Star.
London, England, 1830-05-25 00:00:00

I of Greece, we certainly had formed some pleasing anti-
cipations on first hearing that Ministers had assumed a
species of initiative in the affairs of that country.
The nomination of a Prince under our auspices might
have led to consequences highly advantageous to the
new State, as well as to British interests generally. Our
regret at this sudden resignation is greatly increased, by
the fact of the Prince's having sought the high honour
he now rejects, and led both the public here and the
people of Greece to believe, that he would assume the
reins of Government. It is evident, from the speeches
of Lord AzaRDEEN and Sir R. PEEL, that Ministers are
equally chagrined and disappointed at this extraordinary
act. As to its effect on the interests of Greece, we
do not hesitate to assert that it will be most injurious.—
The intrigues which had begun to subside among the
factions there, will be renewed with redoubled vigour,
while the French and Russian parties must hail it as a
complete triumph. It is rumoured that a Prince of the
House of Orange is to replace Prince LEOPOLD. Although
it would appear on a hasty view of this choice, that it
would lead to a preponderance of Russian influence, we are
disposed to think more favourably of it, than if the Powers
were to seek a new candidate among the petty Princes
of Germany. So long as the House of Orange exists,
it must look to England as its most sure and powerful
safeguard, whereas, we have nothing to apprehend from
its hostility. It would, on the other hand, be highly ad-,
vantageous to Greece, were she allied to a respectable
maritime Power. Upon the whole, we really think that
the reported choice might, in the end, prove infinitely
more beneficial to the Greeks than that of the abdicating
Prince. A great deal will, of course, depend on the
character of tho new candidate. On these essential
points we have nothing to add to our former remarks.
With regard to the boundary line, we cannot too
strongly urge Ministers to insist on that of Volo and
Arta. We repeat, that it will be utterly impossible to se-
cure the independence of the new State without this line.
So far as the feelings of the Greeks are concerned,
we are also justified in repeating, that a more re-
stricted one would throw them into the utmost despair.
When it is considered that this is the opinion uni-
versally entertained, both in Greece and throughout
Europe, the Allies have surely a sufficient plea for
revising the arrangements on this important subject.
If any thing can justify the resignation of Prince
LEOPOLD, it is the conviction on his part, that nothing
less than the line of demarcation, which he solicited in
his reply to the ambassadors on the 11th of February,
would reconcile the people of Greece to his go-
vernment. Whatever may be determined on, it is
vitally important that the fate of Greece should be
speedily decided, and a permanent ruler placed there, to
watch over its future destinies. We have frequently
alluded to the possibility of the new state becoming a
bone of contention among the great Powers. It is
impossible to look at the present aspect of affairs
in the East, without being strongly impressed with
this apprehension. Some strange rumours are abroad
concerning the great French armament said to be destined
for Algiers. We have more than once hinted at the pro-
bability of its being driven up to the Archipelago by ad-
verse winds. If we are led to believe that it is really in-
tended for the Barbary coast, it is because we do not
think the POLIONAC Ministry would under existing
circumstances hazard any measure which was not ap-
proved of by our present Cabinet.

The nomination of M. DE PETnONNET has produced
the effect which might have been anticipated. The whole
country is justly alarmed at the growing influence of the
Jesuits and Ultra-Royalist party, and the Funds are fall-
ing rapidly. We have no room for comment to-day.

A Message from the RING was last night delivered to
both Houses of Parliament, stating that his MAJESTY is
labouring under severe indisposition, which renders it
painful and inconvenient to him to sign with his own
hand those public instruments which require the sign
manual, and expressing his reliance upon their dutiful
attachment to afford, without delay, the means of enabling
him to provide for the temporary discharge of this impor-
tant function of the Crown, without detriment to the pub-
lic service. An Address to this Message was, at the
same time, moved by Ministers, lamenting the indis-
position of his MAJESTY, and assuring him that
both Houses would proceed without delay to make
the provision required in his most gracious Mes-
sage. The Address was agreed to in both Houses
without a division, after some observations, in the Lords
Earl
byGREY, and in the Commons by Mr.BROYGII A
in which they severally dwelt upon the importance and
delicacy of the subject, and urged the necessity of
caution and circumspection in their proceedings in
a case of which they were not aware there was
a precedent tol guide them. The Message appears
to have taken both Houses by surprize, and Earl GREY
suggested that it might be necessary to appoint a Com-
mission to search for precedents, but it is evident that
Ministers do contemplate the delay which that process
would require, as they announced their intention to
propose a measure this night, for the purpose of carrying
his MAJESTY'S wishes into effect. We admit the
special duty to be performed is an important function of
the Crown, that the authority to be exercised will be a
delegated authority, and that it is highly expedient
to guard against abuse, but we acknowledge we do not
consider it a question involved in so much difficulty as seems
to be apprehended, or threatening any danger to the
constitution. The appointment of a Regency daring
the illness of his late MAJESTY, we know was a subject
on which the ablest Statesmen were divided in opinion,
and the source of great contention in the Senate ; but
that is quite distinct and different from the present case.
The Regency was a case in which the intellect of the
Sovereign was suspended, perhaps extinguished for ever.
The question then was, who should use, not only the sig-
nature of the Sovereign in particular cases, but also supply
the place of his mental faculties. It was a delegation of