The Sun.
London, England, 1829-10-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIS JOURNALS.

We are extremely sorry that the French jour-
nals should have attempted to make a national
affair of the smuggling transaction said to have
beets recently detected by the Custom-house at
Paris. What can the French Ministry have to
do with a dishonourable traffic carried on by in-
dividuals, and which their own officers have
brought to light ? The French people may also
rest assured, that the infamous commerce, if it
do exist, is not a commerce on one side only,
but that if they receive our productions surrepti-
tiously; we receive theirs by the same method.—
The subject requires minute and rigorous inves-
tigation on both sides of the water; for, however
the French may complain, we shall be the greatest
sufferers in public reputation, if the sacred name
and character of a British Ambassador has been
abused by some concealed villain for mercenary
and dishonest purposes. The statement pub-
lished in the French Papers says broadly, that
several packages, professing to consist of sad-
dlery, carpeting, and malt liquor, and addressed
to Lord Stuart, the English Ambassador at the
Court of France, were found, on being unex-
pectedly opened at the Paris Custom-house, to
contain muslin, or silk manufactures, to a great
amount ! It is to be regretted that the Paris
douaniers did not rather watch the goods to their
destination, and then seize thetsl, than stop and
send them back again to England. What says
Lord Stuart to this? He certainly has risscersonal
concern in the transaction ! His name and
the office have been abused ! But he must, and
no doubt will, come forward, and proclaim,
or assist in detecting the thief. The goods
were re-shipped at Calais for England, on
board the Julie,
at
pott on
didshedint e
akel3?th
Whoof September.r
ec
eive
d
the contraband cargo ? We have before said
that the illicit commerce is, in all probability,
reciprocal, and that if the French have received
our goods, we have received theirs, under the
same dishonest mask. Now, though the author
of this fraud may have passed goods into France,
under the pretence that they were for the Arm
bassador's establishment there, yet it is clear that
no such pretext would serve to cover and con-
vey goods, duty free, from France to England.
What, then, have been the packages which have
been received at the ports of Dover and London,
professing to come from Lord Stuart, the Am-
bassador ?—both now and on his former em-
bassy ?—their weight, size, and declared con tents?
—to whom addressed, and by whom received ?
This is an affair of immense importance, fol we
see that the French nation are at the point of
making a public quarrel of it. If, therefore, it
shall appear that their revenue has been wronged,
and their manufactures injured, by an illicit
traffic, it behoves us to show up our countervail-
ing account of loss and injury ; and then, on
mpuabttliecto
fr
dispute.grounds, t
The following is onehereisnoltiingremains
of thetoform
passages in which the French journals speak of
the affair :—" The town of Calais only sees in
these unusual measures a greater proof of the
violation of the law, and of that odious complai-
sance towards a Ministy always ready to please
these dear English, who do not blush to shield
their guilty designs with the safeguard of their
Ambassadors, in contempt of the rights of na-
tions, and of the hospitality which we beatovs
upon them with a noble confidence. What a
degradation of feeling ! What incredible du-
plicity !"—Times.
The subject of the meeting at
:Newark, on
Monday next, will serve to fix the public itten-
tion for some time on one of the most charactev-
istic features of the happy Constitution under`
which we live. The Duke of Newcastle is the
proprietor of a number of the houses of New-
ark ; and he has over this property the powers
which the law gives to all proprietors. There
can be no doubt that the Duke of Newcastle,
on giving legal notice to quit, can proceed to
remove the existing tenants. He may let his
houses at the full value or half value, or for
nothing. It is not, however, usual for Land-
lords to remove a whole body of tenantry with-
out an intelligible cause. Our contemporary of
the Standard alluded lately to the removals of
the Marquis of Stafford and the Marquis of
Lansdowne, as a case analogous to that of the
Duke of Newcastle at Newark. But the Mar-
quis of Stafford was anxious to render his estate
more valuable by means of agricultural improve,.
ments ; and the mode in which his lands in the
Highlands were occupied rendered all improve-
ment impossible without a change of system.
He wished so to distribute the population on
his estate, that they might be useful both to him
and to themselves ; and he built houses on the
at\coast,sreiut
mountains,
soiarsuletl:sdnpt suppliedaecicent
sa,:
olwhere
thoseher6ew theyirtewhmi removals
aeie
lrsehmeanseloi
tfre removed
oeloyfv
s:etdiaaarryrfnlriio)
Marquis
of L
We
eialanvsedonwoned,ohtsh'et, ahroe less
weve u
r,qthalaied
tfitht
eo speak.
t
vwaat was also i
h,t to
oh g
hintroduce
the a
same
care better
are might mode of c
o t
havlti-
e
been bestowed on the ejected tenantry which
was bestowed by the Marquis of Stafford. But
even in the case of such intelligible grounds of
proceeding, a certain discretionea trtyipriionspsrrueieqctulolitsasitsweh.aoyulaldst
exercisewill ha rdtl
their
ebi
te
rightson te nodrepdr
property
to hr
he
ee tt ow a
us
gave
supposen o t whole
notice
e o
ttoatctheau country side
uk
wholee
tenantryo r
Let
ctcloeuifrige umh
remove,
o,f,one
instance, had all of his lands let at will, and that
n.
kut
ingdom
iolpsyleaugori
ladlpedesous
;Imoiaaitaliciymi population
assignable
might
eithmtaeat
bet
motive,
Proprietor
thusnvrlooeee
ns:peser
fhet
awl
coirotaor,une :l
;rdentosxl
except
eatt :
el:Ito:00f
tuashognea:
oht
explana-
tion heNi
he was
German
ch
to
d
could be given, would be deemed conclu-
sive before an Inquest of insanity or unsound-
ness of mind. We have not heard it even al-
leged that the Duke of Newcastle, in giving no-
tice to some hundreds of his tenants in New-
ark, had any idea of improving his property ;
and as we have not heard that the weakness of
mind of his Grace extends, farther than being
scatter-brained, or, as he himself phrased
view to
an
inability to collect his ideas at the proper time,
we are bound in charity to believe that he had
some other intelligible motive for his conduct.
I
his
does tenantry
rWemove
vett
er:
yn
tachineedrms
becausetnoooontd ,ft
rhii
sneAdyfae
Mr. Sadler.
account,
thateni
of orhr
rth a removes
hre. dsvoei
iwea
improve his property, we must withdraw out
qualification respecting his intellectual weak-
ness. We take it for granted, then, that
the Duke of Newcastle was angry with
his tenantry of Newark, because they were
not passive instruments in his hands. And this
brings us to the grand characteristic feature of all
our institutions. The Duke of Newcastle really
returns the Member for Newark. But if this
object were effected directly, the people of
Newark might have some chance of being honest
and conscientious. The English Constitutior,

ias therefore provided that the Member for
Newark shall not be returned, except by means
which shall secure the baseness and dishonesty
of the inhabitants, The Constitution would not
be perfect without their degradation. They
must either resign their consciences to the keep-
ing of the Duke of Newcastle, or, if they choose
to retain the exercise of them, prepare tor beiti,
turned into the streets. It seems an understood
matter in this country, that the object of a good
Constitution, in Church and State, is to secure
the greatest possible amount of falsehood and
dishonesty. Braibery and corroopti on, as Dr.
Paley said, are the only pivots on which a work-
able ConStitution can turn. Hence the striking
advantage of certain boroughs, which place a
man under a constant necessity of voting at the
bidding of another, or of subjecting himself to
loss and inconvenience. Subscriptions to cer-
tain articles as a condition of obtaining a living,
and voting for the men named as fit by Borough
Proprietors, are happy contrivances for extend-
ing the dominion of insincerity. Alai in truth,
the results have corresponded admirably with
the design. For in this country there is the
greatest liberty of opinion, with this proviso only
that the opinion shall not be sincerely enter-
tained. There tnay be some difficulty in know-
ing which of two or three false opinions it may
be the most advisable to maintain ; but there
can be no difficulty as to its being ad-
visable never to maintain the one believed
to be true. All people of prudence would
naturally shrink from a man on whom
No dependence could be placed ; for what is re-
qiutred is discretion, and not sincerity. The in-
fluencing of votes, in the manner practised at
Newark, has therefore this advantage over
openly selling votes to the candidate, that it
secures the complete degradation of the voter.
'The voter who deals directly with the candidates
may exercise a conscientious suffrage, and put
twenty or thirty guineas into his pocket at the
same time. But the voter at the bidding of a
Borough proprietor it equally bribed, without
the privilege of exorcising an independent opi-
nion. In the one case he is elevated to the dis-
tinction of being one of the Sovereigns of the
British people, who exercises his right of sove-
reignty for his own benefit, throwing the details on
the Representative, who pays him at once in
'ready money ; in the other case, he is a villain
kept to do the dirty work of his Lord. Prince
Polignac will find it difficult to raise at once
such a Church-and-State structure as we hap-
pily possess in England. He must have seen
that without Rotten Boroughs, and the other
Contrivances for which we are indebted to time,
an Aristocracy cannot possibly obtain the as-
cendancy in a country. But how can he find a
substitute for Rotten Boroughs in France ? He
may raise the qualification to 201. or 30/„ still
the property of the nation will be represented,
still the French people will not. be obliged to re-
nounce all regard for truth and honesty ; and so
long as a regard for these is entertained in any
country, the reign of an Aristocracy is insecure.
—Morning Chronicle.

We know of no late event that has excited so
much attention throughout all parts of the three
kingdoms as the meeting at Cork. There is,
indeed, but one opinion as to the necessity for
giving a more effective character to the Church
a Ireland. Lord Mountcashel did not, indeed,
:separate the Churches of England and Ireland ;
but though there are grievous abuses in both,
the Church of England is not to be spoken of in
the same breath with her sister of Ireland. One
circumstance is so obvious as to have struck
every one who bestows the most superficial con-
sideration on the sulaject. If there are not too
few Bishops in England, there must be too many
in Ireland. What is wanted in Ireland is not
Dignitaries, for there are too many ; but a use-
ful working clergy, properly distributed through-
out the country. The Church of Ireland re-
sembles the armies of some countries—the staff
is complete, but the rank and file deficient. It
was an old trick in armies, and is said to be yet
common in Russia, for the Colonels and other
superior officers to have the regiment effective
only on paper, and to divide the pay of the num-
bers deficient. The superior officers of the Irish
Church Militant have, in like manner, admirable
incomes, by dispensing with common soldiers. In
England pluralities are unavoidable, except a new
distribution of property takes place; but in Ire-
land there is no parish which cannot maintain a
Clergyman, and a plurality is therefore sheer
corruption. 'Whether or not the Church of
England would acquire more followers if her
funds were more judiciously distributed, is a
question which we are not called to solve. It is,
however, quite natural that Lord Mountcashel,
and those sincere Protestants who, like him,
believe their Church to be the best in the world,
should think that this would be the case. It is
certain that, independet:tly of higher considera-
tions, fashion, when strong excitement does not
exist, naturally draws people who wish to be
thought respectable over to the Established
Church. The Rev. Mr. Cook, then Modera-

tor of the Synod of Ulster, said in his examina-

tion before the House of Commons, that it was
a common saving in Belfast, when a man first
caine to that town, he went to an Old Light
Meeting-house—when he became able to keep a
gig, he them went to a New Light Meeting-
house—and when he could afford to keep his
coach, he went to the Established Church. It

would, we suspect, be pretty much the same in
other parts of Ireland, were there no disgrace in
changing. Should Ireland become a rich and

thriving country, all those possessed of property
would feel a disposition to act like the rich
Presbyterians in Ulster—go over to the Church
established by law.—lbid.
The distresses of the manufacturers in many
populous districts have reached a point from
which humanity recoils. It may shock even
those whose sensibilities are not very acute, to
read the instances of human suffering with
which most of the provincial impels abound ; yet,
in the very teeth of these appalling facts, do some
London journals declare that the state of trade
is improving. There are writers—and they too
claiming to stand in the very first rank of " pub-
lic whom hardihood of asser-

tion is the strongest part of argument ;—such
writers resemble the Jew-pedlar, who never des-
cants so eloquently upon the qualities of gold as
when he has only brass to sell. Sometimes men
take a pleasure in opposing truth from an affec-
tation of singularity ; and paradox has ever been
a delightful study to persons of small wit and
great assurance. y In the present case, however,
there is a motive for resisting the evidence of
fact somewhat different from the little ambition
of being distinguished for eccentric opinions.—
Those writers who kindly annihilate the suffer-
ings of thousands of their fellow-creatures by a
dash of the pen are the advocates of free
trade." At one time they endeavoured to ac-
count for the great and increasing distress of the
manufacturing classes independently of-the work-

ing of their darling system, which has produced
effects directly the reverse of what its author,
predicted. Now, Ending that their sophistrie,
on this subject are rather rudely exposed
to the derision of common sense, they try
the bolder policy of actually denying the ex-
istence of the extensive and deep distress
which overwhelms the industry of this country.
and reduces its hardy population to the state of
enfeebled and degraded paupers. This denial,
however, implies a conviction, upon their part,
that it is impossible any longer to protect the
doctrine of " free trade from public condemna-
tion, if the miseries that have followed its enact-
ment be admitted. The attempt to separate the
rapid decline of trade from the operation of
" liberal" theories has proved as vain a task as it
always is to attempt to separate an effect from it
cause. We say the rapid decline, because, al-
though trade had been depressed before, it had
not declined in the same rapid ratio. Whatever
causes existed before to oppress the industry and
mar the prosperity of England, this was the
crowning mischief—the stroke of evil genius,
which, bv breaking down the last defence of our
manufactures, consummated the mercantile em-
barrassments of England. But the sufferings of
the people must be heard ; they must be listened
to within the walls of Parliament. The cold
indifference is ith which their supplications for
redress last Session were received by Ministers,
and the contemptuous sneers which the theorists
of free trade, levelled at their sufferings will, we
trust, be succeeded by more of that spirit of hu-
manity and wisdom which ought to distinguish
the Legislature of a great country. In the mean
time, we earnestly recommend to the distressed
artisans not to injure their cause—not to forfeit
the public sympathy by any act of violence or in-
fraction of the laws. There are apostles of mis-
chief at work, whose only object in exciting their
passions is to produce, not an improvement of
their condition, but that state of disorder and
public terror which may lead to universal confu-
sion. Such teachers do not care how their mis-
guided followers perish, provided they can ob-
tain for themselves a turbulent distinction.—
Morning Herald.
A pamphlet has just been put into our hands,
entitled " Thoughts on the Present State and
Future Conzmercial Policy (2f the Country;
with the Plan of a Periodical. Work, to be
conned exclasively to Commercial Subjects,
by Captain M‘Konochie, Royal Navy," which,
at the present moment, is not unworthy of a
slight notice. Its object, as appears from the
title, is two-fold—first, to give the writer's
opinion on the present state and future commer-
cial policy of the country, and, in the second, to
recommend the propriety of publishing a periodi-
cal work, whose contents should be exclusively,
confined to the dissemination of better informa-

tion than is generally possessed by commercial
men, relative to trade. On this latter subject
we shall hazard the opinion that such a work
might undoubtedly be rendered highly interest-
ing and instructive, in proper hands, but that it
appears to us extremely problematical whether,
even in this mercantile community, it could
command a sufficient number of readers to insure

it success. Practical men seldom care much
about works which profess to enlighten them on
matters in which they are daily engaged ; and
of late years the attention of the daily,
weekly, and monthly press has been turned so
much to financial and commercial subjects, that
the want of a periodical exclusively devoted to
the consideration of such subjects, is not very
distinctly felt. With regard to the Captain's
opinions on the present state and future com-
mercial policy of the country, there is much in
them to which we are inclined to object, and
something also which deserves approbation. The
Captain very properly dismisses the bugbear of
over-production as the cause of the present
distress, and ascribes the maladies of the corm-

y to " under-consumption," and an unequal
distribution of the products and capital of the
country—in other words, to the absorption of
large masses of capital in a few channels, and the
general poverty of the rest of the community.
One of the author's remedies, however, for this
state of things, is but little consonant with the
good sense which characterizes his observations
in other respects—we allude to his recommenda-
tion of granting bounties on home produc-
tion. The evils of this system have long been
exploded, as well as the frauds to which they
gave rise sufficiently exposed to render a return
to them at all desirable. For what, in fact, is a
bounty but a tax imposed on one portion of the
community for the benefit of another, and for the
production of an article, which, without the aid
of the bounty, would either not be produced at
all, or might be purchased from foreigners at less
cost ? No branch of industry ever flourished
permanently through the aid of such a system,
which may be truly characterised as a robbery of
Peter to pay Paul—as a useless transference of
money from one pocket to another. In other
matters, however, we cordially concur in the opi-
nions put forth by the gallant Captain. An ex-
change of our system of indirect, for direct,
taxation, would undoubtedly benefit the commu-
nity to a considerable extent, by reducing the
expence of collecting the revenue ; and no means
as he observes, ought to be left untried for faci-
litating the interchange, or distribution, of com-
modities between the varies classes of society—
for whatever facilitates communication encourages
consumption, by lowering the price of the-com-
modity, as every tax or other impediment which
retards it naturally tends to diminish it, by rais-
ing the price, and placing it beyond the power of
the many to purchase. We shall conclude this
brief notice by quoting from the pamphlets note
which contains some judicious hints respecting
tolls and other taxes, which operate greatly in
diminishing the consumptive powers of the corn-
munity.—Morning Advertiser.
(This note has already appeared in The Sun
of Wednesday and Thursday.)

The first coach ever publicly seen in England,
was the equipage of HENRY Earl of ARUNDEL, in the
reign of ELizABETH. This vehicle was invented by the
French, who also invented the postchsise, which was in-
troduced by Mr. TuLL, son of the well-known writer on
husbandry.

FORCE OF AFFECTION.—An old man, re-
siding in the neighbourhood of Glasgow, lately found, in
a corner of his cottage, a miniature of his wife, taken in
her youthful days. Although of strictly sedate and reli-
gious habits, and although his wife had been many years
deal, the effect which the miniature hail on him was sin.
guar and surprising. From the monent of its discovey,
until his death, which took place some months afterwards,
he neglected all his ordinary duties and employments, and
became in a manner imbecile, spending whole days without
uttering a word, or betraying the slightest interest in pass-
ing occurrences. The only one with whom he would at
all hold communication was a little grand-child, who bore
a remarkable likeness to the portrait, and to whom he was
perfectly docile. A day or two before his death he gave
this grand-child his purse, accompanied with strict injunc-
tions that she would privately lay the picture in the coffin
beside him, which she accordingly did, although not with-
out consulting her relatives, as she had no opportunity of
doing so otherwise.— Glasgow Free Press.