Star.
London, England, 1808-06-16 00:00:00

but the

was not received.
On the motion of Mr. PERCEVAL, printed Copies of the Re-
port of the Sugar Distillation Committee were ordered to be sent
to the Lords.
Mr. LONG gave notice, that to-morrow be will move for leave
to bring in a BAIto extend the powers of the Commissioners for
facilitating ter access to Westminster-Hall.
THE CRIMINAL LAW.
On the motion of Sir SAMUEL ROMILLT
that the House resolve itself into a Committee of the
whole House on the Privately Stealing Bill,
Mr. BURTON said, that the preamble and the
ri acting part of the Bill were at variance. The
preamble of the Bill went to condemn the principle
of a great part of the existing laws of the kingdom,
namely, the propriety of annexing capital punish-
'Lents generally to criminal offences—and in his opi-
i.icn it would be highly dangerous thus to throw out
a general reflection against our penal code. In the ;
enacting part of the Bill he was more disposed to
agree with the Honourable Mover, because there was i
a peat inconvenience iu the law holding cut a threat
of capital punishment, when it was not intended to
carry this threat into execution. But he thought it
would be a very perilous experiment to relax much of
the severity of criminal punishments.
Mr. HERBERT likewise objected to the preamble I,
of the Bill. Human laws, he said, were made for.:
preventing, not for avenging crimes, and hence it
• often happened that punishments seemed to he dis-
pr iportioned to the crimes. There were two different
k lids of criminal legislation ; according to Archdea-
con Paley, the one was that which assigned capital
punishments only to the highest species of crimes; the
other, that which had been adopted in this country, as-
signed capital punishments to a variety of crimes,. but
inflicted it upon only a few of each class, byway of
example. He had no hesitation in confessing that he
agreed in opinion with the Learned Author, to whom
h= had alluded, but he would not be so averse to the
Bill itself, were it not for the declaration in the pre-
amble. Ile hoped, however, tiiat at all events it
would be postponed till a::u•'ir_r

Sir ARTHUR PIGOTT agreed that the criminal
law of the land ought not rashly to be altered. But
he contended that the law had not answered the great
purpose of preventing crimes, and that its failure
ought to be ascribed to its severity, which in many
instances prevented persons from prosecuting persons
guilty of smaller offences. How far it might be pro-
per to modify the severity of the punishment was
another question not now before the House, and which
would furnish matter of discussion in the Committee.
The SOLICITOR GENERAL thought that
there Nvas at least so much good in the Bill as to sanc-
tion the House going into a Committee upon it, for
the purpose of seeing whethet it was possible to find
a remedy for an evil of very great magnitude, or not.
He did not mean, however, to pledge himself finally
to give it his support, because he was not sure whe-
ther it would be possible for the Committee to remove
his objections to it.
Mr. C. W. WYNNE confessed, that the House
ought not rashly to alter the criminal law of the coun-•
try. The law, however, which it -was now proposed
to change, had never been executed in the recollection
Of any person now living. The consequence of this
was, that its effect was lessened, because tke probabi-
lity of escape was great. He was of opinion, that it
might be expedient to leave a discretionary power •to
the Judges of transporting for life persoes• guilty of
the offences to which the Bill applied—indeed he
thought that transportation for life was generally pre-.
ferable to transportation for a limited time ; because
when the culprits leturned, being wholly without
character or protection, they were in most cases cOm-
pelled to revert to their former habits. •
Mr. PONSONBY agreed with those who were of
opinion that the House ought to go into a Committee
on the Bill, because "there was nothing in the Bill
which ought not to be the great object of all criminal
law, namely, suiting the punishment to the crime.
Mr. LEYCESTER said, that the House would
do a great mischief indeed, if they were to prescribe
such punishments for offences, that would not, if ins
flicted, in every possible instance, be felt as a hardship.
. Sir RALPH MILBANK thought that • tlse' less
discretion that was left in the admiustration of trimi-
,nal justice the beter, and agreed 'with alearseau-
! thor, who had said that it was -better to have law
without equity than equity without law. He should
certainly vote for going into. a Committee on the Bill.
Sir SAMUEL R.OII4ILLY was desirous that the
preamble of the Bill should stand.; but if there were
any objections to it, he should not persist in pressing
it. With respect to the Bill itself, the simple ques-
tion was, whether private stealing should remain a
capital felony, or be rendered a simple larceny? The
law as it at present stood, had, he contended, shocked
• the humanity of prosecetors, of juries, and of judges..
The offence which it was the intention of the statuti
of Queen Elizabeth to prevent, had become more-
. frequent than ever, because the punishment for the',
loffence being too severe, it very often happened-that
no punishment at all was inflicted. He asked then,
whether a law which encouraged, instead of prevent-
ing crones, ought to be suffered to remain upon the
Statute Book ? To the authority of Dr. Paley. he
opposed that of Mr. Justice Blackstone, who, in his
Commentaries, asserts, that the severity of the crimir
'nal law increases the number of offences. It struck
`him as very extraordinary, that in a Country, and in
a House so wise and humane as this, hundreds were
ready to cry out against every attempt to mitigate
the criminal law; but if any measure was introduced.
for the purpose of aggravating its severity, no perian
was found to object to it. lie stated the difference
in the value of money to be another reason for mak-
ing an alteration in the law. Any other observations
which he might have occasion to make, he should re-
serve for the Committee on the Bill.
Having gone into a Committee,
The SOLICITOR. GENERAL proposed a
clause, declaring that stealing without a person's
knowledge, whether privily from the person or
.not,
as contradistinguished from robbery, should be pu-
nished by banishment for life, to be reduced at the
discretion of the Judge to banishment for any period
not less than seven years, leaving it, however, op-
tional with the Judge, if the case should seem to me-
rit it, to commute the punishment into imprisonment
for any period not exceeding three years. The
Learned Gentleman also condemned the preamble of
the Bill, by which the law was declared to be uso se-
vere, while no other ratio of punishment was fixed
on. The law which inflicted a capital punishment
on persons stealing from a dwelling house, in certain
cases ss. and in other cases 40s. depended on the same
principle, and yet it was not 'contended that these pu-
nishments ought to be abrogated.
Mr. WINDHAM assentsd to the propriety of the
clause, proposed by the Honourable and Learned
Mr. HORNER was surprsed to observe a clause .
of this nature, which in fact, went to introduce a no-
velty into the Bill, proposed by the Learned Gentle-
man who was so great an enemy to every species of
novelty, and thought our laws so extremely wise that
they could not be improved. He wished to have time
to consider the clause. more than the hearing it now
read from the table 'afforded.
Mr. BU RTON supported the clause.
' Mr. J. A BERCROaIBY was of opinion, that as
little as possible should be left to the Judge ' • and that
punishments should, as much as possible, be deter-
mined by the law. He esteemed the transportation
to Botany Bay to be a matter of such importance,
that it was his intention, and he now gave notice of
it, early in the next session of Parliament, to call the
attention of the House to the state of Botany Bay—
his object being to ameliorate the condition of the
persons sent there ; and if that could not be ac-
complished, that another and better mode of disposing
of them might he adopted.
Mr. WHARON submitted to the Committee,
this being a Bill ti repeal the depriving of the benefit
of Clergy persons guilty of the crime of privately
stealing from the person, that the clause on which
this discussion arose could not in this stage be intro-
duced into the Bill.
-After some farther discussion, it was settled that.
the Chairman should report progress, ask leave to sit
again, and that it should be an instruction to the Corn-.
mittee to make provision -for the clause in question.
This was accordingly done, and the House immedi-
ately again resolved into the Committee.—The clause
was added--tie Bill was reported—ordered to be
pr nted as amended, and to be taken into further coa-
sideration this day se'neight.

se Irv.
Mr. SHERIDAN rose to call the attention of the
House to the affairs of Spain. It had been proposed
to him to put off the subject, on the ground, that the
Gentlemen from that country presently, residing liens-.
were this day gone to partake of the hospitality of his
Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of 'State for Foreign
Affairs. He believed, however, with all the enthusi-
asm they must naturally feel- on such a subject, they
would be equally well'entertained with his Right Hon.
Friend's dßiner,_ as they would have been with listen-,
ing to what he had to say. He could, therefore, on
that ground, feel no hesitation in persevering in the
motion of which. he had given notice. HAundaestoods
besides, that his Right Hon. Friend had ditatched a
General belonging to Ireland, to represent him, at this
entertainment. That these Noble Foreigners:would
feel themselves particularly happy in the company of
that gallant Officer, he could have no doubt, the More
especially as it was understood, that his Right Hon.
Friend had not sent him to represent himself it 'his 1
hospitable board alone, but that he was alsom be sent
to represent this country in fighting the battles of
Spain, where he (Mr. Sheridan) waesatisfied his ser- 1
vices would be unfeigned. He begged leave to cor- 1
rect an idea that seemed to have gone abroad, that he
meant to make an harangue or exhortation to Minis-
ters on this subject. Nothing was farther front his
intention. He simply meant to call the anent*
of Ministers, and of the House, to the subject, riot to
lecturethem into it. All that he had to say, he 'had
:communicated some days ago to his Right Honour-
able Friend. The Right Honourable and Learned
Gentleman opposite (Mr. Ferceval) did not.give cre-
dit to this ; and lie had also had the misfortune to
fall under the odium of his Honourable Friend near
him, as if by his present notice he had meant to save
Government from all responsibility on the subject.-1-
Thus, on one side, he had been suspected of wishing
to injure, on the other to save from any subsequent
_stigma, the existing Government.. In neither of these,
conjectures, however, was there any truth. Notwith-
standing the high opinion lie had of the probity, zeal,
I ability, and estimable qualities of his Honourable
Friend (Mr. Whitbread) and with all his prompti-
tude for business, he could not say that he was partie
cularly distinguished by a promptitude to gp into the
opinions of 'others, or to doubt 'his eivn judgment.
His Honourable Friend must, therefore, excuse him,
if he did not, on the present occasion, yield to hie re
commendation. He had no other desire but to bring
under discussion a subject to which the attention of the
people of England were called at the present important
moment. He did not ask Ministers to embark in any
foolish or romantic speculation ; but he was satisfied
that there never was a time, since the-commencement 1
of the French Revolution—taking it .as teirifed That
the flame would spread---there never was, he was sa-
tisfied, so great an opportunity and occasion for this
country to strike a bold Stroke,-which might end 'in
the rescue of the world. It might be asked, if he was
inclined to trust to the conduct and prudence of Mi-
nisters, why did he bring the matter before Parlia-
ment ? He confessed that he was not friendly to Mi-1
nisters ; but still this Was.not a subject for party. He
therefore Wished to express his opinion to Ministers,
I and that opinion was, that they should not deal in
dribblets ; but if they could not do mush that they
should do nothing. The-e never was, he believed, in
this country, a Government, except during the admi-
nistration of his dear friend, now no more (Mr. Fox),
'in which one object only was pursued. When they
should have been aiming a blow at the heart of
France, there was always something else to distract
the attention—when they should have been at the core
of the heart, they were always found nieblitig at the
rhind. There was hardly a single person, except
Isis Right Honourable Friend near him (Mr. Wind-
ham) and Mr. Burke, who, since the Revolution in
France, had formed adequate notions of the neces-
sary steps to be taken. The various Governments
which this country had seen during that period, were
always employed in Melling for a sugar island, or
some other object of comparatively trifling moment,
while the main and principal pursuit was lost sight of
and forgotten. Let. Spain see, that we were not in-
clined to stint the services we had it in our power to
render to her—that we were not actuated by the de-
sire of any petty advantage to ourselves ; but that
our exertions were to be solely directed to the attain-
ment of the grand and general object—the emanci-
pation of the world. lie again repeated, let not our
assistance be given in dribblets. But he also again
repeated, let it not be romanticly and foolishly be-
stowed. Let it be seen, that the enthusiasm of the
people had been fairly awakened ; without that, our
efforts could avail nothing. But if the flame were
once fairly caught, our success was certain. France
would then find, that she had hitherto been contending
only against principalities, powers, and authorities,
but that she had now-to contend against a people !
The Right Honourable Gentleman said lie brought
nothing on for discussion ; he only wished to tall the
attention of Ministers to a subject in which the feelings
of the people of this country were so deeply interested.
If they acted properly, they might depend on having
his most steady and sincere support. Would any man
tell him that there was no use in agitating. a question
of this kind ? Would it not be known in Spain, and
would it not preserve, and even rouse the spirit of the
people of that country to knoW, that the unanimous
voice of the Parliament, as well as 4 the people of
Great Britain, was raised in their LA*, and their
cordial assistance and co-operatien readt to be affor-
ded them ? Was he then to be told. if an opportunity
should arise of affording effectual aid to Spain. that it
was not of importance that the subject had been agi-
tated in that House ? He had entire confidence in his,
Right Honourable Friend Opposite (Mr. Canning),
that nothing on his part would be'wanting. The
crisis was the most important which could well be
conceived—the stand made in the Asturias was the
most glorious. He hoped that the progress of it
would be closely watched, and not a single opportue
nity lost of adding vigour and energy to the spirit
which seemed to exist there. The symptoms could

not be long of shewing themselves-Ltlieir progress
must be rapid ; probably the very next dispatch might
be sufficient to enable a decisive opinion to be formed.
If the flame did not burn like wild fire it was all over!
He hoped Ministers would act as circumstances re-
quired ; and if so they should, as he had already said,
receive his support. He concluded by moving,
“ That $ huroble address be presented to his Majesty, that
be will be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid beforetbis
Heuer, copies of Inlets proclamations a have b. e received by his

Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs l and whir!, hve
been irued since the arrival itf the French army at l,tackid
Whether by the Spanish Government, the French Commander e:
Chief, or by persons since elaithing to act on behalf of the *nisi;

Nation.
L-. • Mr. Secretary CANNING replied nearlyas follow:
L-Mr. Speaker, I am disposed to give every credit w
Lmy Right Honourable Friend fur his motives in agi.
taring this-subject, and I can assure him, that he is
very much mistaken if he imagines that it was ja.
tended to check or rebuke him, by any thing that wa,
said On a recent evening from this side of the lieu e.
'At that time, although 'I was an possession of my
Right Honourable Friend's communication,my kigh,
Honourable Friend near me was not so. Sir, I could
very easily shew my !tight Hon. Friend, that it is
impossible to produce the papers for wl.-eli he ha,
moved ; some, because they have not reached Li;
Majesty's Government in an authenticated form ;
others, because they were not accurately docribed
its the motion ; and all, because if Are were in pos.
session, of the information which they contain, -it
would be highly improvident in us. at the press..:
moment, to communicate that information to t: e
world.:—(Hear, hear, hear. J—While I state tlis,
however, 'Sir, I hope my Right Honourable Friend
.will not misunderstand . me so much as to suppose
that I impute to Mtn any blame for this proceedini:,
or that I, tindery:a ue the pledge which he has given
us i'af-his supliort,.in any. plan of active operations
which it may be deemed.adeisable to adcitit with re-
spect to Spain ; the more especially iihen it i 5 con-
sidered, that in. that 'pledge may be implied the sap.
port of those persons with whom my Right Hollow.-
able Friend is accustomed to act in 'Parliament, ana
of whose body he is so emjnent and distinguished a
member. Sir, I should have been far from charging
my Right Honourable Friend with _blame, even had
he gone so far as to chalk out to his Maiesty's Minis•
tees the line of conduct that in his opinion it would
be expedient for them to pursue. From this he hat
abstained. Indisposed as I should have bc.,,n to ctn-
sure my Right Hon. Friend; had he rticeceed to
that extent, I cannot but feel that his speech, mock.
rate as it has been, calls for such a general disclosure
of the sentiments of his Majesty's Ministers as may be
made without hazard, without a dishonourable com-
promise, and without exciting expectations which
may never he realized. It is therefore, Sir, I declare
to the House and to the Country, that his Majesty's
Ministers see with as deep and lively an interest as
my Right Honourable Friend, the noble struggle
which a part of the Spanish nation is niiw making to
resist the unexampled atrocity of France, and to
preserve the independence of their country ; and ;I:at
there exists the strongest disposition on the part of the
British Government to afford every practicable aid in
a contest so magnanimous. - In endeavouring to af-
ford this aid, Sir, it will never occur to us to consider
that a state of war exists -between Spain and Great
Britain—(Hear, hear, hear I)—We shall proceed up.
On the principle, that any nation of Europe that starts
up with a determination to oppose the Power which,
whether professing insidious peace or declaring open
war, is the common enemy of all nations, whatever
may be the existing political relations of hat nation
with Great Britain, becomes instantly our essential
ally. In that event his Majesty's Ministers will have
three objects in. view. • The first, to direct the united
efforts of the two countries against the Common foe ;
the second, to direct those efforts in a way which
Shall be most beneficial' to the new ally j the third,
to direct them in a manner conducive to peculiarly
British interests. But, Sir, of those objects, the last
will be out of the question as compared with the other
two. These are the sentiments with which his Ma.
Testy's Government are inspired. To the measures
which these sentiments may dictate, they confidently
look for the support of. Parliament and of the Coun-
try. It cannot, Sir, be expected that I should say
whether we think the crisis arrived, or whether we
anticipate its speedy approach, when the sentiments
which I have described must be called into action.—
It is sufficient that I have stated what we feel, and
what we intend.—( Hear, hear, hear
!).-----For the rea-
sons, Sir,which I have before mentioned', I am com-
pelled to dissent from my Right Honourable Friend's
motion." . .
Mr. PONSONBY perfectly agreed with the Right
Hon. Gentleman in the objections he had made to
the Motion of his Right Hon. Friend, and early fore-
saw those objections. He thought there wasmuch of
the information sought for they could not grant; and
of the little they had, perhaps none that it would be
prudent to communicate. In such circumstances neither
he, nor any man as ignorant upon the subject as he ac-
knowledged himselt to he, could attempt to advise
his Majesty's Ministers what course to pursue, when
their course was ultimately to be regulated by that
information of which they were exclusively possessed.
He therefore could not divine the object of the Mo-
tion of his Right Hon. Friend. He denied, for him-
self, that it would operate upon him as a pledge of
his future opinions upon the conduct of his Majesty's
Ministers in this important crisis ; as, until he had wit-
nessed it, he could not possibly judge of it.
Mr. WHITBREAD said that, as his Right Hon
Friend (Mr. Sheridan) had devoted the greater part of
the exordium of his speech uponhim, he hoped to be al-
lowed to say a very few words. In the first place, hit
Right Hon. Friend had mistaken him, when he hod
represented. him as anxious to load Ministers with all
the responsibility of acting in the present instance,
and not willing to share in that responsibility. He
had not expressed any such sentiment; but thotteh
his Right Honourable Friend had done sn much jos.
tice to his private probity, he had accused him of per
tinacity. He should certainly, in the pre.ent instance,
so far adhere to this pertinacity, that as he had uni.
formly arraigned the measures of the present Admi-
nistration since they came into office—as he had mi.
forinty distrusted and doubted them, he should noir
begin-to give them gratuitously his confidence upon*
great and most important crisis. At the same time he
was positively against giving the information required.
H.e.had been n
ten reproved, as a man tan prompt in
calling for ' ation,• am.; in the present case, he
knew how to draw the line. If was, however, a topic
of national feeling, and be was well aware, that when
'his Right Honourable Friend, like another Timm/tense
seized the golden lyre, what an enthusiasm he 'veld
excite ; but he doubted very much if such intliutiar
might not be productive of more ill than gosh if Pre'
maturely called forth before the brave Spaniards were
furnished with means cf resisting their formidable foe.
When he heard so much said in the usual tone of Dia
impure, calling him the " merciless dzspot." '4OrytTe

tyrant," plunderer," " common enemy of man-
kind," he wished from his heart that England could
come into the cause with clean hands. He commen-
ted upon the third object of this country, in case of a
co-operation with Spain, and wished it hal been al-
together omitted; it had been that narrow policy of
postponing the interests of the great cause in which
they were engaged, to the minor concerns of British
objects, British views, British interests, exclusively.
Mr. CANNING rose to explain, that when he men-
tioned British objects, he fully felt that there could be
ao object so truly British as the success of the pan lots
of Spain against the galling oppression of the tyrant,
who endeavoured to enslave them—no conquest so
great as to rescue, from the overwhelming usurpa-
tion of France, the integrity of die Spanish nation in
every portion of the world!—(Loud crier of hear ! hear!
Mr. HERBERT expressed a strong desire to avoid
any measure which placed the consummation of peace
at a more remote distance. (We were prevented from
hearing the remainder of the Hon. Gentleman's ob-
servations, from the great noise that prevailed.)
Mr. WINDHAM said, that though there were
many imp:rtant topics belonging to this question, he
rose merely to observe upon two—the one as to the
general advice to Government for prompt. and deci-
sive measures ; the other, as to the general censure.
upon the different subsequent Administrations for their
al.j4ged devotion to British interests
With respect to the first, he removed himself from the
tesponsibility of such advice, and heard, with regret.
the Right Hon. Gentleman open his statement, with
an attempt to pledge his Right Hon. Friend, and those
who act with him, to an unqualified approbation of
ail (whatever they may be) of the future proceed.
logs of Government with respect to Spain. It had
been said, that a great deal should be done, but then
there might be a variety of opinions as to what that
rat deal would be ; sending out a large force, for in-1
stance, might not be doing a great deal. He deplored
the mixture of all those little selfish interests which
had hitherto fatally marked British interference. He
did not like the British etiots introduced in the speech
of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and thought it an
ominous beginnir g, till he was relieved by the subse-
quent explanation occasioned by the remarks of his
Hon. Friend. He could not help advising the zeal
of those who, when Europe was threatened with a
wreck, scorned the long boat and the pinnace ; but
now that wreck has actually take are veil' to
catch at any rope, beam, or plank left floating. Had
the internal commotions of La Venice been taken due
advantage of, who car. say what ills might have been
prevented. He enjoined Ministers to take a lesson,
not to disgust Spain with putting forward British in
terests—we had a dreadful arrear to make up with
that Country.
Lord CASTLEREAGH did not intend to have
troubled the House with any observations, but could
not avoid saying a ward or two in reply to what had
fallen from a Right Honourable Gentleman whe had
just sat down. The House might differ as to their
opinion of the good or ill effects resulting from the
motion now submitted to them ; but of the mover,
there could in that House be but one opinion. In the
course of a long and honourable public caner, that
Right Honourable Gentleman had given great and
memorable proofs of his postponing every party con-
sideration to the cause of the public and the country.
(Hear! hear!)--Upon all occasions of great national
moment, that Right Honourable Gentleman had uni-
formly dismissed from his mind every party conside-
ration, every political asp.rity, and stood forth the
firm and undismayed advocate of his country's true
interests--no matter in opposition to what political
friend, no matter in support of what political foe.--
(Loud and repeated cries of Hear ! hear ! from all
parts of the House.)—He regretted that some of the
friends of that Right Honourable Gentleman had not
yet learned to do what he has so often done, and try
to sacrifice occasionally party animosity to public good.
(Hear! hear ! from the Ministerial Benches.),lt
might have been expected, that in a question like the
wesent, every thing that could tend to irritate or
waken the jealousies of a gallant people struggling
for their liberties, would have been avoided, and yet the
Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down thought
it bore upon the present question to revive the old com-
plaint about the Spanish frigates, and by way of indu-
cing the Spaniards to place in us the most unlimited
.confidence, to remind them of an act upon our part of
unprovoked aggression and plunder. ( Hear I hear !)
The greater part of the speech of the Right Hon.
Gentleman was an eulogy on the several Administra-
tions with which he bad acted, and to which he had,
as usual, given, no doubt, the most. serious opposition.
He seemed very tender of our treating with Spain in
too selfish and illiberal a way, and condemned the

very policy in support of which he had been pouring
the British forces into the Spanish dominions in Ame-
rica ; supporting the destinies of Europe at the back
of America. (A laugh.) The Gentleman was quite
shocked at the ship stealing plan, as referred to in the
capture of the Spanish frigates,though, when in power,
he h ad no objection to steal te Tukish fleet, or bor-
row for a season the navy fro hm
Lirsbon, if he could
have got at either. (if laugh.) The Noble Lord
concluded with repeating his euloginni on Mr.• Sheri-
dan, and his censure on those who would throw cold
water, or something worse, on that disinterested zeal
in which they did not too largely participate.
Mr:WINDHAM, in explanation, stated that all
he meant to say was, that every Government had ne-
glected the means of overturning the revolutionary
power of France, in consequence of pursuing what
they called the British interests.
Lord TEMPLE said, that however he regretted
the manner in which the debate had been conducted,
it was highly satisfactory for the Spaniards to know,
that they might look with hope and confidence to sup-
port from this country, although they could not but
observe with anxiety, the recriminations on both sides
that had taken place this evening. This country, he
trusted, however ready it might be to recognize every
State at war with France as an ally, would always
keep in view the prospect of obtaining an honourable
peace, and not act upon the principles of carrying on
a war while we could find any to join with us in the
combat..
Mr. secretary CANNING denied that his speech
contained any e.spressions hich might lead the
Noble Lord to conceive that he had any intention of I
advising an indeterminable war.
Lord TEMPLE expressed himself satisfied with
the explanation.
Mr. SHEIUDAN said, he meant to impress on