The Sun.
London, England, 1827-06-22 00:00:00

DISTRESS OF THE WORKING CLASSES.

Mr. HUME presented a petition, signed by the Working
Classes at a Public Meeting held in Bolton, Lancashire,
complaining of distress, and attributing their grievances tr
the misconduct of Government, supported by a cor-
rupt Parliament. The Honourable Member said, that
though some expressions contained in the petition were not
quite decorous, he agreed with it. general staterneats.—
The petition complained of the large sums of public money,
which went to the support of the aristocracy, and he (Mr.
Hume) was so deeply impressed with the justice of this
complaint, that he had no difficulty in asserting that the
aristocracy received more from the country than they and
all their connections paid towards the public revenie. The
petition concluded by a prayer for reform.

Upon the motion that the petition should be brought up,

The SPEAKER said, he understood the Hon. Gen-
tleman had stated very conclusive reasons for the House
rejecting the petition, which was addressed to "a eorrnpt
house.

Mr. HUME said that if the petitioners stated that the
House was corrupt in reference to a particular measure, the
Manchester massacre, be (Mr. Hume) did net hesitate t(
say that on that occasion many Members acted on an
fluence which was corrupt, but if it was meant that the
Members were bought and sold with money, he admitted
that was not the fact.
No one appearing to second the petition it fell to th♦
ground without further discussion.
Petitions against the Test and Corporation Acts wer(
presented by Mr. S. Rtca, from a general meeting of the
Unitarian Dissenters; by Sir J. WROTMLIT, from tht
Protestant Dissenters of Wolverhampton ; and by Sir W.
Wylis, from those of Wrexham.
Mr. MABERLY presented the following petition from
James Surrey, of York-house, Battersea, praying for per-
mission to grind foreign corn. The Hon. Member made
some observations on the subject, but they were inaudible
in the gallery, as well as the reply which Mr. Huskiason
made to them
‘, To the Honourable House of Commons, of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

lc The humble Petition of James Surrey, of York-house,

Battersea.

Your petitioner humbly prayeth, that your Honourabh
House will either introduce a clause into the Corn Bill now
pending in Parliament, or under the warehousing act, 03
otherwise, as the wisdom of your Honourable House may
deem most expedient, to permit mills in the port of London
and other places where corn is permitted to be bonded, foi
the express purpose of receiving and grinding of foreigt
corn, and exporting the flour, the produce of such corn,
duty free ; but if taken for home consumption, then to pa)
the same duty as foreign flour.
" Your petitioner further stateth, that he is of opinion.
that the introduction of such a clause would give additional
employment to the various mechanics, millers, labourers,
and shipping, which would be the means of enabling our
merchants to supply flour to our West India Islands, rn:
Aber of his Majesty's dominions, or any other places, on
any emergency which may hereafter arise, at a cheaper rate,
and of better quality, than could be supplied from any other
part of Europe, or even from America ; the reasonable ex-
pectation of which, your petitioner hereby endeavours to
show from the following statement, viz.:—.

" If the average price of our markets he 581. per quar-
ter, the duty on the foreign wheat for home consumption,
as proposed in the Bill now Finding in Parliament, would
be 28s. 6d. per quarter ; therefore, the same corn without
duty could be purchased in the London market at Ws. per
quarter, to yield the same profit to the importer, which
would enable the millers to produce flour therefrom at
about 4e. 6d. per bushel, or 15s. 9d. per barrel of 1961b5.,
in reference to the present quality now in bond. There
are now mills unemployed within the port of London,
with sufficient machinery and power, equal to the grinding
of 200,000 quarters of corn annually.
And your petitioner will ever pray."
Mr. MAXWELL presented a petition from certain

I
Weititie it Plying bite WIG *lki 1144 flirk-
, • •
tion of their wages.
CATEOLIC CLAIMS.
Mr. PEEL presented petitions agaii4-1 %dm' -Refen4,
Catholie Claims, from a congregation of Profiaient Diarn«
ters in Grove Chapel, Camberwell, froth the Archdsacontuiti-.
Clergy of Huntingdon, from the Clergy of Lited2fulld, an&
from the Archbishop and Clergy of Tuam.
Mr. PEEL presented a petition from a Reman Catholic
gentleman, named Wilson, who lives in Hanover-square.
The petitioner is a Solicitor, and applied to be admitted as
a master extraordinary in the Court of Chancery, but
he could not pass, as the Act of 1791 did not
by any means remove the restriction imposed by the
Act of King William on Roman Catholics to tale
the Oath of Supremacy, ant be now prayed the Haase to
remove this restriction.

Sir C. BURRELL presented a pe6tion from the occu-
piers of land in the pariah of Shipley, in Sussex, relating to
the Corn Law,.

LANDED PROPERTY IN INDIA.
Mr. FERGUSON rose for the purpose of moving for
the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the
law respecting landed property in the possession of British
subjects in the East Indies, and ether matters within the
jurisdiction of hie Majesty's Courts established within the
territories subject to the East India Company. As the law
at present stood, landed property in the hands of executors
or trustees in India, was not liable to the simple contract
debts of the party to whom it bad belonged. The law with
respect to such property in India was, he believed, little
understood, and therefore he begged the attention of the
House while he shnrtly explained the nature of his motion.
—(Cries of " Bar, Bar.")—[The noise beloW the Bar was
at this time very great]—which involved a subject which
was considered of the greatest importance in India. Doubt.
were entertained in the Supreme Courts at Bengal, as to
the law upon this subject—one of the Judges holding that
such property was liable to the payment of simple contract
debts ; and others maintaining the contrary opinions. The
House was not, perhaps, aware that there were millions
sterling in India, waiting the decision of this important
question, and that there was not a house nor an acre of
land in India, the title to which would not be shaken, if
the decision of the Chief Justin was to be persevered in
and acted upon. He now wished to call the attention of
the House to another matter, which he conceived to be of
great importance—he meant the jurisdiction of the Com-
pany from the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magel-
lan. By the first Charter of the Indian Government, the
Governor and Council were the Judges of Oyer and Ter-
miner at Madaae, Calcutta, Bombay, and the adjacwe
parts ; but afterwards, by the Charter, the jurisdiction was
extended not only to Bengal, but from the Cape of Good.
Hope to the Straits of Magellan. And by that law r
British subject might be found guilty and executed, at
Prince of Wales's Island, for an offence which would be
looked upon and punished as a misdemeanour in Calcutta.
(Hear, hear.)—There was another point, to which be
thought it necessary to call the attention of the House, and.
which was more necessary for the consideration of the
Committee, namely, what was the meaning of the words
" a British subject ?" At present those appointed on
Juries in India and the adjacent countries were called
" subjects of Great Britain," while the parties to be
tried were called " subjects of the King." A large
portion of the inhabitants of British India were of mixed
blood—was the privilege of the Constitution to be ex-
tended to them ? As the law at present stood, a Christian,
the son of an Englishman, born out of wedlock of a
native woman, might be tried out of the boundaries of
Calcutta, and put to death under the Mahornetan Law.
His object was to establish an uniformity of law, so
that every British subject might know the nature of the
punishment attached to crime, in whatever Indians district
he might be placed. The Hon. Member concluded, by
moving for the eppoiatment of a Select Committee to in-
quire into, and report to the House upon the state of landed
and other property belonging to British subjects in India ;
and whether such property being placed in the hands of
Executors or Trustees, was liable to the payment of simple
contract debts ; and also what parte of the British Statute
Law of England ought to extend to British India.

Mr. W. WYNN said, that at a period like the present,
when we were at the very close of the Session, it was impos-
sible to expect any beneficial results from the appointment of
such a Committee as that proposed by the Hon. Member.
But his objection to the motion did not rest here ; he would
have equally objected to it if it had been made at the be-
ginning instead of the close of the Session. With respect
to landed property in India in the hands of trnsteea.or exe-
cutors being liable to the payment of simple contract debts,
it appeared from the Hon. Member's statement that the
, Chief Justice was of one opinioncand the two-Pniane Judges
of another. If, however, any doubt should arise, an ap-
peal might be made to the Privy Council. Where appeal
lay to Courts of Law, it was not right that that House
should interfere. It was for Courts of Justice to decide
what was the law with respect to landed property, and not
for the House of Commons. He was anxious that the law
should be uniform in the punishment of criminal cases in
India, but no Parliamentary interference was necessary
for that purpose. As to an extension of the jurisdiction of
the Supreme Courts of Calcutta and Bombay, it was found
almost impossible, owing to the expense and difficulty of
bringing witnesses from the interior of the country. The
Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by opposing the motion.
Mr. FERGUSON, in reply, said that all he wanted was
uniformity of decision, end to procure that, was not, he
should imagine, a matter of very great difficulty. If the
laws were altered, that alteration ought to be made in a
Committee, or by Commission, where every necessary in-
formation might be obtained. There were now several
gentlemen in this country who had been connected with
the administration of law in India, and who would be ready
to afford every assistance in their power upon the subject.
He should at present submit to the difficulty which the
Right Hon. Gentleman had referred to, and should with-
draw his motion, but he could not do so without declaring
it to be his fixed intention to press the matter forward at
every convenient opportunity, unless the administration
of justice in India was made as pure and as perfect as at
home.

The motion was then withdrawn.
NAVAL PROMOTIONS.
Mr. HUME, in rising to call the attention of the
House to the subject of Naval Promotions, of which he
had given notice, declared his opinion that it was one of
the utmost importance. On two former occasions when
he had discussed the subject, he had entered so fully into
its details, that it was unnecessary for him to repeat them
now. He bed then felt it necessary to establish, in the
most conclusive manner, the fact, that the Government
granted these promotions more from family interest or Par-
liamentary influence, than for the good of the service or
the advantage of the country, and that they were made in
a manner which neither the interests of the first nor the
state of the second could justify. Some excuses were then
offered, but they were not sufficient, and the result was,
that the country was shown not to have been placed in as
good a situation as her circumstances required. On the
9th June,' 1922, he had submitted a motion to the House
upon the state of promotions in the navy, and since then,
a larger proportion of old officers had been promoted than
during the same number of years before that period. He
did not mean actually to say, that that alteration took place
in consequence (Ibis motion, but he wild not avoid no-
ticing the fact, that since that time, the evils of which l•
then complained, had been in some degree mitlgaied. Ile
wished it to be understood that he was not an enemy to
promotion, fairly earned by service, for he knew that men
engaged in the navy did look forward to it as the reward
of their labours and perils ; they had a right to do so, 1-4
it was proper they should be gratified ; but what he con-
tended against was the system of promoting young and in-
experienced men over the heads of old officers, merely be-
cause the former possessed family influence sufficient to
recommend them. The promotions made in the navy
ought to be proportioned to the state of the public finances,
and should be regulated by the circumstances of the coun-
try. From the period of the close of the late French was,
petitions had been constantly laid upon the table of alai.
House, calling for a reduction of the public expences, and
urging the Government to put the various public esta-
blishments upon the footing on which they were in the
year 1702. He was certain that that could he done with
great advantage to the country. Acting upon the prayers
which had so often been addressed to them, the House
had, in 1822, voted an Address to his Majesty, calling on
him to reduce the public establishments as much as pos-
sible, and to diminish the amount of debt, and of the ex-
pences of the people. To that Address hie Majesty had
been pleased to answer, that he would effect as many re-
ductions as possible. That Address had related to reduc-
tions net only in the Navy, but in the Army, and other
branches of the public expenditure. He (Mr. Hume)
should be warranted, both by the Address and the Answer,
in saying that the Heine had not done its duty in carrying
on a strict examination of the public expenditure in ac-
cordance with the Address they had voted. Although he
should be perfectly justified in going into every item of the
public expenditure, in order to follow up the spirit of that
anfine checkhimupsoelnf
to that branch of it which especially related to the Navy.
reqeuired, and he did not think they would
Address, he should
powel;
unoboflt
chd
the House
expendituresHo
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sbeu to
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tduhc
eheocircumstancee
otl
that
atth was
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of
the
act wisely if they separated without doing something of the
kind. He should pray the House to agree to the Address ;

he should move them to submit to his Majesty, praying
him that be would be graciously pleased to suspend the
system of promotions, uniees under special circumstances,
in order that the promotions might be in some degree com-
mensurate with the wants of the service, and with the
state of the country. In the year 1792, the number of
Officers, from Admirals to those of the lowest rank inclu-
sive, amounted only to 2016, while, in the present year,
the number was 5558, or nearly three times as great as it
was then. It was natural to expect, that if Ministers
had stopped in their system, of promotions as they ought
to have done, the reduction by death, and by removal
time of peace, would have been sueb, as materially to
diminish the amount of that half-pay which formed the
dead weight of the Navy. In the year 1792, the half-
pay rather exceeded 170,0001., while, by the system to
which he had alluded, it had increased so much of late
year 3, that it reached, in 1816, the enormous sum of
nearly 800,000/. ; a fact, the knowledge of which, he
thought, would compel the House to go with him in the
opinion, that sufficient attention had not been paid to the
promise to diminish as much as possible the burdens of the
country. At the close of the last war, it was said that
there was a great number of inferior officers whose services
bad been such as to claim promotion to a rank that would
afford them support for life, and 1200 inferior officers had
accordingly been promoted to be Lieutenants. It was
then understood, that from that day no promotions were
to take place, but such as were required by the peculiar
services of any individual. He thought he could satisfac-
torily chew that that understanding had not been fairly
acted upon. In 1818, the number of Officers in the
Nav-y stood thus :-67 Admirals, 68 Vice-Admirals, 75
Rear-Admirals, 851 Captains, 813 Commanders, and
5994 Lieutenants, making a total of 5868. At that
time it was held out to the country that the annual
decrease would be about from three to five in every
hundred persons. He would, in order to he under the
mark, take the lower of these two numbers, and then
he should fiud a decrease of 1740 persons; yet, instead
of that being the fact, the decrease amounted only to
about 900 persons ; for, in 1829, when the Address, of
which he had before spoken, was voted to his Ma-
jesty, the number of Officers amounted to 3558 ; and,
by a 'eery- strange coincidence, the number remained ex-
actly the same at the beginning of the present year. At
this time, the number of Officers actually afloat amounted
to 342, which was rather more than one-seventh of the
gross number, so that for one officer employed there were
nearly six unemployed. And this great number of officers
was still maintained so far above the number in 1792,
although we had not more than 80 or 100 ships above the
number which we then possessed. The number of officers
nominally said to be employed, amounted to 1,843, although
in fact about half of that number only were afloat, for a
great proportion of the ships were, in fact, commanded by
Lieutenants. The number of ships in employment amounted
to about SOO, which gave nearly three commanders for
every ship. He asked whether these facts were not suffi-
cient to warrant the House in saying that no more promo-
tions ought to be granted, either for personal interest or
Parliamentary influence, but solely to recompense merito-
rioue services. The amount of half-pay had increased since
1792, from 170,0001. to 800,0001., and that sum, toge-
ther with what was voted for Greenwich Hospital, made
the amount of the Navy Dead Weight reach to nearly one
million and a half. He really must again declare, that with
a decreasing revenue, a depressed state of trade, and a sys-
tem of expenditure in every other respect extremely heavy,
that sum was much greater than ought to be demanded from
the country. In the years sines 1818, the promotions in
the Navy had been 142 for the first ; 72 for the second ;
103 for the third ; 169 for the fourth ; 236 for the fifth,
and so on up to the last year, when 220 officers were pro-
rooted, making in the whole ten years an aggregate of 1808
"Arsons promoted in a time of profound peace. He con-
tended, that acting on the same principle as in 1899, the
House ought to say to the Government that there should be
no further increase until the dead weight of the Navy was
reduced to such a seal. as was compatible with the pre-
sent state of the country. What circumstances, he would
ask, had occurred within the last year to justify the pro-
motion of 220 persons, with such a dead weight
in existence ? He would answer—none. He could not
but think that these promotions had been unjustly made,
-when he saw among them the names of Post Captains,
who had never seen a shot fired in auger, but who were
hurried forward in the lists, superseding old and valuable
officers. It was unnecessary for him to refer to names,
but he saw in the list some Post Captains who had been
made Commanders only in 1824, 1825, or 1826, who
:tad never been engaged in actual service—nay, who had
not been horn' in 1803, and who had not been in the
service in any eapacity whatever at the close of the last
war. The Bons* slsonia ~eases. that...every shillingeof
the money thus -paid was borrowed, so that, in fact,
they were pursuing a bad 'system of a most terrible in-
crease of public debt. lie knew that some Honourable
Members might defend the system by declaring that it
was necessary to preeerve a proper succession of officers,
but he did not believe la the truth of that argument, con-
vinced as he was, that if those only were promoted who
had merited promotion by cervices, the Navy would
never feel the want of gallant and able officers. All he
asked was, that no further promotions in the Navy should
be wade, unless they were called for by extraordinary
circumstances ; his candid opinion was, that, of late years,
More than half the promotions were made to extend the
deflections, end strengthen the power or the Ministers.
He freely admitted that the selection was not made from
-e'slembers of either House in the habit of supporting the
measures of Government ; in this respect, the persona at
the bead of the Admiralty had shewp impartiality, as they
had frequently promoted the friends and relatives of their
political opponents, their object being to esquire influence
with the Aristocracy generally, as well as with those who
and parliamentary votes. He was aware that the indi-
viduals at the head of the Naval Department of the country
might find ',Neu obstacles to a change of system—they
would have Tsang interests to oppose—and on this account
it was highly expee'.;ent to arm the Admiralty with the
authority of the Houle, in a Resoluthic might be
passed unanimously. This yein 6,125,000/.ion w
hah d been voted
lot the expences of the Navy • o! which sum 1,547,9591.
were appropriated to the dead wef;ht of that service.
This dead weight, instead of decreasing sheer its first imposi-
tion, had increased in the burden it laid upon the conntey.
;In 1822, the dead weight of the Army, Navy, and Ord-
mace was, 5,289,000/. In 1823, it was 5,311,0001. In
1824, 5,317,0001. And in 1825, 5,302,0001., being
heavier than when the House of Commons addressed his
Majesty to reduce the expences of the eteentry. In what
be had said, and in the motion with which be should eon-
elude, he did not mean to throw the slightest reflection
upon the Illustrious Individual at present at the head of
the Admirainy—he had brought the subject forward
on principle, and had given notice of his motion long
before the appointment of the present Lord high Admiral.
711 e Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving, " That at:-
cortiing to Returns upon the Table, it appears, that on the
Ist of January, 1827, there were 45,558 Commissioned
Officers in the Royal Navy, from the rank of Admiral to
lieutenant inclusive, of whom only 842 were employed
sEout ; that this House has voted 708,0001. for the half-
pay of Flag Officers, &c., which, exclusive of 579,559/.
voted for Half-pay and Superannuation Allowances of the
sweat teterenes, Widows, and Orphans, and exclusive of
2150,0001. for Greenwich Hospital, making together the
rem i„.f. 1,54.77., were voted for the ineffective part of
the Naval end Marilee Department. That an humble Ad-
dress be therefore presented to his Majesty, to express the
earnest wish of this House, )hat he will be pleased to take
into consideration the present genet number of the Officers
in the Royal Navy; and, having rege:rd to the state of the
finances of the country, which diminish .She revenue, and
She heavy load of taxation, that he will be pleased to direct
that no further promotions be made in the Roe's! Navy,
excepting on very extraordinary and urgent oceiudrans,
where the particular merits of a great length of service o
sue:li individuals shall authorize such promotion, as essen-
tial to maintain the best interests and high character of the
naval seervice of the country."
Sir G. COCKBURN contended that no more effectual,
plan for da*ng the seal of the service could be devised,
than a conenrreLlce in the proposition of the Honourable
Gentleman. If his suggestion had been adopted, and no
new promotions had been made since 1815, the service
evould have consisted mainly of old and less active officers,
while at present, under the existing system, there were al-
ready more than two hundred Captains of between fifty
and sixty years of age, and a corresponding number of
Lieutenants of a proportionate standing. It yeas absolutely
necessary that new promotions should take place a mo-
derate degree, for the purpose of feeding the service with
young men, to succeed those who were gradually superan-
nuated. Promotion scat governed upon two principles, to
award deserving officers and to encourage young aspirants;
and the full proportion of new officers would be found to
be the eons of Admirals, of officers in the army, or of per.
sons not less deserving, who had taken a lead in the affeirs
of the country. It was not correct to state that in 1813
all the officers entitled no reward far war service had been
promoted. Many well-merited promotions for war service
had been made since that date, and, in the latest instance,
all midshipmen who bad passed their examination before
the end of the war were advanced. After explaining the
mode in which promotions on service took place, the Gal-
lant Admiral went on to argue that it was extremely dan-
gerou3 to the service in any way to check promotion, and
ae. ..rnp.tor.% with which applications were

made at the Admiralty for appointments. None were more
frequent than from officers who wished to go to the coast
of Africa, because there the promotions, from the effects of
the climate, were more rapid. He bore testimony to the
feet, that the present motion was not at all directed against
the Lord High Admiral, inasmuch as notice had been given
of it before that great office was revived ; and afterwards
moved the previous questions on the Resolutione, and met
the motion for an Address with a negative.

The question was then put on Mr. Hurne's fret Reso-
lution, and the previous question was carried.
Mr. HUME, in moving his second Resolution, ob-
served, that having put his sentiments on record, he should
not give the House the trouble of dividing.
Sir J. YORKE was aware, after the speech of the Gal-
lant Admiral (Sir G. Cockburn), that it was not neces-
sary for him to add any thing in support of what he had
advanced. The state of the finances of the country was
certainly appalling, and hence a degree of caution ought to
he observed in the promotions. Some measures ought to be
devised to lessen the enormous patronage, and to cheek
promotions in all the services. What course the present
First Lord of the Treasury might take, he could not
know ; but if be placed himself upon his country, and to
a certain degree obeyed the popular voice, he stood a
hence of being one of the strongest Ministers that had
ever ruled the destinies of any country : if not, he must
soon sink to the level of' those who had preceded him.—
He (Sir J. Y.) saw no reason why the promotions in the
Navy should not be Gasetted like those of the Army, and
this, of itself, would afford some protection against mal-
practices, if any existed. He always wished to speak of
the Lord High Admiral with the utmost respect, and con-
sidered his Council constitutionally responsible; but be
had Rot yet heard why it was necessary to appoint second
Captains to ships, any more than it was necessary to pro.
vide them with two boatswains and two gunners.
Sir G. COCKBURN was rather surprised' that his Gal-
lant Friend had objected to a regulation of which he him-
self had had the benefit. But as to the Commanders,
wherever there was a deserving Lieutenant he was
made a Commander, and then there were so many
Commanders, that they could not all get employment
at sea, as there were more Commanders than ships,
and more ships in peace, than could be employed at
sett. Several of the commanders had had no experience,
except on board of sloops and other small vessels. It was
highly desirable that they, or as many as possible of them,
should hare experience on board seventy-fours, and other
first rates, on which the great strength of the Navy de-
pleaded. This deserved to be attended to. With regard to
the sale of commissions in the Navy, it was a plan which
had not as yet prevailed there. But he had been turning
toe subject in his mind, and had been considering whether
it might not be a good regulation to allow young men to
purchase the commissions of old officers who chose to dis-
pose of them, and to increase the allowance of officers who
might with to retire, by which means a number of old
commanders might be induced to give way to those who
were still in the vigour of life. In the time of war, he was
,atisfied that none of the officers of the Navy would consent
to this; but perhaps as there was at present a prospect of
e long peace, many old officers might he disposed to retire
upon an increased allowance. This would prevent the
atunber of officers from increasing ; and then it would ra-
ther tend to gratify the feelings of old deserving officers,
*cr they would naturally say, that, although they hail
wished long for promotion, they bad at length got it for
.errices, whereas these young men who were promoted at
sn earlier period of life, got it by purchase. This would
be introducing a new system into the Nary, which would
drobably be contrary to the notions and prejudices of many ;
but still, if any regulation should clearly appear to be a
good one, it ought to be adopted, or otherwise they would
never make any improvements. But then he only spoke of
this as a thing which had occurred to him, without his
having formed any derided opinion on it.
Mr. HOME DRUMMOND could hardly think that the
number of naval officers ought to be reduced, as, in the
ace of the breaking out of a war, -the:want of them might
be severely felt.

Mr. CROKER stated, that a List of Naval Promotions
was published by authority every quarter in time of peace,
and in time of war, every month ; and the List was usually
copied into every Newspaper in the kingdom. If the
Gallant Officer had wished to make any improvement in
that, he ought to have proposed it to the Board himself,
when he was a Lord of the Admiralty, instead of whisper-
ing it to the Secretary, who was only a servant of the
Board.

Sir JOSEPH YORKE said, that when he was a Lord
of the Admiralty, the Secretary was not the servant of the
aoard, but the very reverse.—(A loud laugh.)

Sir G. COCKBURN observed, that a Lore of the Ad-
miralty ought not to permit the servant to he the suer.
toohea, with conamerame
ap-
prehension, to the introduction into the Navy of that sys-
tem of sale and purchase of commissions, which prevailed
in the Army. It would he quite new in the Navy, and
might be dangerous. The objection of the Hon. Member
who brought forward the subject, was, as he understood it,
that there was no rule or limit to the number of officers
and promotions in the Navy ; that they might have eight
officers for one ship ; and there was no rule against its
being twelve. The motion of the Hon. Gentleman was a
Moderate one, and he hoped the prevent Council would at-
tend to it. He trusted, also, that the Illustrious Person
now at the head of the Admiralty would imitate the im-
partial conduct of the late Duke of York with respect to
promotions. No political or other partial motives had
swayed that Illustrious Person with respect to promotions
in the Army, and his conduct in that particular bad never
been, and perhaps never will be equalled.
The previous question was then put on the sec ind Re-
solution, and carried without a division.
Mr. HUME then rose to move the Address to his Ma-
jesty, for limiting the number of Promotions in the Navy.
As matters stood at present, there was no end to the tine
necessary expence that might be incurred in this way;
and the evil, instead of diminisiiing, would go cn in-
creasing. In this service, there was no rule nor limit in
this respect, as there was in other services. If something
should not be done in the way of limitation, before the
next Session, he trusted the Finance Committee would
come forward to protect Ministers against applications of
this description ; for he was apprehensive that nothing,
except a restriction of the House, could effect that object.
The Commanders certainly wanted employment ; but that
wits owing, in a great measure, to the promoting of young
men of influence. The superannuated Commanders who
ehdee it might be allowed to retire with the rank, if not
with till Pp of Captains. The Hon. Gentleman con-
cluded with roving the Resolution he had before read for
an Address to the Clown.
The motion was negatived without a division.
THE NEW CORN BILL.
Mr. HUSKISSON then moved the Order of the Day
for the House resolving itself into a Committee on the
Warehoused Corn Bill.
Sir E. KNATCHBULL stated his resolution to give
this Bill his most determined opposition, though he would
not then divide the House. He entertained the most
serious apprehensions as to the consequences that would
ensue from it. This measure had been urged on the au-
thority of Lord Liverpool. That its principle had that
Noble Lord's sanction, he believed, but that its details had
ever received that Noble Lord's approbation, he had a
decided donbt. He founded this opinion on a conversation
he had had some time ago with that Noble Lord on this
very question. In that conversation, the Noble Lord had
asked him whether sixty shillings might nut be safely
adopted as the point of protection for the agricultural
interest? He (Sir E. Knatchinill) had answered, that if
60s. would remunerate the farmer, he, personally, would
be content with it, looking rather upwards than down-
wards. With that declaration the Noble Lord appeared
/*tided ; and be inferred that the Noble Lord'} object was
to insure a remunerating price, which he was confident
this Bill would never effect. The only ground of consola-
tion in the present measure was, that it was to be but an
experiment. The House would, therefore, have an oppor-
tunity of ascertaining whether it was capable of securing
a remunerating price to the agriculturist. If it did not, he
trusted its Mends would consent to abandon it as unfit for
the purposes which it was intended to accomplish. The
Hoy. Baronet, in conclusion, adverted to the duty he and
other Hon. Gentlemen of hie class had to perform towards
the numerous body dependent on the prosperity of
agriculture.
' jr. CANNING assured the Hon. Baronet, that not
only the principle of the Bill, but all the details, had been
attentively considered, and completely approved of by Lord
Liverpool, with the single exception done clause respecting
our commercial intercourse with other countries. He
meant that which was called the Reciprocity Clause. His
Noble Friend was thoroughly acquainted with every part
of the measure. The speech with which he (the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer) bad opened the question on intro-
ducing the late Bill, was spoken, in fact, from a memoran-
dum written by Lord Liverpool, as from a brief, and only
amplified for the purpose of fuller explanation. The Hon.
Baronet seemed to entertain some doubt with respect to
the price having been fixed by Lord Liverpool. He could
assure the Hon. Baronet, that the fixing of the price of
60e. was his Noble Friend's original, own, individual pro.
position. Ile drew a different inference as to that point from
the conversation which the Hon. Baronet had repeated ;
and he knew, too, that his Noble Friend had drawn a dif-
ferent inference from it. Lord Liverpool certainly under-
stood, from what had passed between him and the Hon.

Baronet, that the Bill would meet with a very limited op•
position, at least in that House. His Noble Friend had
told hint the substance of the conversation soon after it
had taken place. His Noble Friend had stated to him,
that having met the Hon. Baronet in Kent, he had men-
tioned the price of 605., and that the Hon. Baronet had
answered as he had that evening related, that with that
price he would be contented, looking upwards rather
than downwards. It was not necessary for him (the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer), to say that this expression had
been misunderstood; for, as to its perfect accuracy, be
could have no doubt, because the Hon. Baronet had re-
peated it in precisely the same words as Lord Liverpool.
His Noble Friend had reported it to him as the foundation
of a hope that he should 'get the Bill through the House of
Commons with less difficulty than he had expected. If
there were any other points on which the Hon. Baronet
had any doubt, as to the entire concurrence of Lord Liver-
pool in this measure, he was ready to give him the most sa-
tisfactory explanation,—(Hear, hear.)—With respect to
what the Hon. Baronet had said regarding the duty he.
owed the agricultural interest, he would meet the Hon.
Baronet's professions with corresponding professions. He
assured him that he felt as deeply as the Hon. Baronet
could the difficulties on both sides of the question ; and that
consideration was due to the possible sufferings of the agri-
cultural population, as well as to the practical sufferings of
the manufacturing classes. He could not refrain from do-
ing the manufacturing classes the justice of saying that
under all the privations which they had lately endured they
had manifested an exemplary spirit.---(Hear, hear,
hear. )—During no previous period of real or apprehended
suffering had that House been so little vexed with impor-
tunate applications. He trusted this conduct would be
borne in mind by Parliament, and met by a corresponding
feeling on their part ; and that whatever might be the issue
of their labours, which he hoped would not be fruitless, at
least they would recommence the consideration of the ques-
tion next Session with minds unbiassed.—(Hear, hear.)—
He trusted that the discussions would he conducted with
temperance, and that on a subject of so deep and vital im-
portance, no angry passions would be excited.—(Hear.)-.....
There was one point more to which he would advert before
he concluded. The Hon. Baronet seemed to anticipate,
that ii the price of corn should fall below the assumed
point of protection, under the operation of this measure, the
House would be bound to reconsider its steps. The Hon.
Baronet should recollect, that when the late Bill was
brought in, the price of corn was considerably below 60s.
If next year it should be where it was when that Bill was
introduced, er even though it should be higher, it would
be still below the point above which the Hon. Baronet
wished to see it raised. The price of wheat that existed
on the very day that he (Mr. Canning) opened the Bill
was between 63e. and .51s. It would be proper, therefore,
to measure, not from 605., but from what the price was
when the Bill originated. The Right Hon. Gentleman
concluded with an observation, which, like many others in
the course of his speech, was nearly inaudible in the gal-
lery, us to the importance of discussing this question with
ten,per and moderation.
Mr. BANKES contended, that this Bill was founded on
false pretences, inasmuch as it professed to secure an ave-
rage price of 60e., when, in fact, that would be the maxi-
mum. He was extremely glad that the former Bill had
failed.—(Hear, hear, bear.)--He repeated, it was a most
fortunate circumstance that that Bill had failed.—(Cries of
" Hear, hear," from Mr. W. Whitrnore.)—Did the Hon.
Gentleman who cried " hear, hear," suppose that every
body that differed front him must be treated as an ignorant
selfish person ? He would not submit to the obloquy which
the Hon. Gentleman had attempted to cast on him with so
much arrogance.--(Hear, bear, hear.)--The Hon. Gen-
tleman might enjoy his opinion, if he pleased, and he (Mr.
Bankes) would keep his own.—(Hear, hear.)—Hie opi-
nion had been formed on at least as enlightened, and he
was sure as honest principles, as that of the Hon. Gentle-
man, or any other Member of that House.—(Hear, hear.)
He was glad that this Bill would afford an opportunity of
trying its principle by way of experiment. He suggested
the propriety of cutting off the descending scale.
Mr. WARD had the strongest objection to the ware-
housing system being broken in upon at all. In his
opinion, men's property was best in their own keeping,
and it would be a great hardship upon the merchant to be
obliged to warehouse his corn on the other side of the water.
Ths bonding system had been the most successful system
ever adopted in this country; it was not less advantageous
to the agricultural than to the commercial interest. With
regard to the defeat of the late measure, whatever evil might
result from it, the responsibility would not rest upon the
Government, but upon other persons.

Mr. HUSKISSON adverted to the difference between
the suggestion which he had made on a '.ate occasion, and
theiefigatEt-leklAirfaa4R24444,l4,9tlimAapvi
to give a preference to the corn already bonded in tide
country until the price should reach 665., so that after the
price reached that sum the general principles of the perma-
nent measure should come into operation. The Amendment
interfered permanently with the bonded system, and was
entirely at variance with the principle of the measure. The
Eton. Member for Kent (Sir E. Kn.atelabull) was glad
that the Bill bad failed, and preferred the temporary mea-
sure. He had no objection to making an experiment, with
a view of ascertain how far the principles of the perma-
rent Inessuc were likely to be eucctssfal, hut yet he wished
only half the system to come into operation. Now he
would put it to the Hon. Baronet, whether the experi-
ment could be fairly tried, unless the whole system were
allowed to come into operation ? lie was ready to admit,
that when corn was under 60s. the circumstances of this
country were not such as to admit of encouragement being
given to the importation of foreign corn. There was no
ground for apprehending any extraordinary speculation in
the near porta in consequence of the measure before the
House. He had, for instance, recently received informa-
tion from the Consul at Rotterdam, that corn could not
be delivered under 455. ; when to this price the duty of
245. came to he added, these was no danger of any extra-
ordinary influx of corn from that quarter. The appre-
hension of excessive importation from Canada was equally
unfounded. The year after the adoption of the measure
for facilitating the importation of corn from Canada,
94,000 quarters were imported, and in the last year the
alarming quantity imported amounted to 37,000 quarters.
The most effectual measures were taken to guard against
the introduction of any corn through North America,
which was not the bona fide produce of the Canadas.
Colonel WOOD thought the principle of prohibition es-
sential to the protection of the agricultural interest. Whe-
ther the term prohibition were used, or whether the object
were effected by a duty amounting, in fact, to a prohibition,
was a point of inferior importance.
Mr. WORTLEY thought his Majesty's Government had
adopted the best course which remained open to them,
after the failure of the Bill.--a failure which he could not
regard as a great misfortune.
Mr. CANNING, in reference to what had fallen from
the Hon. Member for Kent, observed, that the part of the
measure which went to the preservation of the bonding
system, was not only a part, but a favourite part of Lord
Liverpool's measure.
Sir E. KNATCHBULL denied that he hail given. any
pledge to Lord Liverpool on the occasion to which the
Right Hon. Gentleman had adverted.
Mr. CANNING had not stated that the lion. Baronet
had given any pledge, but that Load LiVerpool had re-
peated to him (Mr. Canning) a conversation, from which
his (Lord Liverpool's) inference was, that the Hon. Baronet
was more favourable to the plan than he expected to find
him.
The House then went into the Committee.

Several clauses were then proposed, and agreed to with-
out opposition ; and the House having resumed, the report
was, at the request of Mr. HUSKISSON, brought up
forthwith, read, and received, and the Bill ordered to be
read a third time to-morrow.

The Bill for consolidating the laws relating to the Cus-
toms was read a third time, and passed.
The Admiralty Bill was read a second time, and ordered
to be committed to-morrow,

Mr. TENNYSON having moved the third reading of
the Game Bill, _ . .

Colonel SIBTHORPE opposed it, and moved an Amend-
ment, but as it was not seconded, the Bill was read a third
time and passed.
The Canada Clergy Reserves' Bill was read a third time
and passed.
Mr. W. HORTON withdrew the Slave Laws' Consoli-
dation Bill for the present Session, in consequence of the
Noble Lord, now at the head of the Colonial Department
(Lord Goderich) not having had sufficient time since be
came into office to make himself fully acquainted with its
details.

Upon the motion for the third reading of the Mutiny
Act Amendment Bill, Mr. HUME begged to know who
was responsible at the present moment for the Promotions
in the Army, and the advice given for its regulation? As
there ryas no Commander-in-Chief, he thought it ought to
be known with whom the responsibility in such cases rested.
Lord PALMERSTON said the Hon. Gentleman must
be very well aware, that by the constitution of this country,
his Majesty could not do any thing without responsible ad-
visers. It was the duty of the Secretary at War to give
advice upon matters generally connected with the regula-
tion of the army; and in those times, therefore, when
there was no Commander-in-Chief, it became the office of
the person who held that situation, to give advice upon the
subject of promotions. He was, therefore, the 'responsible

officer for any thing which may be done while the situa-
tion of Commander-in-Chief remained vacant.

The Bill was then read a third time and passed.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of
and the House adjourned at Twenty Minutes past Eleven
o'Clock.