The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-09 00:00:00

SUlillEY SESSIONS

William
Steming and Harriet Goddard were indicte
for stealing a quantity of sheeting, and other articles,
the property of George Pinkard. It appeared from the
evidence of the witnesses for the prosecution, that on
the night of 21st of December the premises of 'Pinkard,
who resides at Godalming, was broken into, and the
property named in the indictment stolen from them.
. On the night upon which the robbery was committed
the male prisoner was seen within two miles and a half of
the prosecutor's house, and the stolen property was sub
sequently found pledged at Guildford with a pawnbroker,
whose shopman identified Steming as the man who de-
posited it. The female prisoner, with whose mother
Steming resided, was taken into custody by a policeman,
who found some of the stolen articles in his bundle. In
defence Steming said. he found the Property concealed
in a copse near his own residence, and gave a portion of
it to the female to get washed.
The Learned Counsel for Goddard contended that the
indictment as regarded her must fall to the ground, be-
cause she was accused of breaking and entering the pro-
secutor's house, whereas the utmost that the evidence
warranted was a receiving with a guilty knowledge.
The Jury, after a short consultation, returned a ver-
dict of Guilty against Steming, and acquitted the fe-
male prisoner, against whom a fresh indictment was
preferred, charging her with being possessed of the pro-
perty knowing it to have been stolen.
The Learned Counsel raised an objection to the in-
dictment, as the word " feloniously" had been omitted
belbre the word " stolen," which objection was admitted,
and the prisoner was hen discharged.— Steming was
sentenced to seven years' transportation.
Charles Luckey was indicted for stealing some bread,
cheese, and meat., the property of Henry Wistcar, Esq.,
a Magistrate residing at Walton-upon-Thames, who sat
amongst the presiding Magistrates in this Court during
the clay.

The prosecutor's cook deposed that the prisoner came
to beg at the door, but she turned him away, and he
staid lingering about the larder for some time, until the
other servants followed him and made him quit the
premises. On the night of that day the larder was
broken open, and she entertained no doubt that the
prisoner at the 'bar was the person who came to beg at
the house.

Several other witnesses having proved the fact of the
prisoner having offered some bread and chvese for sale
about the time the robbery was committed, the Jury re-
turned a verdict of Guilty, and he was sentenced to
twelve months' imprisonment., with hard labour.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

GLOBE.—The claim to compensation for the release
of the slaves on board the Creole, who took no part
in the mutiny, proves to be so utterly untenable as to
be scarcely worthy of serious notice. These persons,
on their arrival within the limits of British autho-
rity and jurisdiction, were entitled to the same pro-
tection from the British authorities as they would have
been had they arrived in the metropolis of Great Bri-
tain itself. The Americans, in putting forward this
claim to damages for the liberation of these emanci-
pated slaves, assume that, for the purpose of protecting
the slave-holding States of their own Union, the esta-
blished laws of this country shall be suspended; and that
American slave-dealers shall be placed by the British
authorities in a better position than those authorities, in
the administration of the laws, placed their own colonists,
when slavery was recognised and protected - by law
within certain dependencies of the British Crown. The
case of the negro Somerset, is a case in point. He
accompanied his master, as a slave, from a British slave-
holding colony to London he remained here in personal
attendance on his master during a period of his proposed
stay, but at length absconded ; and was, after some search,
discovered by his master, and seized as a runaway slave.
For the assault committed in the seizure, the toaster
was, at the instance of the distinguished philanthropist,
Granville Sharpe, taken before one of the City Ma-
gistrates, who decided that the slave became free on
reaching 'England ; and that the master was a wrong-
doer in the violence he had used in attempting to re-
cover possession of the man; who, though his property in
the slave-colony whence he brought him, was as free as
himself on his arrival in this country. He therefore dis-
charged the negro. The master again attempted to seize
Somerset, as his slave, and was allowed to obtain pos-
session of his person, for the purpose of having the then
doubtful question decided by the highest authorities, on
a return to a writ of habeas corpus for bringing up the
body of Somerset. After an argument of considerable
length, that decision was pronounced which has for ever
settled the question thus raised—and which determines
the claim to compensation set up for the value to their
former owners of the 114 slaves liberated by the Gover-
nor of New Providence—that " slaves cannot breathe in
England"—and wherever the flag of England floats upon
the breeze in token of the supremacy of British law, there
is England--
" They touch our country, and their fetters fall." .
STANDARD. —We have already very frankly
avowed our opinion that the demand's of the United
States cannot be complied with in respect to either class
of the negroes on board the Creole; nut with respect to
the majority, who, it is admitted, .took no part in
the emancipation of the coloured passengers, nor
with respect to the minority, who fought the
battle of freedom. As regards the first elaSs,
a friend has kindly favoured us with a case
precisely in point--- a case which proves that
even at a time when England permitted slavery in her
colonies, she was still accessible to the considera-
tions of justice, by which the rights of independent
nations, whether those nations are powerful or feeble,
ought to be protected. Twenty-two years ago England
refused to assert against the most puny of Governments
that right, as it is pretended, which the United States
now command her to admit against herself. The fol-
lowing is the proof to which we refer, and it can be easily
verified by an investigation of the papers in the Colonial-
office:—" About twenty-two years since, a pilot-boat be-
longing to a Mr. M‘liewan, of Port Royal, was carried to
St. Domingo, by the crew, who were all slaves. On
this being made known in Jamaica, the owner of the
boat and negroes applied to the Admiral at the station,
to send a man-of-war to Hayti, and demand the boat told
crew. The Admiral (Sir Home Popham, or Ad-
miral Halsted) did so : the answer made by the
Ilaytian Government was, that they would give up the
boat to its owner, but the negroes were at liberty to re-
main or return as they pleased. They added, that every
one being free in St. Domingo, the moment a man
landed on their territory he was free -also. Whatever
was the state of the person in the country from whence
he came, they, the Haytian Government, could only re-
cognise him as a free man, slavery not existing in that
island. This answer being considered unsatisfactory in
Jamaica, the circumstance was reported by the Governor,
the Duke of Manchester, to England, and instructions
how to proceed were asked for. The answer from Eng-
land 11
was, that the Haytian Government was right ; and
that if the negroes had landed in England instead of
Hayti, the British Government would not, and could
not, by law, compel them to return to their former
owners in Jamaica." This is. decisive. The British
Government cannot, after this decision, restore a single
negro of those not charged with an active participation
in the rescue.
nao
COURIER—The hour so anxiously anticipated by
enf ibgt
f the
Commons,
ae tm present
nnds.
all classes of the countryso fraught with good and evil
s nib
oor
nen
s•
e
measure
Ga
boOdv netrbnleVmseepdnel
eti et
latlyi
obnnese
ofpx tr
oa ptl
10l
ies)tie telitaosl
rti
be setsat rest. It were idle to deny that great alarm pre-
vails in the agricultural districts, that the mere rumour of
a change in the existing Corn-laws has been productive of
harm. It is certain that since the agitation of this question
tine
ed sellers being übnaisvildlieneglarteodelo,nsietattheeirmbeauriftaitn; until
the sale of land has been materially affected, both buyers
tection it will afford to the agricultural interests. One
thing is certain, that the Duke of Buckingham has left
.the Cabinet, and we may fairly argue from this cir-
cumstance, that tiollle important alternation has been pro-
posed. There arc many who draw still deeper eon-
clubions—who feel that the measure which could not
obtain the support of the farmers' friend cannot be
permanently beneficial to the country. in discussing
the question of an alteration in the Cori- laws, we have
alWays been indifferent to the views of any particular
Government. The interests at stake are too important,
too vital to be argued on so narrow a basis of general
politics. On this occasion, if on any, we should look to
the measures and not to the men. We are legislating
not merely for the present,. but also for the future.
The late Government having proposed a fixed duty of
eight shillings,. were defeated upon their appeal to the
country, not because the measure was brought forward
by the Whigs—not because it was adopted (as a Morn-
ing Contemporary has stated) at a wrong moment--but
because those who constitute the heart of the country,
the agriculturists, felt that their very existence was in
peril, and the nation generally had sufficient sense to
perceive that, the vested rights of the landholders and
farmers once invaded, the spirit which animates and
gives life to our social system would lose all its vigour.
Now, we firmly believe that any alteration in the
pivot will ultimately lead, not merely to a fixed duty,
but to the total repeal of the Corn-laws. Human nature
and history both testify that it is impossible to limit the,
progress of change. So far, and yet no further, is a
principle which can never be applied to legislation. That
which is experiment to-day becomes precedent to-Morrow,
and in suffering and grief men too eagerly seize upon
any panacea which promises to alleviate their pain, even
when they know the remedy is offered by charlatans and
can mil% procure them temporary relief. We do not
in the least degree blame those who seek to pro-
mote their own interests, and who imagine that those
interests are affected by the present Corn-laws ;
but we are deeply sensible that if the GovernMent
do
intend to insist upon protection to the farmers, it should
uphold the present system, otherwise it were better, far
better, at once to yield the whole question and adopt a
fixed duty. By such a course of policy s;o should at
least conciliate one party in the country ; we should not
be driven from our position inch by inch, and experience
that most hitter of feelings---the knowledge of having
conceded principles in vain.

-- - --
ter terminus, it has
EXTRAORDINARY CLEARANCE.—To form
the
ce Bssiarrnin Is a nfocrh eight
ee r
ARI
aani lel- ae3, and to secure the
ri s,
been found necessary to take down upwards of 1,100 houses,
mostly, however, if not altogether, cottages of the lowest de-
cgohnavme nai ea tid e !
de-
scription. In addition to the cost of such a mass of property as
cyi
this, the foundations in that part which fronts London-road,
have had to be carried to the very unusual depth of more than
50 feet. Taking, therefore, the expense of this terminus in
all its bearings,
it will probably exceed in amount that of any
other in the kingdom.
M. Rochussen, Minister of Finance of the Nether-
lands, arrived at Antwerp on the Ist inst., in the Princess
Victoria steamer, from London.