already over-
burdened and crushed to the very earth by the extent and
severity of commercial distress, to supply the deficiency
of church accommodation and religious instruction
which the defective appropriation of the large revenues
o: the Church had in part occasioned, and which the
existing funds of the Church, if properly husbanded
and applied, would go far to provide. The reason for
this omission was suspected. It was shrewdly guessed
that its introduction would provoke a discussion
anything but - advantageous to the new Govern-
ment. It would compel the Premier to take a de-
cided course on a very difficult question. In
avoiding Scylla he would run upon Charybdis ; for
a middle course was impossible. He must either
propose a grant, or oppose it, if moved for. Sir R.
Inglis would fain have preserved his Right Hon.
Friend at the head of the Government from the
dangers which threatened him frcm the Church Ex-
tension scheme. This, however, was impossible. His
own consistency must have been compromised by an
abandonment of his project. He was pledged to
bring it forward " under the happier auspices " of a
new Parliament. He, however, gave the Premier "a

long day," as the only favour he•could bestow.
STANDARD.—Upon the House of Commons
going into Committee on the Bill for the Queen's
protection, Mr. Hume got up, with his usual feli-
city and characteristic good taste, to pronounce a
coarse invective upon the lavish expenditure, as
he affects to esteem it, of her Majesty's Court.
" If anything," he said, " could be more dissatis-
factory to the great mass of the people than an-
other, it was to see, outside of the palace, squa-
lid poverty, misery, and wretchedness, in all
their painful variety, and to Behold withinside
the palace nothing." Mark, nothing—no sympathy
for the Spitalfields' weavers—no effort for the relief
of the Paisley sufferers—no gracious supplications
from a Queen in behalf of her distressed subjects—
" nothing but extravagance, gorgeous grandeur,
and expensive finery." Having by this malignant
contrast done his utmost to direct upon the Sove-
reign the worst feelings of the ignorant and un-
principled, the Member for Montrose expressed his
approbation of the Bill for the protection of her
Majesty. Sir Robert Peel, whether mildly or sar-
castically, suggested the hypothesis, that the Member
for Montrose had mistaken the question before the
House for a question of Supply, and exposed
the folly of supposing any connexion between the
Royal expenditure and the public distress. Sir
Robert Inglis remonstrated against the ungracious-
ness of Mr. ,flume's speech upon such an occa-
sion, and destroyed Sir Robert Peel's charitable or
ironical hypothesis of a mistake, by marking the
expression by which Mr. Hume referred to the ques-
tion actually before'the House—an expression which
will be found at the conclusion of his speech. Never-
theless, Mr. Hume and Mr. Williams, of Coven-
try, made a clumsy attempt to shelter the offen-
sive speech behind the pretence of a blunder. Ques-
tionless the occasion upon which Mr. Hume deli-
vered his gross attack upon the Queen adds to
its ungraciousness ; but nothing can aggravate the
wicked sedition of the words which we have
quoted, or the utter falsehood of the inference to
which these words were manifestly designed to lead.
Words more e.7:activ calculated to raise up among
the ignorant and thOughtless, profligate and despe-
rate, not mock, but real assassins, could not fall from
the lips of man. The people are represented as ex-
posed to squalid misery and wretchedneSs in all
their painful variety, the Queen is described as'
indulging in extravagance, gorgeous grandeur, and
expensive finery, revelling in epicurean luxury and
its epicurean indifference. " Nothing" else is to be
seen in the Palace. Her Majesty's painful discharge
of the distracting duties of her high station, those
noble efforts by which she has proved her constant
and most affectionate sympathy with the wants of the
humblest of her people, are all rejected from Mr. Hume's
picture of his Sovereign—a picture sketched too on a
day, or in a week (we may give up the inquiry
as to the particular minute), when the question
is raised by an unhappy necessity, how best
her Majesty can be protected from personal danger.
The Earl of Lincoln, in the course of a graceful speech
mentioned a circumstance that may teach Mr. Hume
that the Queen does sometimes think of other matters
than extravagance, gorgeous grandeur, and finery. It
appears that when the plan of Buckingham Palace was
prepared in the reign of George the Fourth, a chapel was
forgotten—and at present the Royal Household have
no place of worship nearer than the Chapel Royal, at
St. James's, an occasion of much inconvenience in
bad weather. The Queen, in consequence, resolved
to supply this want, and that it might be supplied
without any domes. kl n_pon the public, devoted to the
purpose a grant made Tor the building of two con-
servatories.

STATE OF TRADE IN SCOTLAND.
(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
The utter destitution of .the industrial classes here
at this moment, in its harrowing details, exceeds be-
lief. Montrose, Perth, and Arbroath, exhibit fright-
ful evidence of ruined trade, in the condition of the
working classes. In Aberdeen—though of compa-
ratively recent growth—the list of unemployed is
swelling weekly, and has already attained an alarming
appearance. Perhaps throughout Britain the present
condition of Aberdeen—in its mark ed change, compared
with the state of trade only a few months back, is
without a parallel. In Paisley the all hut complete
bankruptcy of the manufacturers and traders was only
a prelude to the state of utter helplessness in which the
labouring population appear to be ; and that state of
destitution and misery is hardly credible. [he soup
kitchens are sustained with difficulty ; and only
exist through the immense sacrifices made by various
charitable individuals in their regular donations. The
relief list every week gives evidence of yet more
serious barriers being in the way of raising the re-
quired amount to meet the necessary outlay. In Dun-
dee, owing to a great many of the staple articles of
trade being shut out of the French market upon
which Dundee mainly depends— the utmost stag-
nation pervades all branches of manufactures. The
flax mills are closing ; and men and women
crowd the streets in idleness, yet willing to toil.
The town is canvassed every day for subscriptions
in aid of the unemployed. labourers. In Glas-
gow the public works are closing. Cotton mills
and other factories are only kept open half time, at
serious loss to the manufacturers themselves. • Shop-
keepers and small manufacturers are in a like posi-
tion ; for the custom of the one is gone, and
the latter have nothing to do. The busiest
streets evince this fact to an extent almost beyond j
belief. In nearly every street there are whole I
rows of shops shut up, ;while those that are open
scarcely draw as much, in retail, as will cover the
expense of porters' wages for a single week ! All trades
are suffering alike. In Edinburgh—although de-
pending more upon its local consumption' than any
other source of revenue—the number of tradespeople
out of work is very great, and daily increasing ; es-
pecially in such trades as printing, brassfounders, and
tailors.
A private letter from Ayrshire, dated July 12,
tells a fearful tale of distress amongst the spinners and
weavers of that quarter. The writer is a schoolmas-
ter. He says :
" I hear that it is with the greatest difficulty and ex-
ertion the people of Paisley are kept quiet; and should
something not be done immediately, we cannot but
contemplate the most fearful consequences. Things
are getting every day worse and worse I"

---- ---
THE KNIGHTSBRIDGE COMPLETE SUFFRAGE As-
FOCIATION.—This Association held a meeting last night
at Thornton's Coffee-house, Mr. Stempson was called
to the chair. After the transaction of the ordinary busi-
ness, Mr. Westerton opened the discussion on the fol-
What are the best means for inducing
lowing question—"
the middle classes to join the suffrage movement ?" The
usual objecti,ms of the tradesmen who abstained from
'citing were stated and replied to by Mr. Westerton,
when, on the motion of Messrs. Giffard and Watts, the
discussion was adjourned to next Wednesday evening.

IMPE RIA L 'PARLIAMENT.
(THIS DAY.) •

HOUSE OF IA QR_D.S.

Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
DEAN FOREST ECCLESIASTICAL BILL.
On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON,
the Dean Forest Ecclesiastical Bill was read a second
time, and ordered to ba committed to-morrow._ _

The British Possessions' Abroad Bill passed through
Committee.

Several petitions were presented for and against the
Mines and Collieries Bill.
RAILWAYS BILL.

The House then went into Committee on the Rail-
ways Bill.

he Earl of RIPON moved the insertion of a
clause to repeal that which restricted the use of car-
riages exceeding four tons in weight, including pas-
sengers. The effect of this would, he said, be to pre-
vent the most impertant improVements in railway
travelling.
The clause was agreed to.
Lord CAMPBELL moved the insertion of a clause,
forbidding the locking the doors of railway carriages
against the consent of the passengers.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said the clause
was quite unnecessary, as the Railway Companies
had discontinued the practice, to the great annoyance
of many of the passengers.
Lord CAMPBELL contended for the necessity of
the clause. When the controlling power of Parlia-
ment was withdrawn, the Directors might revert to
the practice, and it was necessary to forbid it.
The Earl of RIPON opposed the clause. It was
not desirable that any part of the Executive Govern-
ment should assume over the railways more power
and control than necessary. There was not the
slightest reason to apprehend that the railways would
revert to the practice as soon as the active control of
the Noble Lord was withdrawn, and the session of
Parliament over. In every instance the Railway
Directors had shown every disposition to comply with
the suggestions of the Government.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE supported the
clause, there had not been perfect sincerity in the
matter. As the Railway Directors did not lock the
carriages, there was no necessity for the clause ;- but
if it should sometimes be necessary to lock them the
clause would be vexatious to them.

Lord CAMPBELL said he must press his clause to
a division.

The Earl of WICKLOW said that the Railway
Companies knew their own interes tsas well as any
other body of men, and if they found that the public
disapproved of locking the carriages, they would
abandon the practice.
Lord COTTENHAM said that the argument of
the Noble Earl opposite (Earl of Wicklow) would go
the length of showing that the railway Directors
ought not to be• interfered with at all—that they
ought to be left to themselves, and to do as they
liked. But the object of the Bill was to regulate their
practices, and he thought it was absurd to leave it to
the discretion of the Directors whether or not they
„should return to so dangerous and unnecessary a practice.
It was monstrous that people, in travelling by the
only public conveyance that could be had they must
be imprisoned all the way.—(Hear, hear.) It was
not enough that they should have but one mode of
conveyance, but they must also be kept under lock
and key, at the peril of their lives.
The Earl of MOUNTC.A.SHEL could not agree
with the Noble Earl (Wicklow) in his opposition to
the clause. He thought it was absolutely necessary
for the public safety, after the shocking sacrifice of
life which happened lately in France, to put down
the practice by law.
The Earl of RADNOR would oppose the clause,
because he thought the locking of the carriages was
not dangerous, and he did not know but it might
under some circumstances be necessary. The outcry
against the practice • originated in a prejudice
arising from the erroneous rumour that the
carriages were locked on the Versailles Rail-
way when the terrible accident occurred. But
that was not the case ; the carriages were not locked,
and if they had been it would have made no diffbrence.
The carriages were all smashed to pieces, and in a
heap in an instant, and they were burnt in a heap, so
that if the doors had been open, it would have availed
nothing.
The Earl of CLANCARTY opposed the clause.

The Earl of RIPON ridiculed the clause on ac-
count of the provision which it contained, that all the
persons inside a carriage should be asked whether they
would be kicked in or not, so that if the majority
thought that precaution necessary to their safety, one
passenger, like the one juror, might overrule the
sounder judgment of all the rest.
After some further conversation their Lordships
divided,

The numbers were—
For the clause
Against it
Majority against the clause —4
Messengers from the Commons brought up the
Bill for the better protection of her Majesty's person,
the Irish River'sßill, and other Bills.