The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-11 00:00:00

Tiril4l SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY U, v 45.

lament, he thought, was entitled to this information
He also wished to see what had been the working of
the Irish spirit duties. The Noble Duke would re-
collect that, in the first instance, the tax on Irish
spirits had been increased, but this increased tax had
been followed by a deficiency in the revenue.
The Government very properly took the mat-
ter into their consideration, and repealed the duty.
He wished to see what had been the working
of that alteration, and he trusted there would be
no objection to the return. The accounts of
the Excise would show the consumption of the
present year as compared with former years
There were two other articles in which alterations
had been made, and respecting which he also
wished some information. One was the article
of timber. He considered that the sacrifice ( f
the duty on colonial timber was most unwise, because
it had not benefited the consumer, while a great loss
had resulted to the revenue. The other :article
to which be alluded was that of coffee.
He believed that the measure of her Ma-

jesty's Government with respect to coffee,
though not, perhaps, so complete as might have
been wished—was not only a step, but a very great
step in the right direction.—(Hear, hear.)
He believed that the great increase which
had taken place in this article had arisen from this
measure. He was of the same opinion with respect
to the wool-duty ; for, although the agricultural
interest had been very much alarmed by it, yet
he believed that so far from their fears being well
founded it had greatly benefited them. He ventured
to express a hope that the same course with respect to
the duty on cotton wool would be pursued.
as the effect of that tax on our manufacturer in
foreign markets was very severely felt, as in those
markets his articles had to compete with articles
manufactured from cotton that had never been taxed.
He thought it was but justice that the House of
Lords should have time to consider these matters.
It was true they had not the right to alter
any measures, but they had the right
surely to exercise their judgment upon them.
Indeed, they did not do their duty without they did
so. He trusted that, in future, Bills of such im-
portance as those he had adverted to would not
be hurried through the House, because the re-
sult was, that their Lordships had not the
opportunity of fully considering them. The Noble
Lord concluded by moving for the papers for which
he had given notice.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that it
could not be expected that he would be pre-
pared to answer the speech of the Noble Lord.
With respect to the papers, there could be no ob-
jection to the production of them ; and the Noble
Lord might rely upon it that it was cer-
tainly the desire and wish of the Government to give
to that House every information upon all these ques-
tions, in order that they might have an opportunity
of discussing them all. At the present moment, he
had already stated, it was impossible for him to follow
the Noble Lord through the discussion of these
questions. Her Majesty's servants it must be ex-
pected would wait till the financial statement was
made in another place, before they interfered in these
matters.

The production of the papers was then ordered,
and the House adjourned.

ROUSE OF COMMONS. Feb. 10.
The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly, before Four.
THAMES EMBANKMENT BILL.

The Sheriffs of London were introduced by the Ser-
geant-at-Arms, and presented a petition from the Lord
Mayor, Aldermen, and Members of the Council in Com-
mon Council assembled, respecting the Thames Embank•
meat Bill.

been received since a similar question was put last
year. But with respect to the payments to the Tem-
ple of Juggernaut, he had to state, that the annual
payment was formerly 60,000 rupees, hut so much of
the lands had been restored as reduced it to 36,000
rupees, and it was intended to restore the remaining
lands, so as to render the payment altogether unne-
cessary.
POOR-LAW IN SCOTLAND.

Lord DALMENY gave notice that he should to-
morrow ask her Majesty's Government whether they
intended to bring in this session any measure for
altering or amending the system of poor-laws in
Scotland; and if so, whether those alterations would be
founded on the report of the Commissioners appointed
to inquire into the subject ?
SUPPLY.

The report on the Committee of Supply was then
brought up and agreed to.
COMPANIES CLAUSES CONSOLIDA-
TION BILL.

On the motion of Mr. GREENE this Bill was read
a second time.
RAILWAY CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION
BILL.

On the motion of Lord G. SOMERSET the Rail-
way Clauses Consolidation Bill was read a second
time, and was ordered to be committed on Thursday.
LAND CLAUSES CONSOLIDATION BILL.
The Laud Clauses Consolidation Bill was read a
second time, and was ordered to be committed on
Thursday.
LAND CLAUSES_(SCOTLAND) CONSOLI-

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
PROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—If the decisions of the Council of Trent,
and " the whole cycle of Roman doctrine,"—if the con-
tinual insinuation, and frequent direct assertion, that
Protestantism is heresy—if the assumption, as self-evi-
dent excellencies, on every occasion, of the Romish dis-
tinctive characters of priestly-obligatory, and gene-
rally-meritorious celibacy, confession, absolute spiritual
direction, &c., &c.—if the re-publication of ail the
legends of English monkery, through all the dark
ages, and the obtrusion on the astonished eyes
of the English public in the nineteenth century of
thaumaturgic toe-nails and timber-shavings, old clothes,
and old tombstones—if all this is consistent with the
creed of the Church of England, and if the uncen-
cured inculcation of all this within the walls of the
University of Oxford is consistent with the moral and
inteil2ctual reputation of that University—then we
admit that its convocation will be meddling as need-
lessly, as certain of our Contemporaries think they
will, in expressing any *pinion of their own on
Thursday if any men, holding Protestant
principles, neevet.
ever were called upon to stand forth, and say
they hold them—if any provocation possibly can be
given to men, who believe the Reformation con-
quered great privileges for them, to vindicate
those privileges in the face of first covert—
now open—insult—then surely the members of that
University are so called upon, and the ill-blood
threatened as likely to result from their obeying this call
will have been generated by no act of theirs. The whole
question is, whether they do adhere to Protestant free-
dom, as fte edom which ought in England, and an
English University, to be exercised and enjoyed, or no.
The root of the controversy is not this or that dogma—
but the right of our forefathers, and of is; their suns, to
assert the freedom of national education from the obligation
to bow to one exclusive set of dogmas, imposed by a
foreign hierarchy. It is this obligation which is now
unequivocally asserted by the new Oxford school—and
now asserted in language of defiance and insult. We
have now avowals instead of intimations of " deep and
burning hatred of the Reformation"—explicit instead of
oracular vaticinations that "the demon of Protestantism
will tear and rend the body whicn it possesses, before it
leaves it." These manifestoes of hostility to the Church of
England (so far as free from Rome) present the novel
feature of being framed in the Church and University,
and of avowedly founding their legitimacy on a sense
of the articles expressly devised to defeat their purpose.
It is quite in vain for these dealers in duplicity in
the sense of plain English to tell us that Low Church-
men also evade such of our forms as they dislike.
Whether Low Churchmen are or are not justified in so
doing, we inquire not at present. But no Churchmen,
save this new junto, assert a right to take their stand
in the Church for the express purpose of pouring un-
limited insult and reproach on every point of doctrine
and practice which distinguishes this Church from an-
other. It will not be denied that there is a fundamental
distinction between the English view and the Remish
view of what constitutes a church. These men stand alone
in borrowing the artillery of the Vatican to discharge on
us from within our own pale. 1 hey stand alone in insi-
nuating, or openly advancing, the charge of schism against
separate Anglicanism—the duty of devonon to the See ef
Rome—thecharacter of heresy in all things thatdistinguish
(and because they distinguish) our symbols from those
of Rome. It is true that, in so doing, they necessarily
brand themselves also as heretics. For Rome allows no
churchmanship out of her communion—and no excuse
but invincible ignorance in any individual remaining
without that communion. These men, having lost the
plea of invincible ignorance, stand self-convicted here-
tics, every hour they stand out of Roman communion.
And here we come to the practical consequence of
their views in the University. They are turning it into
a pait seminaire fur the supply of Rome with proselytes
and priests. All who receive " the whole cycle of
Human doctrine" into honest hearts must necessarily
act in accordance with the most important of all her
' doctrines—that, namely, which anathematises as heresy
whatever is held or taught (and simply as being so held
or taught) out of Roman communion. It is a new
phenomenon in polemics, for men to ransack the Ro-
man armoury for all its most poisoned weapons of
offence against their own nominal communion—while
er ery Roman theologian can tell them, that of all
heretics their case is most hopeless, because they alone
stand self-convicted of heresy clung to in the light of
knowledge. The consistent disciples of Newmanism
have, therefore, seceded, in considerable numbers, to
Rome. And Mr. Newman has himself acknowledged
his writings as a " disposing cause" to these conversions.
It is unquestionable that those writings are also the
original source of what we deem the far less honourable
alternative—namely, of the subscription of Anglican ar
tides with a heart avowedly devoted to Rome. This
subscription, coupled with this avowal, is Mr. Ward's
logical deduction from Tract 90. And, forsooth, it is
mere intolerant meddling in the University to express
its sense of this revived lore of Loyola ! Those who
say this must mean to say that Convocation ought to
deem itself incapable of expressing any sense upon any
subject. If so, let it be so stated. Let the University
abdicate all its collective functions. In this way, its re-
fusal to give judgment will at least not be construed as a
refusal to vindicate common sense and honest consistency,
for fear they should retard the conversion of Oxford to
Roman Catholicism.
STANDARD.—The property-tax, the sugar duties,
the tax on tea, the assessed taxes, the cotton tax, the
malt-tax, the duty on paper, and we know not how
many more taxes, had all found champions to claim
their abolition, when on Saturday a meeting of
soap boilers and Members of Parliament assembled
to insist upon the abolition of the duty on soap,
one-half the former duty having been long since
t Josephimposes
repealed. The soap discussion fills about four closely-
printed columns of the Morning Chronicle,
and who-
everthe
soap-taxreads thei
speechesof
the Messrs.
only x
e
that
burthen on the country. To be sure, the same thing
has been said of every other tax with as much
eloquence and as much truth but what is
the Prime Minister to do ? It is certain that he
has a surplus of nearly three millions and a half
But three millions and a half will not afford a reduc-
tion of about fifteen or twenty millions, which, at a
moderate computation, be is urged to reduce, and yet
each interest tells him that the empire will infallibly
be ruined, if the tax which presses upon it be not re-
moved. This is a distressing position, into which Sir
Robert Peel has brought himself by
his surplus ;
but there is consolatien. Though each interest
insists upon the necessity of the concession, which
it claims as of vital importance to the empire,
each allows that all other interests may go on very we'l
as they are. Thus all the votes being collected, each
interest will have but one vote against all the others, and
thus the result will be a great majority against the taking
off any one tax. And in good truth, this result would
seem to be fully justified by the prospelity of the
country under its present system Qf taxation. We
have not the most distant uotion of what the
Premier is to propose on Friday ; but we know
what we should do in his place—take care
to disoblige no one interest by giving a preference to
any other; leave the taxes just where they are, and
devote the surplus to the defence of the country, by
additions to our steam navy, and by the construction of
ports and harbours. It is an additional recommendation
of this mode of applying the surplus, that nearly every
shilling of it would be expended in the wages of labour
—no small alleviation to the poor-rates, no slight benefit
to the agriculturist and to the excise revenue.
THE SENTINEL.—The perfection of a Royal
Speech is to string sentences together devoid of all
meaning. Words without ideas, inane paragraphs,
vague generalities, and bad grammar, are the staple
elements of these documents. The Sovereign, we need
not tell our readers, has nothing whatever to do in their
composition ; no more, indeed, than boys in a school
with the speeches they are called upon to spout before
" breaking up," by their elocution-master. Knowing,
as we do, that the undivided and unremitting efforts of
the Oligarchy, since 1688, have been devoted to the
weakening and degrading of Royalty, we are not
surprised that they should compel their enthroned
victims to recite annually those dull platitudes of
rhetoric, and endeavour to fasten the authorship
on them. However, this dirty trick is pretty well
worn out ; and the public generally are now
aware, that the prologue to the new annual edition of
the Comedy of Errors, to be played by the national
comedians in the Holy Chapel of St. Stephen's, is the
veritable composition of the Prime Minister. Let us
examine some of the paragraphs in the speech which the
Queen was compelled to recite on Tuesday last, from the
MS. of Sir Robert Peel. Her Majesty says:—"Among
all classes of my peoplo, there is generally prevalent a
spirit of loyalty and cheerful obedience to the law."
If by loyalty is understood a personal respect and
attachment towards the amiable lady who, by
right of primogeniture, wears the Crown of these
realms, we fully admit the truth of the senti-
ment ; but if the term is intended to be taken in
a wider sense, and meant to convey an idea, that
the people are contented with the institutions
under which they live, then we tell Sir Robert
Peel, that he has put language into the mouth
of his Royal Mistress, which he knows to be fabulous.
This word " loyalty " is too often used in a very lax and
most unwarrantable sense ; and a logical definition of it
is greatly to be desiderated. Attack Bishops and the
Church shouts disloyalty ; assail hereditary legislation
and the Peers yell out disloyalty ; in fact, every species
of State scoundreliem, when it receives zi staggering blow
from the aria of justice, sneaks behind the throne for
shelter, and attempts to turn attention from its own ell_
lanies by some lachrymose whinings over the fictitious
clingers of monarchy. We are told of the " cheerful "
obedience paid by the people to the. law. We em-
phatically deny that the obedience is cheerful. It
arises part]s- from fear of imprisonment or trans-
portation, and partly through that prostration of
mind and sickness of heart which captives feel
after
long years of ineureerati, n; or, it may be assimilated to
that condition of utter helplessness and hopelessness
which the stolen African experiences when pinioned
down with iron rivets in the hold of a slave-ship. Sir
Robert generalises far too much, when he talks of obe-
elience to " the law." What does he mean by the ex-
pression? Does lie draw his proofs and illustrations
from incendiarism or poaching, or the dead bodies of
slaughtered gamekeepers? Is it the law that taxes
bread and sugar, for the behoof of that oligarchy whose
miserable tool he is, that the loyal people press to their
hearts with fond and grateful endearments? Is it the
new poor-law, or the ineotne-tax law, or ;he tithe law,
or the law which robs a man of the suffrage, or those
aggregate laws of Customs and Excise which make the
industrious classes pay seventy per cent. out of their
earnings to the Chancellor of the Exchequer? We must
judge of the whole by the parts of which it is composed,
and which of the parts inspires " cheerfulness,"
" Utor permisso ; caudmque piles ut equinie
raulatium vello ; demo unum, demo etiam unum,
Dam cadet ensue ratione ;untie acervi."

'Her Majesty hopes that the information collected by the
i Health of Towns Commission will enable Parliament
" to devise the means of promoting the health and com-
fort of the poorer classes of her sub,;ects." That such
is the personal wish of her Majesty, we have no doubt;
and right glad should we be to hear that she prop,sed
to make a royal progress, accompanied by her Ladies of
Honour in the character of Sisters of Charity, through
the Metropolis, under the guidance of Dr. Southwi.od
Smith and the other medical gentlemen who have given
evidence bef .re the Health of Towns Commission. Let
her visit Field-court and its neighbourhood, Bethnal-
green, Spitalfields, and the Borough Mint, and other per-
manent abodes of fever and miasma, where famine gives
its daily lev•1 to hunger. Let her not fear physical force;
these are the localities where physical weakness demon-
strations are exhibited from the first of January to the
last day of December. The contrast between such scenes
of misery and the gorgeous superabundance of Stowe
and Burleigh, would give her some useful hints as to the
distribution of wealth, and also point out to her how it
happens that the oligarchs can rival royalty itself in mag-
nificence. Would to Heaven, that Victoria would com-
m.ind such a physical weakness demonstration as we
have indicated, attended by her official cdviscrs ; and,
then, in presence of the ragged, houseless, and starving,
ask them to give an recount of their stewardship ? Her
M,--justy tells the Legislature, that " the state of the law
in regard to the privileges of the Bank of Ire:and, and to
other banking establishments in that countr) and in
Scotland, will, no doubt, occupy their attention." This is
significant; but we tell Sir Robert Peel, on quite as
good evidence as any that he possesses, that the intro-
duction of a metallic currency into North Britain would
tuin that country. We tell him, that Glasgow would
be a bankrupt city in six months after the suppression of
cash credits. All the poor who subsist by the fisheries,
would be reduced to hopeless beggary. It is lucky for
him that the working men of England have never yet
turned their minds to the truly diabolical system of
which he is the worthless and unfeeling advocate. He
gained personally a million by the vile Bill of 1819, and
his honest father told him he would make that enormous
profit by the spoliating measure. But he is not content.
He wants more, and the more scarce he makes money
the more power dors he throw into the monied class
of which he is a leading member. But we will not believe
that Scotland will ever succumb to this ignoble money-
monger, even though he should be backed by those
League Members, who, shouting free trade, voted with
him to protest the monopoly of that article of trade,
called gold—an astounding inconsistency which we
w uld fain ascribe to want of judgment, rather than
want of principle. Her Majesty's speech concludes
with an earnest prayer to Divine Providence to direct
the wisdom and sustain the virtue of Parliament. We
absolutely shuddered when we read the paragraph.
What I does Sir R. Peel put this language into the
mouth of his Royal Mistress after having done all in his
' power to thwart the intentions of Providence by inter-
cepting its bounties ? Has not God given the harvest,
and have not Peel and his crew locked it up in bonded
warehouses, while the hungry have been fainting aed
dying for want of sustenance ? And shall a Legislature
thus violating natural law, session after session, dare to
profane and desecrate the sanctity of relgien by hypo-
critical appeals to Heaven, when by their simple vote they
can liberate the imprisoned food, and enable every hu
man being to fulfil the command of his Maker, by earn-
ing his bread "in the sweat of his brow ?" . we
are a most Christian people, and her Majesty is "De-
fender of the Faith."

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
COURT OF CHANCERY. Feb. 10.
Tho LORD CHANCELLOR sat in Lincoln's Inn-hall to• day,
and took motions, it being the first seal after Hilary Term.
This was the first day of his Lordship's sittings since the
last day of term.

The RECORDER sUmmed'up, and thejuryacquitted
and returned a verdict of Guilty against Morris, but, at the
same time, strongly recommended him tolnercy, in which
recommendation the prosecutor also joined.
The RECORDER sentenced him to three months' imprison-
ment without hard labour.
The Court then adjourned until Monday, March 3.