The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-16 00:00:00

PRICE OF SUGAR.

The Average Price of Brown or Musewado Sugar, computed
from the Returns made in the Week ending July 12, 1842, is
365. fid. per cwt., exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or
'payable thereon on the importation thereof into Great Britain.

• IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, July 15.
. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
sack at Four o'Clock.
The Bri ish Possessions Abroad Bill was read a third
time and passed.
The Dublin University Right of Voting Bill was read
a third time and passed.
THE QUEEN'S PROTECTION BILL.

The LORD- CHANCELLOR, in moving the second
reading of the Bill for the bettor protection of the
person of the Sovereign from violence, said he need
not remind their Lordships of the feeling with which the
Bill was received by their Lordships, when it was proposed
to their Lordships for the first reading, nor of the feeling
with which it was passed by the other House of Parlia-
ment—(Hear, hear)—nor did he doubt that it would be
met with equal feeling by the country at large.—(Hear,
hear.) Unfertunately, experience had given proof of the
necessity for this Bill.—(Hear.) The object of the
Bill was to al!er and amend the laws relating to attacks
upon the person of the Sovereign, tending to cause her
destruction, or to maim or otherwise injure her.
The Act of the 25th of Edward the Third was directed
against attacks upon the person of the Sovereign,
tending to destroy him. 'The Act of the 36th of
George the Third extended the provisions of that,
Bill to attacks upon the Sovereign's person, tend-
ing to maim or otherwise injure ; and by the 39th of
George the Third alterations were made in that Act.
Their Lordships were aware that by an Act of
William 111. (in consequence of the severity with
which persons convicted of high treason had been
dealt with in the previous reign), to throw a greater
protection round the life of the subject than the previous
law afforded, by that Act, certain forms were required
for the trial of persons accused of high treason.
These forms chiefly respected the notice of trial, the
service of the indictment, and lists of witnesses and
jurors. The object of the present Bill was to provide for
remedies in cases of attack upon the person of the
Sovereign, similar to those which were provided in
cases of attack upon the person of a subject.
The life of the Sovereign was more valuable than
that of any other • individual, and when the So-
vereign was a Queen, such attacks were more dan-
gerous, on account of the necessity of her being
so much exposed, and on account of other cir-
cumstances, which their Lordships would understand.
The Bill, therefore, provided fir cases of violence
not tending to the death of the Sovereign, or to
maim or wound her, or other acts of violence.
It provided that they should be punished by transporta-
tion for a term of years, or by three years' imprisonment,
with whipping, or other corporal punishment, as the
Court should think fit. He concluded by moving that
the Bill be read a second time.

Viscount MELBOURNE, after the statement made by
the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack—a statement
short and at the same time pithy—after what was
known to their Lordships, and to the whole country,
it was seriously necessary for him to say. that
he gave to the Bill his most cordial approbation—
(Hear, hear)—and he thought there could not
be "any difference of opinion respecting it,
in either House of Parliament, or in the country.—
(Hear.) He agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord as
to the importance of the life of the Sovereign, and
the greater danger to which it was exposed than
that of any other individual—and he said this without
reference to the age or sex of the Sovereign, or any cir-
cumstances peculiarly calling for loyalty andattachment.
Lord COTTENHAAI considered that some of
the provisions of this Act might possibly be miscon-
strued into an inference that it was intended to
aflbct in the slightest degree the statutes directed
against high treason, or misprision of treason.
He wished that it should be generally, distinctly
known there was nothing whatever in this Act
which altered the present law, and that any one who
imagined or compassed to destroy the life of the Sove-
reign, was as much guilty of high treason after the pas-
sing of the present Act as before it. It was not pretended
to mitigate the penalties now in force against high treason,
but to provide punishment in cases which were beyond
the operation of the present Statute as applicable to high
treason, and to accord punishment upon delinquents whose
crime did not amount to high treason.
Lord BROUGIIAM said he cordially agreed in the
object of the Act before their Lordships. He thought
the course Parliament was aow pursuing most un-
objectionable in the present case. He was a great enemy
to introducing general alteration of the law in particular
and isolated emergencies, because he was aware that such
a course had the effect of inducing an alteration in
the law with a view to special circumstances, and prevent-
ing attention to all the circumstances which ought to be
considered. HA also objected to general alterations
in the laws which tended to render them more severe
than they had been before ; but the alteration proposed
in. this Bill he considered to be based upon the soundest
principles of legislation, and was absolutely necessary,
in consequence of the law not being enough to meet
thwe cases which occurred, as,his Noble Friend had truly
remarked, from motives which it was impossible to
divine. It appeared to him that their Lordships were
justified in giving concurrence to a measure for prevent-
ing acts thus tending to create alarm both in the Sove-
reign and the country. He agreed with his Noble and
Learned Friend who spoke last, that nothing in the pre-
sent Bill at all lessenel the severity which the law now
attached to treason, or misprision of treason. He sug-
gested the propriety of a proviso to the following ef-
fect :—That nothing contained in this Act should be
admitted or taken to alter in any way the punishment
already by law inflicted on acts of high treason or mis-
prison of high treason. He fully agreed in the terms
so powerfully and eloquently used by the Noble Lord
with reference to the universal interest taken by the.
whole community in the life and safety of the Queen—
(Loud cheers)—and if he wante:l—he could not say an
example, but a sad subject for reflection, he would look
across the Channel to see the lamentable and truly me-
lancholy misfortune which had befallen the French na-
ttnresowarescwenttlaylam(m)nantbhisingsuilinjetchte hwehowleouolfdthsisa je,mtphiaret
who did rest from the bottom of his heart deeply sym-
pathise in that afflicting event.
The Bill was then read a second time.
The Standing Orders were suspended, and the House
went into Committee.

Lord CAMPBELL need hardly say that he entirely
concurred in every word which had fallen from his Noble
and Learned Friend, and in all the principles and objects
of the Bill. He had risen, however, humbly to propose
an amendment to the Bill. As the Bill now stood, they,
were required to prove that an attempt had been made,
that the piece had actually been tired or the stone thrown.
He (Lord Campbell) thought it was necessary to provide
for cases where the attempt had not actually been made.
The amendment which ho had to propose was as fol-
lows, and was to be inserted in the third line from the
bottom of the second page :—" Or, if any person shall,
in the presence of the Queen, wilfully produce, or have,
any gull, pistol, or other description of tire-arms, or any
other arms whatsoever, or any explosive, destructive, or
danger jUS matter whatsoever, with intent to use the
same to injure the person of the Queen, or to alarm her
Majesty, he, shall be guilty of a high misdemeanour."
He hoped this amendment would meet with the approba •
tion of his Noble and Learned Friend opposite (the
Lord Chancellor); as it was not his (Lord Campbell's)
intention fthwess it in opposition to his Noble Friend's
desire.

The LORD CHANCELLOR did not see any objee.
tion to the amendment just proposed, which was then
agreed to.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE suggested that a
clause should he inserted providing for the punishment
0 per ,ons w:I(• Pci!a;k:, or in (ALT
‘N.I) z, mtra d t; . . _
The Bill was reliurted to the House with araeutiments.

On the motion that the Bill do pass,
The Duke of WELLINGTON rose to congratulate
their Lordships upon the unanimity which had ma,ni-
.ested itself on the present occcasion. He was convinced
it would give the greatest satisfaction, not only in the
nighest quarter, hut throughout the whole country.—
(Hear, hear.) It was' with very deep regret that 11-
heard of the misfortune which had happened in a
neighbouring country, and he was sure they would all
concur with him in expressing great concern and grief
at the melancholy event.—t. Hear.)
The Bill then passed.
MINES AND COLLERIES BILL.

The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented a petition
from the inhabitants of Westminster in favour of this Bill.

NATIONAL EDUCATION (IRELAND).

Lord CARBERY presented several petitions from
.various places in Ireland, complaining of the manner in
which the grant for national education in Ireland was
appropriated.
The Earl of CLINCARTY would take advantage of
the presentation of those petitions of the Noble Lord to
draw their Lordship.' attention to the seventh Report of
the Commissioners of Education, in which, after stating
that they had established a model farm at Glasniven,
they declared that no assistance would be afforded to any
institutions, in the way of agricultural instruction, unless
they were in conncc:ion with some elementary national
school. If that rule were acted on, many persons in
Ireland would be deprived of the benefit of the model
farm. He approved of the institution of the model
farm,: but he did nut approve of the benefit being con-
fined to institutions (=meted with the national schools.
He did not think that the Commissioners of Education
ought to have the inoaopOly of the Parliamentary grant,
and he considered tha granting of public money for the
purpose of instruction in husbandry and agriculture, was
an invasion of the province of the Royal Dublin Society,
which was incorporated for the specific purpose of pro-
moting instruction ia arts, agriculture, and manufactures.
He hoped their Lordships would not allow the thirst for
agricultural education, which now prevailed, to be made
a means of forcing on the people any particular system of
religious or literary education. The present system bad
not been succesaful, it had not given satisfaction to either
Roman Catholics or Protestants. Ho therefore hoped
that if the Parliament chose to grant any additional sum
for the education of the Irish pour, it would be on a sys-
tem more liberal and extended than the present, which
placed the Established Church in the position of a dis-
senting body.
Lord CLONCURRY said, that under the old system \,
of education the children s. ere taught to detest the reli-
gion of their parents. In consequence of that, a satiety
was established in Dublin, and he (Lord Clencurry) was
one of the first subscribers, for the purpose of introducing
a new system of education. The present system was
supported by the heads of the Church in Ireland, and by
the majority of the people. This they would see by the
returns on the table. They owed the people of Ireland
a large debt of education, as they had made it a capital
punishment for teachers to instruct the people, and this
continued for upwards of half a century.
Lord MONTEAGLI?, said, in the speech of the Noble
Earl (Clancarty) he bad divided the subject into two
questions ; the question of the agricultural schools and
the national schools. Nothing was more important than
an agricultural education to the people of Ireland. He
was sure that the Government, in introducing that edu-
cation, would endeavour to do so in the most practicable
manner possible. If their national schools required al-
teration an their principle, which he did not believe they
did, let the.:: alter the principles ; but if they set up Pro-
testant schools in Ireland, he would say that they would
railer every national vhoot now established a distinct
)man Catholic school. (The Noble Lord was here in-
terrupted by the announcement of a message from the
Commons.)