The Sun.
London, England, 1827-01-09 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FRENCH PAPERS.
(From the Moniteur of Saturday, Jan. 6.)
- (Non-Official Part.)
ON THE LAW RESPECTING THE PRESS.
It waa easy to foresee that the journals would be discontented
with the law relative to the police of the press. It is not merely
the public interest which is concerned, but themselves; this is
their own interest ; this affair is their own affair : it was not to
be expected that they would examine it coolly and judge it im-

partially.
In fact it was very convenient to work at leisure, to their ad-
vantage,'lhe mine of public curiosity and credulity, to gain re-
gularly by this trade large sums of money, and to refer to others
whenever they had the misfortune
.to fall out with justice, the
difficult task or reckoning and explaining themselves with its
i Ministers.

It must be confessed, too, that it was very agreeable to make
every morning the most emphatic eulogium of the equality of the
common rights, the most vehement satire on laws of exception
and privilege, and to remain nevertheless tranquil and inviolable
under the shelter of a truly wonderful privilege, which lets people
commit crimes without being punished, while others are punished
without having committed crimes,
Is not this the history of the good Prevot de Bellac? This
Prevot had persuaded a beggar, by a bribe of 20 pistoles, and
some assurances of pardon, to figure at a gallows for a criminal
that he wished to save. The letters of pardon did not arrive, and
the pseudo criminal was hanged. He was the responsible editor
in that affair.
We are therefore little surprised at the ardour with which the
Opposition journalists attack the project of law. We are only
astonished at their violence. We thought"theM more skilful and
more clear sighted.
What, always abuse and threats! always fury and impos-
tures ! To calumniate, the better to prove the injustice or the
inutility of a law upon calumny ! Is there any prudence or sense
in this?
There is in the charter an article which says, that the King
proposes the law. There is an ordinance of the King which
commands the Ministers to propose the project of law on the
press. What is the consequence? Journalists exclaim—" this
is audacious, insolent, absurd, stupid--it is tyranny, cunning,
mockery, perjury! And these gentlemen affirm, that this lan-
guage is very respectful towards the Crown. This is what they
call free and decent discussion of the acts of the Government.
There are, however, only three situations for the press : the
censorship, which they will not have; unrestrained licentious-
ness, which many wish in their hearts, but which nobody avows ;
lastly, repression, which every body calls for, though many people
are by no means desirous to maintain it. Repression, therefore,
is the point in question.
1 But there are two sorts of repression—one illusory and purely
aoltainal; the other, real, serious, efficacious. Which is desired ?
It the first only, the journalists are in the right, we have it
already; there is clearly nothing to be done. For the books have
already been dispersed over the four quarters of the kingdom, be-
fore the magistrates know what they contained ; and if what
they contain, is contrary to the laws of the country, the edition
is out of print when judicial proceedings commence.
As for the journals, it is much worse. What do they care for
condemnation? Have they not people who go to prison for them,
and who thank the judges for the money which they make them
gain by this honest means?
Whence does it happen that the journalists have every day to
consider whether it is a greater loss for them to pay an additional
salary to the prisoner who represents them, than it is gain to
their party to provoke judicial discussions which give more eclat
to their theories.
This repression does not repress ; nothing can be more evident.
If it is the other, the real repression which is desired, the fol-
lowing are the conditions on which it may be obtained :—As
there are writings which: are periodical, and others that are not,
particular rules must first he made for these two sorts of writings.
This is what has been done.
As the evil chiefly proceeds from the books being sold before
they tan be examined, the means of obviating the difficulty is
evident;" to provide that the hook shall be examined before it is
sold ; this 13,,a been done.
As another cazule of the evil is the low price at which misera-
ble productions, which enlightened persons reject with disgust,
are distributed among the veople, it was necessary to find the
means to increase the price ot. !hese productions; this has been
done.
As there are certain journals which are given for nothing to
' people who cannot pay for them, and pains are thus taken to in-
spire opinions contrary to obedience, into men who otherwise
would not have any, or would have only such as were wise and
reasonable, it was necessary to increase the expenses of the
journals, in order to lessen the number of those distributed
gratuitously ; this, too, has been done.
Lastly, as the security of the journals depends on this, that
their proprietors, who are real proprietors, in fact, when they
have to write and receive the produce of their subscriptions,' are
no longer so when the question is to undergo the penalty of the
crime which they have committed, the remedy evidently consisted
in constraining them to preserve this character in all cases : this,
too, has been done.
Let us, however, listen to the contradictions.
.;. It is a law worthy of Draco, says the first. Doubtless Draco
was prodigal of the penalty of death, and the proposed law makes
an addition to the fines.
Setting this aside, the resemblance is striking. It is a finan-
. dal case, says another : the stamp does not repress. The stamp
, will repress a very great disorder, if it raises the price of libels.; if
it thus hinders licentious writings front corrupting the spirit of
' the people and of youth.
This stamp, cries a third, destroys the charter and completely
overthrows the liberty of the press. And England! they stamp
there, if we are well-informed, even the journals, erect the
pamphlets. The liberty of the press is, however, established in
that country, and we have not heard that the Constitutional Go-
vernment has been overthrown there.
Poor people, says a fourth ! 20,000 families are going to be
condemned to misery. Do you hear—do you comprehend what
that ,means ? Have you penetrated the profound and mysterious
sense of this hypocritical compassion? But make yotirself easy,
the penile will lose nothing; the labours. of the press will not be
relaxed, and the workmen will not hsteu to the honest exhorts-
iit bans addressed w them. Men of good faith, are you not ashamed

of those hyperboles?
ever;' • and a little more decency in the
Thirty libels fewer ev;" year,
daily Journals! Such is the yeal effect of the law. Where are
the 200,000 workmen without t,:ead ? Now, hear a lawyer.—
The civil law, if we believe him, does .
not authorise the respon-
sibility which it is intended to impose on pril?ters ; and why so?
Oh ! for two reasons ; first, because if this enac;:ment were al-
ready written in our laws, the tribunals would have al....,eadY ap-
plied it.
Nothing, certainly, can be more true. This enactment is not
written in our laws—it is the principle.
Nobody that I know of has said that there is a penal law which
renders printers responsible. It has only been said, there is in
the civil law, a general rule which allows the enactment of a law
to establish this responsibility ; and there is incontestable proof
the law does not exist ; I believe it; would it be asked fork if it
were already made ?
Let us come to the second reason ; if the principle be, bow it
must be applied to every body, to the pressmen, the compositors,
the stitchers, &c. What language! When the law created civil
1 responsibility, it was pleased to subject to it only the principals,
i the directors, those who conceive, who judge, who command; fa.
1. tilers for their children, teachers for their pupils, masters for their
4 servants, those, in a word, who have power to hinder the fact.—
' Now who can judge the book ? Is it the printer, or is it the
pressmn? Who can hinder the printing?—the master or the
servant? Who shall receive the profit ?—the workman, or his
employer ? A ;writer has two qualities (characters), he is a jour-
nalist and besides a Member of Parliament. As a journalist, he
will write articles in favour of his profession : this is in order.—
As a speaker, he will make discourses to justify his articles : no-
thing, surely, can be more natural. But I see the interest he has
in the matter, And his arguments do not move me ; he pleads for
himself. This witer pretends that it is the Government which
causes the libels to be zomposed, in order to be able afterwards to
make a law to get rid oi them. Very well ;
but this is stale,
very stale. What ! always 4,steaus burnt by their owners ?
continues 1.4 writer ;
" It is. a Vandal law," " a Vandal law ;"
but the liberty of the press Cannot exist N4:,liont a strong law, ins-
initnis lex, which shall prevent prevarication lx, ru
,--, -n—calnmny
by i,,,famy --get] it io us writings by imprisonment, exk, d some-
times death."
Now, who has said this 2—The noble writer.* Be it so; but
the law is immoral. Why, if you please?--Because it annuls
engagements which may have been formed to elude its prohibition,.
IWas there ever a stranger abuse of words ?
The law is moral, when it destroys the works of (rand.
his useful and provident when it takes measures to hinder its
prohibition from being eluded.
It l# conformable to the rules of jurisprudence, when it annuls
an act tainted with simulation and deceit, even with respect to
those who laece.subscribed it.. .
It has in its favour, a fundamental principle of the civil law,

De la Monarchle 'awls CLarte. Chapitre XX,

when it strikes with absolute nullity illicit engagements, and
when it declares illicit, the engagements which it has prohibited.
One word more ; it is the re-establishment of the censorship,
it is said. Not at all.

There are two sorts of censorship, as every body knows, officious
(or friendly) and legal or official censorship.
What is the latter ? It is the right attributed to the Govern-
ment to judge writings by special agents, chosen by itself, and to
condemn to oblivion every thing that they esteemed dangerous or
improper, without being obliged to account to any body whatever
for the reasons of their decision.

Is there in the project of law any thing resembling this right ?
Assuredly not.
But in what does the other censorship consist ? The officious
censorship is that which is exercised voluntaril,,, and with the con-
sent of the writers themselves, by their friends, their assistants,
their printers, their booksellers, associates.
This latter censorship has two different objects : the other has
but one. The two objects of the friendly censorship are the se-
curity of the writer against the prosecutions to which he might be
exposed, and the interest of his reputation, which might he in-
jured by faults of style or composition.
The project of law does not re-establish the censorship, fin• it
never has and cannot be abolished.

But it favours the exercise of it ? But it excites the printers
to superintend their presses with more care—that is to say, better
to fulfil their duty. In good faith, is that an objection ? Is it
not rather a commendation ?

Is it for nothing that printers have been subject to regulations,
that certificates of good conduct and capacity are required of them
—that they exercise their profession by virtue of a patent from
the King ?
Is it only for the interests of the arts that these formalities have
been preserved ?
Far from it; Guarantees have been sought for public order;

it has been thought fit that printers should not be mere workmen,
who knew nothing, and could answer for nothing ; it has been
resolved that they shall be men acquainted with the laws of their
profession, who would not employ, without discernment and
examination, the dangerous instrument, the use of which is en-
trusted to them. It has been resolved, that they might be able
to warn writers of tlie sacrifices which public order would require
from them, and that, in case of refusal, they might themselves re-
fuse to furnish the means of committing the contravention.
All this is natural, just necessary, and has besides nothing new
in it.

And then, what is there in common between this officious cen-
sorship which the printer may exercise when he pleases, and to
which the writer may attend or net as he thinks fit; and the
official censorship from which no one can exercise himself, which
gives orders instead of counsels, which is a direct act of the pub-
lic power, against which no representation can avail ? This is
definitive, because it is exercised arbitrarily, administratively, and
there is no resource against it. There is good reason to reject it.
The.other is useful, favourable, and mild, because it is wholly
voluntary ; because it is not exercised by any public authority ;
because; in default of a first printer, it is easy to find a second,
unless the danger of the writing is real anti very evident, for, in
fine, the tribunals will decide. With respect to this censorship,
it would be very wrong to reject it, as it is not acting with good
faith to confound it with the former.
There are still a thousand things to be said on this subject :
we shall return to it.

But before we conclude, we must, however, warn the opposi•

tion journalists, that their tactics are old and threadbare that
loud speaking imposes on nobody; that this abuse no longer
wounds ; that their flatteries do not flatter ; that their lies deceive
nobody, and that their menaces do not alarm anybody. We
already have articles, and shall have pamphlets, petitions, 1 know
not what besides. Nothing will be wanting in case of need.
Hot-pressers, and women who stitch pamphlets, will be made to
discuss abstruse questions of legislature and politics. They always
believe that it is sufficient to strike hard and often, and so mak6
much noise. This time is passed.

(From the Quotidienne of Saturday.)

The earliest military events of Portugal having taken place near
the frontiers of Spain, we were informed of those rapidly, and
with exactness ; but since the taking of Braganza, the Royalists
having approached the coast, the communications between Spain
and France have become more difficult, on account of the distance
—of the season, which grows every day more severe—and,
above all, on account of the absence of a regular post. From
thence it is that of late almost all our Portuguese news has
come by the way of England ; it may also be observed, that it
has displayed considerable obscurity, and numerous contradic-
tions. Nevertheless, a very important event has been just accom-
plished in the original theatre of the war, and we have been in-
formed of it from other authority than that of the English steam-
packets. The Memorial Bordelais announces, from an official
despatch arrived at Zamora on the 23d of December, that, on the
20th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the fortress of Almeida, the
most important place in Portugal, has surrendered to the Portu-
guese Royalists. The garrison, 1,000 strong, proclaimed the
Infant Don Miguel, King, swearing to maintain his title to the
death.

The same letter states, that the fermentation in the country,
the hatred of the Constitution, and of the English, acquired more
and more consistency every day.
Masters of Almeida, the Portuguese Royalists find themselves
in possession of all the principal cities in Upper Beira ; Lamego,
Viseu, Guards, Almeida, and Coimbra, being the most populous
towns of that great province.
We yesterday gave our readers the proclamation which the Re-
gency of Lamego has published inthat city on the 9th December.
The names of the persons who compose the Regency are—The
Marquis de Chaves, President; the Viscount de Montalegre ; the
Viscount Villa Garcia ; and M. Gaetano de Mello. Every thing
seems to announce 'that the Regency, and the principal army of
the Royalists, would transport itself to Viseu, immediately after
the date of the proclamation.
Some English papers of the 3d of January, admit that the
steam-vessel Sir Edward Banks did not meet any English yes-
sds at the mouth of the Tagus, as was orignally stated ; but in
the latitude of Cape Finisterre, they say, she met with two vessels,
which she believed to be the Wellesley and the Gloucester, which
had sailed on the 20th of December from Portsmouth, with the
army of the expedition. The .Sir Edward Banks having arrived
in England on the 31st of December, at eleven at night, and her
passage having only occupied six days, we may conjecture that it
was on the 29th that she bad seen the Gloucester and the Wel-
lesley, and that therefore the expedition, which, moreover, the wind
did not stand fair for, could not have entered the Tagus sooner
than the first days of January.
In the meantime, the Regency of Lisbon Lad caused to be pro-
, claimed, on the 24th of December at night, iu the theatre of the
capital, that the first troops of the English expedition had then
entered the Tagus. This fakehood, now fully demonstrated,
proves to what extremities the Government was reduced, since it
was unable to keep down the hatred which was entertained to-
wards it, or repress the insurrection wall which it was threatened,
except by the terror inspired by the approach of the Britannic army.
--‘r the rest, we are informed fiat the species of enthusiasm
had hold
. forces
some minds in London, at the time of the
which
embarkation of ths; Prces, has considerably calmed. The letter
of Mr. Cobbett to Mr. canning has produced its effect; and
Jed upon the consequencee of
wise men have already begun to s
such an enterprise. It begins to be lieligyed that the British Ca-
binet will exert itself to obtain from Kip* le:iiikl;pend such con-
cessions as may enable England, without disgrace, to tupti;f? her
pretensions. Letters from London stew that a journey by be
Duke of Wellington to Vienna is talked of,
It will be thought probable that these conjectures have Some
foundation, when we consider that, in despite of the energetic
answer of the Cabinet of Madrid to the English ultimatum, Mr.
Lamb continues to reside in Spain. Indeed, there is so little ex-
pectation of the departure of that Minister, that they write us
from the frontiers of Spain, as follows :
" There is a strong likelihood of an arrangement between Spain
and England ; and the belief of it is founded upon this—Mr.
Lamh,who up to this time had never opened his house, now seems
disposed to open it. It is confidently stated, that with this YielY,
a lady has been sent for from London to do the honours. That
lady is accompanied by a physician."
Thus the politics of our Liberals and of our Ministerialists will
be confounded ; and Spain, by a course full of frankness and ener-
gy, will have got rid of a war, which the fury of France seemed to
reader certainly impending.

The answer,of the King of Spain to the English ultimatum
has been the object of attack in the Etoile, and in the Cowrie,.
Francais. We shall answer both these Journals with that calm
moderation of which King Ferdinand has set us the example in
his answer to the violent note of Mr. Lamb.
The article in the- Etoile is official; it is impossible to doubt
it. •i'44, character is strongly marked upon it, and therefore
it is that it tigtei'Ket) grave and severe examination in all its

points.
The French 31inister say.s—" /..erdißapd has a right to act
with perfect freedom; but he ought to take the
cow ,nFtet}ce
of his acts. He tcayi if he pleases, furnish arms to the Por
tuguese refugeoa ; and he may make war upon Great Britain ;
but France cannot furnish him any assi4ance to carry on that
unjust conflict."
Examining that incredible argument with attention, we ask
ourselves, whether the Minister who wrote it could have read the,
answer of his Catholic 31ajestP Is it the answer of Ferdinand,

which breathes of war, or it is the terrible vltiniatum of Mr.
Canning ? The language of the King of Spain—has it any of that
furious spirit of war which Mr. Canning would unloose in the
Peninsula? It is not King Ferdinand who unjustly makes war,
but England who provokes it.
One great misfortune is, that the French Cabinet judges of all
other Cabinets by itself. It imagines that an injustice is commit-
ted every time any body refuses to make concessions to Mr. Can-
ning ; and because we have recalled our Ambassador from Spain
upon the demand of England, and because (pressed by the same
influence) we 'have sent the Spanish Royalists from off our soil,
and because, at length, we are withdrawing our troops from
Madrid, we cannot conceive that Ferdinand can be just, because,
at the demand of Mr. Canning, he does not hasten to recognise

the, new Government of Lisbon, and does not admit the Ambas-
sador of a State, at least in a condition of civil war, and does not
dismiss his own Captains General and Ministers.
'We draw no parallel between the conduct of the two Cabinets;
the question is not a question of justice or injustice. France has
no more been just in her concessions, than Spain has been unjust
in her resistance. We must place the question in another point
of view ; we should say that the conduct of Ferdinand has been
full of dignity—we wish see could say as much for that of our
Ministers.

It is argued against us—" Ferdinand's own unjust acts have
placed him in the position in which he stands ; be has sheltered
and armed the Portuguese Royalists." We answer, in the first
place, that, if the first of these acts—which is only the exercise of
a principle recognized by the law of nations—is proved, the last is
not so. But were it proved, who can help being astonished that
the blame should come from France, which so broadly acted upon
the same principle in 1828, when she armed the soldiers of the
Faith, and invaded the territory of the Peninsula to sustain them.
It is deplorable to think that so great a change in our political
sentiments should have taken place in so' short a time. Bat
is it desired to know the reason of this change ? It is, that
the Minister is afraid of England, and that he is not so much
afraid of Spain, and that therefore he yields all to the one,
and insults the other without pity. It is one of the most debasing
characteristics of fear, that weakness which would sacrifice a
friend to an enemy. It resembles those sacrifices by parents of
their children, and men of their nearest relations, which were
sometimes offered by the ancients in times of great public calamity.
Let us now come to the Courrier.

According to that liberal paper, the answer made by Ferdi-
nand is the triumph of the Apostolic party, which reigns in Spain.
The Quotidienne is the organ of that party, which is more power-
ful at this time than the Minister, in Spain as well as in France.
The Courtier seasons this reasoning, contradictory at every point,
with all the epithets so often refuted by the liberal party, and
which now will fasten upon no one.
We do not know, in the first place, what the Cotirrier means by
" the Apostolic party ?" Does it mean that party which has
rejected with dignity the conditions which England desired to
dictate to Ferdinand ? In that case, it would be that opinion, or

that party, which wishes for national independence, and
which has not forgotten that Castilian pride, which from genera-
tion to generation has been the glory of the Spanish people. We
conceive that, in Spain, that party would be more powerful than
the party which wished for the debasement of their country, and
the humiliation of their crown, as we also believe that, in France,
in despite of the deplorable condition of her Ministry, that party
is more powerful which is for being, and remaining French, than
the other party, which supports the interests of England, and
would sacrifice every thing to the applause of Mr. Canning.
In this sense we also are " apostolic ;" but does the Courrier
see the contradictions into which it is falling every moment? He
says thLir we are the " organ of the apostolic party." The apos-
tolic party, he says, is all-powerful in France, and yet we are out
of power, proscribed, and persecuted, even rather in a greater

degree than the Courrier himself. The law of the press, accor-
ding to this paper, is the work of the apostolic party ; and we
fight in the name of the apostolic party ! Let him then under-
stand what he says; let him enter into a fair- contest, without
using this vocabulary, worn ont even in the opinion of Liberalism.
What we wish is, that this opinion, which calls itself national ;
that the ministry, which calls itself Royalist, could only be a
little more, French. In a neighbouring country, people never

. .
forget to be English; it would be a pity, that, in France,
should be a mark of honour not to be French.

England is going, it is said, to Lisbon to defend the constitu-
tional system; and the liberal papers announce to us that, on
the day when the English troops arrived, the minister dissolved
both Chambers. This coincidence is so much the more curious,
because it is rather the custom in constitutional Governments,
that the political authorities should sit permanently during great
crises. It seems, however, that such is not to be the case in
Portugal, and that the liberty of deliberations and public discus-
sion already- alarms Great Britain, although it has interfered to
defend the charter of Don Pedro. It will not be the least curi-
ous event of this present time, this double occurrence of two
Chambers, united for the defence of liberty, being suspended
almost before they begin their deliberations, and of a power,which
exerting itsellonly to defend these two chambers, dissolves them
at the very first moment when it interferes on their behalf.
(From the Constitutionitel of Saturday.)
According to the Etoile of yesterday, Spain makes war with
England ; and according to the Monitenr of to-day the Spanish
Ambassador has resumed his functions at Lisbon, and peace will
not be disturbed. On the other hand, it is announced that the
Swiss brigade which occupies Madrid has received orders to march
for France.

In the business of the interior too, as well as our foreign rela-
lations, all seems contradiction on the part of the Ministers.—
Whom is it they wish to deceive by these alternate expressions of
warlike and pacific purpose ?
Will people give any credit to assertions which vary from mi-
nute to minute ? Will any one found a reasonable speculation
upon their policy; which is more moveable than a weathercock,
blown about by contrary winds ?
Every body must recollect the famous speech of the Crown, in
which it was declared that nothing but malevolence could suspect
the French Government of any designs hostile to the Cortes of
Spain. M. Ouvrard assures us in his memoirs, that, on that very
day, the .war was decided upon.
For the rest, it is an extraordinary fact, at the Tribune of
Peers and Deputies of Portugal, M. de Villa Real, and the Mini-
ster for Foreign Affairs himself, officially declared that M. the
Marquis de Moustiet had been one of the three principal causes
of the invasion of Portugal by the Marquis de Chaves ; and this
reproach was suffered without an answer ; and M. de Moustier,
charged before the whole world with having, by his conduct,
hazarded the dragging his country, and all Europe, into a general
war, keeps his title of Ambassador, enjoys three quarters of his
appointments, and receives the most flattering notice from M. de
illele.

Can any thing be depended upon in the midst of such contra
dictions?

They write from Marseilles, on the Ist of January :—" Lord
Cochrane has returned to this city, which he leaves about the
end of the week, to go directly to Greece. He is full of hope ;
and has received letters from England, which are to his entire
satisfaction."

The Greek frigate built at New York is immediately going to
Napoli di Romania. -
The fitting up of the Turkish frigate in our port continues ;
and the building of'that which is upon the stocks. The corvette
La Lyonne, kept hack because her payment was not complete,
has ree‘ifp4l some damage in the late gales.
(From the .fournal fles Pebats of Jan. G.)

Pow much rubbish, ignorance, absurdity, will accumu-
late on poor France, before the arrival of the moment when a
Minister will dare to propose to the authorities of civilized society
to outlaw intellect ! This conception, as base as the policy—as
stupid as the congregation, is entertained in order to teach Europe
to what a state of degradation it is intended to reduc'e the French
people, before whom triumphant EuroPe has presented arms ip
token of the advancement which civilization owes to them. But
to be outlawed, is it thopght that intellect will be deprived of all
refuge? Although a profound silence should reign in our coun-
try, as formerly in a convent of Trappists, is it supposed that it
would be on this account more easy %to be governed by fools? This
would be a great error. To brave the incapacity of our conduc-
tors, it woidd be sufficient for us to fix our eyes on the events
with whieh time is filled, and to leave the storm to burst on the
heads of those who have raised it.

Men, who know how to put aside words in order to see to the
bottom of things, are not ignorant that Don Pedro and Don Mi-
guel are, in Portugal, only conventional names, under which are
ranged, for the purpose of combatting, legal order and arbitrary
will; and that the consequences of victory and defeat will not be
confined to the little kingdom where the first battles may be
fought. There is, therefore, a great prospective interest in exa-
mining the position taken by our Ministry at the moment when
this great question presents itself.
M. de Villele exhibits himself constitutional in Portugal, in or-
der that he may not draw upon himself fresh sarcasms from Mr.
Canping ; he declares himself anti. absolutist in Spain, to re-
venge himself upon Icing Ferdinand, whom he does not like, and
Wlio is Very submissive to him ; b. he remains apostolical and
anti-constitutional in France, in order to prepare the way for the
Ministry which must replace him—a Ministry of such timorous
conscience, that it ' exacts beforelianrthat it shill no lOngir be
permitted to any person to state in print that two and two make

four, because all truths of this kind have consequences which are
dangerous to the monarchy and religion.
If the contest between legal order and arbitrary rule could be
confined to Portugal, it would be neither long nor doubtful. The
rebels, obeying only: themselves, at liberty to choose as many chiefs
as presented themselves in the persons of ambitious individuals
and rogueF, would soon find more than were necessary for their
safety, and would quickly see the spirit of disorder and faction
arise amongst them. It always happens thus. The monks them-
selves, the promoters of the war, would only be, another embar-
rassment to the military councils : like the puritanical ministers so
well !portrayed by Sir Walter Scott, they are always disposed to
see traitors in those who experience reverses, causing the blood
of men to flow for what they call the cause of heaven. It is
to the inevitable embarrassment between the chiefs of bands, in-
dependent of all undisputed authority, that one must attribute the
uncertainty and slowness which have been observed amongst the
rebels after the first movements of enthusiasm and success. It
would not surprise us, if Mr. Canning knew beforehand the
value which he ought to set upon the treason of those who fight
for their gain under the name of Don Miguel ; all pacifications
of this kind have a tariff, although there is no mention made of it
in budgets.
The first movement of enthusiasm and success of the Portu-
guese rebels, elated our Absolutionists and Apostolicals, very
clever and political persons, since they beheld in it only senti-
ments and opinions. They at once proclaimed that nothing
could resist the Marquis de Chaves, and that all Portugal was
opposed to the legal order. It is just as if one had affirmed, on
the debarkation of Buonaparte at Cannes, that France would ad-
here neither to legitimacy, nor the immortal charter of Louis
X\ 111. because that, in the surprise occasioned by this event, it
had not been found practicable to oppose to him any resisting
force, so generally had the fear of treason spread. The Portu-
guese Legitimate and Constitutional party displayed itself the
moment it was secured against suspicions of the same kind ; and
henceforth it can only continue to strengthen itself. Sure of the
co-operation of a powerful ally, it will now prevail by its own
strength ; and the English army would be without destination, if
it did not 'act in a cause for which it is more easy to move the
whole world than to determine the boundaries which it shall not
pass.
Yet it would not be extraordinary that the Spanish Govern-
ment, so weak as long as it is compelled to demand counsel and
assistance from all the Powers of Europe, should recover energy
at the moment when it could no longer rely but on itself. To
govern and administrate are things which require foresight and
talent ; but, to make war in periods when party spirit runs high,
requires only passions ; these are not wanting in this country.
From the little which Ferdinand knows of history, he ought to
be aware how far the hatred of a Minister can go, and should re-
collect that Cardinal Richelieu drove the mother of his Sovereign
to die in exile and misery.

Should even the project of M. Peyronnet reduce France to the
situation of having her intellect placed under seal, we could then
still occupy ourselves in watching the situation of M. de Villele,
placed between Mr. Canning, who would provoke the conse-
quences of the alliance proclaimed so haughtily in the Parliament
of London, so modestly in the tribune of Paris, between our abso-
lutists, who bawl in favour of the family compact, between our
apostolicals, who lift up their hands to demand that before every
thing, the theocratical cause should be protected, and between.the
party of three in a hundred who threaten to swoon away if one
does not sacrifice even the Creator to the prejudice upon which
alone it exists. As constitutional France is no longer any thing
as to what is passing, but, on the contrary, all that is going on,
and all that is meditated, is directed against her, she would have
all the leisure necessary to follow with her eye the divisions which
would grow up amongst her enemies, to number their faults, and
to turn them to her advantage. It was thus that the French of
the interior overcame the revolution, and brought back the possi-
bility of a return towards good order ; it was thus that they fell
off from Buonaparte, in proportion as he turned the fall of na-
tions to his own profit; it was thus that the Constitutional Royal-
ists have prevailed over the Holy Alliance, and renewed the as-
cendancy of legal order, by the fixedness of their principles, which
renders them always superior to events provoked by parties in a
state of madness ; it is thus that they will continue to triumph
over the follies which are the order of the day, even although all
the books should be burnt, and all the printing presses shut up ;
for if there be one fact 'Roved by history, it is this—that the
world never stopped for want of octavos or duodecimos, or even
for want of stamps, and offences committed under the form of
laws.

Doubtless, it would be unfortunate for a country, which, in the
consciousness of its power and its knowledge, demanded for the
reward of its sacrifices, only that it might be able to confide in
the sanctity of oaths, to be reduced to desire events which would
throw hack on its persecutors a part of the torments which they
cause it. Such, hOwever, is the natural effect of silence imposed
upon an enlightened people and this state of things has already so
frequently taken place in the world as to enable one beforehand to
foresee the consequeuces of it. We refer neither to history nor to
the human heart ; ste cannot prevent, by laws, misfortunes from
resulting from false positions in policy. Why provoke them?
In proclaiming the alliance of the Cabinet of the Tuileries and
that of St. James's, and in recognizing the right of Don Pedro to
give liberal institutions to his people, it would be necessary to
abandon in France all the foolish ideas of counter-revolution ; for
any Ministry which should go along with France, would be as
strong as Mr. Canning is in going along with England. M. de
Villele, however, isolating himself more and more from France, at
the moment when he allies himself with England, appears to so
much disadvantage, that our country has much more the air of
obeying the orders of the British Cabinet, than by acting as
its equal in concert with it. Thus it is generally expected that
our patience will be tried by all possible provocations, and that a
rupture will take place when we shall no longer have any thing to
defend. There will remain to us the Jesuits, the Peyronnet
law, and all the miseries which must ferns its hideous train ;
but, after all a nation of 30,000,000 of individuals does
not die, does not abandon the place where God has
fixed it; but we have already many times seen the Jesuits driven
from our soil, and laws comparable to the Peyronnet law expire
before public opinion. This law is not, however, passed yet.—
pweilelronoo-f
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deep reflecton in our days.

The anniversary service for the deceased Marshal Suchet, Duke
de Albufera, was yesterday solemnly celebrated in the parish
church of the Assumption. The ceremony attracted a great con-
course of persons of all ranks, anxious to pay a last tribute of
praise and regret to one of the Captains who for SO years carried
to the highest point the honour of the French army. All eyes
were turned upon the young children of the Marshal, who sur-
rounded the relations and personal friends of their illustrious
father,.

MADRID, DECEMBER 27,

My letter of the 12th instant prepared you for some important
events, now gradually developing themselves. Since that date,
our Apostolicals daily acquire fresh courage, from the support they
derive from their Ultramontane brethren, and the hopes they en-
tertain of a complete triumph. To-day I am confidently assured
that the Ultimatum presented under the wing of England will not
only be rejected in all its material points, but that if Mr. Lamb
should be weak enough to admit the evasive satisfaction offered by
M. Salmon, this will never be complied with, except as regards
the sending of a Charge d'Affaires to Lisbon, or reinstating the
one already there, by which means a direct advantage will be ob-
tained by Ferdinand's Government ; and this is, that under this
guarantee, pur Apostolicals will be enabled to keep up an open
correspondence with those of Portugal, in which, under existing
circumstances, some difficulties are experienced. In all probabi-
lity, it will be the Marquis de Casa Flores who will be reinstated,
as, owing to his long residence at the Court of Rio de Janeiro,
when the late King was there, as well as since at Lisbon, he is well
acquainted with all the leading Portuguese, is in the secrets
of the Queen Dowager and her two daughters here, and has, be
aides, been so actively and successfully employed in getting up the
tragical piece now acting in Portugal. The Spanish list of diplo-
matists does not present a man of equal adroitness; and with a
round sum of secret service money, supplied by the Apostolicals,
at his disposal, no doubt he will perform his part. This, in fact,
is the real object of his mission ; the investing it with diplomatic
forms is a mere blind, as he will not be allowed to do an act that
can, in any manner; be interpreted into a recognition of the Con-
stitutional Charter ; and should the Portuguese Envoy here pre-
tend to be on a footing with the members of the corps diplo-
matique, or to try to emerge from that obscurity in which he
has lived, beth before the arrival and since the departure of
the Count de Villa Real, he may fare badly in the hands of the
Manolos.
The Apostolicals don't quit Ferdinand one moment—it is neck
or nothing with them. They are ready to empty their cornuco-
pias into his lap, if he will only stand firm, with their blessings
of heaven into the bargain. They are indignant at the haughty

and presumptuous speech of Mr. Canning, and loudly proclaim
that the national honour would be lost, if such empty threats made
the King deviate a tittle from the line he had marked out for the
Government of his Realm. Such idle and inconsistent threats as
those, put forth by the British Minister, and more particularly so
uncalled for, they interpret only into weakness or arrogance.—
They hope it may have the same effect on France as it has had on
Spain, as it appears more directed against Charles X. than King
Ferdinand. This is the language of all the Court circles here, and
the conversation is mixed up with every thing that can increase
the enmity felt by the Apostolicals towards the only country that
can in the least thwart their views.

Mr. Canning's speech has rather roused and united, than in-
timidated them, as their general conclusion is that he has been
bullying, rather than avowing his readiness to fight with a nation
that has scarcely a flag on the high seas. On the other hand, the
modifications which Mr. Lamb has, within the last two days,
caused to be introduced into the ultimatum, as well as the milder
tone he has assumed in his more direct negociations on account of
Great Britain with the Spanish Government, and also his not
being so particular in having post horses ready to take the road
in case of any emergency, are additional reasons which induce
every one to think that Mr. Lamb is not quite so stiff as he was
a little while ago. The ultimatum, when first presented, al-
lowed only 48 hours for an answer—this, however, was easily got
over, and since then things have softened materially down. One
great advantage Ferdinand has derived from a relaxation which
he and the Apostolicals have interpreted into downright fear, is,
he has gained time, and. by this means he is enabled not only to
know the sentiments of the Foreign Cabinets in alliance with him,
but also to organize his own local plans.

As I informed you in my last, the forming of a Corps of Ob-
servation, Cordon Sanitaire, on the frontiers, was determined
upon the moment it was known from Lisbon that the Regent had
applied to England for military aid, and this was three days after
the application had been agreed upon and sent, so well is Ferdi-
nand served in the Portuguese capital. The measure was con-
certed among the Apostolicals, and the War Minister had his
orders to make
.his preparations 'with the greatest secrecy ; the
nature and object of the orders were, however, fully compre-
hended by every one versed in politics here. Since the Ultimatum
.has been presented, a new colouring has been given to the march-
ing of these troops; and this is, that as the Portuguese Govern-
ment demands that the deserters from this territory shall be dis-
armed, Ferdinand wishes it to be understood that the advance of
these troops is for that purpose.
The eyes of every one are certainly fixed upon Mr. Lamb, who
often appears much perplexed. It is whispered that yesterday M.
Salmon gave further answers to various points urged upon him,
among which are these :--That his Catholic Majesty will be ready
to give every kind of satisfaction to England, as soon as his
Britannic Majesty shall be disposed to do the same, for the public
and notorious injuries the Government and subjects of the latter
have done to Spain, viz.--lst, For the asylum given in Gibraltar
to the Spanish Liberals, by allowing them to arm there, on
several occasions, for the purpose of landing and committing de-
predations on the Spanish territory; secondly, for the protection
given to South American cruizers in British ports, by which means
the trade of Spain has been destroyed ; thirdly, for the acknowledg-
naent by Great Britain of the independence of the Spanish colonies : 1
for all which injuries his Catholic Majesty demands—First, the remo- 1
val of the Governor of Gibraltar, and a guarantee that no future
armaments by his disaffected subjects shall be allowed against
Spain ; secondly, guarantee that cruizers under the South
American flag shall not be allowed to refit and carry their prizes
into British ports in and near the Mediterranean, and also the re-
storation of all Spanish property now unlawfully detained there;
is said, an energetic Manifesto is
preparing as such by the Mother
and, thirdly, that all diplomatic relations shall cease between
Great Britain and the supposed Independent States of South
Am
publication.tbeyare acknowledged
thesei
points,t
All of them have already been im-
presewr
Country.ic
im-
pressed , o
nfloltn Onhrtei l
attention of the Foreign Cabinets friendly to Spin.
It would seem that some cabal has been raised against M. Ca-
lomarde, who has long been considered one of the great obstacles
to the success of the negotiations carried on by England and Por-
tugal. A complaint was, in fact, made against him ; and M.
Calomarde has just laid a remonstrance at the King's feet, in
theremaining
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tells
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o r in
only object having been to serve his country faithfully, and to the
beat of his abilities; adding, that with regard to the
is said to have done to England, his conscience flee from re-
proach ; but if he were to examine those Mr. Canning has done
to Spain, they are of such great moment that, although he (M:
Calomarde) is opposed to the principle which sanctions the inter-
vention of our Cabinet with the affairs of another, he is of opi-
nion that the present case is an exception, and that Spain, as well
as the other nations so egregiously insulted by him, ought jointly
to demand the removal of the British Minister. His Catholic
Majesty has told his Minister that he is very well satisfied with his
services. In the meanwhile, the authorities in the provinces dis-
play the greatest activity in the organization of the Royal Militia,
as well as in refitting and provisioning the fortified towns conti-
guous to Portugal.