The Sun.
London, England, 1827-06-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIFIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Corn Law crisis is not yet over in the
House of Lords. Last night Lord Goderich,
in a speech the most temperate and conciliatory
that could be imagined, moved the second read-
ing of the Warehoused Corn Bill, the effect of
which will be to apply a partial and temporary
mitigation to the evils engendered by the over-
throw of the former corn measure. Lord

Malmesbury declared his resolution to oppose
this remedial Bill ; but as his Lordship was at
once abandoned in that resolution by the Duke
of Wellington, who concurred with ?Ministers in
the wisdom of the measure, there is little doubt
cr its being successfully carried through the
House. The Duke of Wellington read some
further correspondence with Mr. Huskisson on
the subject of the unfortunate amendment.
These supplementary letters afford certainly an
additional pr fof the Duke's good faith, but
they prove also to demonstration that his Grace's
intellect ie as impregnable as his honour. Mr.
Huskisson's clear and forcible reasoning seems
to have made as much impression on his mili-
tary correspondent as a cannon-ball would on a
mud-bank. The-weakness of the Minister in the
Upper House compels him to trim and tack in all
directions, when pressed by the sullen mass of the
piebald majority on every point relating to the price
of corn. Lord Goderich proposed an amendment to
the Average Bill, which measure was so strangely
neutralised on a former evening, to the effect of en-
abling his Majesty to ascertain the corn averages as
he thought fit. This was graciously concurred in by
Lord Farnham, and the Bill was read a third time
accordingly, and passed.—Time:.
The Commissioners of Inquiry into Irish
Education have made their fifth report, which,
it is said, concludes a series of labours, prose-
cuted by them with assiduity and fidelity, discri-
minating judgment, and uncompromising spirit.
The subject of the present report is the diocesan
schools of Ireland—one of :considerable interest
to the Established Church, and to the friends of
a general system of education for its less affluent
members. It appears that so long ago as the
12th of Queen Elizabeth, other means besides
the barbarous instrumentality of the sword were
contemplated as essential to the maintenance of
an English and a Protestant power in that
island. Education, free of expence, was pro-
Tided by law—that is to say, by an authority not
perfectly enforced, nor, consequently, much re-
spected, throughout Ireland, by an Act for the
" erection of Free Schools," one of which was
to be in each of the 34 Dioceses of the king-
dom, now held by 22 Archbishops and Bishops;
and that " the Schoolmaster should be an En-
glishman, or of the English birth of Ireland ;"
and moreover that the expence of these well-in-
tended establishments should be borne, one-
third by the Bishop of the diocese, and two-
thirds by the remainder of the clergy. In the
reign of King William an Act passed, stating
that the former Act had failed to produce the
desired effect, and that it should thenceforth be
strictly enforced and executed. Notwithstand-
ing the enactment of several laws for the further
advancement of this object, from the reign of
-William to the 46th of George 111., inclusive,
it was found, by a report from the Board of
Education, published in the year 1809, that
Only 13 effective Schools then existed through-
. out the 34 above-mentioned Dioceses, and that
the whole number of scholars therein educated
did not exceed 380! Such was the degree of zeal
and skill with which most contrivances, peaceable
and reasonable in themselves, for improving the
people of Ireland, were conducted. Schemes which
had coercion for their .tistrument, and national
degradation or extinction foe their end, showed more
alacrity in those who planned and pursued them. The
highest salary allOtted to the masters, so late as the
year 1809, did not amount to' more than 401. per
annum. Some were so low as 251. A military
police-of3icer to dragoon the natives, instead of
teaching , them, has from 500/. to 1,000/. per an
many, By an Act passed in the 53d Geo.
view
many In3portant provisions were rnede with a view
to the it:ore completelysealizing thiesystem of
-lion by by the establishraem.of free :diocesan schools.
Among these'
provisions of the above law, was one
tat empowering
the grand juries to levy on their re-
epecsive counties whatever sums " they should
think proper," towarn'; building or repairing school-
houses where required; ,and the working of this
clause is, foe a serious subject not altogether with-
out amusement, inasmuch as the .Commisioners, in
the year 1825, (tlh. present gentlen:en), are com-
pelled to report to the Lord Lietitenan: that the
grand juries in many counties did not " thins yrj°-
per" to raise any sums at all, for such an unwortt;"
object! Had it been a guard-house, now—or pub-
lic stocks—or black-hole—or triangles—or pair of
gallows—no such amiable hesitation with regard to
expence need have been apprehended from the con-
sciences of Irish grand jurors. After a full and mi-
nute account of each diocese in the kingdom, as to
the condition and circumstances of the school, the
Commissioners wind up with an elaborate series of
suggestions ; rl recommendations for an extensive
s-ystem of pub .c schools in Ireland, the details of
which would not interest, nor much enlighten, a
reader practically unacquainted with that country.—

The state of the Ecclesiastical Law of this
country was ,pretty significantly alluded to by
Mr. Peel and others, in the course of the pro.
ceedings in the Wakefield Divorce Bill. It was
again alluded to last night in the House. of
Lords, on the presentation of a petition by the
Earl of Hardwieke, from the inhabitants of the
-parish of Sutton. Foreigners will hardly believe,
.that in a country, with a Legislature sitting six
months in every year, of which Legislature the
Prelates of the Church form•a part, such is the
-state of the Ecclesiastical Law, that a Rector of
a parish can, with impunity, neglect to perform
the duties of his office himself, •
and refuse to al-
ibi,' others to perform them, Lot sixteen years. It
during- this long p • d
appears that, erio , the pa-
rishioners of -Sutton have only had the Sacra-
ment twice adirtinister?d to them. We say no-
thing of the Rector s having several women
living -with him in concubinage, and having had
several bastard children sworn to him, because,
if we wish to allow the Church the lustre de-,
livable from the rank and fortune of its members,
I
a certain allowance must, we suppose, be made
for occasional escapades of this nature.
But
what strikes us as singular is, that there should
be no means of enforcing the performance of the
duties of religion. The Bishop of Lincoln, in
whose diocese the parish is situated, " hoped the
present petition would draw their Lordships' at-
tention to the state of the Ecclesiastical Law,
and induce them to provide some remedy for the
evils the petitioners complained
case no exertion had been p£ In their
spared ; a great deal
of money had been expended, and years had
elapsed, and the case had not yet reached that
stage that the articles could he admitted to proof."
When consider this state of the law, we ought
to give -the Clergy all the credit to which their
forbearance entitles theme They are the only
class of 'functionaries who may entirely ne-
glect their duties. A tradesman knows that
•if he neglects his business he will e ruined ;
clerk, that if he absents himself 'without

leave or cause from his duty, he will be dis-
charged ; in short, every class of men in society,
except those possessed of estates, are kept to
their duty by some powerful motive in addition
to the suggestions of conscience ; but the Clergy-
man, it seems, may exclaim with the Poet,
" Let inclination be my law."
The Bishop of Lincoln, alluding, we believ,
to Lord Stowell, observed—" He deeply re-

oretted that Ecclesiastical Law had not been
reformed by him, who, of all men living, he be-
lieved he might say who ever lived, might have
reformed it most successfully, as he was most
capable ; but he was, unfortunately, too much
enamoured of a system which placed in such a
superior light his own sagacity and knowledge."
We think, while dealing out animadversions, the
Bishop of Lincoln might have bestowed a word
or two on his own order, who, having such glar-

ing proofs of the defects of the law, as it regard-
ed Churchmen, cannot easily exonerate them-

selves from a charge of neglect of duty, in allow-
ing the ltw to remain in so disgraceful a state of
impotency. He might have reminded his brethren
of their promptitude to relieve those who had vio-
lated the law against non-residence, from the pe-
nalties to which Wright the informer was entitled.
lie might also have reminded them of the prompti-
tude with which they came forward, when Bonds to
resign Livings were declared simonkcal. But there
is a material ditfercnce, it would seem, between the
protection of Clergymen from the penalties attached
to a violation of the law, and the protection' of the
rights of Parishioners to the enjoyment of the rites
of religion. We do not wonder that the Bishops
were mute! the Courier of last night tells us, that
the progress of the Reformation in Ireland is most
cheering. We say, with the courier, " God speed
it;" but will the Reformation be promoted by the
disclosure of such a hideous state of things in a

country which has enjoyed the blessings of the Re-
formation for three centuries ?—Morning Chronicle.
The Earl of Mahnesbury, who is a first-rate
man in the House of Lords, supplied the coun-

,ry last night with some striking specimens of
hat profundity and acuteness which have so long
Formed the distinguishing characteristics of that

Assembly. His—Lordship drew attention to
the enormous increase which had taken place

within a few years in the importation of foreign
produce into this country. Among other ar-
ticles noticed by him were foreign hides. " The
average quantity of foreign hides imported an-
nually, he said, during the nine years previous
to 1823, was 345,000 ; while the average quan-

•
tity imported annually, during the last -three
years, was 787,000." He complained of the
imports bearing heavily on the farmer. He meant
by this, of course, to say, that the price of hides
would have risen greatly in this country, had no
increase in the importation of foreign hides taken
place. Now, let us observe how sagaciously he
follows his observation up. •' With respect to
leather, he begged to observe, that although it
was a matter of infinite importance to the village

labourer, this taking off the tax in this country
had made no difference in the price. Although
the tax was reduced from 75 to 30 per cent.,
_ _ . . ....._

the consumer had gamed nothing ; the difference
having been gained by the manufacturer."—The
substance of the Noble Lord's observations may
be thus expressed, that the exclusion of foreign
hides would have raised the price of Englib
hides, but would not have rased the price Gf
leather ; and consequently, that the village la-
bourer would have been no loser, while all the
loss would have fallen on the manufacturer ;

moreover, the importation of ,foreign hides, by
lowering the price of English hides, has not
bertefittell the village lelecnxrcr any
reduction of the tax on leather; for if the price
of hides were to rise,, and if the tax were to be
raised from 30 to 75 per cent., the manufactu-
rers would not add anything to the price of
leather: The corollary from all this 'is, that
high prices to the farmer do not add any thing
to the price paid by the consumer, rOr the manu-
facturer will furnish articles at.the same price,
whether the price of the raw material be high
or low, whether it be taxed or untaxed. Good
God ! that the patience of the country should
be.tasked,to the endurance, in addition to the misery
of blundering Legislators, of perusal of speeches
like these: You -areincreasing your importation of
wood ; it has risen from 485,000 loads in 1823, to
767,000.10 ads in 1826. We cannot have the same
land covered with wheat and timber, and unfortu-
nately, too, when we grow more corn, we produce
less butter, ~rid then some 'neighbouring country
ruins us' by increasing their shipments of butter
(notwithstanding the heavy protecting tax.) What
a, pity that we cannot shut out all foreign produce.
These Englishmen are your sages; these are your
lips; is set on a hill l The. Duke of Wellington
entered to a justification of his conduct, the amount
of which wal;; that he never had considered the
Amendment whit he had proposed, and which
their Lordships had doi:,
e him the honour to adopt,
as inconsistent with the prin(7.;
.rile of the Bill, and
that he had laboured under a misice, in believing
not only that his Amendment would be PpproYed of
.
by his Majesty's Government, but that :t was
actually founded on the suggestion of one of the.
Ministers of the Crown. This defence and the
Clause first submitted to Mr. Huskisson, only prove
—what .is now ,no longer doubted—that, of all I
things in this world, the last with which his Grace
ought to concern himself, is, to legislate with regard
to Corn. Earl Grey observed, that the speech of
the Noble Duke was remarkable for its propriety
and clearness. • When a man deals in assertion only,
like his Grace and the Noble Earl, and avoids every
thing like reasoning, there is no great difficulty in
being clear. The task of the Noble Duke was one
which did not require much circumlocution ; it was
merely to say, I mistook the principle of 'the Bill,
and did not comprehend the meaning of Mr. Hus-
kisson's Letter.—lbid.
There are sundry awkward indications as to
the instability of Mr. Canning's present situation,
which cannot, we imagine, be misunderstood.
Among these, the not °least remarkable is the
delay which has taken place •in the disposal of '
the Church patronage, which has been so long
vacant, and the way in which, after all, it is said
to be destined. The golden prebend of Dur-
ham, it is now said, is to be given to the brother
of the Duke of Wellington, a person already
over-loaded with Church Preferment, and who,
it may be presumed, would not be the person of
all others whom Mr. Canning would just now
single out for this new, and we may add, unne-
cessary addition. It is curious enough that at
the very moment when Mr. Canning is repre-
sented as accusing the Duke of Wellington of
being the unconscious tool of others in his re-
cent opposition to the. Corn Bill, Mr. Canning
himself must be the powerles(m. -sfrurtient in
some other hand of doing that for a member of
one of the same family at which both his con-
science and inclination must recoil, •The long.
vacancy in the Bishopric of ...R o....^beste; is a still
more striking instance of tlse appar6t manner
in which the new Prime Minister's hands are
tied, or at least withheld, upon this subject.
The Lord Chancellor disposes of his church
patronage without restraint, and in a manner
which at least showshis gratitude to his Cambridge
friends ; but Mr. Canning seems without the
power to do a single act of the kind ; and even the
very first Bishopric which falls to his gift is some-.

• _
how or other withheld from his disposal. Report
assigns this, too, to another scion of Nobility,
already weighed down with the extent of his
ecclesiastical duties and emoluments-; and the de"-
inur' which is said to exist, is as to what part of his
present preferment he will give up in exchange for
the destined mitre. This, if it b 2 true, is disgust-
ing enough. Resignation may, indeed, be said,
both as regards the clergy and laity, in the words of
the poet, to be
A thought that borders on despair;
Which human nature must, but cannot bear."
And while we are on the subject of ecclesiastical
preferment, we may, perhaps, be permitted to re-
mark, that there are few subjects on which those
who have the disposal of it would •do themselves
more honour, or confer greater credit and advantage
on the cause of religion, than in putting a stop to
the shameless practice which is but too prevalent,
of accumulating numerous and incompatible duties
and benefices in the Church on one and the same
person. If we were asked what corruption in reli-
gion meant, we should point out this abuse as the
most striking instance of it; and when we see mat-
ters so important made the mere objects of political
barter, we tremble for the character, if not for the
safety of a Church which ostentatiously describes
itself as " the most pure and reformed" part of the
Christian hierarchy.—ilforning Herald.
The author of a communication which we in-
serted in our paper of Monday, relative to the
introduction of the Poor Laws into Ireland, dif-
fers with us on that subject. He seems to think
we have not argued the question fairly, but that
we have been led into an erroneous conclusion
by giving too much weight in the argument to
the " assumed abuse" of the system in this coun-
try. He asks, " If mere imperfection be a suffi-
cient ground for discarding a system, what is
there in the world that can exist ? Every hu-
man tribunal must present a balance of good and
evil ; and to reject the one on account of the ex-
istence of the other would be the height of folly
and injustice ; and, if persevered in, would, in
the end, throw back society to a state of nature."
We are surprised our Correspondent could think
it necessary to remind us of such truisms as
these. That every human institution must par-
take of the imperfections incident to humanity is,
in other words, to say that there is no absolute
perfection upon earth—a proposition which, we
believe, no person in his senses ever denied. It
is an ordinary sophism to argue from the abuse,
of a thing against its use : but we were not guilty
of it. Our broad objection to the existing Poor-
Law system is, that it is productive of more evil
than good ; and it is perfectly logical to condemn
a system in tot° when its practical mischief over-
balances its advantages. That this is the case with
the system of Poor Laws in England, we believe.
At all events, it is on that view cf the question our
opinion rests, and not, ES our Correspondent as-
sumes,upon our forgetfulness of the universaltruth,
that the best human institutions are liable to im-
perfection. The fact, is, that the Poor Laws,
as we have often stated; are so completely pervert-
ed in practice from their original intention, that
they are not by any means what the Legislature
originally enacted. To lay aside a provision for
the sick and infirm, and impotent poor, appeared
a wise and humane regulation ; but when the
funds directed to be so applied are converted
into a means of paying a part of the wages of
men in full work, whether farmers' labourers or
artisans—when parishes are kept in perpetual
litigation by means of the legal quirks which the
Poor Laws admit .of—when the guardians of
the poor are enabled to squander on their own
pleasure much of what was laid by as the re-
sources of charity—and when the hearts of the

the working 'population destroyed by the opera-
tibn of those laws, then we say that the evil
overbalances the good, and it would have been
better for the country if these laws had never
been enacted. But to abolish a. system to which
a country has been accustomed for centuries; and
to introduce the same system among a people
who have never known it before, are widely dif-
ferent things. It is always a difficult matter, and
sometimes an impossibility, to-eradicate a-code of
laws (however objectionable) that has long been
interwoven with the habits and institutions of a
nation.. At all ,events, it requires great caution
and critical judgment to prevent the innovation
from being attended with danger. Therefore it is
that, although we-consider that the introduction
of the Poor Laws system would be highly injurious
to Ireland, yet, we, are not prepat:ed to say that we
would recommend an immediate abOlition of that
system in England. As to the quantity of poor
who come over to this country to obtain work, they
are induced to do so from the temptation of getting
higher wages here than they can have at home, la-
bour being much cheaper in Ireland than here; and
this sort of emigration always happens when a poor
and populous country is in the neighbourhood of one
comparatively rich, and not so densely peopled.
What is the reason that in Ireland, where the Poet
Lawi never existed, we never hear of persons dying
of want, except in a season of almoilite famine ? Be-
cause no artifleial.system, making benevolence com-
pulsory, has broken down the natural charities of
the heart ; nor has the idle man and ;the spendthrift
there the certainty of a regular provision for life in
the parish asylum, when all his means shall have
been'consumed by indolence and extravagant living.
But if, notwithstanding this, the poor abound in Ire-
, land, it is not on account of the absence of the Poor
Laws, but arises out of other circumstances, with
which this country has not been afflicted, and which
cannot be remedied but by such an alteration in the
state of things as:will encourage the outlay of capital
in the island, and afford the people employinent.—
! Ibid.

The proprietors of the Philadelphia Album,
or Ladies' Gazette, which is a work similar in cha-
racter and size to the Mirror, have written to a.
friend in London, desiring him to propose to.
Mrs. Hemans a salary of 1,500 dollars per an-
num, with a house rent free, and furnished ac-
cording to her own wish, providing she will under-
take the editorship of the work in question.
An elopement took place in this city last week.
The parties, who are the younger son of a banker
and a fair East Indian, resident, from an early
period of life among us, contrived completely to
out-wit their friends, and
were
efs awakened.aron their
journey before even suspicion • was
Guernsey is, understood to be their destination.
.L—Exeter Flying Post.

We learn by a private account, that all was
well on •bcard his IVlajesty's ship Glasgow, 50,
Hon. Capt. MAUDE, at Alexandria, in Egypt,
about the middle of April last. Several of her
officers had been on a visit to Grand Cairo.
The sailors had got up a race with nearly one
hundred donkies at the foot of Pompey's Pillar,
which they had successively mounted almost to
a man, leaving an English flag 'flying 'on the
summit of that relic of antiquity. The Turks
feeling rather indignant at the sight of this ob-
ject, vainly attempted to shoot it away, and were
ultimately obliged to ascend the pillar, as our
flying a kite, &c. The ship's
tarsnam eb,adh.oterivee, br,
yin tremendous capitals round
the shaft, the Mussemen failed in attempting to
remove. These incidents show the
.eccentricity
of the British sailor to be as remarkable as ever.
—,Dcvonport Telegraph.

I S MOND EDITION.

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock•

THE LONDON GAzErrE
OF THIS EVENING.

BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.
E. Nightingale, Manchester, porter-dealer.
BANKRUPTS.

W. Burbidge, St. Paul's Church-yard, general ,dealer,
to surrender July 3, 10, and August 7, at two, at the
Court of Commissioners. Bousfield, Chatham-place,
Blackfriars.

T. Holding, Dover-street, Hanover-square, hotel-keepeer,
July 3, 10, and August, at eleven, at the Court of Com-
missioners. Vander Gucht and Co., Craven-street.

G. Griffiths, Wrexham, printer, July 6, 13, and Au-
gust 7, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners.
Thwaites, Little Carter-lane, Doctors'-commons.

Younge, jun., Alundford, Norfolk, shopkeeper, July
12, at four, 13, at ten, and Aug. 7, at two, at the Swan
Inn, Norwich. Ballachey, Holt.
J. Gillies, Liverpool, merehant, July 12, 13, and Au-
gust 7, at one, at the George Inn, Liveepool. Chester,
Staple Inn ; and Hinde, Marshall-street, Liverpool.
F. Heude, Bethnal-Green, cotton-manufacturer, July
3, 10, and August 7, at eleven, at the Court of Commis.
sioners. Cooper, Copthall-court, Throgruorton-street.
W. Mullinger, Whitechapel, flloek-manufacturer, July
3, 10, and August 7, at eleven, at the Court of Commis-
sioners. Platts, Jewin-crescent, Aldersgate-street.

W. Dunn, Great Dover-street, Surrey, undertaker, on
July 3 and 10, and August 7, at two, at the Court of Com-
missioners. Shepherd, Thomas, and Lepard, Cloak.lane.
J. Cohen, Chelmsford, cabinet-maker, on July 8, at
eleven, 10, and August 7, at ten, at the Court the Court
of Commissioners. Smith, Basinghall-street.

AT. Edge, Burslem, Stafford, colour-maker, July 14, 16,
and Aug. 7, at four, at the Albion Inn, Shelton, Stafford.
Aetbury, Stoke-upon-Tient, Stafford; and Roe, Temple-
chambers, Fleet .street.
W. Jotham, Bradford, Wilts, clothier, June 30, July 7,
and Aug. 7, at one, at the White Lion Inn, Bath. King,
Lukin, and Whittaker, Gray's Inn-square.
R. Ross, Yeovil, Somerset, victualler, July 2,3, Aug.
7, at eleven, at the Swan Inn, Sturminster. Pearson,
No. 6, Pump-court, Temple ; and Harvey, Sturminster.
J. Crook, Bishosgate-street, drug-grinder, July 3, 10,
and: August '7, at eleven, at the Court', of Commissioners.
Edis, Broad-street-buildings.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS.
FOREIGN DEPARTMENT.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY felt it ne-
cessary, though most reluctantly, to make a few re-
marks on the Papers relative to the Foreign Office
which he had called for, and at last been supplied with.
He had looked over them with such diligence, under
the conviction► that it would give him great pain to
make any unpleasant observations upon them. But
still he would not shrink from troubling the House
with some observations, because it had been stated
that he had brought forward this subject from
motives of faction. He had not been educated
at the school of faction, nor ever been actuated by
any such feelings. He indeed had stated his opi-
nions with respect to his Majesty's Government,
and those at the head of it ; and he had no hesita-
tion now in repeating that he had no confidence in
that Government. It had been formed by manoeuvre
and intrigue, and could not stand. This was his
firm persuasion ; and if his Noble Friends on his

motions, the sense of the House would have been
taken long ago upon' them in a way that would
have put the Noble Lords opposite in that
state Of 'embarrassment which would have made it
extremely difficult for them ever to have extricated
themselves. . He thought_ the Government had no
principle whatever, because he remembered the Noble
Secretary opposite, stating . that they would , be
the basest: of all men if they did not act on
principles of Lord Liverpool ; subsequently lie
heard another Noble Lord ,;ay, that the Govern
ment was not formed upon Lord Liverpool's prig-;
ciples, and the inference he drew from that was, tat
the GOvernment wasformed on no principle whateveL
(Much laughter.)—lt was on this-aCeOutit that they
bad nearly arrived at the end of the Session without
knowing the real state of the Government.—
With respect to the returns of the Foreign Office
.the expenditure of the establishment at home
remained pretty. much as it was—there ,had not,
been such variatiadin it ; but with respect to the.
expedition abroad he would beg to state the totals
in round .figures. In 1822 the total expenditure of"
the establishment abroad was 241,000; and in
1826, 285,0001. Admitting the allowance for
Consuls, which was formerly about 28,0014
there was a clear excess of expenditure of
16,0001: This might not seem very much, but it
became the House to look how it stood as to the
increased patronage of this office ; and by the
inspection of the returns, it would appear that there.
was an increase of patronage attached to the office
given away of 141,0001. From the second return it
seemed that there was in the New States of America
three new Envoys .Extraordinary, and twenty-five
Consuls or Vice-Consuls, who, with those in France,
. .
'made thirty7nine. The reason of this he had been to-
tally unable to make out. The next return regarded
the secret service money on which there had been
a discussion already. In 1822, and in all the preceed-
ing years, the expenditure both at home and abroad,
never exceeded 30,004 except in one year, which
Might be perfectly accounted for ; but from 1822
until the present time, it had been gradually increasing
every year, until it had arrived last year at the
sum of 58,0001. He had asked the Noble
Lord oppositetofurnish him with a distinct return
of what was expended abroad, and of what was ex-
pended at home, but although the Noble Lord had de-
clined to furnish himwith ; he hadhowever been enabled
pretty accurately, he believed, to make out the dis-
tinct amounts, and if 'he were inaccurate,
he might
easily be' Ceirected :The expenditure at home had
been 23,000/., and abrOad 35,000/. This showed an
expenditure of the secret service-money at home,
to his mind, the most lavish and improper. He
did not mean to question the fact of its having been
laid out, but he did question the judgment with
which it had been disposed of. He remembered an
Hon. Friend of his eulogising the Secretary of Fo-
reign.,Affairs on his amazing accuracy, respecting
the expenditure of the secret service money, at
stating that he had never spent a shilling of
that money abroad, without having got a quid pro
quo for it. Now, he should hope, that there would
be a quid Pro quo shown to have been received
for this, and he was extremely to .know what that
would turn out be, because that expenditure was more
than had ever been known in any preceding year. He
begged to add, that the expenditure during the last
four years had exceeded the former four years by
15,0001. a year. The next return regarded the Foreign
Office tuilding, and the furniture, the amount 0f

that was 42,1472., eight thousand pounds of which
had been paid for furniture. The 8,0002. he eon-
sideredan enormous amount to have laid out for uny
such purpose. He had further to state that he
had been personally injured with respect to this
particular return. The Hon. Secretary had, either
unintentionally or wantonly brought forward charges
aga

Linst him, which he had felt bound to enter into a
correspondence with the Noble Secretary, and
if the Noble Lord chose to give that corres-
pondence to the public, or to disclose it in any
other shape, lie (the Noble Marquis) would
be glad to see it, and by it to have his conduct
judged of by the public. The remit of the whole
were, that after making every possible allowance for
the new States of America, there had been an in-
crease of expenditure during the last year, of about
70,0001.—He wished that this should be known, and
he was sure the Hon. Secretary could have no
objection to its being laid before the public, being
no doubt anxious that a true return should be
brought, with respect to that office, the patro-
nage and luxuries of which lead now so far exceeded
any thing that any of the Noble Secretary's predeces-
sors had ever knownto enjoy. He had to apologise for
having taken up so .much time, but having stated
his opinions several times with respect to the change
that had lately taken place in his Mrjesty's Govern-
ment, and especially being determined never to com-
compromised his hostility towards the present Go-
vernment, he did not think he wouh' have acted
right towards their Lordships if he had not made the
observations he had now addressed to them.

Lord DUDLEY wished to know whether the
Noble Marquis had any motion to make ?
The Marquis of DONDONDERRY said, no,