The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-15 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY APRIL 15, 1845.

The House of Lords met at Five o'clock.
Lord REDESDALE, on behalf of the Duke of RICH-
atoND, gave notice of a motion, for Thursday, for a
Select Committee to inquire into the expediency of en-
abling the holders of entailed estates to raise money for
the purpose of effecting improvements on the land.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE said the subject of providing
proper lunatic asylums in Scotland was under the con-
sidetation of the Government.
Lord BROUGHAM gave notice of a motion for to-
morrow (this day), on the subject of railways.
After
a short conversation between the Marquis of
CLANRICARDE and the Earl of DALHOUSIE on the subject
of Irish railways,
The Glass Duties Bill, the Customs Export Bill, and
the Mutiny Bill were read a second time.
The Lands Clauses Consolidation.eßurilnlepdassed through
Committee, and their Lordships adjourned.
The House of Commons met at tour o'clock.
A new writ was ordered for West Kent,in the room
of Lord MARSHAM, now Earl of ROMNEY.
The Midland Railways Bill was ordered to be re-
ferred back to the Committee of Standing Orders, for
the purpose of enabling them to institute an inquiry
into the alleged improper conduit of the agent of the
Bill.
Mr, FERRAND gave notice that on the third reading
of the Maynooth Bill he should move, " That it is the
opinion of this House that the 7th and Bth of Vicroatt,
comnionly called the Catholic Bequests Act, was a vio-
lation of the Act of Settlement, and a contravention of
the oath of supremacy, and that the present grant to
Maynooth is calculated to subvert the Constitution as by
law established."
Mr. S. CRAWFORD gave notice that, in a future stage
of the grant to Maynooth Bill, he would move the fol-
lowing resolution:—" That the principle of endowment
of any religious tact or sects, from a State fund, or from
a hind received from tithes, rents, eitc., whether known
by any other name or denomination, is a violation of the
rights of conscience, detrimental to religion, and dan-

gerous to civil and religious liberty, and that all such
grants ought to be abolished."
On the motion of Mr. FERRAND, the petition of the
Dublin Operative Conservative Association, praying for
the impeachment of Sir R. PEEL, was ordered to be
printed with the votes.
In answer to Mr. HINDLEY, Mr. HOPE said that a
Governor was about to be appointed to Port Natal.
The second reading of the Medical Bill was post-

The adjourned debate on the Maynooth Bill Ras then
resumed by

Mr. IlAwEs, who supported the second reading of
the Bill. He thought, however, that the grant ought
to be annual, and that the funds should be taken out of
the ecclesiastical property in Ireland.
Sir T. FREMANTLE supported, and Mr. Fox MAULE
opposed the Bill.

Lord CASTLEREAGH, who supported the Bill, said no
one could complain of being taken by surprise, and his
only astonishment was to find that the first of the Irish
measures was so exceedingly trifling. _ _ _

Tho House was subsequently—addressed by Mr.
WYNNE, Mr. COWPER, Mr. GREGORY, Mr. MACAULAY,
Mr. SHAW, and Mr. S. HERBERT, after which the de-
bate was adjourned till to-morrow (this day).
The other business of the day was then completed, and
the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve.

The debate on the Maynooth grant increases in in-
terest. Several admirable speeches were made
night, and it is gratifying to find that not a few IL mbers,
who represent large bodies of electors, many cf
whom are averse to the Catholic religion, have the
courage and the virtue to express their real senti-
ments, and prefer the peace of Ireland and the union
of the two countries to momentary applause.
Among these we may mention Mr. HAwEs, Mr.
MACAULAY, and Sir CHARLES NAPIER, and though
there are possibly no three men in the House more
anxious to benefit their constituents, or more desirous
of consulting their wishes, they still consider that
they have a higher duty to perform, and like
upright senators, they look not to individual in-
terests, or the predilections or prejudices of one portion
of th• community as the guide of their conduct, but the
whole policy of the State, and the well-being of twenty-
six millions of inhabitants. This resolution has caused
these Members, we may well believe, no little
anxiety, but they have chosen the right path,
and that will afford them sufficient consolation whatever
may be the result. The words of Mr. MACAULAY must
meet the approbation even: of his keenest opponents.
" Therefore it is," said he, " making sacrifices not agree-
able to any man to make, curbing and confining many
feelings that are strong within me, I am determined to
give the Bill my most determined support, and to give my
support to every Bill emanating from the Government
that shall tend to make Great Britain and Ireland fully
and completely an United Kingdom. I give that sup-
port regardless of the obloquy that may be poured upon
me, and regardless of the risk I well know I run of my
seat in Parliament. Obloquy I will meet ; as to my seat
in Parliament, I will never hold it by an igno-
minious tenure ; and I am sure I could never lose
it in a more honourable cause." While making this
candid confession of his opinions, and express-
ing his high approbation of the scheme, he
did not forget to blame Sir ROBERT PEEL for his
former opposition, and for his reluctance in almost
every instance to treat Ireland as an inte-
gral portion of the British empire. By this
delay he had almost driven the Irish to despair,
and greatly diminished the value of any blessings which
he may have in store for that distracted and persecuted
country. The words of Sir C. NAPIER are equally
honourable to him. He would have preferred the motion
of Mr. WARD to that of Sir ROBERT PEEL, and in that
preference we cordially concur ; but he would rather
take something than nothing—he would take an instal-
ment, and trust to circumstances and the enlightenment
of truth for the rest. Sir CHARLES regretted that he
could not have proposed an amendment to the motion
of Mr. WARD, which would have been more in
accordance with what he regarded as just, not
only to Ireland, but to Great Britain. As it was,
however, supposing his Hon. Friend's motion should
fail, "he would give his support to the Government mea-
sure. He was aware that in so doing he should give
offence to many of his constituents who felt strongly on
this question, but though his interest should be com •
premised he should feel it to be his duty to support the
Government in what he felt to be a fair, a just, and an
honourable course."

Press of other matter, however, prevents us from
further remarks on this momentous subject.

In the " Notice Paper" of motions in the House of
Commons for the present week, we see announcements
of very different kinds, but on very important sub-
jects, upon one of which, and that not the least
important, we have a few words to offer. To-
night, we find, the Earl' of LINCOLN is to bring in
a Bill to facilitate the inclosure of common and was to
lands in England and Wales. It would be much more
gratifying to us were Lord LINCOLN to apply to Parlia-
ment for powers to facilitate the practical carrying out
of the dictates of common sense and good taste in the
management of those public works which are the
more immediate and legitimate objects of the super-
vision of a Board of Woods and Forests. Why
will not Lord LINCOLN and his brother Commis-
sioners cast their regards on such objects as these, and
the " cribbing" system, as it has been aptly called, which
is so insidiously appropriating patches of the green
sward from the public's old right-of-way to the demesne
of the aristocratic residences that are, in more senses
than the Irish sense of the word, "convenient" to them?
But,on the other hand, could we exercise any influence in the
matter, we could tolerate a hundred such annoyances in
the public places of the capital, provided the Commis-
sioners would give up all co-operation in this
hateful system of inclosing " waste and com-
mon lands." What manner of madness is it which
prompts this selfish war upon the comforts, the health,
the recreations of the labouring poor ? Has not the
spread of manufacturing and commercial industry, and
the concentration of capital or enormous works of
various descriptions, a sufficient tendency to appropriate
and inclose all the " waste and common" lands in the
country, where these operations are carried on, without
its being necessary for the Legislature, by some general
and sweeping provisions, to " facilitate" that oc-
cupation of the soil which is everywhere too
facile of accomplishment already ? Are these in-
closure workers, yesterday with Lord WonsLEr, to-day
with Lord LINCOLN at their head, acting under the im-
pression that theirs is the best mode for conciliating the
respect and good-will of the patient, overworked, and
too often underpaid and underfed labourer, for that
abundant wealth and widely-diffused luxury which
everywhere surrounds him, as associated with the pos-
session of noble parks and spacious manors, wide-
stretching forests and wood-clothed hills, green valleys
and laughing meadows ? Or, is it seriously considered
that, having in_this country taxed the light of heaven
itself, and levied in this way " discriminating duties"
upon ventilation, cleanliness, and cheerfulness, in favour
of dark dwellings, infected atmospheres, and all the
other " facilities" for contagion—it is now but the
reasonable " complement" of such legislation to impose
a total prohibition, to the utmost practical extent, on the
luxury of pauper ambulatory locomotion ? Where is
the system to stop ? Is the reversion of every heath to
be secured to the neighbouring landowner, to the irre-
parable loss of the village bind and the town
artizan, their wives and their children, but under
some such empty pretence of compensation as we ex-
posed the other day in the case of the Nottingham
inclosure job? There is surely no wisdom—to pass
over the higher considerations of Christian humanity
and moral justice—in thus carefully extinguishing all
the tangible interest, so to call it, which the poor man
has in the place of his birth. How many a deed of noble
daring has been devised and accomplished under that
species of holy possession which invests the remotest
regions, and under circumstances of the most desperate
extremity, the meanest soldier or sailor, whose first
breath has been drawn, haply, on some wild common,
some lonely glen, some locality, however rude, barren,
savage, or desolate in its aspects, with the Invincible
resolution to triumph over every present obstacle, in
order that he may once more revisit that spot—sacred
beyond all else in the wide world to even the roughest
bosom—the home of his infancy. Let us be in no hurry
to extinguish this most generous and powerful of attach-
ments, by desecrating its objects. Away with these in-

closures which you propose to facilitate. Let them be
permitted only where the case of necessity, or of pre-
ponderating advantage to those whose rights on such
wastes and commons you would abrogate, is self-evident
and irresistible. But, as a general rule, leave still to the
use and benefit and healthful refreshment of the poor
the largest possible margin of the yet uninclosed wastes
and commons of England.

Madrid journals of the 7th instant announce that a
bull of the Holy See, recognising Queen ISABELLA, and
ratifying the sales made of church property, will be
published in Rome on the 26th. This is considered a
step of vast importance to the reigning family, and a
heavy blow to the Carlists. Austria, it is understood,
will also acknowledge IsenELLA as Sovereign of Spain.
The Three per Cents. closed at 351 for cash, and