The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING-, JANUARY 17. 1845.

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF PEERS—Sums() or JAx. 13.
The Chamber at its opening was very much crowded
both by Peers and strangers. A great number of mem-
bers of the Chamber of Deputies occupied the seats re-
served for them. The sitting was opened at a quarter-
past two. Among the Peers present was the Duke of
Nemours and Marshal Soult, as well as the whole of the
Ministers.
The order of the day having been read for the general
discussion of the Address in Answer to the Speech from
the Throne,
Count Mol6 mounted the tribune, amidst some cheer-
ing, followed by deep attention and silence. He said:—
Gentlemen, for four years I have kept silence in this
Chamber, from respect for my party, from respect for
the Conservative party which supports, the Cabinet, and
from respect for myself. I feared that ray words might
carry some disunima into the ranks of the Conservative
majority, and I feared not the less to appear actuated by
a wish for revenge which would be unworthy of me.
Revenge is the consolation of the vanquished, but the
President of the Council of the 15th of April had not
been so, and he formed no other wish since his volun-
tary retreat than to see the affairs of the country
directed with prudence, and conducted with intelli-
gence and firmness. More than once, however, I
have seen great faults done, and I asked in my con-
science if I was really not at liberty to point them out ;
but the same scruples always prevented me. I should
have abstained even to-day if the best accredited organs
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs did not every morn-
ing throw me a defiance to explain myself from the tri-
bune with respect to their policy, and if they did not
join to that defiance the only insult which the care of
my personal dignity will not allow me to disclaim. The
Minister of Foreign Affairs and his friends must neces-
sarily reckon much on the benefits of time, and place
much confidence in want of memory on the part of the
country, to speak as they do of intrigue. of renewed
coalition; or they are endowed with considerable auda-
city, or as they call it, courage. To whom, then, have
we given the right to think that we could be drawn by
the spite or ardour of ambition:so far as to disavow our
whole life, to tread under foot the maxims which we
have constantly sustained, and to become the hottest de-
fenders of principles and of doctrines which we have al-
ways opposed. Do you wish, gentlemen, to know from
what comes all this noise, all this wrath, which satisfies
itself with so many unjust insinuations, and even with
the faults, of the Minister of Foreign Affairs? The em-
barrassment which it has created for itself, the evidence
of these faults, and above all the gravity of the
consequences which they may have produced,
have affected the minds, nay the ranks of the
majority. From that moment they became alarmed,
and the word intrigue is nothing more than a cry
of alarm. Is it necessary, then, that a mode of con-
ducting the affairs of the country, which may place the
interests or the dignity of the country in peril, should
become indifferent to the majority for the sole reason,
that the Opposition combats it, or has pointed it out ? I
should be unjust to insist more ; a word should be suffi-
cient to repel imputations which cannot reach us. I owe
it, however, to the Chamber, to lay before it my whole
ideas of that system of *icy of which they are about to
appreciate the acts, and to justify that which I have
already said in regard to it. If I were :to characterise
the policy of the Minister of Foreign ;Affairs,. in one
word I should say, that it is every where and at all
times a policy a outr ance ; it is a policy of extremes
even in its weaknesses. From the moment that the
Minister of Foreign Affairs adopts a principle he exag-
gerates it. He allows himself to be drawn rapidly over
to the extreme consequences, as if a mind such as his could'
be ignorant that the extreme consequences of a prin
ciple are surely exhausted by provoking an inevitable
reaction against it. Thus, the Minister of Foreign
Affairs wishes for peace; and all France, all opinions in
the country, commencing with the political men of each
of them, wishes for it as much as he does, and yet he
speaks of it in such a manner, he shows so much
ardour and anxiety for its maintenance, that he makes
people believe that for that end he would make
such sacrifices that the most pacific could hardly
consider themselves as pacific as he is. He wishes for
the English alliance, and I believe that there is not in
France a well-wisher of his country, a sensible man, and
above all, a political man, who does not wish for it, and
who does not perceive its importance as much as he
does; but, without wishing it, and without knowing it,
he exaggerates the consequences, and he speaks in a
way to compromise and to rouse the national suscep-
tibility against it, and to give to the French a dislike to
that alliance of which I believe I laid the foUndations in
1830—a dislike which, if it does not cease, may lead to
great embarrassment hereafter. What are, in fact,
gentlemen, the two questions which, as is said in the
speech of the Crown, have created some difficulties in
our relations with England, at the same time that in
France they have, to a considerable extent, agitated
men's minds? The first of these is the right of search ;
the second, the question of Otaheite. Do you wish
that I should say who has been the most dangerous
enemy of the right of search ? My God, it is the
Minister of Foreign Affairs himself. It is his convention
of 1841, to extend the operation of that right, which has
brought about the reaction of the public mind and of the
Chambers against the right itself. In seeing him make
that concession, which was so long asked and desired by
England after the treaty of 15th July, 1840, the Chambers,
not content with having prevented—a thing without
example, and to some extent to be regretted—not con-
tent with having prevented the ratification of that con-
vention, demanded the abolition of the right of reci•
procal search, and the elective chamber unanimously
forced the Minister of Foreign Affairs to'announce that
he would enter frankly and loyally into a negotiation,
of which he had previously said in this tribune that it
could only end in weakness or folly. When or how can
he escape from this net, in the meshes of which he has
entangled himself ?
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l demand the word.
—(Sensation.)
Count Mol6—Will he be able to make England yield,
or will he be able to make the Chamber give way ?
There are other interests besides his at stake, and I ar-
dently wish that he may be able to answer by announc
ing that this negotiation has had a favourable result. lii
the affairs of Otaheite, gentlemen, the faults have been
of such a nature that I must give up the attempt to ex-
plain them. It was when he was at full and entire
liberty that the Minister of Foreign Affairs ratified the
taking possession of that island in the Pacific, and that
he chose to form an establishment there for France with
the title of Protectorate. How I It is so warm a par-
tisan of the English alliance, who has chosen to form an
establishment in that part of the globe which is so re-
mote from us, without interest for us. and from which
the first cannon-shot fired upon the sea would force us
to retire ; it is he who has chosen to place the protecto-
rate of France in the face of the protectorate of the Eng
lish missionaries, who so many years have ruled the
population and the consciences of that country, and
who directed with their counsels the Government, or
rather were themselves the veritable Government.
The more we reflect upon that the more strange and
incredible it appears. We are forced in this instance
to accuse the Minister of Foreign Affairs, at least,
of levity. It could not be sufficient for him to
hope, or even to believe, that the Cabinet of London
would be tolerant with respect to his projects. He ought
to have rememnered that in England—and I say it to
the honour of that great nation—the Government reckons
upon acting, and is obliged to do so, with the religious
men and the religious feeling, and that no Cabinet can
refuse its support to their efforts to propagate the faith.
Such is the fundamental principle of the Otaheite ques-
tion. I cannot sufficiently express my surprise that the
Minister of Foreign Affairs did not understand it suffi-
ciently soon to spare our good relations with England
this second and danger ,us trial, and to spare France the
blood of her brave sailors, of her brave soldiers, who
have paid with their lives for our doubtful occupation of
a rock, when it appears that the Minister of Foreign
Affairs does not knowhow to remain or how:to get out ofit.
The war with Morocco is the only one of all the difficul-
ties which have occupied the country between the two
sessions, which the Cabinet could not have avoided.
Our forces by land and by sea, and their illustrious
leaders, have there covered themselves with glory. I will
not examine in detail the treaty which has been termi-
nated—not that its tenor does not appear to me to be
such as to attract the attention and observation of the
Chamber of Peers ; but because I have not undertaken'
to enter into a detailed examination of the policy of'
the Cabinet, and in particular of the Minister of
Foreign Affairs. It is he and his friends who have
forced me to speak. I never have and never shall
oppose systematically any Cabinet. I have proved this
for the last ten years; and with regard to all the Cabinets
which have succeeded each other, I have voted for all
that I approved, and even for some things of which I
disapproved, so useful and reasonable did I think it in
the present times to aid in the regular march, whether
more or less enlightened, of the Government. In short,
gentlemen, the difficulties which the Minister of Foreign
Affairs has accumulated around him are grave, and I do
not think he will be able to resolve them. Perhaps,
nevertheless, he may find resources and have abilities
which Ido not foresee. Between him arid me there are
few means of our understanding each other. We do not
start from the same point ; we do not look to the same
end ; and we differ, besides, as to the legitimate means
of attaining them.

M. Guizot—l acknowledge that the speech of the
Hon. Member has astonished me. To whom does he
reply? Of what does he complain ? Who in this place
has accused him of that of which he complains ? Who
ever has spoken to him of such things ? He replies to
rumours from without, to the conversations de salon,
and to newspaper articles. True or false, all those
things cannot enter into the Chamber, nor mount the
tribune. The public acts of public men, the reasons
for their conduct publicly given by them, these are
the only proper objects, the only objects deserving
of your debates. Ido not undertake, either to jus-
tify or to explain, nor to contest that of which the
Honourable Gentleman has complained, and I should
not have thought of saying one word respecting those
incidents which are occurring outside, if he had not
spoken of those himself. He has also spoken of the coali-
tion of 1839, and has compared it with that which is
passing at this moment. In another place the Opposi-
tion has often endeavoured to open a discussion upon
that subject, and to get me to join in it, I have always
refused ; I did not think that, for the sake of my per-
sonal defence in past times, I ought to sacrifice, at the
present time, the interests of my party, the Conservative
party, of its cause and cf its p, licy. Evidently the first
of these interests is the maintenance of the union, the
firm and compact action of the majority which sustains
that policy. With an anxiety for that interest, I have
refused all discussion, all retrograde explanation with
respect ----
'1 old and distant disagreements. I will act in
the same man —ter to-day, and to a certainty I have the
right to do so more to
etty -
the ever. Let us lay aside
--
all p personal corn 1.1 us arrive at
711 cations ant,
once at the really public c'
p•
affairs of the coup
try. The Hon, Count Mole"
admits, at bottom,, the whole
of the policy of the Cabinet. I have no .
net. Ho wishes for peace—he If hatred exists, lb .-

wishes for the English alliance ; he has not proposed or
even hinted in the questions which we have had to treat
of any solution very different from that which we have
adopted. He could not help acknowledging that for four
years, all that he demands has been done by the Cabi-
pet. Peace has been maintained ; the English alliance
is in fell vigour ; the questions which have arisen be-
tween the countries have been regularly and pacifically
settled. He has reminded us of one which remained in
suspense—the question of the right of search. Since your
last session, I have followed seriously and atten-
tively the negotiation of which I accepted the burden. I
have represented to the English Government the neces-
sity of searching, in order to attain one common end (au
end to which we are, and shall always be as sincerely
devoted as the English nation or its Government), the
repression of the slave trade—of searching, I say, for
other means than the right of search, which have become
inefficacious for the suppression of the slave trade, at the
same time that it threatens to compromise the relations
of the two countries. The English Government has un-
derstood this position. It has comprehended the reasons
on which our proposition is founded, and mixed commis-
sioners are to be charged immediately to inquire toge-
ther for new means to put down the slave trade—means
which will be equally efficacious, or more efficacious even
than the right of search. The question is thus as fur
advanced as it can be at the present moment. The Ho-
nourable Gentleman may thus be satisfied. There is up
to the present moment no question pending between the
two countries, which is of a compromising nature. Yet,
although the Cabinet has done all this for the last four
years ; although the Honourable Member admits at bot•
tom, and in the whole, our policy, he criticises a part of
our conduct. He thinks that he can see that at one
time we might have done more, at another less. That
we might have done otherwise, or might have done
better. He finds faulty errors which will compro-
mise, according to him, hereafter, the results
at present obtained, and which we at present
enjoy. I shall discuss, in the course of this debate,
the special questions to which these particular criticisms
apply. Bat even if that should be true ; even if such
and such particular reproaches should be well founded,
do you believe that they would be sufficient motives, that
they they are sufficiently grave to induce a grave man,
who approves in principle of our policy, to commit (allow
me the word) an act of opposition such as has now
been made from this tribune ? Is the Honourable Count
Moiil ignorant that the policy, the principle of which he
approves, has many obstacles to surmount, many ene-
mies to overcome, many dangers to run ? Is he igno-
rant that it has had to struggle against national preju-
dices, which are worthy of respect even when they err ?
Is he ignorant that the revolutionary factions . have con-
spired against that policy, and endeavour without ceasing
to ruin and upset it, because it is the real obstacle to
their designs ? Is it an act of prudence, is it an act of
patriotism, to give all of a sudden enemies, who threaten
so violently, a policy which he approves on the whole,
and for the principles of which he desires success ? No,
these are not sufficient reasons for such au act of oppo-
sition. I still seek the true reasons—the peremptory
reasons —which could have decided Count Moli. PerhapS
he thinks that good policy is now not the question—thatt
it is so well established, and so sure of success, that it
may be treated severely, that no respect should be ac-
corded to it, and that it may be treated as harshly and
as exactingly as people may choose. If it were sozi;
if this were the motive which induced the Honourable
Gentleman to speak, he will allow me to thank him
in the name of the Cabinet, for if the peace--
if the alliance with England--if the good relations
between the two countries are secured to that extent, the
Cabinet has the right to take some credit to itself. It is
a great service which it has rendered to the country and
to the Opposition itself. It is that which has given the
Opposition the security and the leisure which it sets to
work to-day against the Cabinet itself. lam neither
surprised at this, nor do I complain of it. I know thsit
the Opposition is not bound to be grateful, but I am en-
titled to remind it of the benefits. Another motive,
perhaps, has influenced the Honourable Gentleman. Per-
haps he thinks that, from the position which he takes in
his present conduct, it will he easy for him to maintain
the good policy and to avoid the faults which he thinks
he discovers on the part of the Cabinet, and which, ac-
cording to him, will compromise that policy hereafter.
Let him permit me to inform him that he will be com-
mitting a serious error. To practice efficaciously—to
maintain solidly—a good line of policy, it is not suq-
cient to be anxious to do so ; it is also necessary to hare
in the political arena, and in the midst of the contending
parties, a position in harmony with the policy which it
is wished to supporta position which will give it
strength. When the confidence of the King called the
present Cabinet to office, the Conservative policy, was
gravely compromised, peace was seriously menaced, the
English alliance was weakened, and the good understand-
ing between the two countries hardly existed. The Ca-
binet was formed to change that state of things. It
formed itself under that banner ; it has carried it high
in front of it, and all the men who wished as it did ra 1-
lied around it. It was under that banner that the Coii-
servative party reunited, and that it has lived for foir
years, in spite of such eifficult incidents and trials. Here
is a clear, simple, and strong position for the majority,
and for the Government which marches at its heed.
What, on the contrary becomes of the Hon. Gentleman
and his position, after what he has himself said from
this tribune? I admit it ; he would enter into power
to practise and to maintain the good policy, while he
would endeavour to disengage it from what he calls our
faults. But he would enter it by the impulsion and with
the support ef all the men who have not ceased to coin.-
bat that policy. He would take power to do the same,
and to do better (as he says) the affairs of the Conservative
party ; but he would take that power pushed forward,
carried in, sustained, and raised by all the phases of the
Opposition. It does not require much reflection or much
experience to see that that is a false position, and one
without power. Do you know what would happen if you
were put to the proof ? You would find yourselves be-
tween a powerful, a considerable, and an important posi-
tion of the Conservative party—discontented, mistrust-
ing, and irritated ; and on the other hand, between ex-
acting branches of the Opposition, which would, in fact,
have good reason to demand something from you, for
the support which they
gave you on your entering into
office. Would you call that a good situation for the
Government ? Is that a good position for a good line of
policy ? You would do well, you would wish well, at
the very moment when that policy would be in your
hinds enervated, abased, and compromised. Perfection
or amelioration would then be entirely out of the ques-
tion ; the very foundation and principle of affairs would
be compromised by you. If that is the motive which
has decided you—if it is confidence that you can in that
position maintain and rectify the policy in question, and
which is your policy—undeceive 3, ourselves, for that will
be impossible for you.
. Count Mole—l demand the word.—(General move-
ment.)
M. Guizot—The Hon. Gentleman reproaches the
Cabinet, and especially me (and I do not hesitate to
say, that I willingly accept, as he seems to wish to
repose it upon me, the responsibility of the whole of
the policy of the Cabinet) with compromising even the
policy which it supports. If that policy has dangers yet
to run, it is itself that has created them. The difficulties
which exist, it is the Cabinet itself which has raised
them. It is its own faults which create the embarrass-
ments which good policy feels. In truth, the reproach
upon it is a strange one, and I understand those who say
that these are alliances more natural to France, and more
conformable with its interests than the English alliance,
and that it is necessary to cultivate them. I understand
those who, while they wish for peace and a good under-
standing with England, say that it is necessary, never-
theless, on' account of ancient recollections, on account
of certain peculiar interests, to live in good report, but
coldly, with England, without alliance, without intimacy.
I believe that both believe themselves, and that in the
present state of affairs and of opinions in Europe, they
seriously deceive themselves; but, in short, these are
serious opinions, and which must be seriously discussed.
But to come and tell men who, since 1830, have never
ceased to support the peace policy and the English alli-
ance ' who have a hundred times developed the reasons
of that policy, that it is they who compromise it, really
is not a subject worthy of being taken seriously, espe-
cially when the men spoken to are persons who for
years past have done more than speak—who have re-es-
tablished the peace and the English alliance, which had
been left to them too much compromised. and which for
four years they have defended and sustained against
_many different parties; who have supported them in the
midst of trials and difficulties of great gravity—who
have done more—who have carried, as the result of
their policy and of their efforts, the peaceable and regu-
lar arrangement of many stormy questions raised be-
tween the two countries—to men who have carried the
journey of the Queen of England to the Chateau
dan'Edu,aall thendthe
pacific,journe amicable,of theK King
salutary gn to Windsor Castle,
manifes-
tations which have taken piece on this double occa-
sion. In the presence of such facts, at the end of four
3 ears, to come and tell the men who have brought about
such results, at the moment when the questions between
the two countries are settled, that it is they who have
compromised the English alliance and the peace, is really
not a matter worthy of refutation. Shall I tell you who
compromises the English alliance, and the persons who
are really dangerous for the peace and the good under-
standing between these two countries ? In the first
place, it is those who, whether by design or from blind-
ness, seize upon every difficulty, upon any incident, upon
all the questions which are raised between the two coun-
tries, and aggravate and envenom them, and, whether
voluntarily or unintentionally, run the risk of producing
a ruptiire, or at least a coldness. These are the prin-
cipal, the true compromisers of peace and the English
alliance. The second are those who when such questions
are raised, when opposition exaggerates and envenoms
them, meets them half-way on, or by half repel the at-
tacks of the Opposition ; then, while they talk, good
, and of their
dpeosliirtiecitano
ms,
aoinf
tiaihenirpleoacvee, faonrdtktoeirsucpouponrtrt3ihe
English al-
liance, lend a distant—very distant, and very indirect
assistance ; but, in short, who lend their assistance, and
give an additional strength to men who have seized upon
every incident, and on every question, to embroil the two
countries. It is those persons, also, who, whilst they
Profess a desire for peace and sound policy, lend a certain
aid to men and parties, who seize on all questions in
order to set the two countries by the ears. We oppose
them both—.
" Les uns, parce qu'ils sont michans et tnalfaisans,
Et les autres, pour ttre aux mechans cornplaisans,
Et n'avoir pas pour eux ces Manes vigoureuses,
Que le vice fait naitre aux Armes vertueuses."
The Prince of Moskowa—There are neither mechans
nor complaisans here.
M. Cousin—There is no hatred here.
' bl. Molt —You should name the methane, the haters.
Name them.
M. Guizot—Allow me to finish. You do not know
what lam going to say. No one can suppose that I
VPI,Y to the policy of our adversaries the meaning of
words of Moliere, and I ask for hatred for no person.
- 4ntention of making any personal application.
la int 112 this assembly, but outside

its walls. The present situation is said by many to be
difficult, but I find no one to prove it. I declare
that, on the contrary, all the oifficult questions have been
arranged. With whom is the position one of diffi-
culty? In all the assertions made on this point I
see nothing but factitious emotion in men's minds,
and factitious tumult in the public journals. The
Chamber will not allow itself to be led away by such
manoeuvres, but will perceive the truth through the mist
thrown around it. For my part, I shall show that in
the affair of Otaheite, as in that of Morocco, all the acts
of the Government have sprung naturally from the
nature of the questions, and have been altogether in
accordance with true Conservative policy.—(Hear.)
Count Mold (from his place)—l rise to reply in a few
words to an observation of the Honourable Minister. He
has told you that there is an intention on our part to
come forward and assume the reins of Government,
because the present situation of affairs is so good that it
is not feared to compromise affairs ; and that proves to
me thst the Minister of Foreign Affairs also considered
the situation excellent-in 1838 and 1839, for I believe
him to be too good a patriot to suppose that he would
have attacked the Government with so much bitter-
ness if there had been any danger in the position of
affairs at that time.—(Noise.) The Minister of
Foreign Affairs asks me what I would do the day after
my assumption of power, but I had no idea of the kind
when, I spoke. The Hon. Minister designates as op-
position anything which is an obstacle to his personal
policy ; he sees nothing, absolutely nothing cloudy
in the horizon ; does he then consider the affairs of Ota-
heite and the right of search terminated i My convic-
tion is, that it was the unseasonable convention of 1841
which aggravated the great difficulties of the question
of the right of search. I say more—l say that he en-
tered into engagements which he cannot keep. I re-
proach him with having been wanting in courage to-
wards the other Chamber. I am accustomed to public
affairs, and I can see no measures which would be ac-
cepted by England. which can ever replace the right of
search—the mode at present employed for the suppres-
sion of the slave trade. The affair of Otaheite, you say,
is also terminated, and nevertheless it is still burning,
and I am still at a loss to know how a mind so eminent
as that of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, could have
allowed himself to be lured into such conquests. On
those points in the South Seas, where we find ourselves
opposed to England, it will be necessary to offer some
system of action. You well know the results which
may be anticipated from the concurrence to Catholic
and Protestant missions. What system do you propose
to adopt in this case ? You have chosen just the part
in this affair which appears to throw you into inextri-
cable embarrassment. The result of this fault has been
the shedding of much blood, and the greatest state of
uncertainty with regard to our new possessions. This
is your work, these are the embarrassments which you
have yourselves created. If these difficulties can be sur-
mounted, I shall rejoice with all my heart. You speak
of private ambition—we act through patriotism, and not
ambition. You imagined, perhaps, that I weuld not dale
declare what I thought of your policy, but you were mis-
taken. I have no ambition to possess your place. I de-
sire simply that you may get with honour out of the
embarrassments which you created for yourselves, and
which, I confess, alarm me. I wish nothing more.
M. Guizot—As I intended in the beginning of my
speech, I shall not at present enter into any details as to
the question of Otaheite. I shall reserve that point to
another part of the discussion. I ascend the tribune to
remark on one of the Noble Peer's assertions relative to
the right of search. Has the Noble Peer considered
maturely what he has just spoken ? He wishes the
question to be arranged, and yet he declares that he
cannot imagine any other efficient measure but that now
in force to repress the slave trade. It would, therefore,
be necessary for France to renounce either putting down
the slave trade. or changing the present mode of repres-
sion. No, France does not find herself in such an alter-
native. When I undertook the management of public
affairs I thought that it was possible to find more effi-
cient means than the existing ones to put down the
slave trade—l undertook to resolve that problem, and I
have strong hopes of doing so in a manner satisfactory
to our interests. I am glad that the Noble Peer has
furnished me with the opportimity of repeating this
double assertion—that we believe that the present system
of repression has lost much of its efficacy, and that at
the same time we are determined to repress the slave
trade with the same vigour as before. This is what we
are seeking to do, and I have the firm conviction that
the two Governments, united by a mutual good feeling,
will attain this object. Both at Paris and at London
this object will be steadily pursued, and finally attained,
notwithstanding all the prophecies to the contrary, that
are furnished so unsparingly on both sides of the Channel.
Count de St. Priest made some general observations on
the ensemble of the address, certain parts of which he
criticised ; but after addressing the Chamber for a few
moments, he pleaded indisposition, and requested per-
mission to retire, reserving to himself the right to speak
un the discussion of the paragraphs.
Viscount llubouchage expressed his indifference to
any change in the Cabinet which would not bring about
a change in the policy pursued. Candour should, how-
ever, be observed. It ss as not the present Ministry which
had prepared the treaty of October 29, 1840 ; it was not
to it that the fault must be imputed of having aban-
doned a powerful Prince of the East, an ally ; nor was
it the present Ministry which had made the treaty of
Mexico, which imposed on them fresh sacrifices and
fresh expenses ; it was not the present Ministry which
had made the treaty with the United States for the pay-
ment of 25 millions of francs. A Cabinet succeeding
another took affairs as they found them, and it was not
just that they should be accused for not bringing every
negotiation to a successful termination, for they were
compelled to accept them or to sanction them. The
speech from the Throne, in his opinion, was the most
remarkable that had been presented to the Chambers for
the last fourteen years. It was remarkable for what it
said and for what it left unsaid ; it was still more re-
markable for its being couched rather in the language of
an absolute than of a constitutional monarchy. He also corn-
plained,that it was silent on many most important subjects.
It devoted three paragraphs to the entente cordiale, two
to interests purely monarchical, and one only to foreign
policy, and in this one paragraph there was not a word
said of the changes to be made in the treaties of 1831
and 1833, or of Spain. In conclusion, he said that the
speech from the Throne did not satisfy him, and as the
proposed address was merely a paraphrase of that speech,
he should vote against it.
Count Boissy d'Anglas, in a written speech, but in
reading which he was in many parts inaudible in the
gallery, demanded whether the present Cabinet had pro-
perly fulfilled the mission confided to it. It possessed a
numerous army, a powerful fleet, and considerable finan-
cial resources ; but had they, with all these advantages,
known how to make France respected ? Had it con-
cluded advantageous alliances, or entered into any pro-
fitable treaties ? To all these questions he should reply
in the negative, and should rote against the address.
Baron Pasquier—As there are no more names in-
scribed to speak on the general discussion, it is now (dosed.
Marquis de Boissy rose and demanded to speak on the
general discussion. He was, he said, one of those who
complained loudly of the acts of piracy committed on
French vessels. He was a. good Frenchman ; but was
strongly opposed to England. He gave due homage to
the good faith of Count Mole ; he had said that he
would never carry on a systematic opposition, and never-
theless be. had opposed the Cabinet. He should follow
in his steps, and he thanked hire for giving a chief to
the Opposition against the present Ministry.—(Commo-
tion and laughter.) That, he repeated, was what he
wished ; he desired a complete change in the policy
pursued ; he desired that the plan of making too great
sacrifices to perpetuate certain alliances, and of repulsing
others, should not be persisted in. To justify his wish,
he would remind the Chamber of some facts which had
been already enumerated, but which did not the less
prove the necessity of the measure Khich he proposed.
In 1830, it was said henceforth France was to be governed
with sincerity, but this sincerity was far from being prac-
tised. So far indeed from it, that a public writer had
declared the present Government exceeded all others
in falsehood and deceit ; and he much feared that the
speech from the Throne, delivered this year, would be
a chef d'cruvre of that kind.—(Loud marks of dissent.
and exclamations.) The Noble Peer then referred to
the occupation of Ancona by the Austrian troops,
notwithstanding the principle of non-intervention
laid down by France, to the rupture with Switzer-
land, to the affairs that took place in the East, and to the
treaties of 1831 and 1833, relative to the right of search,
as proofs that the Cabinet had failed in their foreign
policy. The Noble Peer reproached M. Guizot with
having, when Ambassador in England, concluded these
treaties without taking orders from those placed by the
Constitution over him. Unless the Ministry changed its
line of conduct, he felt convinced that it would shortly be
the last of the Government of July.—(Cries of " Oh,
oh," and laughter.) The Noble Peer then alluded to
the visits to Eu and Windsor, and declared that, in his
opinion, they merely proved that M. Guizot was the
most popular man in England, and the most unpopular
in France.—(Agitation and marks of denial.) He should
not at present detain the Chamber any longer, as he re-
served to himself:the right of speaking on some of the
subjects which he had just adverted to when the para-
graphs of the address were brought forward separately.
The general discussion was then declared to be closed,
and the first paragraph of the address was read from the
chair:—" Sire,—We have received with respect and
gratitude the words of your Majesty. Witnesses equally
with yourself, of' the interior prosperity of the State, we
return thanks to Providence for permitting our national
activity to multiply, on all points of the territory, the
precious fruits of peace. We take delight, Sire, in re-
cognising with your Majesty, that these blessings are
due to the wisdom of our laws, to the faithful and intelti-
genkmanner in whichthey are carried into execution, and
to the progress of public reason."
Count de Montalembert supposed that the Committee
in speaking of the prosperity of the country, meant not
only to allude to its material prosperity, but also to its
moral condition, On that point he was of a totally dif-
ferent opinion, and would even assert that the moral
prosperity of the country was gravely attacked by the
course adopted in religious matters. In speaking on
that point, ho felt that he should carry with him but
little sympathy, but it was not for the mere pleasure of
hearing himself speak that he had come forward, but
through a conviction and sense of duty. Six months
back, after the long, luminous, and profound discussion
of the new Secondary Instruction Bill, most eminent
men had asserted, that if the prelates kept silence, the
reproaches which were directed against them would fall
to the ground, and all be arranged according to their
wishes, How, he would ask, had that prediction been
accomplished? The bishops, after having protested
against the law that had been brought forward, remained
silent, and the mass of the clergy fullovved their example.
Was the Church at present more respected? Unfortu-
nately facts were there before them to prove the coq.
trary. This silence was replied to on the part of their
enemi, A by .letnonstrationi
more end more hostile in cha-
ratites; nothing was spared or respected, neither the
ceremonies of worship, nor the lessons in theology, nor
the morals of the view nor their pious devotions, uor th,

ineWahaustible resources, the charity of the CatholieCh tire')
nor, above all, the different religious cammuoities. An
error had been fallen into, and which was still persevered
in, that the clergy alone were interested in the freedom
of education, whereas it was the laity, it was the citizens
who were more interested in it than the priesthood. The
independence of the clergy was the best guarantee for the
citizen. It was pretended that the liberty of the church,
as it was understood by them, would be the continued
encroachment of the spiritual over the temporal power.
At an epoch like this—at a moment when in Switzer-
land, in Russia, in Poland, and in Spain, the spoliation
of the church was being carried on, and it was compelled
to defend its dogmas—when the greatest liberty in Pro-
testant countries, such as Holland and England, was
formed in the midst of so many dangers and storms—to
affect thus to fear, not the encr)achrnent of that old in-
structress of nations, but its aristocracy, its absolute
power, was indeed to give proof of eithergreat ignorance
or of singular blindness. Far from favouring the triumph
of the spiritual over the temporal power, it was on the
contrary the Catholic doctrine which rendered such a
thing impossible ; it was that which had at all times pro-
claimed the distinction of the two powers ; it was that
which commanded believers to render unto Cesar that
which was esesar's, and unto God that which was God's.
To affect such fears was, he repeated, contrary to good
sense. The Catholic clergy claimed its part, its legi-
timate part, in political liberty and common right,
the fruit of two revolutions ; it was under the shelter of
these great principles that it sought to exercise its em-
pire over men's souls. He accepted the revolution as a
fact, liberty as a right, the charter as a safe-guard. This
is what they wished. What their adversaries wanted
was the reverse of liberty and of the Constitution; their
full conviction was that prosperity would avenge this
great injustice; it would admit, with some surprise, per-
haps, but with gratitude, that all that was favourable
to liberty and human dignity, all that was pure and
generous in the instincts of 1789 and 1830 had been de-
tended by Catholocistn, and that the declaration of the
rights of man had not more ardent defenders than the
champions of the faith.
The Chamber adjourned at half-past five.
SITTING OF TUESDAY, JAN. 14.
The President took the chair at two o'clock.
The attendance of Peers and of the public was un-
usually great, and the Ministers were in their places.
Count de Montalembert resumed his discourse, left
unfinished the preceding day. He complained that there
was not a clearly recognised head of religion in France,
as there was of the army and the navy. Hence most deli-
cate and difficult questions were frequently referred to a
Minister who was but little calculated to resolve them.
The llon. Peer proceeded to remark on several points
decided by the Minister, in his opinion erroneously.
He referred particularly to the favour shown to
Protestants in France, and compared it with the
manner in which Roman Catholics had been legis
lated for in England, particularly the Irish Catholics.
He then referred to the quarrel which had lately arisen
between the University and the clergy in France, and
declared that mutual concessions ought to be made if the
differences were to be arranged. Those to be made by
the Government must, however, be greater than on the
other side, since it had lately endeavoured to curtail that
freedom of religion sanctioned by the charter. This
could only have arisen from the fear the Government
felt of the influence which the admirable conduct of the
clergy was sure to gain over the friends of the people.
He referred to past times, to the reign of Louis XV.,
and the periods following, to show that nothing was
ever demanded from the clergy of such importance as
was required at present. He complained of the calum-
nies which, he declared, had been permitted, if not coun-
tenanced, by the favourers of the Universities, against
all classes of the clergy and the religious communi-
ties. He instanced a number of cases where severity
had been shown against., the , last-named associa-
tions. He referred to the conduct of M. Cousin when
in power, as having been far more liberal than that of
the present Administration. He then adverted to the
present conduct of the clergy, to which he gave the
highest praise. He sketched the progress of religious
opinions in the public mind at present, and insisted
strongly on the extent of their advancement. Fourteen
years back the crosses were torn from the churches of
Paris, and every indignity offered to the ministers of
religion ; now, on the contrary, the churches were filled,
the public worship constantly attended, and the preachers
of the faith everywhere followed. He considered that
the present attacks on the church from the Government
were most undeserved. The Noble Peer concluded by
declaring that the clergy would still pursue their career
of charity and love in spite of any perseeutions that
might be directed against them, and that if they gained
[lathing else, they would obtain the respect and affection
of all men of worth.
M. Martin (du Noid), in reply, declared that he dif-
fered from the Noble Peer on the greatest portion of the
subjects to which he had adverted. So far from the
Government attacking or persecuting the clergy and re-
ligious associations, it had been obliged to stand on its
defence, and to incessantly oppose the attempts at total
independence entered on of late years by the clergy.
The conduct of the Government was the best answer to
such accusations, for be defied any MAR of candour to
say that it had gene beyond the exigencies of the ease.
He maintained that the clergy were, to a certain extent,
abusing religion to carry out their own plans of tempo-
ral aggrandisement. He thought it most unjust that
noble orators should ascend the tribune every session to
make those vague accusations without proving any one
of them. The Hon. Minister then adverted to a num-
ber of cases, in which he had been obliged to inter-
fere to check the encroachments of all classes of the
clergy. He read extracts from letters written by
the inferior clergy to their diocesans, in order to
show..the spirit which generally animated that body.
The bishops, he observed, though men of education,
were still above all, high dignitaries of the church, and
devoted to its interests. Hence they sanctioned,
to a considerable extent, the conduct of the inferior
clergy in various points of discipline. He could advert
to their refusal to bury in cases where the deceased per-
son had not lived according to their ideas of proper de-
votedness to the church. lie could also speak of their
refusal to serve in private chapels, when required in
lawful cases. The Hon. Minister, after dwelling on
other points of this kind, declared that the clergy at
present appeared to altogether mistake its mission ; for,
in place of getting their champions to advocate their
cause in the Chambers—a defence required by their aim-
ing at power out of their own province—it would be more
suitable to their sacred functions to confine themselves
to their own duties, and not endeavour to assume an au-
thority which the law never intended to assign them.
On the part of the Government he could declare that
such conduct could not be permitted, and, however in-
clined the Government felt to concede to the clergy in
all reasonable points, it must continue to persevere in
its present line of conduct.
Count de Montalembert said, that when he defended
the cause of religion, he had not looked for the Hon.
Minister's approbation. He had spoken from an inti-
mate conviction of the truth of his assertions. He
had not intended to accuse the Government of direct
persecution of the ministers of religion ; he was aware
that the Government could not, with any appearance of
propriety, act openly and decidedly in the movement at
present in progress against the clergy ; but he did ac-
cuse the Hon. Minister and his colleagues of partaking
of a certain moral complicity in the attempt, by sanc-
tioning various persecutions against members of the
clergy and the religious communities of the kingdom.
He declared that several of the suits to which he alluded
had been carried from court to court with unusual se-
verity, and in that point the Government had kept up
all the movement of which he spoke. He had not even
accused the Hon. Minister of having abandoned the
clergy—he had merely declared that he had not per-
mitted the religious liberty promised in the charter to
prevail to its legitimate extent. All that the clergy de-
sired or demanded was to have that liberty completely
established. The Government, he would maintain, had
done everything in their power to arrest the free course
of religious freedom, and of that the clergy thought
they had a right to complain. The speech just delivered
by the Hon. Minister appeared to him likely to render
all arrangement in this matter more than ever impos
Bible.

Count Pelet (de la Lemke) spoke at some leegth
against the conduct pursued by the Minister of War in
the interval between the two sessions, relative to the
Polytechnic School. Re qualified such conduct as un-
justifiable.

Marshal Soult entered into explanations on the sub-
ject. He maintained that with any attention to disci-
pline the conduct of the young men at that institution
could not be permitted. The Commission to whom the
matter was entrusted had come to that decision, and
such was he believed the opinion of all men who had
considered the subject. The Noble Marshal continued
for some time to lay before the Chamber the circum-
stances of the case, such as they have been already
brought before the public. He insisted particularly en
the necessity of obedience in such an establishment.
Baron C. Dupin attacked the conduct of the Noble
Marshal in the affair in strong terms, declaring that he
had thrown doubt and distrust amongst the young men
of France, who could not now be certain, after years of
severe study, of not having their career stopped short by
some capricious decision of the Government. Ile main-
tained that the conduct of the pupils in the late case was
justified by the examiner being given them contrary to
the regulations.
Marshal Soult again ascended the tribune, but his ex-
planations differed little from those which he had already
given.
M. Laplagne Barris defended the conduct pursued by
the Noble Marshal, declaring that, though severity had
been shown, the exigencies of the case demanded it.
Count Montalivet said that, as having been himself a
pupil of the Polytechnic School, he might be permitted
to advocate the cause of the young men who were inoul-
fseheoluiilldg,
as there-
fore, remind No more generous-minded or patriotic class of
befmoreen,coreumldind th
foeuGnderinertnhme
eknitntghdaotms.o ouch id:
cle-
mency existed, and that in no case could it be better ex.
hibited than in the present one.
Count Pelet (de la Lozire) again, ascended the tri-
bune, and was again examining the question under dia.
cussion.

DISGRACEFUL OCCURRENCE,
KENDAL, JAN. 13.—The hitherto peaceable town of
Milnthorpe was on Sunday afternoon last the scene
of a most disgraceful occurrence. A number of rail-
way labourers had been drinking all the forenoon,
and most of them having got into a beastly state of
intoxication, they commenced fighting in a most brutal
manner. About two o'clock a large number of these
men went to a green in the centre of the town, where
they had several pitched battles, so that there was one
complete scene 'of fighting the whole of the Sabbath
afternoon, and whilst Divine service was performing
in the church close by. Here they assaulted severai
Milnthorpe men who were passing; and the poralace
were actually afraid to leave their houses to go to
church. One of the " navvys," named Wills, had a
pair of loaded pistols in his possessie,n, with one a which he attempted to shoot a man 'for asking him for
money; but, fortunately the Vice missed fire, and the
pistol was immediately taken, from the misguided man
by some of his companior,s. The disturbance is said
to have arisen in a great measure from one of the sub-
contractors not being- able to pay all the men that
wages, and becoming infuriated with taking liquo;
they began violently to threaten his life, but he For..
tunately merle an immediate escape from the'town.
The landlord of a public-house applied to the deputy-
constable of the town to take some of the men into
custody, but he replied, " That he had nowhere to
semte them, provided he did take them ;" and such
has been either the morality of Milnthorpe (containing
about 1,000 people), or the apathy of the respectable
inhabitants, that they actually have not a lock-up in,
the town, or plaice of safe keeping for malefactors.
However, the above disgraceful scenes have in sou*
measure roused the inhabitants from the letharegy,
and, in self-defence, they have now started a subrerip-
tion for the erection of a suitable building. The
above is not the only instance where the Sak;bath has
been scandalously desecrated. Milnthorre has, ever
since the Lancaster and Carlisle Railway commenced,
been the scene of much confusion and
riot upon the
Sabbath. Early on Monday morning the remainder
of the men were paid off without much disturbance ;
but it is to be hoped that, in future, such steps will be
taken as will prevent a recurrence of these alarming
proceedings.

ARING ATTACK.—On Wianesciay evening last
most daring and brutal attack was made upen Mr. Ellis,
butcher, of London-street, and Mr. Cresswell, of Horn-
street, in this town, while returning home in a gig from
Farley hill. It wasnearly seven o'clook when both par-
ties left the house of Mr. Webb, where they had just
previously partaken of tea, and arriving at the hill, near
the park of Mr. J. P. Anderdon, they checked the horse*
pace in order to descend the hill steadily, as the night;
was very dark from the intensity of the fog prevailint.
They were not much more than a quarter of a mile on
the road, when the horse and Mr. Ellis were s'amate,_
neously struck upon the head with great bludgeons,
and such was the severity of the blow received by Mr.
Ellis, that he instantly fell out of the gig in a state of
utter insensibility. Mr. Cresswell then encountered one
of the villains, whom he succeeded in laying prostrate
upon the ground, but no sooner had he done so than be
was felled by a blow from another of the party. Whilst
they
and theh were
eartless strugglin
rag,scal
s, vehi
fin din cle WILI heard to approach,
g
there was no time
n
to complete thir purpose, ran away, exclaiming, D—,.
.ern, weleave 'em." The horse, it appears, was so
much frightened that it jumped over the railings ; the.
wheels of the gig becoming entangled, the horse was
consequently suspended. Mr. Corderoy, jun., of Farley.
hill, on reaching the spot, assisted Mr. Cresswell in ex-
tricating the horse, and afterwards placed Mr. Ellis, 'who
was still insensible in his cart, and conveyed him to his
father's house, where restoratives were applied, and after
the lapse of some time recovered from the state of in-
sensibility in which he had been for more than half an
hour, not having the slightest knowledge of anything
that occurred subsequent to his being struck on the head.
Both parties returned to Reading the same night, reach-
iug home between nine and ten o'clock. The foggy at-
mosphere was favourable to the design of the villains„
comprising a party of four, whose features were not at all
discernible ; this is to be regretted, as it will, we fee-.
prevent their detection.—Reading Manny. .ST EEPLE-•CHACE.—On Tuesday a steeple-atee for
IDOL a-side came off over the steeple-chase round at
Stourton, between Mr. Sands' horse Dandy.,
ridden by
Mr. Tinley Barton, and Mr. Sandbach's law. se Toro, rid.
den by Mr. Dawson. There were between 200 and 300,
sporting gentry present, including Slr William Stanley,
Lord and Lady Gordon, Mr. John Stanley, &c. 'rile
Dandy made most running, but swerved from. several
of his fences. At the third fence from home, the Tandy
was leading about 30 yards, but refused the leap. Toyn then
came up, and both jumped, In the jump they, struck
against each other, and riders and horses fell. 44% Bar-
ton appeared stunned, but was in the saddle •in a mo-
ment. Dawson then got about 100 yards !Ahem, and
came in triumphantly. Had it not been far the tumble,
at the third fence it was thought Barton IX USt have VlOll,
--Liverpool Journals Jan, 11. t
I. 1.4. .1. •C