The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1842.

amongst them make there a speech, and say, " We are
workmen of Manchester, who would labour willingly,
bat are obliged to stand all the day idle because no
man 'lath hired us. The warehouses of our masters are
full of goods, which the people of America would take,
hut the law will not let them. You have a set of men here in
London, who make the laws, and say to the men of Manchester
you shall not make goods for the men of America • our mas-
ters' shall not have that money for their goods, which would
enable them to employ us operatives, and we now appeal to
you." Let them tell the story of their distress, and go
through every street of the metropolis, or every street
let their cry be heard, let them call for a repeal of the Corn-
laws, and for free-trade ; let them ask for pity and justice to the
manufacturing operative, and before many weeks had gone by,
these Anti-Corn-law trumpets would cause the walls of
monopoly to fall down.--(Loud and continued cheering. )
At all events it might be tried. He said this without
reference to physical force ; in his opinion it was a contemptible
force; he had some little opinion of himself, yet in physical
force he conceded the point to the first bull he might meet.
He should say that the very donkey was better as a physical
force agent than himself: there was not a horse in the street
but was his superior ; but it had been truly said that no Go-
vernment could stand against the force of public • opinion.
Only let that he made to appear in London, where the people do
not seem to be suffering altogether so much, let those poor
people be brought to London from the manufacturing districts
of the not th, and let them declare and show their sufferin:s in
the streets of this city—let them he paraded through the streets
of London, and no Government could stand out for a day
against such a general feeling, such a demonstration of suffering.
A Voice from the body of the Meeting—Your plan may be
very good, but if such a demonstration as that were made, what
would he done with the London police and the Government
forces ?
The Rev. Mr. SPENCER did not see why it should be ne-
cessary for the police force to interfere. Not long since there
wits a very numerous and respectable meeting convened in his
neighbourhood for the abolition of the Corn-laws; the police
force did not interrupt them—nay, though there was a large
body of persons employed actually for the purpose of interrupt-
ing their proceedings, and their Chairman, Lord Radnor, was
grossly insulted, the police force did not interfere.—( Hear,
hear.) The poor people, who are suffering those grievances
from the effects of the Corn-laws, might walk through the
streets of London without violence or obstruction to any one,
then why should the police or the Government forces interfere
—though there was a procession of tee-totallers three miles
long the other day through part of the country they were
allowed to walk through the streets—no police interfered with
them—if the poor operatives and working classes of England
assembled, and walked through the streets of London, up to the
House of Commons, harmlessly, as the delegates did the
other day, why should the Government forces interfere
to prevent them ?—( Hear, hear.) The Anti-Corn League
had already ten thousand pounds in their hands, and he (Mr.
Spencer) hoped they would have twenty thousand pounds more
before many days.—(Cheers.) He was sure they would.—
(Loud cheers.) There were thousands of persons throughout
the country whose hearts were interested to the last degree
in the proceedings of the Anti-Corn-law Conference. He
would suggest that they should offer a prise of 1001., two prizes
of 501., and ten more prizes of 10/. each, for the best solutions
of this problem :—A Parliament of interested men who are too
much for the people ; to find out all honest and industrious
means to enable the people to be too much far the Parliament.
—( Laughter.) In order to be more distinctly understood he
would state an instance by way of illustration. Suppose that the
people were anxious to get an Act of Parliament passed for the
establishment of railroads, and that the House of Commons
was all composed of coach proprietors, and the House of Lords
of turnpike commissioners—(" Hear, hear," and loud cheers)—
commissioners who were receiving 5 per cent. interest for the
money they had expended in the purchase o: establishment of
these turnpikes.—( Renewed cheers.) Suppose the Houses of
Parliament were constituted in that way, what chance could
the public have of getting an Act passed for the establishment
of railway s ?—( Hear, hear.) Were not the working classes of
England situated precisely similar ? (Loud cheees. ) The
problem was the same as that for the solution of which he re-
commended the Anti-Corn-law Conference to offer those prizes.
He would appeal in that way to the talent, to the virtue, and to
the ingenuity of Englishmen, and surely if there were so many
thousands of persons interested in this measure—if so many
flints and steels were stuck together, there must be some good
result ; it was possible that there were means not yet dis•
covered which would show the aristocracy of England, that in
six months to come the people could do more than all they had
hitherto done.—( Loud cheers.) He had now trespassed very
long upon the meeting.—( No, no, and loud cheers.) How-
ever, his last word to them would be, to follow the excellent,
the admirable advice which Mr. Thompson had riven to them
the day befora,--,that was, to throw themselves into the arms
of the working classes.—( Vehement cheering.) They should
take a warning from their enemies--if it was true that
it was a lucky thing to have a union between two
great bodies—a union between the Anti-Corn-law Conference
and the Chartists must have the effect of upsetting the proposi-
tions of the Ministry.—( Loud cheers.) lii Bath the Char-
tists came forward manfully—every hand was held up there for
the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. At South-
ampton, too, they offered to co-operate with the Anti-Corn-
law League; but they said that they (the Chartists) whilst
they did so, would expect that justice would be done to them,
and that they in return should obtain assistance for the attain.
relent of their objecis from the general body of those who en-
deavoured to repeal the Corn-laws. It was truly said yester-
day that it was a fortunate thing that Sir Robert Peel had
be ought forward such a measure as he had with respect to the
Corn-laws ; for, if he had recommended a more plausible mea •
sure, it might have had the effect of misleading the people, and
that many of their present active supporters might be dissuaded
by vain hopes not to adopt these decisive steps which it was
manifest now was the determination of the people to take. The
Chartists say that all they wanted was that whilst the Anti-
COrn-law League ask for those measures which would be for
the benefit of all the working classes of the country, they should
be assisted in obtaining those measures which would in their
es, inion he alai), for the advantage of the people of the country.
If those measures were for the benefit of the peeple, the Corn-
law Repealers should promise their earnest and active support
to the Chartists.—(Hear, hear.) They should co-operate
with the Anti-Corn-law League manfully and boldly—
(Cheers)—they offered them their best services, and all they
sought in return was, that when the Corn-law Repeaters had
accomplished their objects, those of the Chartists should not
be thrown overboard.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore,
that all the working classes of England would co-operate with
the just and righteous of the land, for the as-ertion of their
common rights. The 11ev. Mr. Spencer, having thanked the
meeting for the attention with which he had been listenen to,
' i esumed his seat amidst laud and general applause.
The Rev. Mr. STRA C/1,1 N, of Furiar, in seconding the reso-
lution, considered it a very high honour to have an opportu-
nity of succeeding a clergyman of the Church of England who
had so ably and eloquently discussed the motion, and the ques-
tion generally. He was sure, as he co ncided fully and com-
pletely in what had been stated and recommended by the Rev.
Gentleman who preceded him, that the meeting would not expect
him to enter largely into the subject. As a member and a
minister of the Church of Scotland, he had been induced to
agitate the question of Corn-laws to the utmost extent of his
power. When he first mooted it he was told by persons on
every
.side that he would bring about his ears a house
that would cover him in its ruins; that it was a dan-
gerous subject to interfere in.—(Hear, hear,) But
now he was permitted to speak out, and had the pleasure of
meeting with sympathy amongst his brethren in every direc-
tion. —( Hear, hear.) He was reminded, however, when he
considered the conduct of many of the clergymen in and out
of the Establishment—he was reminded of a text which was
illustrated by an old divine—that text was Follow me :"
follow me, said the old divine. Now there were three
sorts of followers—some that follow behind, and some
before—(Laughter)—and some there are who follow
by standing stock still.—(Loud laughter and cheers.)
1 here were many who said it would be a. good thing for the
morality, peace, and prosperity of the country to have the
Corn-laws abolished, but still the sweet voices of those persons
were never raised in support of that righteous and just cause.—
( Hear, hear.) For his own part, he (Mr. Strachan) was
obliged to agitate that question, when he considered
the text " alleviate all misery and walk humbly
with thy God"—no minister, in his opinion, who for a
moment considered that text in its true spirit, could do his duty,
according to the recommendation contained in it, whilst he
stood s:lently aside and witnessed so much misery, and poverty,
and suffering as existed amongst the poor working classes,
who are ground down even into the dust.—( Hear.) It is
the duty of the minister of religion not only to speak but
to guide the people in all their movements, in religious as
welt as political principles.—( Loud cheering.) They
sl.ould consider the condition of the poor—their destitu-
tion—their misery—( Hear, hear)—and reflect that ever,
when the arm of health is able and willing, awl anxious to be
employed to enable the people to obtain the common neces-
saries of life for themselves and their families, there is
nothing but poverty in the morning, and destitution in
the evening, staring them in the face.—(Loud cheers.)
Buteonsidering them in a state of sickness, when they cannot
acquire their scanty allowance for the day, and what a state of
wretchedness does this present ?—( Hear.) The labouring
classes, not able to provide for te-morrow, find, by woeful ex-
perience, that it is too true that " sufficient for the day is the
evil thereof."— ( Cheers.) And what could they expect from
the Parliament, which it was said was formed by them, when
the Members of the Conference, who walked in procession to
the House, could not get admission thereto, and were scarcely
permitted to stand in the high way ? They were surrounded by
police, and he was pushed away by them himself.—( Shame. ,
That could not be called a Parliament of the people, nor a Par-
liament of the Queen—it was the Parliament of the aristocracy
—(Cheers)—an aristocracy who ground the people to dust.—
( Chrers. ) It was their duty to look abroad, and to see whence
their health was to come, and it was to come from an united,
a well instructed, and an organised community.-(Cheering.)
They must have the people to struggle with them—it was work
for the people, and it would be accomplished.—(Cheers. )
They must consider it their duty as ministers, as men, as
members of the community, to use their endeavours to set an
example to the people.— (Cheers.) But if the Ministers were
lagging behind, the people would push them on ; and
he could answer for his own congregation, that if he
did not stand forward he would be looked on as a " pelican of
walkere
wealth
the wilderness ;" and scorned by every good and every benevo-
lent
they
an—
couldCh man.—(Cheers.)
only
rs' h e vi .as a ti
to
)
T
when Ththe everypeople
thought that
and honour on the crutch of protection, but he trusted the
period was gone when such doctrines could find a refuge or a
skulking place among thetn.—(Cheers ) Protection was the
ruin and sacrifice of a nation to the interests of a few.—
(Cheers.) It was their duty to
put their hands to the plough,
and not look back till they procured a total
and speedy repeal
of the Corn-law.—(Cheers. ) He trusted the time
hand when these accursed laws were to be cast to vaatsh
Father
Thames as an offering to the sea god, and when it would be pro-
claimed that the prosperity and advantage of all must be secure
by_ a common participation in the productions of the earth.--
( The Rev. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cheers.)
The Rev. H. RENTON, of Kelso, then came forward, and
said he would not occupy much of the time of the meeting by
any repetition of those arguments which they had already
heard for the total and immediate abolition of the Corn-law,.
lie would content himself by producing a few facts respecting
the state of opinion in his own neighbourhood, which was en-
tirely agricultural. lie came from a place wholly dependent
on agriculture, and which fur a high state of cultivation was
not surpassed by any other in the kingdom, and which, for the
last twelve months, increased in its productive capabilities
more than in any corresponding period of former times. The
labourers were fully employed, and there were no symptoms of
that distress which prevailed in the manufacturing districts,
and was not uncommon even in the agricultural counties of
England.--( Hear, hear.) There were no small farms there,
tad they were let for sums from 3001. to 1,0001., and under
leases of 19 or 21 years dura ion. And it was in such a place
that a meeting was called three weeks ago, by adver.isement
in the local newspapers, for a repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Loud
chem.) An Anti-Corn-law Society was formed, and a pe-
tition was prepared, to which there were a greater number of
signatures affixed than to any petition from the same place,
either for the abolition of the slave trade, or for relief from
ecclesiastical grievances, or even for the destruction of the
boroughmongering system.—( Loud cheers.) Yet no person
was asked to sign that petition, which was now before Parlia-
ment, and it
eras only announced to the people where
this petition was placed for signatures.—(Cheers.) Such
were the cordial, and disinterested, and unsophisticated
foelings of benevolence and philanthropy, which actuated the
eople of Kelso in opposing these laws.—(Cheers.) They
need not fear any lack
of sympathy from the agriculturists—
( Hear, hear)—he could answer at least that there would be no

lack of it among the agriculturists of Scotland.—(Cheers. )
The peasants there are what they always were—a reading, a
an honest, and well-judging people.—
afesenling
not the labourers or poor farmers alone who
weredeep
with them ; on the contrary, men who paid 1,0001. or
t(
2,0001. for their farms, and who were of the highest respectability
joined with them.—( Cheers.) They viewed the question in
its remote consequences, and they saw that though the existing
system might do very well for them at present, it would tell
against them in the end, because it would not leave any persons
who would be able to purchase their corn and their cattle.
He knew one farmer, who had paid a very high rent, and was
fully impressed with the importance of supporting the present
system of Corn-laws, as a protection to the agricultural inte-
rests, and who eventually became convinced, after a short con-
sultation with him (Mr. Renton), that it was merely a landlord's
question. They were not, however, to suppose that such a feel-
ing of candour was general amongst the farmers of Scotland.
The great majority of them were hostile to any change, and
deemed protection to beabsolutely necessary for their interests,
and the meeting might depend upon it that Sir Robert Peel's
measure would be most unwelcome to them, giving-, as it did,
less protection to the landlords than the proposition of Lord
John Russell. But it was not unreasonable that those persons
should be allowed some consideration in consequence of a great
change, the results of which they could not foresee, as in
many instances large capital had been expended ; and
he therefore thought that they should have a very strong
claim upon the landlords who had deceived the country and
deceived them. That was a subject which required great con-
sideration, but the truth had been firmly fixed upon the minds
of the people in his district that tie Corn-laws were not a ques-
tion which concerned the practical agriculturist or the la-
bourer, but one in which the landlord alone was concerned.
In the words of Sir James Graham this was a question in which
one portion of the nation would be arrayed against the other—
millions against thousands. It was a question between 30,1)00
landlords and 30,000,000 of the people.—(Loud cheers.) It
was stated that the party which was against the Corn laws
Was very limited; but to those who said so he would reply,
witness this meeting, composed of delegates from all parts of
the country, and also thousands of petitions which had beers
laid upon the table of the House of Commons for the re-
peal of those laws. Sir Robert Peel would net receive
evidence from the members of the Conference, he would not even
meet them before he went down to the House on Wednesday.—
( Loud cries of " Shame, shame.") He (Sir R. Peel) was
the dupe of the party for whom he governed—(Loud cheers)—
and one of the main features of that party was refusing to re-
ceive information from those best able to afford it. The Prime
Minister skulked to the Continent, he listened to half a dozen
Socialists, but refused to hearken to the voice of the nation,
speaking through its delegates—(Loud cheers)—and yet he
styled himself a patriotic elfish Minister ! But he was not
the Minister'whom the people acknowledged.—(Loud cheers,
and cries of "No, no."). He was the, Minister of a rapacious,
oppressive, and heartless party.—(Cheers,) That party acted
upon the old feudal system, by which the people were treated
as beasts of burden for the aristocrats to ride on.
(Cheers.) They seemed to please themselves with the syren
song of peace and security, like the man in the days
of Noah, who drank, and feasted, and wallowed,
in voluptuousness until the flood came on, and hurled him to
ruin.—(Loud cheers.) They were in peace and imagined se-
curity whilst destruction was gathering around them. He
fervently prayed to God that not a hair of their heads should
be injured, nor an article of their substance be touched, and
he reposed the most unlimited confidence in the good feel-
ings and principles of the people that his prayer would be
effective. He held a rather curious extract in his hand which
he should read to the meeting:—" The feeling of the public
must be hostile to the present Corn-laws. The receivers of
rent are a very small body ; Wicked by public opinion they are
almost omnipotent ; in violation of public opinion they cannot
long retain any advantage. The contest is fearful, for on
what grounds would it be decided? On the very topic
which inflames to madness. That hunger which breaks
through stone walls will be arrayed against them
--reason will be heard no longer—the barriers of
society will be broken down, and estates, distinction, honours,
swept away in one resistless torte: tyre there, then, no
limits to the powers of the landed proprietors; if they could be
brought to act with unity of purpose, constituting, as they
do, the vast majority of both Houses of Parliament, and
backed, as they ultimately must be, by all the powers of
the Crown ? 1 freely own, I know no bounds but public
opinion, and this is a barrier which they cannot pass.
Common interests and common dangers, may at last unite
them, and lead to the exertion of their combined strength; but
continually it will prove insufficient unless they enlist on their
side the sense of the British public, and the interest of the
great body of the people. The seat of public opinion is
in the middle ranks of life, in the numerous class re-
moved alike from the want of labour and the cravings
of ambition, enjoying the advantages of leisure, and possessing
intelligence sufficient for the formation of a sound judgment
neither warped by interest nor obscured by passion. Public
opinion thus constituted cannot be outraged with impunity, and
hence the established check which we possess over the Legis-
lature itself; for be it remembered there are measures which
King, Lords, and Commons, though united, cannot carry. It
behoves, therefore, the landowners not only to act in
concert, but so to frame their measures as to combine
with their own the interests of the community, and to establish
their case en grounds which they can maintain conjointly
with the safety and prosperity of the State." Such were the
words of the Right Hon. Sir James Graham; and if he (Mr.
Renton) had spoken treason, he was sheltered behind a pillar
of strength.—( Loud cheers and laughter. )
Mr. COBDEN said he should ask, in the words used by his
Hon. Friend, Mr. O'Connell, What stuff they were made of?
Their metal would be tried in a fortnight or three weeks, and
he asked them to suspend their energies until that time. It was
a great point to get a cs'ommittee of the whole House. They had
the bull at the stake now, and they knew how to treat him.
Most certainly their friends in the House of Commons would
very much neglect their duty to the country if they did not,
during the next three weeks, learn more with respect to this
iniquitous system than they had learnt for many years.--
(Cheers.) Why, what a glorious thing it was to get an ad-
vertisement of an Anti-Corn-law speech inserted in Monopas
list papers.--(Laughter.) Only think of their being obliged
to go through the purgatory of reporting them.—(Continued
laughter.) They knew some of the arguments by which their
system was to maintained. They had heard something- about
them the other night.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared that they
must not be dependent upon foreigners for bread. Now he
said, let them be dependent upon anybody rather than upon
the British aristocracy. —( Great cheering.) But, said
Sir Robert Peel, they had an energetic peop.e, and
he relied yet with confidence upon the energies of the
British people. Yes ; and whose energies were they ?
they belong to the people, or were the people endowed with
those energies merely that they might be plundered by the
aristocracy ?—( Hear, hear.) But they did not want corn in
orJinary years, said Sir Robert , they only wanted enough, and
they had better not have a surplus.—(A laugh.) Who was to
judge when corn was wanted? it was exceedingly convenient
for the landlord, or the landlord's humble instrument—it was
very convenient for those who dealt in that commodity—to sit
down and decide when the people who eat corn had had enough.
But he apprehended that nature had endowed the working
people of this country with appetites and digestive powers and
capacities, and that they themselves were the best judges when
they performed their functions aright.—(Cheers.) He ( Mr.
Cobden) was a thorough free trader to the backbone, and he
would tell the meeting what it was that he meant by
free trade ; it was, when the consumer of every
do
onwherewghn :w(hli
Hear,
shouldwhether
err, thear.)he
yt
dealt enough,Tihne They
ac sacks
se
shouldnodf
notwhethere.r let
ora whetherhi tn d
yw na sf
commodity was the judge of when he had had
phancyk s
theirof ribboneonot
commodities,
t isei
sl
andan dwdheecni decide
ewyhhear
de
hadthe
menge aooada enough,—(
p
fnldthenl.—( Hear, hear.) The principles of free
t
were. adapted to offer the greatest happiness to the
Is:ienffidypeci
ee
nes
thl t
oni
greatest number. He would not injure the producer. Let the
produce of silk go to any part of the earth which he might
choose to exchange it for other articles ; and let the man who
dealt in corn, Sir James Graham, for instance, take that corn
to Switzerland or France, and there exchange it as his inclina-
tion, or interest might dictate. All he claimed was to be al-
lowed to carry his calicoes and fustians to the best market, and
he was willing to allow the same kind of liberty to every other
member of the community. It was but the true principle of
doingunto others as they would that others should do unto,them ;
and if they could carry this Christian principle intothe House of
Commons, and persuade the corn-dealers to act upon it,
there would be no difficulty in settling the disputed question of
the Corn and Provision-laws.--( Hear, hear.) He was curious
to learn what kind of arguments would be found to justify the
monopoly. On this question justice had never been dealt out
in the House of Commons. Ile looked forward with anxiety
to next week. They had had a good deal of skirmishing, and
divers pronsises, and sundry evasions of the question, but the
" Artful Dodger " should be brought to the test of
justice.—( Great cheering.) Yes, justice to the great
body of the working people.__( Continued cheering.) Before
the landowners passed a law to keep up artificially and legisla-
tively the price of their commodity, corn, they should first pass
a law to keep up artificially and legislatively the price of the
working man's commodity, labour.—( Great cheering.) He
would bring them to the test in that House ; they should either
confess that they could not, by Act of Parliament, maintain
unnatural prices for labour, or else they should pass a law
to give the -labouring man his two bushels anti a half
of wheat a week, and make it penal for any farmer
to give him less than the quantity. Let them do that
before, as Christian men, they got up, and, in the very spirit
of highway robbers, passed a law which created a monopoly in
food.—(lmmense cheering.) But Sir Robert Peel said he did
not pretend to promise that he could give a remunerating price
to the farmers. There were some curious admissions and
curious doctrines in the speech of Wednesday night,
and that was one of them. He did not Fre-
und fur a. moment to say —it ,would be folly-'
to pretend 'to say that he could give a remune-
rating' price to, the fumy er ; that must depend upon
other circumstances, upon the quantity produced, and the de-
mand. No; but he would do his best to give the landlords their
full price; and if so many were starved off in the attempt to
obtain it, if so many were ruined and murdered by the process,.
he would turn round with a kind of smile and apology to the
landowners and say, he would not do more than he
had already done, so many had already been victims
to the system. It reminded him very much of a
hiscelebrated
the plunder consisting charged by character, called Turpin ; who, when •d•
confede-
rates withlaving committed a robbery, which was infra dig.,
ken all she dsfended himself by saying he hadta
to the landlords
had.—(Laugh-
ter.) 'f hus Sir Robert might himselfjustify
from the
by saying that he had taken all he could extract people.
upon
The Corn-laws would be discussed in the House ofCommons
and it would then be seen
of three halfpence and a tinder-box,
- o ,
the principles of abstract justice ;
line of rule. They would try them by the perpendicularn.
dby it. He predicted
jus-
tice, arid see whether they would sta
And then the next
whether they would squa-e their conduct by such an iniquitous
that they would not.—(ll"r' hear.)
Commons having
question would be, the House of.
bread, and starve
truth, that they would tax the people's
be,
next question would how under
the poor of the land—the
thousand Proceed? Thus he came
decided in the face of reason and justice, of argument and
such circumstances should they
that if theylnea ?k—ne(
bask to the point from which he had started, and he now re-
peatedcl,Srano
t,, n oh.2h
morallyH e wa s sureand
Why would they submit to
his countrymen.—( Hear, hear.)
be starved, and put u on short allowance by thirty or forty
his statement that three weeks would try the metal of
aristocrats and squires were, they . would not fear physically those thirty thousand or forty thousand
them.—
(Hear, hear.) But though really insignificant, they were not
were as confident in their
c..nscious of any weakness ; they wLoipihdowcrietsnssiigf
ni`fi`
strength as they were five years since ; they would not shrink
one atom; and until they had frightened these men, they
would never obtain justice at their hands. He could not be-
lieve for a moment that the English people, who boasted of
their exploits abroad and at home, who. had given laws, lan-
guage, Baia literature, to 90 large a portion of the world, would
exhibit to the present and succeeding, generations the spectacle
of a people crushed by the tyranny of an insignificant minority.
How could they account for such an anomalous state of things?
He could only account for it, by the blind veneraton for the
established order of things which so frequently existed in every
old country—a feeling that because things had been they
ought to be. It was only that blind veneration for the es-
tablished ordir Of things that could account for she existence
of such an anomalous state of things in this country.—( Hear
and cheers,)
There was ancient Egypt, the cradle of the
arts, of the sciences, and of literature ; and yet the
ancient P.
—sl'ptians worshipped beeth s, oxen, and birds.
Now,: if —the
people English
submitted to fall down
blindfold it the feet of the aristocracy, if they did not worship

beetles and birds, they would be falling down and worshiping
something that was not much better.--(lmmense cheering. )
The time would come, ere long, when they would have to
determine what must be done to give bread to the people. A
great deal had been said about the necessity of union between
the middle and working classes.--( Cheers.) Why, where was
there any disunion between them on this question ?—( Cheers. )
It was nonsense to talk about disunion. He had been
in all parts of the country, and had addressed
many meetings, and he had never found any disunion be-
tween the middle and the working classes. —(Loud cheers.)
He had found that at all the meetings fur the repeal of these
laws which he had attended, the great majority of those present
were composed of the working classes, and of the signatures to
the various petitions which he had presented, he was certain
that there were ten signatures of working men to one of the
middle classes.—( Cheers.) And yet there were persons who
were worrying and fidgetting themselves about a disunion be-
tween the middle and the working classes.—(Cheers.) There
was nothing of the sort —( Loud cheers.) The working
classes were as anxious for, and as interested in, a repeal of
those laws as the present meeting; and if they meant to
carry this question, they must adhere to the ground of justice.
Let them stick to the question as a tax on the bread of thepeo-
ple, and not treat it as a question of increase of trade for the
capitalists, and they would have the working men with them.
( Loud cheers.) He thought some of his friends must
have been exceedingly gullable to have allowed a fellow
to go about in a fustian jacket addressing the working
classes, and saying he was one of the working men, and
was seeking to obtain their benefit, when the fact was, he had
never been a working man at all, but had belonged to the
middle classes until be had been discarded.—( Hear.) He
was no working man; he was only masquerading in a fus-
tian jacket, when he ought to have been wearing a black
one.—( Loud laughter.) He (Mr. Cobden) was not to be
ganamoned by suds nonsense as that.—(Cheers and laughter.)
The working classes were with them, and they would have
their support in carrying their question; and if they carried
it it, must be by their support—(Loud cheers)—as long as they
kept an eye to the interest of the working classes.—(lm-
mense cheering.) Well, what were they to do? He
would point to the presence of so many Ministers of
religion of every denomination, as a proof that their cause, had
the sanction of morality and religion.—(Loud cheers.) That
was their first bond of union and of strength.--(lmmense cheer-
ing. ) He had told them the aristocracy must be fright-
ened, and this bond at union of religion, and morality, was
likely to frighten them more than anything else.—(Cheers.)
Were they prepared to make sacrifices, and to undergo suf-
ferings, to carry this question ?—( Cheers, and loud cries of
" Yes, yes.") The time was not far off when they might
be called upon to make sacrifices, and to undergo sufferings.
The time might soon come when they might be called upon to
inquire, as Christian men, whether an oligarchy which has
usurped the Government—(Cheers)•—placed its foot on the
Crown—( Immense cheering, which continued some minutes)—
and trampled down the people—( Continued cheering)—how
far such an oligarchical usurpation was deserving of their
moral and religious support.--(lmmense cheering.) They
might have soon to inquire of themselves whether a
Government which outraged the laws of the God of the Crea-
tion, whether they could, without themselves participating in
the guilt of such a Government lend it any voluntary aid
either pecuniary or moral.—(lmmense cheering.) They
must not violate any particle of any law. Let the laws he ad-
ministered. Leave the Government their own resources, but
let them offer to that Government a peaceable, a passive, and a
moral resistance.—( Immense cheering and cries of " We will.")
If they were prepared for suffering, they would soon have an
opportunity of suffering.—( Cheers.) When the proper time
should come he would be prepared to set them an example of
suffering, to suffer with them.—(Loud cheers.) For he would
nrver recommend a course to the adoption of others in which
he himself was not prepared to take a part.—( Hear, hear.)
And when would the time come ?—(Loud cheers.)
As soon as the Bill should become the law of the land, by the
physical force of a brute majority against reason, then would
the time come when he should feel it his duty to secede, as far
as he could do morally, from. giving all voluntary support,
whether pecuniary or morally, to such a Government.
—( The whole meeting rose, waving their hats, and eheering
fop• several minutes. The effect produced was electrioal ; and
never, on any occasion, or in any cause, have we seen a tithe of
the earnestness which was exhibited.) The administrators of
the law might enforce the law—he would not resist the
law—but there must be somebody to administer the
law, and somebody to enforce the law ; and he thought
that three weeks hence the whole people would so thoroughly
understand the real bearings of this bread-tax question, that
they would not want physical force while they were unani-
mous.—( Loud cheers.) He would only say farther, that the
question had long occupied his mind, and his feelings on the
subject were the result of earnest conviction.—( Loud cheers.)
He had given the question during the last three years as much
attention as any man in Europe, and he had come to the solemn
and delibep ate conviction that unless the system of monopoly
under which the country was now suffering were done away
with, and that speedily, they had not time now to waste—
it was not an affair of years, but of months.—( Hear,
and cheers.) They had no time to lose, and unless that
system of monopoly were done away with, Le 100 ked upon
the downfal of this country as certain as that Venice had fallen
beneath the gripe of a selfish and heartless aristocracy.—
( Immense cheering. )
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously, amidst
loud cheers.

The CHAIRMAN then stated that the Executive Committee
considered that resolution, which they had just determined on,
was one of such importance, that it ought to he interposed be-
tween the resolution which had just been passed, and the grand
resolution of the day, " the Memorial to the Queen to dismiss
her Ministers."—(lmmense cheering, which continued some
time.) He had, therefore, to announce that Mr. Joseph
Sturgc, of Birmingham, would propose the resolution.
The CHAIRMAN then read the resolution to the following
effect That the Delegates assembled having denounced the
Corn and Provision-laws of this country as a national sin, in-
flicting incalculable suffering upoa the industrious classes, and
enormous evils on the community at large, pledge themselves,
and earnestly recommend the constituency of the United King-
dom, not. again to support any Member of the House of Com-
mons who does not vote, or any candidate who does not pledge
himself to vote, for the total and immediate repeal of this ob.
noxious law."—(Great cheering.)
Mr. JOSEPH STURGE then came forward, and was greeted
with the most cordial cheering. He said that the Executive
Committee, in asking permission to introduce this resolution,
did not do so witii any slight consideration of the importance
of the memorial to the Queen—( Hear, hear)--but because
they deemed it unreasonable to ask the Queen to do that which
they themselves were not prepared to carry out in their own
practice.—( Cheers.) He congratulated the meeting on the
noble feeling displayed by the Conference in its present ses-
sion.—( Hear.) Some years ago he found that the zeal of
many was frittered away by their getting too near St. St.e.•
pher.e.—(Cheers and laughter.) But so far torn there being
too little zeal inspired into the Committee, he could inform
the meeting that their distinguished friend Colonel
1 hompeon had had to put the drag upon them.—( Hear.) With
respect to the measure of the Queen's Government, it was his
own convictiion that no Ministers could have made up their
minds to set at defiance the feelings and sufferings of the
people.—( Hear, hear.) He would not hesitate, for a single
instant, to say, that the laws supported by the aristocracy
were such, that the greatest despot in Europe could not
support them.---( Hear, hear.) And he thought that it was on
the 9th of February, when this proposition was made in the
House of Commons that the contest began between the aris-
tocracy and the people.— (Cheers.) Much would
depend on their (the Delegates') forbearance, and
their cordial union with the working classes.
—(Cheers.) He had been looking this morning to the time
when the laws were passed in 1815, and he thought that the
meeting would not. lose much time in looking to the manner in
which they were passed. He found in the Gentleman's Maga-
eine, Vol. lxxxv., Part 1.1815, p. 272, the following account
It is our painful duty to record a series of outrages, oc-
casioned by popular irritation against the Corn Bill. On
Monday afternoon (March 6), various persons assembled near
the House of Commons, not numerous at first, all inveighing
against the Corn Bill and the Members who supported it.
An order to clear the passages of the House was executed with
difficulty. Several of the mob acquainted with the persons of the
Members pointed them out, and hooting or applause followed,
as the Member was known to be friendly or adverse to the 13i11.
At length many carriages were stopped, and the Members
were obliged to walk through the crowd. The civil power
being now deemed insufficient, the Magistrates having applied
to the Speaker, received an order to call in the military. The
Horse Guards suppressed the tumult, but the populace repaired
to other parts of the town."