The Sun.
London, England, 1842-10-24 00:00:00

No. 15,651.

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and down tumble prices, just when you have to sell,
and instead of 70s. you have 50s.—(Hear, hear.) But
the average is 605., and the landlords tell you of this
high average, and they make you pay rent as if you
oteiti adeot unaoitiy
irkeec eaivveerdagtehsi
s tahia' et
rage o tlh'eeiris tahliemthetiiipeat
nefit of high prices, and compel you to sell at the
lowest.—(Hear.)
And tell them when they speak 'of protection for
themselves that they have moral and geographical
protection which ought fully to satisfy them. They
have a moral protection in the attachment which men
feel to the place of their birth, to the scenes of their
childhood and youth, to the church where they were
united to the partners of their toils, and even to the
graves of their fathers, where they expect their own
bones to be laid.—(Hear, hear.) These local attach-
ments prevail even against prudence, and men who
feel them, and almost all men feel their, will rathe:
.give more than its value for a form than be torn
away from it like a tree which is rudely torn up
from its roots. And there is also a protection to
landlords in the pleasantness of the employment,
which makes farmer's sons dislike to leave it for
the drudgery and confinement of a town's occupa-
tion ; and hence they remain, and in their anxiety
to have farms they bid against their neigh-
bours, much to the benefit of the landowner. Then
comes the geographical protection. They talk of their
inability to co:npete with wheat grown in the fertile
prairies of Indiana, but that wheat cannot be brought
.tq..Nevy. York at. less charge of carringe than 10s. a
quarter, nor from New York here .at infriort
charges than 10s. more. Here is a protection of 20s:
to start with, and yet your landlords demand, and
Peel has given it to them, a protection of 20s. more,
I hope when they next talk to you of protection you
will tell them that protection means robbing the
manufacturers without putting a farthing in your
pockets. There might be some sense, though not
much honesty, in mulcting the manufacturers if you
made anything by it ; but he is a fool as well as a
knave who upholds an injustice by which he gains
nothing.
But lands would be thrown out of cultivation, say
the landowners coming upon you on another tack.
N'ow, however, in other parts of the country this plea
nay avail, it is useless in Cheshire. Should any of
diem come to any one who is here and talk about land
being thrown out of cultivation, just let him be asked:
" Then why am I bound dower never to break up
certain grass fields ?"—(Cheers.) Yes, you may well
doubt the sincerity of the man who uses this argu-
ment, and, at the same time, binds down his tenant
under heavy penalties that he shall not cultivate ;
who tells you that you must pay him a high rent,
because there is a law to keep up the price of corn,
when he makes a private law between him and you
that you shall not grow corn.—(Cheers.) It is known
that the greater part of grass land cannot be kept in
good order unless it be occasionally broken up,
well cleansed by a judicious alternation of crops, and
then when in thoroughly .good condition laid down
again in grass. But no matter how foul the grass
lands become, no matter how overgrown with moss,
no matter how many rushes, no matter how coarse
and sour the grass is, you are bound down not to
disturb it, by the very men who support the Corn-law,
and tell you that they do so because its repeal would
throw land out of cultivation.—(Cheers.) I deny, and
all well-informed farmers deny, that there would be
less employment for labour after the repeal of the
Corn-law than there is now ; for there is very little
land that can be always in grass. There is more pro-
duce by a judicious rotation, More manure made,
more profit to the farmer, snore employment for the
labourer, when, instead of looking for profit from
one scourging crop, the view of the farmer is
extended to the whole vei-rrs of the rotation, and
considers that each crop is the natural and ne-
cessary process towards the production of another.
Under the present system there is a premium
given for bad cultivation. Corn is forced upon
unsuitable soils, which could be much better em-
ployed, and the country is injured ten times more
than the amount of any benefit which the landlord
may enjoy. And if prices were to fall, it by no means
follows that the farmer would suffer. He would need

ADDRESS TO FARMERS AT
0 VER, IN CHESHIRE.
On Wednesday week, on the invitation of a num-
ber of gentlemen at Over, Mr. Prentice met a depu-
tation from Northwich, for the purpose of holding a
friendly conference with the farmers in the neigh-
bourhood of the former place. Considerable pains
had been taken to prevent the meeting taking plan,
The members of the League were denounced as tak-
ing a part that was immoral, irreligious, and, at the
present moment, seditious; but, notwithstanding, the
Market Hall was well filled, and of the hundreds who
were present a considerable proportion consisted of
farmers. Mr. Slater, of Woodford Hall, who farms
nearly 300 acres of land, was called to the chair, and
introduced
Mr. PRENTICE, who said—l have been infoimed
that some persons have been saying that to have a
friendly discussion here on the way in which the
Corn-law affects farmers would be immoral and irre-
ligious. I will reply to those persons in the words of
the Rev. Gilbert Elliot,Vicar of Kirkby-Thorpe, near
Kendal, whose speech happens to be amongst the
number of tracts I have brought with me for distri-
bution. Mr. Elliot, at an Anti-Corn-law meeting
held in Kendal, said—
" Even conceding that the landed interest might not
reap such advantages as they at present do, an I that
the manufacturers might not be so materially assiited
as they anticipate, were the Corn-laws to be modified
or to be repealed, I should still be against them on
the strongest possible grounds, that of religion. I
cannot, I dare not join myself to those who insist
upon upholding those worse than questionable laws:
and from this time forth, when the declaration and en-
couragement of so many able men in Parliament gives
hope that peaceful agitation may succeed in modify-
ing them, I never shall cease to use my utmost in-
fluence to aid in having them swept from our statute
book. I have, indeed, heard that the clergy of the
Church of England are against any alteration in these
laws. I have heard that one of them has found out
that they are sanctioned by the Holy Scriptures, just
as one of them formerly found out that those Scrip-
tures gave support to slavery; but I cannot believe it
of the bulk of the clergy, that they are so opposed to
such an effectual change in these laws as shall remove
the complaints and miseries of the poor. I know it
may be said to me, that those who support the
laws do so because they think them ultimately best
for the interests of the poor. All I can say is, their
views may he right, but that mine at least appear
most consistent with the language of our Liturgy,
and that of some of the Fathers of the Church
I am, in our Liturgy, bound to thank Geri when
there is abundance ; to pray earnestly that he will
protect us from dearth and famine ; but how those
who support these laws can, with any sincerity, in
such years as those through which we have lately
passed, go with this prayer to the footstool of God s
Throne, when one little stroke of the pen, one little
Act of Parliament could avert it, I cannot divine.
But what says Cranmer—Cranmer, an Archbishop,
and an early founder of the Church—in his Exposition
•f the Cathechism ? W hen speaking to the command,
Thou shalt not steal,' he thus explains it, as to the
farmer or landowner, If they sell their corn, cattle,
or other victual at an unreasonable price, to enrich
themselves thereby, they be very thieves before God;'
n d again, If he set so excessive a price upon his
corn that the multitude (whom his duty it is to feed)
is not able to buy it, then he is guilty of theft before
God.' This is the language I have been taught—
this is the language I teach. The case may be that
my income shall suffer by a change of the Corn-laws,
but God forbid that I should seek a gain which robs
the poor man of his bread, or is wet with the poor
mans tears ; and I cannot but hope that there are
thousands prepared to viesa the matter as I do, that is,
as a question of Christian charity and religion."
The reading of this extract elicited loud cheers.
Mr. PR EN TICE went on to say—l believe that the
Vicar of Kirkby-Thorpe is quite as religious a man as
any Vicar you have is Cheshire, but if anyone should
balance the opinions of one Vicar against another, cast
the Archbishop at once in his teeth.—(Laughter and
cheers.) As to sedition, the slanderers are worth no
other reply than that the members of the League have
quite as great a stake in the country, and as much in-
terest in the preservation of the peace, as any of the
Cheshire squirearchy. The League recommends no
measure of injustice. It does not ask.that a burthen
sisse.reeass4.l.,... olrcrukk, o tr 7 be--rtiny Vf 11 1/11
the shoulders of other classes of the community, be-
cause that would be a continuance of the injustice.
Its object, and my object here to-night, is to show
that the. great and ruinous injury which is done to the
trading and manufacturing interest is without any,
the slightest, advantage to the farmer. Surely this is
a subject which we may discuss dispassionately; and
probably you will not be less disposed to enter into a
friendly conference with me when I tell you that I
am the son of a farmer, whose ancestors were farmers
on the same estate from the time of Queen Elizabeth.
You have a deep interest in the prosperity of towns
where your produce is consumed. You cannot be
prosperous when they are depressed. Your markets
are such towns as Manchester, Stockport, andlVar-
rington, and when trade is had and wages are low,
and when m'any are out of employment, you cannot
expect to have the same price for your produce that
you had in prosperous times. Have you had no re-
duction in the price of cheese ?—(A Farmer—Yes ;
the best quality is down 10s., and the second 20s. a
cwt.) What is the cause of this reduction ? Not Sir
Robert Peel's tariff; which has left the duty on foreign
cheese untouched. Had he taken off even a shilling
a cwt. we should have had an outcry that this had
caused the fall of 10s. and 205., which you are now
suffering. We must look, then, for some other cause ;
and you will find it in the deep distress of your cus-
tomers.—(Hear, hear.) You will observe that the
fall is greatest on the inferior quality, which has hi-
therto formed a considerable part of the meal of the
working man, but now he cannot purchase wholesome
wheaten bread and good cheese, but is reduced to the
necessity of living on potatoes; and you will have a
still less demand from him during the winter, which
threatens to be one of greater privation and suffering
than has ever yet been endured by a much suffering
people.
And this distress in the manufacturing tow ns reaches
you in another way. Part of your population, tempted
by better wages than you could afford to give them
here, have settled in the towns, where they have sup-
ported themselves without being chargeable to you;
but now, being unable to find employment, they are
passed home, to add to the burden of your poor's
rate—to be paupers, perhaps, for life.—(Hear, hear.)
Let me ask you, how your poor's rate is now, com-
pared with what it was this time last year ?—[The
Chairman : It is advanced forty per cent.]—Forty per
cent ! Forty per cent. reduction in the price of your
cheese—forty per cent. increase in your poor's rate—
and both these effects from the distress of the manu-
facturing districts. And yet you have men amongst
you who say that an inquiry into the cause of conse-
quences so disastrous to you, the farmers of Cheshire,
is seditious and irreligious.—(Loud cheers.)
Farmers have a further and deep interest in trade
and manafactures, as affording the means of pro-
viding for their families—as affording openings for
the settlement of their sons and daughters, who cannot
all be farmers or farmers' wives. In one of the tracts
which I shall leave you, you will find a statement that,
in a certain number of families known to the writer
there were, out of eighty individuals who grew up to!
men's and women's estate, only four of the sons who
became farmers, and only four of the daughters who
married farmers. This was only one-tenth of the
whole number. Nine-tenths of the others had to
seek employment elsewhere. Many of the sons settled
in the large towns, and many of the daughters were
married to pe. sons in the large towns, many sons
emigrated to Canada, the United States, Australia,
&c., and many of the daughters, who would not marry
beneath their station, remained unmarried. For
your immediate subsistence—for the means of edu-
cating your children up to a certain age you depend
upon your farms—but when they are to be settled in
life, if you have more than one son and one daughter,
you have as great an interest in the prosperity of
trade as you have in the prosperity of agriculture, and
much greater if you have a large family. Thus even
were the Corn-law a benefit in the first instance to
the farmer, it would he no benefit if accompanied by
a diminution of other means of settling his children
in the world.
But I deny that there is even any immediate and
direct benefit. Either the Corn-law raises the prices
of farm produce, or it does not. If it does not, how
can it benefit you ?If it does—if it raises prices
permanently, so that high prices can be calculated
upon, it only raises rents.—(Hear, hear.) And there
is a peculiar hardship in your case. You take your
farms calculating on a certain average price, say, for
wheat, 60s. ; but although the average for the year be
60s. you do not receive so much. The corn holders,
for a couple of months before harvest, may be selling
at 705., and you may be expecting to have the same
price, but your harvest comes into market at the very
moment when, by Peel's sliding juggle, it has to
compete with two millions quarters of foreign growth,

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Manufactures. CALOTYPE PORTRAITS taken daily by
Mr. Collen. The Weekly List of POPULAR LECTURES
delivered by Dr. Ryan, Professor Bachhoffner, and the other
Lecturers, with the appointed hours for each, is suspended
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ENLARGED DISSOLVING VIEWS. The ORRERY,
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wTe required. The bargain was that in return for
their holdings they, should defend the country and
preserve its peace. Scion after the Revolution of 1688,
their military services were commuted for a payment
of four shillings in the- pound on the then assessed
annual value of their land. They now complain of
their bargain. They say the payment is a peculiar
burthen. If they repent of it, let .us go back to the
old contract. . Let them pay the army, and we will
:elease them frcini tlielaild2tax.— (Cheers and laughter.)
But on imposing the peculiar burden in lieu of their
feudal services, they took peculiar pains to lay it as
!ightly as possible. At that time, 16.95, it was one-
third of the whole: revenue of the country. They now
pay on the assessment of 1695, although their land
has increased in value ten, twenty, and through some
whole counties thirty fold.—(Hear, hear.) In 1695,
in return for their feudal services, the landowners
paid an amount equal to, one-third of the whole re •
venue. Their payment is the same now, when it
amounts to little more than one twenty-fifth part of
the taxation of the country. And this 'is one of their
peculiar burthens.—(Laughter.)
And the poor's-rate .is another of their peculiar
burthens, and likely to become . a, heavier one than it
is now, if I may judge by the operation now going on
in your township of Over.—(liear, hear.) But the
distress which sends paupers home to you is first felt
with us at Manchester and Stockport.—(Hear, hear.)
We also have our poor to slipped. My partner and
I rent premises to the amount of 1501. a-year, and
when one of your Cheshire lendowners.once spoke of
'the- peor's-ratee as a peculiar buythen upon land, we
offered to pay the rate 6n and of -.TiTS- -farms of the,
same rent if he would pay ours, but he would not
accept the offer, and by the refusal put himself out of
court with his cloCtrine of an exclusive burthen.
Tithes are another of the peculiar burthens upon
the land. But you can easily see that they do not
fall on you, though they , pass through your hands.
I know an estate in Cheshire whiCh is tithe free. Do
the farmers have' the farms at less on that account ?
No ; they pay sd much more, rente--(Hear, hear.)
Were tithes abolished to-morrow you would be none
the better for the change, for, your rents would be
so much the more. What you now pay to the parson
you would pay tothe landowner.—(Hear, hear.) But,
say the landowners,. if we get so .much less rent in
consequence of the pae meat • of tithes, we do in
reality pay the tithes.. Softly, gentlemen, you must,
to make your case good; prove that you have a right
to both rent and- titheseee(ClOers.) Tithes are rent
paid in a peculiar way 1,1. if t•ey were not paid to
the parson, the landlords have no more-right to have
them than I or individual in this Market-hall
who does not own an 'inch of land' in the country.
Peculiar burthen indeed t- They might as well talk
of their mortgages as .a peculiar burthen. So much
for peculiar burthens. Let us 'now see if they do not
enjoy,peculiar exemptions from taxes.
Mr. Prentice then referred to. )the probate and le-
gacy duties, to the. window.-tax, to the tax on horses,
to the duties on 'insurance and. sales by auction, and
to the Income-tax on rents of not less than 3001., from
which landowners -had' exempted their tenants while
those taxes fell on,all other classes-of the community.
lie went on to say, These are specimens of landlord
legislation ; and what the better are-you for all these
exemptions, and from the "protection" they have be-
stowed upon yote?—(Hear, ;hear.) And what the
better are they for them all?: They have had it all
their own way—they have legislated just as they
liked—heaped up exemptions and protection to them-
selves, and yet they are complaining that they are
not exempted andprotee_ted enough. They have driven
their tenants like cattle to the, poll. to. vote for this
or that "farmers' friend," and ',yet they are com-
plaining. And why- is- -it-that - their legislation has
failed? Because laws based' on injustice are fated
either to fall or ultimately to injure those who passed
them, and those:who tamelfa'nd submissively allowed
them to pass.—(Loud cheers.) The laws of God are
stronger than the enactments of Men; and they will
ultimately be enforced. 'He'cattsee his rain to fall on
the just and the unjust; he 'gives
,diversity of climate
that there may be diversity of production ; he decrees
that there shall never be scarcity all over the world at
once; he ordains in -his beneficence that there shall
always be plenty upon the face of the earth—all the
comforts and all the innocent luxuries of life, abund-
ance of food, generous wines, clelieicius fruits, to be
freely enjoyed by men ifthen hake • only the sense to
accept of them by emtnel exchanges. If they refuse
limy must. abide the fearful consequences..
Fully convinced that the Corn-law is based on -in-
justice, that its repeal would, not ininre the farmer,
and that its abolition' is absolutely necessary to avert
the total ruin of trade and Manufactures, the members
of the League, in-the conscientious discharge of what
they consider a sacred religious diitY, are determined
never to cease their 'labours till they have established
entirely free trade in'the necessaries of life. It is not
merely against the juggling slide of -Sir Robert Peel
that they make warfare.' Thei?-Warfare is against
injustice, and they 'will consent to no duty on that
which is the free gift. of Provitleeee. There will be
no cessation of theirilabours till the trade in corn be
free as the air we breathe. It is for the farmers of
England, therefore, to choose whether'they will have
the present uncertainty; ut'idefr which they know not
what they do, protracted 'ter years, or whether they
will throw themselves into the 'movement, have the
question settled at once, make' fresh agreements with
their landlords, and start afresh on a sure foundation.
—(Hear, hear.) But whethet you join the movement
or not, let me warn, you no: to be found against it.
Be not guilty of the hypocrisy of praying for your
daily bread while you are .leca§iilg it to your fellow
men when it is freely. offered.(Leiud cheers.)
Mr. Tuosarsoet 'spoke very effbctively on the in-
justice of the Corn-law ; -after which 'thanks were
voted to Mr. Prentice and the other gentlemen of the
deputation, and the proCeedings of, the evening ter-
minated with three hearty,. English cheers to the
Chairman. The attention td'-the Address, and the
demand for tracts 'at its conclusion, showed that the
farmers in Cheshire are eager. for infOrmation when
it is offered in a friendly spirit.

STJAVE TRADE—RIGHT OF '
SEARCH.
(From the Journal des Debats.)
We feel it our duty to protest, even in the interest
of the French press at large, against the manner in
which certain iournals have treated the letter addressed
b Lord Aberdeen to the Lords of the Admiralty.
Were we at war with England, were she a nation of
traitors, of people so perfidious as to merit extermina-
tion' and her GoNernment a Government of pirates, it
would he no reason why,when such a nation and such
a Government performs an act of justice, this act
.shonld be denaturalised, and made a cause for a flood
of ithniting declamation. - Lord Aberdeen frankly ac-
knowleazes that abuses have entered into the means
employed tt...r repressing the traffic in slaves, and points
them out to the Lords of the Admiralty, calling upon
them to suppress the irregularities, by sending out to
the British naval :officers instructions in con-
formity with the rights of nations. This
letter, we repeat, bears an impress of mode-
ration and good faith which does honour to the
1 British Minister, and he has shown a true dignity of
mind in confessing errors, and taking the necessary
measures for remedying them. Yet this has been
seized upon by certain journals as an occasion for im-
precating death and hatred upon the English and
their Government ! What is the character they wish
us to have in the opinion of mankind ? What object
have they in issuing forth these violent absurdities ?
Do they wish France to be made 'an outlaw among
nations ? Is there net a sound and loyal policy in
rendering justice to the good intentions of Lord
Aberdeen -in accepting-his admissions of wrong, and
in encouraging the English Government in this its
first endeavour to put an end to the abuses which
have been complained of ? It is urged, however, that
the Minister's letter does not say all—that his Lordship
notices only certain abuses, and passes over others in
silence I This may be so; but, nevertheless, it is
much for a Government to have candour and courage
enough -to confess a portion of its wrong doings, or

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Lord Thomas and Fair Annet ; Fause Foodrage, Genevieve,
Fair Margaret, and Sweet William; Birth of St. George,
Mermaid, Sir Agilthorn, Lord Ullin's Daughter, and Dens of
Yarrow. Illustrated by Creswick, Franklin, Redgrave, Her-
bert, Meadows, Dodd, Townsend, Frith, Ward, APlan, Cur-
bould, Joy, Warren, Gilbert, Williams, and Scott.
London : J. How, 132, Fleet-street.

_ memo
MANCHESTER.—OLD SPREAD EAGLE HOTEL,
HANGING DITCH.

(BACK ENTRANCE FROM CANNON•STREET.)
WF. WESTALL respectfully informs the
• COMMERCIAL PUBLIC that he has taken and
entered upon the above newly built, spacious, elegant, and con-
venient premises, lately occupied by Mrs. Holden, formerly of
the Thatched House Tavern, and trusts, from the liberal system
he intends to adhere to in catering for the taste and comfort of
the public, to receive a fair share of support. The Wines,
Spirits, and Cigars, have been selected with the greatest care,
and will be found of first-rate quality. London Porter, Burton
Ales, &c. Capital Stabling and Coach-house.

TALBOT HOTEL, HIGH-STREET, STOURBRIDGE.
TO FAMILIES and COMMERCIAL GEN-
TLEMEN.—The above portion of the community,
together with the public in general, aro most respectfully in-
formed that these premises, which have undergone extensive
repairs, are now re-opened fur their accomodation, and the
proprietor (BEN.IAMIN B ROOKS), with confidence solicits
their favour, feeling assured they will be found replete with
every convenience. Moderate charges strictly adhered to.

less capital to stock his farm, and the want of suffi-
cient capital is, as most of you well know, a great im-
pediment to good farming. Even with,lower prices it
does not follow that the landlord himself would suffer.
st sr/ ys e mg equitame leases would he,
adopted, which would enable the farmers even with
lower prices to give greater rents. There is probably
no manure cheaper than bone dust, but what tenant
at will would lay done bone dust, the effects of which
are manifest for ten years, when he is never cel lain
that he shall be more than one year in his occupancy ?
But with us the question is not one
of price but of
exchange. We wish to exchange our surplus produce
for the surplus produce of other countries. T,ly own be-
lief is that under free trade prices would be equalized,
that they would fall something here, and rise some-
what abroad, remaining, however, higher in the im-
porting country by the amount of charges upon im-
port. Our demand is not so much cheap bread as the
liberty to exchange our calicoes, which. are unsaleable
at home,.for the food which is unsaleable abroad—the
liberty of selling where we can sell best, and of buy-
ing where we can buy cheapest—of taking food in
exchange where we can have nothing else in exchange.
It is objected that with this liberty the gold would
leave the country. This, be it observed, is never ob-
jected to in the purchase of American cotton.—(Hear.)
Why should gold be sent any more in exchange for
corn than for cotton, but because cotton is a regular
article of import, while the purchase of corn, by the
sliding scale, is a sudden speculation. But if gold did
leave the country, what then? IVe do not grow the
gold, and we cannot eat the gold. Before we have
the gold we must have given manufactured goods for
it, and by the same means we first obtained it we
could obtain it again. But gold need not come into
the transaction at all. I will engage, and I do not
make the assertion without authority, that in a few
weeks I should have a million bushels of wheat for a
million pieces of calico without the intervention of
money on either side. Here Would be no derange-
ment of exchanges.' The whole negotiation would
be : " Give us the wheat, and here are the calicoes."
And this transaction wouldbe effected without lessen-
ing, even by a single bushel, the consumption of
English wheat, for our calico weavers are not at pre-
sent, nor have been for some time, nor are likely soon
to be, consumers of wheaten bread. You would only
have men who are now scarcely existing on a scanty
supply of potatoes eating whOlesome bread, with,
provably, some of your Cheshire cheese and butter,
which at present they never see.—(Hear, hear.) Is
there a single person here who believes that the mass
of the people have as much as they can consume of
the fear that there would be a lessened consumption
of o° wholesome
English
tri
pfod roodu?c—e.(No, no.) Away, then, with
And now a few words as to the effect of a repeal
of the Corn-law on your labourers. They are told
that their wages fall and rise with the fall and rise
of the prices of food. This fallacy has been urged
upon them from the time that the corn-law was pro-
posed, in 1815, to the present day; and Lord Abinger,
the other day, went so far out of his judicial course
,
as to hash up the exploded fallacy to a Jury at Liver-
pool. If I have any labourers amongst my audience
gees fallacy is
repeated
well.pwouldeat e d
thyoa
them
eathem,mge
sby any
esary
enhy employer, to say 4, Very
e. hl2sL. Lord w Ae
ebk in 1835, when
i n
wheat was at ss. a strike. Will you make them 18s.
when it is at 75.6 d. the strike?"—(Cheers.) If wages
are high where food is high, and low where food is
low, how comes it that the Irish labourer has only 6d.
, where food is
has 4s. a-day?
oa -11 dl
ya ay,
--(Hear.) The Irishman at home works a fortnight
awlfltshilee
pthreicleatbiomutrietriisninArreelrailcida,
for a single measure of wheat—the Irishman in Ame-
rica earns it
.by a single day's labour.—(Hear.) When
a labourer hears this old talk about wages being regu-
lated by the price of food, let him ask ow a h ;
-t happens
that wages are so high in cheap America, and so low
in dear Ireland; and let him ask the repeater of the
stale fallacy; "Now, really, do you pretend to be honest
when you say so ?"—(Laughter and cheers.)
And now for the justice of the question. I have
hitherto been endeavouring to show you that you de-
rive no benefit from the orn-law, and that, on the
contrary, you are now suffering by its operation in
the reduction of the price of your dairy produce, in
the increase of your poor-rates, and in the diminished
sources of employment for your families. Have the
landowners any just claim to the protection they en-
joy ? Do they bear any peculiar burthens ? Do
they contribute anything to the public revenue which
the other classes of the community do not? They
tell us that they do. They tell us that they pay the
land-tax, the tithes, and. poor-rates. They tell us
that these are peculiar burthens borne by the land,
and that as an equivalent for these peculiar' burthens
they should be empowered to tax the people's bread.
Let us examine these burthens in detail.
The land of this country was held under a military
tenure. It was parcelled out by the Conqueror
amongst his chiefs on the condition that they should
render the Country their military. services when they

THE GUILDHALL HOTEL, KING-STREET, CHEAP-
SIDE.—This establishment, which- has 'undergone, in
consequence of fh.Q city improvementS in Cateaton-
street, most extensive enlargement and alteration, was
on Saturday permanentlyopmed by a public dinner in
the state dining-room, sover which , Alderman Sir
Peter Laurie presided, stil founded, by a most respect-
able company of seventy:gentlemen, including some
of the chief officers and merchants of the City. The
dinner was of the first order, embracing every delicacy
of the season. The wines were of the first character;
and the whole reflected. much credit on Mr. 'Walters,
the spirited proprietor.

CORONER'S INQUEST. - On T .ay at halfpast-
three o'clock, Mr. Higgs, the Coroner for West-
minster, held an inquest in St. James's-workhouse,
Poland-street, upon,the..body !of. John. Park. It ap-
peared froth the evidence ..Of a number ,of witnesses
that the deceased had left his work on Tuesday about
half-past four, and in passing. 'down Lower James-
street, when about 4'oo yards trom the workshop, he
fell down upon the pavement in a state of insensibility.
He was carried into the . first shop, and means used
for his recovery, hilt he died almost instantaneously.
His relations having refused. to allow a post mortem
examination of his body, the Jury, after a short con-
sultation, returned a verdict of "Pied,:by the visita-
tion of God." The deceased, who *as both deaf mid
dumb, married a girl afflicted with, the same infirmi-
ties, and who is now an:inmate of Bedlam.

those' of its subordinates, to condemn itself for—those
acts in which it has been blameable, and spontane-
ously make a public acknowledgment. We cannot,
in conscience, exact from Lord Aberdeen an espousal
of all our complaints without examination; and that,
upon the mere denunciation of our journals, he should
treat the naval officers of his own country as brutal

plunderers. It is for our Government to take advan-
tage of the opening made by the declarations of Lord
Aberdeen, and, having accurately verified facts, lay
the proofs before the British Government. As long
as the treaties of 1831 and 1833 continue in force this
is all that can be properly done. Admitting that the
letter of Lord Aberdeen is only an incomplete admis-
sion—that it is but one step towards a reparation, is
it a -good ground for an attempt to raise heaven and
earth against the Government of a nation which tes-
tifies the desire to repair the wrongs and errors which
some of its delegates have been guilty of ? No nation,
no Government, is infallible. All countries are liable
to be involved by their agents in serious. faults, but
among those which are civilised this should
never bring on a furious and insensate war.
The injured party does not immediately utter
outrageous cries of vengeance, but first pro-
ceeds to demand justice through the elannel
of diplomacy. If any nation believed that if had
good grounds of complaint against us, would we listen
to demands for reparation accompanied with insults
and threats ? Would we be the snore ready to do
justice if branded with the terms of thieves and plun-
derers, and daily told by the nation claiming satisfac-
tion that it hated us, and called down upon us all the
vengeance of God and man ? Yet this is the high
patriotism which, with so much shameful rancour,
some of our journals are displaying at the present
day. They do not talk like politicians, but disgorge
words of rage and animosity, believing, no doubt, that
they are rendering an eminent service to France, by
endeavouring to make her a participator in their own
blind passions. We have said, and we say again after
calm reelection, that were France at war with Eng-
land it would still become them, both as two great
civilised nations, to do justice to and respect each other.
We have a further motive far protesting against the
deplorable exaggerations of a certain portion of the
press. It is evident that these exaggerations, although
they might not have the intent of driving the two
nations into a war with each other (and then they
would be criminal), must essentially injure the
cause they_ pretend to serve. A moderate and calm
dignity adds weight to all remonstrances, whereas,-
ra<re and violent language render them suspicious,
and throw discredit upon them. Every country has
a right, and, indeed, is bound to defend its own

honour. To insult is not to negotiate. What a na-
tion would readily grant on a just and proper appli-
cation, it will refuse to insulting threats, for then its
pride is rowed. What is the wish of these writers,

who every morning brandish their swords in the face
of England? There are existing treaties—we do not
allude to that of 1841—for not being ratified, and it
never will be, it is, as regards France, as if it had
never been signed. This is a point upon which no
person can raise a doubt. But there are treaties that

we have ratified, and induced other parties to accede
to, which we have acted upon for 11 years without a
murmur against them till the last ten months. This
is an incontestible fact. There have been abuses—

On Saturday,aithe J ensingtonPolice Court, an
application was made to .Mr. T. Poynter, the sitting
Magistrate, on the ;part of Captein Davis, of Turn-
ham-green for the' restoration of a,,diamond ring,
valued at fifty guineas, which had been detained at
the Court, in consequence of Captain Davis refusing
to prosecute two yOung women, named Foster, who
had stolen it from his house. Mr. Poynter, in answer
to the application, observed that he did not see that
he should be justified in ordering the ring to be de-
livered up to Captain Davis, inasmuch as he had
thwarted the ends of justice, by objecting to appear
and identify the -ring. It, however, subsequently.
appearing that Captain Davis was an aged gentleman,
who had not left his house for years, Mr. Poynter
consented that it should be given up, upon the Captain
paying a sum of money to the office poor-box.
It will be recollected that, the ‘veek before last, a
licensed hawker was taken into custody, and brought
before the Magistrates at Marylebone Police-court,
for having hawked goods at, houses within the gates of
the Regent's-park, this act on his part being charged
as an offence in contravention of the orders and regu-
lations of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests.
It turns out, however, that the Commissioners possess
no legal right to exclude' such hawkers, and that
their officer, in arresting this man, acted without
any legal authority. It is seldom, indeed, that any
complaint can be ,made of the administration of the
Woods and Forests, . which is, unquestionably, the
best conducted department in her Majesty's service,
and one which has done more thawany other to
the general convenience and comfarfofthe public.

the treaties themselves indicated that there might be
such. But now it is wished to turn back upon these
treaties, and have them modified, at least, if they
cannot be entirely rescinded. It is wished that the
treaty lately concluded between Great Britain and
Ainerica should become the model of a new treaty be-
tween England and France. We can require nothing
better. We will not even enlarge upon the fact that
the position of the United States was different from
ours, and that they had not to recur to former and
still-existing treaties signed by them. It can only be
through the medium of negotiation, and not by rudely
and abruptly breaking a faith solemnly pledged, that
the question of inoditying the treaties of 1831 and
1833 can he decided. Now all men of sense must
and do feel that during such torrents of insults and
threats, such an exhibition of inveterate hatred, no
rational or pacific conclusion can ever be come to.
We are fully convinced, and therefore we declare,
that this system of the journals of which we have
spoken, is directly opposed to the object they wish to
countries.
r Well
attain, supposing that object not to be the substitatioft
of passionate rage for temperate reason. We are tho-
roughly
in
her g
convinced,eneral rmoreover,elationsNtvilitah a
that it t
lclancoounnly bu ey
injurious to the interests and dignity of France nut
only in the special question about the right of search,
are further convinced that it tends to male us pass
for a people obeying no rule but its own passions,
acting only on blind instinct---to -day enthusiastic for
one cause, and to-morrow abandoning it for another—
always wishing to have recourse to violence—allowing
nothing to justice and reason ; and it is against these
false ideas which their declamations would in the end
impress upon France, that we feel it to be our duty to
protest.

(From the Paris Siecle.)
The Marquis of Normanby, then Colonial Secre-
tary, was informed in 1839, that a Spanish slave
trader, Los dos Amigos, had been admitted to free
trade at Cape Coast, an English establishment on the
Golden Coast. The last Whig Ministry sent, after
this information, Dr. Richard Madden to the western
coast of Africa, to examine if English commerce, in
the English, Spanish, or Portuguese establishments,
participated in the slave trade. The result of the
mission was, that the slave trade was kept up by Eng-
lish commerce and English money. Dr. Madden
found that the slavers took in provisions at the Eng-
lish establishments, and that the English gave to the
slave factories clothes and ammunition necessary !or
this infamous trade. He found besides, that slavery
existed in several of the possessions of England on the
Golden Coast. Dr. Madden made a report in conse-
quence. Amongst other things be recommended a suit
in law against one of the great London houses, Messrs.
Forster and Smith, as,havingassisted the slave trade, and
having employed one of its vessels, the Robert Heddle,
in furnishing special merchandise for the trade to a
man of the name of Louie, a known slave trader,
established at Whydah. The Whig Ministry highly
approved of this, and seemed disposed to enter into a
suit against the house of Forster and Smith. Thing ,
s
were at this point when the Tory Ministrycl was.
formed. Lord Stanley, having been made
Secretary, took into consideration the Report of Dr.
Madden, and then named a Comotmntiiteiofwiansquest
itlb
ceoast state
of oAffritchae. Einligilsi sch
effect of the Report of
uwie)ositierpossessions on the
With few exceptions,
evi-
dently formed to destroy the
Dr. Madden. It was composed,
of the political friends of the Ministry, and amongst
them was the very man, Mr.
Forster against whom
Dr. Madden had spoken. The
c:port of this Com-
mittee, and its depositions, have
been printed ; Mr.
Forster has been the prneipal interrogator of
Dr. Madden upon
oft he criminal act of which he
accuses the house
a complete pForster and Smith. It is
useless to S'ay that the
Report of the
Committee : islarliamentary
apology of the English
merchants.' Dr.
mad
wdeiitihptehe persists in
trade: hitshe Committeereportotthe
'relations of this house