The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

be manifest. Whether we look to the societies

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formed for improving the dwellings of the poor, or to
the plan proposing allotments of land, by subscription
or otherwise, there is matter for deep congratulation.
Still it is not in the power of Parliament, by any
legislative measures, to obtain that desirable object
of securing to the labouring man a fair day's wages for a
fair day's labour ; yet much may be done by individual
exertions, whether in the capacity of landlord, tenant,
or master. Having adverted to most of the important
topics contained in her Majesty's Speech. it only remains
for me to thank the House for the kindness and indul-
gence with which it has listened to my address, and I
will conclude by simply expressing a hope that we
may all unite in supporting any measures calculated to
improve the condition of the poor, or promote the ge-
neral interests of the people of this great empire. The
Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving an address, which
ills, as usual, an echo of the speech.
Mr. T. BARING rose to second the adoption of the
address, but he spoke in so low a tone, and the hum of
' voices of those speaking on either side was so loud, that
the lion. Member was almost inaudible in the gallery.
As well as we could catch his words, he
spoke nearly as follows :—Sir, in rising to second the
adoption of the address proposed by my Hon. Friend
on my left, I think I shall best consult the convenience

of the House, and shall best show my gratitude for the
honour conferred upon me, in selecting me as the seconder
of his motion, by confining myself to a few observations,
and saying that I fully coincide in all that has fallen
from my Honourable Friend end that in the few
remarks I have to make I shall endeavour to avoid allu-
sion to all those topics, which woes./ b i li 'rely to create
any unnecessary discussion, or interrupt the present good
feeling.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I trust enat this will be a
sufficient explanation of my presumption in occupying
the position I do at this moment.—(bear, hear.) I hope,
Sir, I may be permitted to express my conviction
that the present circumstances of this country are
such as fully warrant the expressions contained in
the address to her Majesty, and that there are
no topics touched upon in that address which
are not borne out by the circumstances of the country.
—(Hear, hear.) It is these prosperous circumstances
that have made me feel proud at having imposed upon
me the agreeable task I have undertaken, of seconding
the adoption of that address, carrying with it as it does
all the weight en I the ability of t"e able and talented re-
marks of my Hon. Friend. Sir, there were times
when her present Majesty opened the Parliament under
other and less auspicious circumstances ; when the
House of Commons was placed in a position that called
upon it for energetic measures, in order to meet the
emergencies of the country ; when the House was likely
to be called upon for the exercise of that full power
possessed by it, by which to maintain the supremacy of
the Crown ; even under those circumstances, this House
would carry to the Throne, in its address to her Ma-
jesty, those sentiments of devotion and loyalty which
became it.— (Hear, hear.) But, upon the present oc-
casion, I feel happy to say that it is my pleasing
duty to congratulate myself and this House on a dif-
ferent state of things—(Hear)—and that the commence-
meet of this year has been marked by a state of
commercial and financial prosperity. (Hear, hear.)
It is not my intention to follow the Hon. Gentleman
through all the topics to which he has alluded, but I
must ask permission to make a few observations on those
parts of the address which appear to me to be the most
important.--(Hear, hear.) In doing this, however, I
wish to guard myself. The feelings of ge-
neral approbation which I entertain for the
policy which has been pursued by her Majesty's Go-
vernment, fully justify me in coming forward to express
the sentiments which I now express, but in doing so I
wish to be understood as reserving to myself full power
to canvass the merits of the different measures
which that Government may propose, whenever they may
be submitted to our consideration.—(Hear, hear.) It is
a great subject of congratulation to every country, more
especially to a commercial country like this, that there
is every prospect of the preservation of peace. This is
a subject for great congratulation. The recent visits of
foreign Sovereigns to this country should not, as it
appears to me, be considered as expressions of the per-
sonal respect borne by one Sovereign to another,
although nothing can be more desirable than the
establishment of that mutual knowledge and mutual
esteem for each other between sovereigns, to which
these visits are likely to conduce. But they are not
merely personal proofs of the friendship of these sove-
reigns, but of their attachment to the maintenance of
friendly relations with this country. I believe that the
visits of these sovereigns may be considered as betoken-
ing a wish on the part of their subjects for an
alliance with this country, and I rejoice in them, as
having afforded an opportunity to the people of this
country of demonstrating their attachment to peace, and
their wish to cultivate friendly relations with their sub-
jects; and when I consider the power of these nations,
a. .d the character of these Sovereigns, I atn
sure that these visits may be considered
as an additional pledge for the continuance
of peace, and I feel convinced that the Emperor of
Russia could not but have appreciated the sincere de-
sire which exists in this country to bind still closer
the bonds of amity which already subsist between us.
I should not wish to see any stronger bond of peace be-
tween the two countries than those, feelings of mutual
interest which should naturally exist. It would
give me pleasure if the Emperor of Russia,
were disposed to modify some of those restric-
tions which so much interfere with the importa-
tion of colonial produce—(" Hear, hear," from the Op-
position.) I feel convinced that the friendly feelings
between those countries will increase the receipts of the
Russian revenue, and be only injurious to those contra•
band traders for whcm no sympathy can be enter-
tained. The visit of the King of the French
next claims notice—a visit, which so deeply interested
the feelings of the people of England. That visit was
paid soon after a period when apprehensions were
entertained for the peace of Europe. The hostilities
with Morocco were terminated in a manner consonant
with the honour of France and the peace of Europe.
The question of Otaheite has been worn thread-
bare' in the French Chambers, and I regret to
say that some of the speakers there have at-
tempted, I hope unsuccessfully, to excite feelings
of national jealousy. I am no diplomatist, and
cannot appreciate the motives of those persons who ob-
ject to the arrangement of the Otaheitean question ; but
in public, as in private matters, my notion is that where
any agents, either through overzeal, or worse motives,
exceed their instructions, it is the duty of their em-
ployers to express disapprobation at their proceedings,
and to indemnify those who have suffered by them.
France has done this ; it could not do less with a just
regard of what was due to the subjects of another
Crown, which are entitled to full protection wherever
they are placed. England could expect no less,
and I confess I do not think England could
require more. It is not unlikely that difficulties
may occur when the subjects of two nations are
brought into contact at such a distance, but
when such differences unfortunately have occurred
they should be treated by the respective Governments
with conciliatory dispositions, and regard to the interests
as well as to the honour of each. The history of France
or England does nowhere show that these countries have
been at any time actuated by feelings either
of intimidation or servility, insult or injury never
was patiently endured by either. I hope all sources of
bitterness are now removed, and I fully agree in the
words of that distineuished stptesman in the French Cham-
ber of Peers, who said that though peace between England
and France might be said to be a guarantee for the peace
of the world, the dignity, honour, or advantage of either
should never be sacrificed, though everything that could
be done ought to be done to preserve that peace. I do
not participate in the feelings of those who say that be-
cause France and England are on amicable terms, that
therefore peace with other countries is not fully com-
patible. It by no means follows that other countries
should be excluded from the advantages of such a pence.
There is another country beyond the Atlantic with which
we continue to be on terms of friendship. I am not
ashamed to say that my private interests are bound up
with the continuance of that friendship, and that the
respect and friendship which I have for great numbers
of its citizens confirm that feeling ; but I believe
that my private interests are in concurrence with
the interests of:both countries, and that the advantage
of the world at large will be best maintained by the
existence of friendly feelings between this country and
the United States. And though titter newspaper para-
graphs, though hostile speeches or violent resolutions,
and though dispatches may see the liebt,
from Secretaries of State, breathing no friendly
feelings towards this country, expressed in lan-
guage which we all regret—(Hear, hear)---yet I trust
that nothing will arise to check the peace which exists
between both countries ; and I rely on the good sense of
the great mass of the population of that country, upon
their intelligence and discernment, that they will
respond to the feelings entertained on this side of the
ocean, and will see that the interests of both
countries are concerned in the maintenance of peace,
and that we desire the continuance of friendly relations.
There is one element essential to the progress of good
government in this country—in the United States,
and in France—l mean the public press, which
I would not wish to see restrained ; but a
violent publication or a bitter speech may pro-
duce feelings of irritation for the moment which are
not the permanent feelings of the nation. Though there
may be rising up a new generation who have not
experienced the horrors of warfare, yet at the same time
there is a class of men rising, and have risen, whose
prosperity, employment, and interest, are identified with
the maintenance of peace, and this class in all
countries is gaining more influence. I trust that the
increase of commerce may be a new link of peace, and
that if it be necessary to augment the navy for the pro-
tection of that commerce, that the country will be willing
to bear the increased burdens necessary for that purpose.
As regards the national wealth, the public credit, and
the buoyancy of the resources of the country, which
have been tried by some years of depression,
perhaps this country was never in a condi-
tion to take a more imposing attitude, either
in support of her dignity or the protection of her
interests, though such calculations are happily un-
necessary yet, in case a war should arise, in
which none certainly could be gainers, yet,
lookieg at our insular position, and the shock
which would be given to manufacturing and industrial
interests, and to all local and internal improvements,
and the check it would cause to the influx of
capital into other countries, I, cannot think that
other nations would suffer less than ee. At the
opening of last session of Parliament, although improve-
ment had taken place in some branches of our manufac-
turing interests, there was still a depression in two most im-
portant departments', the iron trade and shipping interest.
But lam happy to say that the tide of prosperity has
now reached both these branches. With respect to the
iron trade, the mines are now in complete work. The
population connected with the working of iron
are in full occupation at good wages, and the
prices of iron have improved thirty or forty per