Star.
London, England, 1830-02-22 00:00:00

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.

Extract of a letter from Antwerp, dated February 16th :
" It has been determined to establish a large Club Home here,
with a Commercial Room, upon the principle of Lloyd's, or the
Halle, at Hamburgh ; and also Rooms for Balls, Concerts, &c.
A bilase for the purpose has been purchased for 125,000 florins,
ards of £lO,OOO sterling ; and as a proof of the increase on the
value of such property herr, this house, six years ago, might have
beer bad for half the price. Within a few days, a subscription
of cco,ooo florins has bren raised for carrying the object into effect,
besidrs a considerable amount in annual subscriptions, so that we
may soon expect to see an establishment worthy of Antwerp."
Beat, Fgs. =o.—Wind N.W.—Accived from London, the
Ellen, Johnson, for Antigua ; Trinidad, Beckett, for Trinidad;
L.rd Goderich, Dawbetry, for Grenada ; Preston, Jefferson, for
Theste ; bleilora, Coward, for Jamaica; Wifoa, Tuyt, for the
Cape; and Wsllblington, Crosby, for the Mauritius. Arrived the
----, from Van Diemen's Land; Elise Jane, Liddell,
from the Cape ; and Julia, from St. Kitt's.
Fes. 21. Wind W.S. W.—The outward-bound remain.
Poisontourn, Fes. 20 and 21.—Wind N.W. and W.S.W.--
Attired the Amity transport, from Demerara.
Fainounr, Fes. 12 and 20.—Sailed the Sandwich packet, for
Lisbon, and Lyra packet, for the Leeward Islands.

Prince Leopold came to town on Saturday from his
ftlidence at Claremont. His Royal Hi dined with tits Daises
of Kent. at handpar in the 'a PAM at isllll.lo.
The Prince the Duchess sho pubssoloiso Sr et
°Pea of La Cenerentois, at the liana Opus sa,Woe ovsoloir,,
Lord Milton has for the last ton days labooad under
lier,re Indisposition, but his Lordship is now oppoothlog to dom.
iesetnre, sod is expected in Louisa is the assessa a few days.

BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL UNION.

(Continued from the STAR of Thursday.)

But it is not merely of the want of $ community of interest, of
feeling, and of knowledge in the House of Commons, that the in-
dustrious classes have a right to complain. A majority of that
honourable House is generally believed to be elected by a few hun-
dred rich Individuals only ; and near one hundred of its members
are exposed to the suspicion of having their judgments biassed by
the influence of emoluments drawn from the public purse. The in-
terests of the mass of the people are thus exposed to dangers on all
sides and protected on none. Every thing, in short, combines to
render the cause of the industrious classes hopeless in England
unless some mamas can be devised for restoring to those important
classes that legal influence in the legislative functions, which the
constitution has originally placed in their hands. Without this, it
is probable that the reward of industry will be permanently de.'
stroyed ; and that the merchants, manufacturers, farmers, and
traders of the United Kingdom will be reduced to a state of general
poverty and degradation ; whilst the working classes will be driven
down in their wages, and deprived of employment generally, until
they have no other resource but the overcrowded workhouse for their
support.

From all these considerations, it follows, therefore, that an ef.
foetusl reform in the Commons House of Parliament is absolutely
necessary for the welfare and security of the country.
But how is reform to be obtained ? Is it reasonable to expect
that the system which has caused the national injuries and dis-
tresses, should rectify itself ? The thing is not possible. What,
then, must we do ? Shall we have recourse to a vigour trenching
upon the law GOD forbid. Fortunately foe us and for our
country, the constitution has yet preserved to us some conservatory
principles, to which we may have recourse, and by means of which
we may hope that this great and vital object may be accomplished
in a just, legal, and peaceful way.
The exercise of those principles, however, is surrounded with
many legal difficulties and dangers, which can only be counteracted
by a general union and organization of the industrious classes, and
which render council, caution, and discretion, necessary at every
step. The soundest legal advice, the most inflexible integrity, the
most generous, upright, and honourable motives, and the most
dutiful submission to the laws, are all required to ensure ultimate
success.

Under these circumstances, therefore, it is necessary to form $
general political union and organization of the industrious classes,
and to appoint a political council, to inquire, consult, consider, and
determine, and report from time to time, upon the legal rights which
yet remain to us, and upon the political measures which it may be
legal and advisable to have recourse to. It is necessary also, to
provide permanent funds for the defrayment of the necessary legal
expenses, which may be incurred, under the direction of the Pou-
TICAL COUNCIL ; for money is the stasis Vac lair, and without
great expense, no great object can be secured.
But it is not alone in the cause of reform, that union, and
council, and organisation, and co-operation, are necessary on the
part of the industrious classes. The benefits which even the
present state of the representation is capable of administering,
I are not properly secured to the public, from the want of some
organised and efficient means of bringing the interests and opi-
nions, and the wants and modes and means of the community to
the knowledge of the legislative bodies. It is an old proverb.
that " &tat is every one's business is no one's businas," and
therefore, the common business of " every one," is generally at-
tended to by noise. What more important business can " every
one" have, than that of bringing the interests and the wants of the
community to the knowledge of the legislative councils ? However
desirous both houses of parliament may be of promoting the happi-
ness and welfare of the community, they have not sufficient means
of obtaining a knowledge of their wants and interests, nor of the
measures necessary for their gratification and protection. Bred up
in the lap of luxury, and surrounded by bands of flatterers and para-
sites, and of interested and designing men, whose business it is to
deceive and misrepresent, the members of the legislature have no suf.
ficient means of coming to a knowledge of the wide-spread havoc
which their own measures produce throughout the country. A
casual town's meeting now and then, without system, con-
sistency, or permanency of object, or operation, and perhaps, a
county meeting at distant intervals, still more precarious
and irregular, combined with dubious and general delusive tepee-
sentatkenfrom the public press ; these furnish, at present, almost the
only means of bringing the constituent and legislative, bodies
into contact with each other. hence the pernicious legislation
under which the country now suffers. Hence, the innume-
rable acts of parliament, which have a constant and increasing
tendency to trench upon the rights and interests of the industrious
classes of the community. If those important classes of men had
been properly protected by political unions Among themselves, if
they had possessed political councils in all the great towns and dis-
tricts, with ample funds at their command, and with such intel-
lect and integrity as their own ranks abundantly afford; under
these circumstances, it would not have been possible for those
innumerable acts to have (passed, which now hem in, as it
were, the rights and liberties of the subject on every side, and render
it almost impossible for the poor man to move, without trench-
lag +pone/am. Societies of this kind, would have watched closely
the proceedings of the legislature, they would have sounded the
alarm on the approach of danger, they would have pointed out every
rash, unjust, destructive or oppressive measure, the very moment it
was first agitated; and there is no reason to believe that parliament
would not have listened to remonstrances thus timely, constitutionally,
and efficiently supplied. The tax receivers, would have been re-
duced in their capital and income, in the same degrees as the tan
payers ; or they would, at any rate, never have been permitted to
build up their own aggrandisement out of the plunder and degradation

of the tax payers The lases of the country, instead of pressing
almost exclusively upon the poor, would have been made to press
justly and equally upon the rich ; instead of throttling, as it were,
the industry of the country, and consigning the struggling tradesman
to the gaol, they would have been collected out of the accumula-
tions and superfluities of the nation, and not out of its difficulties,
embarraumeats and distresses. The prosperity of all would have
been preserved; and all would have !pen brought to contribute
equally to the national emergencies, according to their respective
MAIM

Undoubtedly, it is just and necessary that the taxes of the country
should be reduced in the same degree, as the price of labour is re-
duced, and as the value of the money in which they are collected, is
increased. We estimate this reduction of taxes at full one half
their present amount. By a ;Unsure of this kind, much distress
end injury must certainly he experienced among the gar receivers
and dependents of the government. But this distress and injury
have already been experienced in a seren.fold degree by the ms
pagers. The same justice ought to exist for one as for the other,
We could have wished that all distress and injury might have been
prevented, among either of these great divisions of society, by a just
and proper adaptation of the money of the country, to the existing
state of the taxes, rents, debts, contracts, and obligations of the coun-
try. By this great measure. All the distresses which the country has
endured, might have been prevented. By this great measure, all
the distress which the country now suffers, may yet be reliered.l
By this great measure, the general state of prosperity which existed
in the years 1824 and 1826, may yet be restored, and rendered
permanent throuyhout the country.
AU this was and is in the power of the Government, entree in-
deed the devastation of agriculture, combined n ith the exclusion
of Foreign grain from our markets, have already destroyed the
stooks sjprovisions necessary fbr the support elate Population.
But the Obvernment have refused this just, wholesome and
necessary measure. Instead of adjusting the measure of value, they
have decreed that the country shall be forced through the maid
path qf adjusting the istawaserabie things whiM it masseuses I In-
stead of accommodating their money to the alining
,b 1441, nests
associations d men's Ishii* end to the elate of Om% fiehme IMO
Miele, Wars, Ream, Debts, and obligation"- adobe ,spoi*
, •

.

the present generation of men, they have thought proper to '
force back all those great interests into conformity with an
ancient obsolete and unsuitable Standard of value ! It is through
this rugged road, that the Government compels Ms nation to
travel. Be it so then. The government have chosen their
own path. It is but just that it should lead them t*te same reckon-
big as it Whigs the country. It is but just that the Taxes of Ike
Goverment should be reduced in the same degree as the wages of
labour. The government will give lose the ancient prices and the
ancient wages. We will give to them the ancient taxes and the
ancient salaries. All their salaries, payments, and expenses were
doubled in depreciated money . But they were not doubled in the
ancient coins. Nor shall they so be doubled with our consent. We
will give them one hat/the present monied amount of She lares.—
We will give them the full amount of the property and labour
which we contracted to give them when the present taxes were im-
posed. But we will not willingly give them one shilling more. This
is:the line of conduct which the government forces upon us. The
taxes of the country arc now doubled in real value, by the increase
which is effected in the value of the money in which they are col-
lected. And when the= present monetary measures of the govern-
ment shall have produced their full effect in forcing down the prices
of British property and labour to the continental level, there can then
be no doubt that the pressure of the taxes upon the industrious classes
will be double what it now is.

Unless the taxes, therefore, are reduced in the same degree as the
value of money is raised, all the property and all the labour of the
country will be laid prostrate at the feet of the government. There-
fore the taxes must be reduced.
One other subject requires the most serious investigation. No one
can have read the Bank reports of the two houses of parliament,
upon which the act which has had the effect of confiscating the pro-
perty and labour of the industrious classes was founded in 1819,
without being struck by the remarkable discrepancy which exists
between the evidence Oren, and the derision come to. Almost
every witness that was examined gave warning of the general dis-
tress which such a tremendous measure must produce ; but when
the distress came, it was strangely and perversely attributed to every
possibleeasise that could be imagined, excepting only the one which
the witnesses had pointed out and foretold ! ! Nor can any one
have attended to the prozeedings of parliament foe the last ten years
without being still more forcibly struck with the oblique and perti.
nations determination which has been constantly exhibited, to re-
fuse all further inquiry into this most important subject. The sub-
ject, indeed, has been shunned as a very pestilence, as if It were not
possible to allude to it without some great and undefined dan-
ger, which it was of the last importance to avoid. In the mean-
while, it is undoubted that this very measure has occasioned hun-
dreds of millions sterling of profit to some parties, whilst much
greater losses have been occasioned to others. Now, if any pact of
this enormous and unjust pr* should have found its way corruptly
into the pockets of Individuals who may possibly have made both
the Parliament and the country their dupes, the national justice
most certainly requires that such individuals, in whatever station,
should be brought to trial, and to condign punishment.
When the notorious South Sea Scheme was exposed and brought
to light about a hundred years ago, the whole country resounded
with petitions from all quarters, calling for justice on the heads of
the guilty. In this nefarious conspiracy, members of Parliament,
Lords of the Treasury, Chancellors of the Exchequer, and Secreta-
ries of State, were found implicated; and all were brought to jus-
tice. An Act of Parliament was passed, to prevent the parties im.
plicated from leaving the kingdom ; and also from alienating their
estates and effects. Another Act of Parliament was passed for the
purpose of enquiring into the private fortmw•s of the directors and
promoters of the scheme; and of compelling them to give up the
plunder which they had made. Under this Act of Parliament, the
directors were compelled to give up from their private fortunes, the
sum of /1,700,000, an immense sum in those days, which was
afterwards distributed among their victims as some small compen.
onion, for the losses which they had sustained. Upon the propene
occasion, there can be no doubt that the losses and injuries which
have already been inflicted by the Act of 1819, have been a
hundred times greater than any which attended the South Sea
Schema. It Is therefore of the highest importance, that an effectual
parliamentary inquiry should be instituted into this mysterious sub-
ject, and that say individuals, who may corruptly have derived pro.
fit from the national injuries, should be compelled to give up such
profit, for the purpose of distributing it among the victims of their
policy, or otherwise appropriating it as circumstances may require.
Thousands of respectable families have been ruined. Tens of
thousands have been more or less impoverished and deprived of the
hard.earned fruits of their honest industry. Hundreds of thousands
of valuable workmen have been deprived of employment and re-
duced to a state of indigence and degradation. The whole country
has been covered with difficulties, discords, and anxieties—with
losses, injuries, and privations.—with broken fortunes—with broken
hearts. Who has done these things ? A national investiyation
must be instituted.

On whatsoever side we turn our eyes, we thus find subjects of the

highest public importance every where demanding public attention,
and every where requiring the legal interference of the industrious
classes. The vindication of the NATIONAL Jurrics„ the equalia.
ation and reduction of the NATIONAL TAXES, the protection of pub.
lic rights, TN! BALDRIC; or PUBLIC WRONGS, the NZCZSSITT
Or REFORM IN PARLIAMINT, and the relief of the NATIONAL
DISTRESS, all tvgatira that the NATIONAL MIND should slumber
no more.

Under these views and impressions, it is therefore that we pro.
pose to form in BIRMINGHAM, a GENERAL POLITICAL UNION
of the INDUSTRIOUS CLASSES, for the PROTECTION of PUB-
LIC RIGHTS. We are forbidden to exercise the constitutional pri-
vilege of electing Alsmaras or PARLIAMENT. But we are not
forbidden to appoint Council* of our mon, under whose guidance
we may act, and through whose means we may bring the moral
force of the public opinion, to act legally upon the legislative func-
tions. By means of these council* dependent on the breath of the
PEOPLE, and representing the true interests of the PEOPLE, we
may yet hope to have the RIGHTS, LIBERTIES, and INTERESTS
or ALL peacefully and legally restored and secured. We shall, at
any rate, succeed in collecting and organizing the public opinion,
and in bringing the public wrongs and grievances to the knowledge,
of the legislative bodies, and more particularly to the Crown itself,
the natural refuge of the people under all complaints again►t the
House of Commons. Our Gracious King still possesses high and
extensive prerogatives regarding the elections of members of Parlia-
ment, and those prerogatives we cannot doubt that be will put in
force for the protection of hii faithful people, whenever their wants
and interests shall have been fully and efficiently made known to
him.

The letters we subjoin will show that this important
Institution is daily adding to its numbers men of no or-
dinary influence or station in society.
TROY R. LTCHMBRR CHARLTON, HQ.
St. James's.street, Feb. 9, 1830.
Bitt.-31y sentiments sre so completely in unison with my friend
Lordßia.mnroan, on the subject of reform, that I venture to follow
his good example, and ' - the favour of - to enrol my name

riot* C. lINCLAIte CULLER, /ALL.
Derby-street, bundolf.
Feb. 12, IMO.
DEAR Sia.—l desire to ray with you to the people of Bir-
mingham, " I will go with them as tar I. late will pout). but
not one inch further, '—and I now address you, therettne, i:: an—
swer to your enquiries as to the state of the law.
Of the notorious 6. six acts" of the last year of Georg: the
Third, only two have expired. Four of them still disgrace the
statute-book.

The 60 Oeo. 3. c. 2.—for seizure of arms—has expired.; but it
would not concern us, if it w'ere still in force.

The 60 Geo. 3. c.G.—against seditious meetings and assemblies
—has expired.
The 60 Geo. 3. e. 4.—providing tot the government certain means
of expeditious trial of persons charged with misdemeanor--hu rut
expired ; but it is not of moment to us, who Intend to do nothing
contrary to law.
The GO Gco. 3. c. I.—against training—has not expired # but
doesnot concern us, who are too wise ever to retort to arms:: The tri-
umphant power of Reason, Rent, and Union, have been splendidly
exemplified in Ireland, under the influence of the learned patriet
lawyer, Mr. O'Connell. No man but a lawyer of eminence could
have conducted the Irish Ass.eciatior. through all the perils of tyran-
nical legislation, and the dangerous devices of subservient yuirA-
neanyers. We shall have the benefitof his experience here.
The GO Geo. 3. e. 9. for stamps and other restraints on cheap
publications, has not expired ; arid was intended to keep the people
ignorant of their own rights and of the in:quiti,sof the borough-
mongers.
The 60 Geo. 3. c. 5. against blasphemous and seditious I:bels,
has not expired.
Such publications as tend to bring the government and constitu-
tion into hatred and contempt, or excite the people to attempt altir-
ations in church and state by other than lawful means, arc there
called blasphemous and seditious libels.
And a second conviction of such a libel, subjects the unfortunate
to banishment from England, at the pleasure of persons who
person
been distinguished in English history for mercy or pa.
triotiam.

Sir F. Burdett, who has exposed himself to pester perils, and
spoken more truths on behalf of the people, than any other gentle.
man in tagland, has, 'once this Act was passed, been coevicted of,
and imprisoned for, a seditious libel; in having, at the moment ut
his hearing the news of the Manchester massacre, written to the
people of Westminster, a letter full of humane feeling and the true
spirit of a noble-minded Englishman. The next time that Sir F.
Burdett shall give us a similar example of that Old English spirit
which we all admire and delight to witness, he may by this Turkish,
rather say this lloroughmonger, Act of Parliament, be banished front
his native land to die an out-cut. Is there no member of the pre-
sent Parliament to propose the repeal of an Act which will tender the
Parliament of 1820 for ever infamous in our history ?
This is the only one of the six Acts which you have any occasion
to fear. The ignorance, corruption, and subservience of Parlia.
ments, are the sources of like qualities in our juries, and it is there-
fore impossible, however lawful may be the means we adopt to ob-
tain lawful alterations in church or state, to feel confident that the
truth and justice, and propriety of what we write, will protect us
from danger, and fine, and imprisonment, and banishment :--but
the public temper, and intelligence, and spirit, are improving, and
we may reasonably expect that juries will hereafter remember their
duty to their country, and disregard the pernicious doctrines of offi.
dal lawyers.
I heard, last night, the debate In the House of Commons, on Mr.
Tennyson's motion for giving representation to Birmingham. Read
my description from the 60th Geo. 3. c. 5, of a seditious libel, and
you will at once understand why I forbear to give you an account of
the debate, and of Mr. Peel's speech on that occasion.
The next subject on which you require information is, as to meet-
inp and assemblies of the people. The Act of 1795 has expired_..
but another was in 1817 substituted for it. I Will explain it to you
in my next letter.
In the mean time, I am desirous, by enrolling my name among
the members of your Political Union, to give a proof of my con&
dens in the propriety of its objects, and the lawfulness of the *rules
and means by which you propose to attain them.
I am, Dar Sir, your obedient Servant,
C. SINCLAIR CULLEN.
To Thomas Attwood, Esq. Birmingham.
/MOM DANIEL O'CONNELL, ESQ.
5, Maddox street, Feb. 16, 1830.
MT DEAR Sea—l have at length been able to look into
all the English Statutes, which may be considered to bear
upon the Birmingham Union, and I have great pleasure in
being able to pledge myself, as a professional man, that your
Society or Union is perfectly legal. I venture to ask you to
act will confidence on this opinion, as I have had no small reason
to turn my attention to subjects of this description. I will te.
morrow find means to transmit my subscription to you—that sub-
scription will be a small one, but it shall be continued until the
attainment of thorough reform in the House of Commons. lam
quite convinced that the British and Irish nations cannot retain
their stations amidst the powers of the world—neither can their
people be restored to plenty and prosperity, without a radial re.
farm of the law, and of the present corrupt state of representation.
To these great objects I devote all my faculties, and I beg, with the
view to the attainment of these great objects, to have my humble
name enrolled on the Birmingham Reform Union.
There are two principal means of attaining our constitutional oh.
juts, which should never be lost sight of. The first is the perpetual
determination to avoid any thing like physical force or violence, and
by keeping in all respects within the letter u well as the spirit of
the law, to continue peaceable, rational, but energetic measures,
so as to combine the wise and the good of all classes, stations, and
persuasions. in one determination, to abolish abuse and renovate
the tone and strength of the representative system. The other is, to
obtain funds, by the extension of a plan of collection, which shall
accept from no man more than he can, with the utmost facility,
spare, even in these times of universal distress. The multiplication
of small Sums, of very small sums, should be the proper, as it
would be the efficacious popular treasury. Its guardian should be
the publication of every item of receipt and expenditure. I offet
my experience to assist in arranging a plan for this purpose. The
people should incessantly call for reform, until their cry is heard
anklet: within the walls of the Houses of Parliament.
I have the honour to be, my dear Sir,
Your very faithful and obedient Servant,
DANIEL O'CONNELL.
_

To Thomas Attwood, Esq.
Birmingham.

MARRIAGE IN HIGII LIFE.—It 18 reported that the
Rev. Henq Prittie Perry, second son nif the late Samuel Perry,
Esq. of Woodrooffe, in the county of Dublin, will shortly ',mew
the hymeneal altar the Hon. Mira Bourke, daughter of the Lord
Bishop of Waterford and Lismore.