The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-23 00:00:00

TER SIN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING-, SU! 4-Y 23, Mil

on a Monday morning, and the only busy portion of our . popu-
lation are those at the relieving-officer's door, the pawnbrokers,
or at that of the Magistrates' sitting-room, adjoining the police-
office. The families of respectable tradesmen are htetilly
starving. Take an individual cue. My neat vieiglibour, a
Tory freeman by the way, whose rates being paid for him,
voted last week to saddle me with a Church-rate,—this man,
who has been in comparatively (with those in a similar trade)
wealthy circumstances, has a large family. He has net. a shit.
hug in the world—overwhelmed in debt—he has only brought
home one sixpence during the last three weeks, and that ob-
tained by the sale of part of his tools. Trade, a carpenter.
He is two years in arrears of rent. This is a faithful history of
the '4 ways and means" of the respectable tradesmen in dila
town.

The Rev. Mr. Massre (of Manchester) then addressed
the meeting. He had had the pleasure of being in the
gallery of the House of Commons during the debate of
last night, and had been struck, with several other
friends, with the marked silence which prevailed on the
Tory benches on the subject they advocated, and the
principles of free trade generally. Ile did not mean to
criticise the speechei of the few Members who spoke on
that occasion ; Sir R. Peel rose to speak of the disturb-
ances in the Potteries, which he said were not so serious
as had been represented ; he said it arose from colliers
striking for 4s. a day rather than 3s. 6d., and that the
agitation was caused by evil and designing men, who were
sent down among them. He spoke like a man who seemed
to require something stronger than water to support
him ; never before had he seen him apply a tumbler to
his lips in the House of Commons, but this he did twice
during last night's debate. He appeared to want it to
sustain his tremulous voice, or to give him time to think,
for what he had to do was hard work. His speech, itself,
was weak and full of claptraps—his speech was like his
cause, weak and emasculated, and it appeared to him
that he had lost that strength of mind which became the
Premier of a great country to possess, in order to
to lead the nation forward in a new career of commercial
policy. He complained most bitterly of the gentlemen
of the deputation from the Conference who waited upon
him at Downing-street. He complained that they spoke
in adeclamatory manner, and said he was certainly rather
disposed to Wm* a deaf ear to them inconsequence.
But he arose to address; them principally on one of the
most interesting statistic Reports that had ever been
made relating to the county of Lancashire. It was pre-
pared for the meeting of the British Association at
Manchester. (The Rev. Gentleman then laid before the
meeting a Report, entitled, " Statistical Illustrations of
the Past and Present State of Lancashire," by Henry
Ashworth, the substance of which was given by Mr.
Ashworth at the meeting held at the City of London
Tavern, on Wednesday.)
Mr. Hotersost, of Halifax, said he should be very
brief in his observations. The gentleman had expressed
some degree of hope ; he wished he could instil the
same feeling into him, for it would save many sleep-
less nights. He did not see any prospect of amend-
ment unless the Corn-laws were repealed. In Halifax
the distress was not yet so extreme as in other places,
but it was fast increasing. By a return of the amount
of pauperism in the Halifax Union, in 1838 and 1842,
it appeared that the number of paupers had increased
from• 3,704 to 8,531, and the rates from 1,8931. to 3,4891.
Several respectable shopkeepers of Halifax had told him
that their returns across the counter were nut one-tenth
what they were two years ago.
The Rev. Mr. MORGAN, of Stourbridge, said the cry
of distress came from all parts of the country, and to
remove that distress it was necessary to remove that
most abominable of all abominations—the corn mono-
poly. In the mining districts the distress was intense ;
and in the Potteries the people had turned out in what,
on the other side the way, would be termed rebellion,
but it was a rebellion of the stomach. All were looking
to the Conference for aid.—(Cheers.) Their position
was more satisfactory than it was three weeks ago. It
was now admitted that something must be done. If
there were not a speedy remedy there would be a speedy
outbreak. The statistics of the poor-rate at Stockport
showed how the poor-rates fell almost entirely
on the middle classes; they must unite with the working
classes, and the sooner they did it the better. Why should
an honest man be forced to leave his native land ? It
was an outrage upon propriety, to propose such a thing.
Let the Corn-laws be repealed, and let food be brought
to him, instead of forcing him to go to the food.—
(Cheers.) The effect of the Corn-laws on the moral
character of the people was also bad. The people were
unable to send their children to schools, and the col-
lections for religious purposes were falling off. Their
cause against the Corn-laws was the cause of truth
against error, and of justice against injustice and cruelty.
The Rev. Mr. SCOBELL wished to know whether, in
the pamphlet to which allusion had been made by Mr.
Massie, Mr. Ashworth had made any allowance for the
difference in the value of money between the year 1692
and the present time.
Mr. ASHWORTH 'said the pamphlet had been unex-
pectedly brought under discussion that morning during
his absenci, and therefore he was not aware exactly of
what but taken place. His object in drawing up that
statement had been merely to lay before the British
A.asociation, on their assembling at Manchester, a view
of the statistics of. Lancashire. With reference to the
inquiry made by Mr. Scobell, he begged to state that he
had taken the nominal 'value of the currency of the
realm, regardless of any change in the value of money
between the two periods. But they should also take
into their calculations the diminution in the value of
articles of clothing, &c., purchased by money, and it
would then be found that the diminution in the value of
clothing was greater than the diminution in the value of
money, so that the owners of rents were in a better
position for commanding the comforts of life than they
were in 1692. To show the increase in the value of
landed property, he mentioned one estate which had
been purchased by the grandfather of the present pro-
prietor for a flitch of bacon and a peck of oatmeal. That
estate was now worth 1,000/. The value of property in
Lancashire had been improved by the intelligence, in-
genuity, and industry of the heads and the hands of its
population, and he exulted on looking at that county, to
see the triumphs that mind had gained over matter.
A change, however, was now passing over them—a
wasting process was swallowing up this prosperous in-
crease, and, if not stayed, would at no distant period
fling back that beautiful county into the waste whicd it
was in former days. They might form some idea of the
great importance of Lancashire, and of the industry of
its population, when he informed them that about half
a million of the working people of Lancashire supplied
one-half the exports of the whole United Kingdom.—
(Cheers.) Surely these men, who were now suffering"
the deepest distress, were entitled to the sympathy of
the country. (The Hon. Gentlemen then went minutely
into the statistics of BostOn as given in the pamphlet,
and repeated the statement made by him in the City on
Monday, that the Committee of Inquiry found that
comparing the number of blankets found among a con-
siderable number of distressed families with the number
of persons in those families, the average was 101 persons
to each blanket.) The Conference might wish to know
what was the general appearance of the' people in• the
town of Bolton. A person entering the town
would see groups of men sauntering idly about ;
their countenances haggard, care-worn, and anxious ;
their clothes torn and patched. Some of these
were men nil° had been employed in making
the most difficult parts of the machinery of lo-
comotive engines ; these men stood at, the col ners of
the streets, sullen and heavy, with eyes looking any-
thing but complacently at the vehicles of the wealthy
taut rolled past them.—(Cheers.) Their minds could
not understand why men possessed of skill, and in-
grenuity, and honesty, and strength, and industry,
should' be suffered to pine in squalid destitution and
misery.—(Cheers.) Many of these people had but
ss. Gd. a week whereon to maintain six persons. Of
that ss. Gd. no less than 4s. sd. was expended in the
purchase of articles of agricultural produce, and of that
Is. 6d. went in payment of the food tax—so that the
Corn-laws took Is. 6d. 014 of that ss. 6d. to give to the
landlords.—(Cheers.) The prophecy of the Standard
was in a fair way of being fulfilled. The editor of
that paper had said " England would be as great,
and powerful, and all-useful Englishmen would
be as rich as they are, if one ruin were
to engulph all the manufacturing districts of England."
That was a prophecy—a prediction, perhaps the ex-
pression of a hope, to the triumphant fulfilment of which
they were rapidly hastening. He looked upon those
words of the Standard as the expression of a prediction
or a 'desire. rather than as an observation,—(Cheers.)
Before sitting down he wished to make one observation'
on a statement which he had made the other day in the
City. He had there stated that the rating of Bolton was
made on a valuation of 84,0001., and that 31,0001. were'
in a condition to pay the rates. Ile had frequently be-
fore made that statement, and it had never been contra-
dicted that he had heard of, until last evening. He had
not been present, and therefore did not exactly know
what had passed ; but he had been informed that it had
been stated that the sum of 31,0001. was not to be consi-
dered as the test of the ability, but of the willingness of-
the persons to pay rates. It appeared that a part of the
inhabitants of the town denied the validity of the Char-
ter, and on that account refused to pay the rates. Such
had been the statement that had been made. Ile had not
had an opportunity of hearing from Bolton on the sub-
ject, but he thought it right to take the earliest oppor-
tunity of referring to the statement which had been
made.

Mr. HUME' M.P., who was loudly cheered by the
meeting, said that he was happy to think he might con-
gratulate them on the proceedings in the House of Com-
mons last night.—( Hear hear.) They had been anxious
to obtain from her Majesty's. Government a distinct
declaration of their intentions in the present alarming
state of the country. Until last night, however, they
had no definite avowal of those intentions. He thought
that there could now be no doubt as to the

I course which Ministers meant to pursue, or as to the
grounds upon which they would take that course. Sir
James Graham and Sir Robert Peel had admitted that
the distress of the people was great and widely ex-
, tended, but they seemed to_ entertain a lurking hope
that the distress was but temporary, as well as a desire
that the measures they had passed should have a further
trial. Sir James Graham distinctly said that a trial of
those measures had nut yet been made, and thatit would
be very unwise and very unreasonable not to give them
an opportunity of ascertaining what might be the results
..f the commercial policy they had adopted. Sir
R. Peel alleged that he was not prepared to
introduce any new measures, as he expected,
from symptoms already exhibited, a revival of
commercial prosperity. There was no doubt hut there
had been of late a considerable increase, as stated by
Sir Robert Peel, in the. Custom-house entries. That
circumstance might, however, be attributed to the fact
that a great quantity of goods had been kept back until
the new tariff should. come into operation ; and no proof
had yet been given that we could calculate on a p
he
revival, of prosperity. Sir Robert Peel, in t
e,,urse of his .speech, had adverted to the in-
•crcase.. -in our. population since the year 1831,
and he showCd that that incTests.o had taken place
by the returns of the late census. But the argument
that had been thus used waS little better than a fallacy,
because there might be a great lucre= . the vezi,s44,

of 1831 rits eompared with the census of 1841, and yet
there might be, as he (Mr. Hume) believed to be the
case, a very great reduction in the number of oteupied
houses during the last three mit-Awing the period
which Mr. Heyworth had property called "the period of
the wasting process.." Now he would recommend the
Delegates to eildeaVout to esCertain, be &fitly as they
I could, dye number 'ofernees' hi diterent towns which
had become tinteirttef' since the years 1836 and 1837,
when he took: It for granted that all our houses were
occupied% tet them in the same way endeavour to ob-
tain Correct returns of the number of mills which had since
a given time been standing still in various manufacturing
towns. lie thought that such statistical details would
go far to prove the amount to which our manufactures
. had declined, and the consequent destitution of the
working classes ; and those details might be advantage-
ously used in the next debateon the subject of the national
distress in the House of Commons. He should, therefore,
reconithend to the Delegates to communicate all the ip-
rormation they could collect upon theSe matters to theFr
supporters in Parliament. He believed it might thus
be shown that the present depression of our trade hid
proceeded to an extent never before parralleled. He
was himself persuaded that while every former commer-
cial crisis of this country was but a temporary cessation
of trade, the present crisis was attended with an alarm-
ing destruction of capital. The result of this would be
that, even if trade should revive, they could not avail
themselves of the change, inasmuch as the capital by
which it was to be turned to account was every day dis-
appearing. He was sure that Sir R. Peel himself was
fully sensible of the value of manufactures, as a main
element of the national greatness ; and that appeared
to him to be clear from the Right Hon. Baronet's speech
of last night. He could even tell them that there were
symptoms that Sir R. Peel was a convert to their
opinions, whatever might be his power of carrying them
out. He had but one further observation to make. It
was most important, in his opinion, that some step
should be taken to unfetter our commerce be-
fore Parliament was prorogued.—(Hear, hear.)
If some sound system- of commercial policy were not
immediately adopted it would come too late, because
it would be impossible that any satisfactory arrange-
ments could be entered into either with America, or
other countries, for the exchange' of our manufactures
for their corn, unless the terms upon which these ar-
rangements could be made were immediately known. He
mentioned this as a proof how necessary it was that
they should make every effort to obtain some concession
from Parliament before the prorogation took place.
Mr. LEWIS, a delegate from Stroud, mentioned, as a
proof of the deterioration of manufactured goods, that he
had just seen a merchant in the City, who had pur-
chased some goods, and when asked by him the price at
which they were bought, he replied that they would
be cheap at a 11s. a yard ; but the gedtleman assured
him that he had purchased them for 6s. a-yard.—(Hear.)
Mr. Hmi WORTH, of Liverpool, read the following let-
ters, received from town missionaries in Liverpool, show-
ing the deep and wide spread distress of the people of
that .City
Copy of a Letter received from a Liverpool Town Mis-
sionary, dated July 18, 1842.
The part of the town in which I labour is in Toxteth-park.
There'are 'in my district about fifteen hundred poor families ;
many of these are in the greatest distress. During the five
years that I have laboured in the mission, there never were so
many mechanics out of employment as at the present moment.
There were rather more labourers out of work last winter
than there are now; but the number of mechanics at present
out of employment is very much greater than it was in the
depth of winter.
The trades that are suffering most from the want of work,
are joiners, carpenters, sawyers, blacksmiths, and chains:takers ;
some of these have been as much as nine months out of work,
others only a few weeks.
It is a very common thing for me, in my daily visits, to meet
with families who have been for two days without food. lam
now speaking of decent families, who used to live comfortably,
and who struggle even now to keep up a decent appearance. Po=
verty has compelled them to part with nearly all their furniture
and clothes, It is a very common thing for me to Lear such
persons say—We have parted with our eight-day clock, or we
have been obliged to sell eur beat bedstead, to get something
to eat.
It is very common in my district for mechanics, unable any
longer to get work at their trade, to seek it as day-labourers.
A sliipsmith, living in Ashton-street, told me the other day that
he had walked to Argburth to get one day's work at digging
potatoes. A carpenter's wife told me that her husband had not
had one day's work at his trade during the last twelve months,
but that he had lately succeeded in getting a little to do as
warehouse porter. A blacksmith's wile told me that her hus,
baud was gone to try to get a job of work at haymaking, for
that he had done nothing at his trade for the last ten Months.
I generally visit, from twelve to eighteen families every day.
and never does a day pass without my meeting several out of
work.
On Friday last I visited no less than eight families where
the men were out of work, and their wives and children were
without. food.
Within the last six months. many persons, both childen and
adults, have died, whose illness was occasioned by want of food.
The distress appears to be increasing every week, and what
the end of these things will be God only knows.
Liverpool, 'July 18, 1842.
Sir,—Being desired to give a short account of the state of
the poor in my district, I beg to state that I labour as your
missionary on the east side of the town. The state of the poor
in this neighbourhood-was extremely destitute during the last
winter. I have scores of families on my list, who are reduced
to the last degree of destitution; many of them are unable to
walk for want of food, and had no prospect bat to
remain at home and die on their beds of straw, till I re-
presented their condition to some benevolent gentlemen who
came to see a few eases for themselves, and declared that they
never should have believed that such a degree of misery ex-
isted in ,Liverpool, had they not seen it themselves ; they
thought my statements were'highly* collared till they witnessed
the cases for themselves. These individuals relieved a great
many from their own private resources, and I obtained relief
for numbers from the public charities of the town.
I expected, that when the season advanced, people might
obtain employment, and that the distress would be diminished;
but, alas!' during the summer months, the wretchedness and
destitution have increased in a great degree ; employment is
more scarce, private resources and the public charities have
become so exhausted, that they are unable to meet the de-
mands made upon them.
I have been recommended to send the people to the parish-
office, which I have persevered in doing; but they almost in-
variably declare to me that having waited there for whole days
successively, with empty stomachs, they have been dismissed
without even being permitted to state their case.
I have at present on my district men who, with large families
dependent, have been for three, six, nine, and some twelve
months without employment, and have pledged every available
article they had for which they could get a penny for food.
I have persons who attend at my meetings who have pledged
and sold their coats from their backs, and their hats from their
beads. • •
• One man had pledged his coat and afterwards sold his hat for
threepenee to get bread for his children, and yet these people
continue to attend religious meetings, although they have
now nothing but absolute starvation staring them in the face.
I fear that if some change for the better be not speedily pro-
duced, some awful crisis is near at hand.
I fear that 1 am not able in a few words to describe the
misery that exists, but if any gentleman wishes to witness for
himself some of these scenes of wretchedness, I shall willingly
accompany him, that he may judge for himself.
Yours, &c. TOWN MISSIONARY.
[The name is.omitted lest it might injure the body of which
he is a missionary.]
Mr. O'CoNNELL, who was loudly and enthusiastically
cheered, said he gladly availed himself of the permission
to address them. It was not his intention to trespass
upon their attention at any length. He knew that he
had not the power to affiwd them any instruction, and he
was sure that it would not give them any satisfaction
that he should unnecessarily consume their time. He
came there he should say, on his own behalf. He came
there to express his decided opinion that it was the duty
of every representative of the people, to give his counte-
nance, such as it might be, to their exertions, and his
vote in favour of the plans which they had suggested.—
(Hear, hear.) He had the honour to represent the
largest constituency in Ireland—the Yorkshire of Ireland
—an agricultural community in which, it might be said,
there were no manufactures ; and yet, both he and
his constituents were as anxious for an abolition of the
Corn-laws as any of the gentlemen around him.—
(Hear, hear.) He was exceedingly anxious for the suc-
cess of their patriotic attempts to put an end to all taxa-
tion upon human food. Among the means of accom-
plishing that object the people of Ireland had always
eckoued the putting of Parliamentary representation
upini a lager, and therefore sounder, basis. 'They had
taken the liberty of suggesting that toto the members of
the Conference ; but in doing so, they had not the
slightest notion that they would be considered presump-
tuous in offering their advice, and they had not the least
'idea of annexing any condition to giving them their
assistance. He wits not there conditionally. He
was there absolutely.—(Hear, hear.) He was there,
therefore, unequivocally to support their measures ; but
thOse measures he would tell them could never be carried
into effect unless their moral power was increased. How
were they to persuade the landowners ? They might
remember the anecdote of an old Scotch Member, who
said, in-times-gone by; that.he had-heard many a speech.
in the House of Commons that changed his opinions, but
he had never heard a speech that canged his vote,—
(Hear, and a laugh.) They might convince the landlord
as long as they pleased, but the sound of their pantaloon
pockets would carry their votes. The prospects of the
country were lamentable. On the one hand the people
wsre starving, and on the other hand the landlord class
were obdurate and unfeeling. He had been blamed for
calling them a sordid aristocracy; but he wanted to know
what else they were ? He had no hesitation in saying
that those who took their bread out of the mouths of
the famishing were but a sordid aristocracy.—(Hear.)
It was a frightful prospect. On the one hand, one class
could not get employment or wages ; on the other, the
landlords insisted that they should give their price for
their corn. If the principle were applied to trade in a
town, John Bull could insist upon setting up a rival
shop,—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that the aristo-
cracy did not belieye in the distress ; he should probably
have to insinuate to-night, that they did not believe it.
There was one being, the enemy of mankind, who " be
lieved and trembled ;" the. aristocracy, believed also, but
' they 'did not irereble yet. Ile hoped they might not be
in peril, but it was their duty to act as if they were so;
and endeavour to secure their safety, in spite of them-,
selves. It was not the aristocracy who resisted the tyranny
of Charles, and broke down the monopolies of the
trade of that day, which confined it entirely to thpse
who had Court interest ; it was the middle classes, and,
they were that middle class now, with the advantage of
being more powerful than at that time, for political in-
formation had descended to the operative class ; they
were a thinking class, and, alas now a suffering class
also; and it was necessary that, in spite of the aristo-
cracy, that class should have the means of subsistence.
Ile was afraid to indulge himself in saying what extent,
of peril the aristocracy was in.. He had been taunted'
with a wish to effect that which he prophesied • this was
the common case ; those who told others of ;heir dan-
ger, were accused of creating what_ they only foretold.
Their danger was created by themselves. What had
occurred this week with regard to bonded corn ?
—(Bear, hear, hear.) It had been proposed to take
a certain- quantity •of corn out of bend, only
'on condition that other corn should be put in place of it.
/wentp.igue-oggacious-kuld-lwideo pi,sl titur could
•

consent to it ;. that frauds would take place ; that in spiae
of their bolts and leeks', frauds w'oliti earninitttd:
What did they fraud 'WhY t the podr train
might get an additional biscuit or a penny. It appeared
to hith insanity ; the greater, for what they, heard lest
night. Peel made a most artful speech, as When did he
not ? Only whea it was not the interest of his party to
do so. He told them not to suppose that he had dis-
tinct hopes of amelioration, but he said here is the GiZei
here is the Manchester Gnarclian— papers op-
posed to my party, I do not. read theta to
excite hopes. Oh no 1 Bub his party had all
the benefit of the inference, without his running the
hazard of the assertion. He spoke of the increase
of the consumption of ' sugar during the past
year, but the people would consume a thousand times as
much, if it were Tree of duty. Another part of his speech
showed great oratorical talent. He admitted repeatedly
that distress existed in different localities. he did not
attempt to say that it was confined Co those localities; but h"
-repeatedly dwelt on its partial and local nature, and though
he had not the resolution to deny that the • distress was
general, yet his party had the benefit of the suggestion.
That was why the aristocracy were hardened to their
complaints. They still believed there was a glimmering
of hope. Peel said, give my tariff a fair experiment :
but while he made the experiment, the people were
starving—starvation could not postponed. He feared
the interval between this and the next session ; it must
increase the distress, and even if it did not grow worse,
ought they to remain as they were ? Grow worse it
must, in consequence of the change in the temperature,
which would require more material to keep life in the
human being. He really shuddered at the prospect be-
fore them ; he shuddered most of all to think that those
classes of ',the' community who were circled by luxury,
ho were " clothed in purple and fine linen," who en-
joyed every delight that the world could give them, had
no feeling for the famished father, the starving mother,
and.the•pining child.L--(Hear, hear.) At all events they
would have acted their parts ; they would have freed
their souls, and done all they could to avert these calami-
ties. They talked of the dis tressed districts being disturbed
by agitators; there never was a change proposed by any
one but he was called all that and worse ; it was their
hire and salary ; and the man was not fit to lead a move-
ment of the people who 'could not bear that, and ten
times as much. The pertinacity of the Anti-Corn-law
League delighted him. They were bound to continue ;
the metropolis had not assisted them as it ought—(Hear,
hear)—it was not to be wondered at. All the wealth of
the world.was congregated in the west-end of London,
and it was one of the worst symptoms for a nation when
the wealth was concentrated in the hands of a few in the
midst of a distressed population. The distress was uni-
versal ; he 'could answer for its existence in Ireland
though it was not so conspicuous, from there being
,just
enough provisions in different localities to keep away
absolute famine. In other districts provisions were also
cheap, but if bread were a penny a pound it would be useless
where the people had not a halfpenny to purchase it. Ire-
land, therefore, had an interest in their strife; it was to feed
, those operatives of that country who had been many
years settled among them, who had no settlement here,
and many of whom had rather die than be sent back to
the misery they mist experience in Ireland. They were,
therefore, interested in assisting them, and would be
equally ready even if they had not that interest in so
doing. If the League was compelled to adjourn over
the session, he would state that there was no legal,
peaceable, or constitutional act which the Irish people
were not prepared to do to assist them.—(Cheers.) So
far as the voice of the people could assist them, they
might command them, and he only regretted that they
could not serve them more effectually. It was the
cause of humanity, charity, and social order, for social
order could not exist with a total want of employment and
want of wages. The higher classes, might be
secure for a time, but the evils that rankled the heart
within the skilful workman, and brought down the
genius capable of every invention mechanical science
gave scope to, .which dulled the eye and stupified the
mind, had an unfortunate up-rising quality ; like the
flame of destruction, the fire might glow more intensely
below, but at last it would mount to the highest summit.
They were bound to continue to act in behalf of
humanity, and if they did, the sordid aristocracy would
at last yield to their efforts.—(Cheers.)
Mr. .:ware rose to give in his adherence to the
course marked out by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—
(Mr. O'Connell : I accept the title, for the people gave
it They must stand by the people of Ireland, and
they will stand by us. It was good, when
the popular ferment began, that intellect and common
sense should put itself at its head, and if the aristocracy
had raised a commotion, it was right that some power
should' "ride the whirlwind and direct the storm." And
who could better do this than the sound and influential
Middle classes of England ?. Their creed was safety;
and safety consisted in wholesome agitation, for if they
sank ,to sleep that slumber would be the slumber of
death, It was their duty to carry on the wholesome agi-
tatien they had commenced, on the same principle as
the agitation of the ' elements prevented disease and cor-
ruption. If they were temperate and persevering it
would be impossible for Peel, or the country gentlemen,
or the aristocracy, or the parsons either, to prevail
against them.

, .
—A
vote of thanks was proposed to Mr. O'Connell, Mr.
Ewart, and Mr. Hume, for their services in the cause,
which was carried by acclamation, and briefly acknow-
ledged by Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Ewart.
The CHAIRMAN said, that the meeting at its rising
would adjourn till Monday. B-fore they separated he
would read the following letter from Nottingham, which
might be taken, in some degree, as an answer to the
statement of Mr. Gaily Knight, that Nottingham was
not so distressed as it had been represi.nted to be :
Nottingham, London Road, July 19, 1842.
The amount of distress in this neighbourhood is dreadful in-
deed, and it is increasing ; the last two or three weeks were
worse than any that preceded them, and the expectation of
every one here is, that the coming weeks will be worse still,
and that the winter will be terrific. Being myself chairman
of the Stoney-street Benevolent Society, and having about
400 weekly customers in business, no one has better opportu-
nities of knowing the state and sentiments of the working classes,
and I am quite confident that the opinion expressed above is true.
If you ask "can the people exist •through the winter without
bread ?" in answer, I beg leave to say that I have already
sees the poor suffer so tremendously in this neighbourhood
that I cannot tell where' the limit to their endurance is. The
feeling amongst the better disposed of those that suffer is,
without exception, this—that God Almighty has sent plenty
for them, but that the wickedness of man prevents them from
receiving it. The prevailing sentiment amongst another, and
very numerous class, is that of most bitter execration of those
whO, they say, have made laws to rob them of all that makes
life desirable. .

I am of opinion that it is the collateral induenee of religion
and religionists that is'a principal cause of our having had no
violence here. From information that I can fully rely upon, I
'am convinced that the working classes of Nottingham, Derby,
Mansfield, Leicester, Hinckley, and Loughborough. are much
worse off now - than they have ever been in the recollection of
any individual living—that their condition is becoming worse
and worse every day—and, in fact, that it has changed for the
worse permahently.
If the unemployed here were to be guilty of outrage, they
would be more pitied than execrated by the inhabitants in ge-
neral. They are all getting to be of opinion that " the world
is rot their friend, nor the world's law."

I could send you numbers of descriptions of instances of ex-
treme suffering, and also of the use of very violent language,
and many instances have corns under my own observation in
which disease and death have been the consequences of want.
The unemployed are now going about begging in parties of
IS to 200 or 300, using language that is very near demanding.
The Conference then adjourned till Monday.

petted to hear all the di-'r sses se' the eoloar, attseav el I
to IN, fire* r.) ee- a ha te
t~i ink the. Htliedurible Usettlemert W ha, big I,toit,,a his
censure to the direction of tht.:. roi„igitt cl. par'ttil, rife lie
would meet his assertion by a coulitei aeeeethet • The
Honourable Gentleman, without any proof whateeeie
had asserted that the diplomatic policy of the late Go-
vernment Was edeefed to the commercial interests of the
country. He (Visetliitit Palmeteten) said, on the con-
teerse that that policy was embietitly feteotteable to the
eonimercial interests of this country. 'hide &fee wets
aft thiffiblisteation which, in the same space of time, dee
voted more attentititi with more success to the commer-
cial interest of the country theft did the administration
which conducted affairs from 1831 to 1,441. He would
meet the Hon. Gentleman on one point, which he fled
placed in isettei He had accused the late Govern-
ment of having omitted to conclude certain cmnmen
' cial treaties, whice he said might hoe been concluded.
He evidently thought that the attention of a Otreern-
nient to commercial affairs might be measured' by the
number of commercial treaties which it concluded.
Now, there were at present existing between this country
and other countries about 33 commercial treaties of one
kind or other. Seventeen of those were concluded before
1831, and fifteen by the late Government. If they might
be allowed to claim part of the credit of the late treaty
with Portugal, which the Right Hon. Baronet announced
to have been concluded after long-pending negotiations,
then very nearly one-half of the commercial treaties now
in existence were either concluded in the time of the late
Government, or were the result of negotiations carried
on by them.—(Cheers.) But the Hon. Gentleman ob-
jected that they had not succeeded in a special one with
France. He said the failure was the fault of the late
Government—that they might have concluded a com-
mercial arrangement with France, but that they declined.
The Hon. Member was misinformed. There never was a
moment at which the Government, taking all matters into
consideration, could have concluded any other commercial
arrangement with France as one which they thought advan-
tageous to this country. The Hon. Member doubted what
_he.(Viscount Palmerston) had stated of the indisposition
of public .men, and of the public mind in France, to the
commercial interests of this country—especially- what he
had stated generally, without mentioning particulars
with regard to a communication made to this Govern-
ment five years ago on the part of Count Mole, then
Minister of France. He would now state to the Hon.
Member and to the House the nature Of that communi-
cation, and leave them to judge of the spirit of com-
mercial jealousy of England which it manifested. There
was then a negotiation on foot with Spain respecting a
commercial treaty. This country was on the best terms
with France, and at such a time the French Am-
bassador, by command of Count Mole, communi-
cated to her Majesty's Government a despatch writtea
by Count Mole, of which he would now mention
the substance. It stated that . the French Govern-
ment had heard that. England was negotiating with
Spain for a commercial treaty ; that they deemed it con-
sistent with that frankness which belonged to the
friendly relations of the two countries, to state fairly
that whatever influence France could exert should be
exerted to prevent.a conclusion of the treaty. It was
quite true that Count Mole said that England wanted
only to be put on a footing of equality with other
countries, but such was her skill, such was her capital,
and such was the enterprise of British commerce, that
whenever England met France in any other country, in
foreign markets on a footing of nominal equality, she
was felt to be on a footing of real superiority, and there-
fcre France felt justified in exerting all the influence she
possessed in Spain, or in any other country, except Pim-
tugal, to prevent commercial treaties from being con-
cluded with England.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
That was the official communication made to hiM (Vis-
count Palmerston). It was made in a fair, open, straight-
forward manner, and it did honour to the French
Government, when they entertained those sentiments.
to declare them. But this would prove to the
House what would have been the difficulties of a com-
mercial treaty with France. If the failure in that. treaty
were owing to the late Government, how did it happen
that the present Government had been ten months with-
out effecting it ? They had entered into office express-
mile the most friendly sentiments towards France, and he
(Viscount Palmerston) was quite satisfied, entertaining
them ; but so far from being able to make a commercial
arrangement with France, they had been met by a new
ordinance, extremely hostile to British commeree—
(Hear, hear)— and by a treaty between France and Bel-
gium, which extended still further the obstructions
which the French ordinance was calculated to produce.
The Hon. Member stated that the late Government
could not conclude a treaty with Spain. The reason
was easily explained. The same local and partial
interests, which prevented commercial improvements
in this country, existed also in Spain. With respect
to the treaties with Austria and Turkey in 1838,
the Honourable Member* was much mistaken in
supposing that they were not productive of con-
siderable advantage to the commerce of this country.
The Honourable Gentleman said it was the fault of
the late Government that the Prussian union was formed,
and that we ought to have formed a commercial union
with Austria or South Germany. A commercial union
with South Germany! They might as well look to form-
ing a commercial union between this globe and the moon.
—(Laughter.) • The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury
seemed not to understand exactly what the Prussian
commercial union was. It was a union of several small
States whose frontiers touched, by which they acrreed to
abolsh custom-houses along the common frontier lines,
and to make the external circumference the frontier of
the whole. By this arrangement goods passing over
any Of the internal frontiers paid no more duty than
if they continued in the same State. The Prussian union
ought to be regarded in two points of view—first,
as having destroyed all the internal partitions
which used to impede the passage of
.goods through
the Countries that belonged to it , and next in rela-
tion to the tariff which the aggregate union might adopt
.v th regard to foreign Powers. Se far from that union
being, in the first point of view, hostile to this or any
other country, the aggregation of so many email States
was highly. advantageous on commercial grounds to other
countries, provided the general tariff was not too high.
But the German Union had adopted the Prussian etriff.
—(Hear, hear.) And why heti the Prussian tariff been
directed against British commodities? Because this Go-
vernment could not reduce the high duties on Prussian
produce.—(Cheers.) It was owing to the maintenance of
our high duties on timber and corn that a high tariff now
existed against us in Prussia. If that .tariff could be
lowered, then the Union, instead of being an impediment'
to trade, would he exceedingly good for this country.—
(Hear.) With respect to the flea. Gentleman's suggestion
of making a commercial tinier: with South Germany, ha
thought, now that he had explained the nature of such a
union, the Hon. Gentleman would see its absurdity,
if, indeed, he had not misunderstood the proposition
which the Honourable Member advocated. But it was
not with Germany alone that our laws were in eitcway.
Sweden would afford most important markets for our
woollen and other manufactures, but when we proposed
facilities, they at once said we must lower our duties on.
their timber.--(flcar.) Thus we were at a deal lock.—
(Hear, hear.) Were they then to be told that time (so •
vernment had at that period attempted to make no com-
mercial improvement in their situation ? Had they not,
he asked, proposed a reduction in the amount of duties
upon foreign timber ?—(Eltrir, hear.) Hid they not
done so. and, doing so, had they not been beaten ?
(Hear, hear.) The late Government hail enoul it en-
pessible to carry their proposition ; but then those who
had objected to it came round so far as to adopt it.—
(Hear.) If there had been a great reduction in the
amount of the timber duties, at the period that he spoke
of, the result would have been a great improvement in
their commercial intercourse with Prussia.—(Thar.)
The Right Hon. Baronet who spoke last had taunted his
Hon. Friend near him with inconsistency, for having, as
he said, in the one breath boasted of the part which he
had taken in carrying the tariff, and yet disparaging the
merits of that tariff. Now it did not appear to him that
there was inconsistency in the course of argument that
had been followed. They had never disparaged the
tariff. They never had done so ; on the other hand, they
had admitted the value that wits to be attached to it.
They had always stated that the tariff was founded on
sound principles—that it was a step—and that, for a first
step, it was a great step in point of principle ; but then
trey had always declared that it fell far short of those
results which its principles, if carried out, would lead
to.—(Chears.) They looked upon it as an instalment,
but by no means as the full accomplishment of the
views of those who had brought it forward.--s..(Hear,
hear.) That they had assisted the Government, no man
who looked to the result of the divisions could with jus-
tice deny. Nobody, he said, could deny this, particu-
larly he who remembered the remarkable division with
respect to cattle. When the head of the Government
proposed. the Income-tax, he declared that those who
paid the Income-tax would save the amount of that tax
by the cheapness of provisions ; and more especially by
the admission of foreign cattle.—(Hear, hear.) But,
then, When his tariff came to be proposed, country gen-
tlemen were requested not to be alarmed, as the diminu-
tion in the price of cattle would produce no visible effects
upon the amount of rent, which they derived from that
source. Nov, it was not at all unnatural that the sup-
porters of the Government should have united themselves,
when they thought their interests were affected, fir the
purpose of opposing the tariff, and if the Members of the
Opposition had pursued such a line as had been followed.
by their s dversaries, when the timber ditties had been pro-
posedi ast year—if they had contented themselves with
acting the same part—if they had hail recourse to a tech-
nical point of objection—if they hail satisfied themselves
with declaring that they agreed to the general principle,
but :that they thought this. wee an insignificant measure,
and that it was only trifling with a great principle—that
it was a matter of no great importance, from the manner
in which it was propoSed—and that what was intended
to be done could effect no ineteriel dinaimition in the
price—if , they, 'he said,. had hail receurse to such a course
lie that—if they, as an Opposition, had availed themselves
of the assistance of others; as their adverse. ies did of
the shipping interest to oppose the timber duties, then it
must be perfectly evident that the tariffnev r could have
passed into law.—(Cheers.) But then the Right Hon.
Baronet had expressed his wonder of the manner in which
lie spoke of the Income-tax, and as ,0 its being one which
was not required by the necessities of the counsry. On
what did the Right Hmi. Baronet e:round his necessity fit
that'eae? Why, he spoke of a clelicietv•y of two ini,ll,.!ts
and a half at home, and a deficieney of two millions ;mod a
half in India. Now, as to the deficiency in India, it was
net to be expected that it wiluld have been made the gie tumid
for an Income-tax,whenit was known that the Government
would not take that deficiency upon themselves —that
the deficiency must fall upon the Indian revenue, and
that it was well able to bear it, and also that no part of
the Income-tax was to be applied to that purpose. Let
them, then, throw aside, as not belonging to the ques-
tion, the deficieney, on the Indian revenue. As to their
own revenue, the- deficiency was two millions and a half. ,
-Such was theiredeficiency in fact ; but then it was only
fair to say, that it Was so much increased by means of ,
lalAiSellsealillll4itieses Thvse uullttitl poyulciet4.llYeut to I