The Sun.
London, England, 1829-06-02 00:00:00

him w, abaadon, that tine of conduct which he noiv
exercises by the means of. powers' obtained by fraud
from therr47-7(Hear, hear.)—lnoW come to the con-
sideration of another head, into which I divided my
subject, and in my mind it is matter which, however
fee it may be explained, must be viewed with the deepest
ngs of regret. I allude to the conduct which
the Commanders of the British ships thought it ne-
cessary to pursue towards the unhappy exiles who,
when driven by an execrable tyrant from their homes
and families, endeavoured to find a home and
refuge, and to preserve a portion of her states for
their Sovereign. I hope, for the honour of my coun-
try, that his iklajesty's Ministers will he able to give
the most satisfactory explanation of the instructions
given on the subject. I shall be perfectly satisfied with
MY exertions, if the observations which I have thought
eecessarY to address to the House this evening may
etilY on this point produce a satisfactory explanation
fraYilom the Government. I cannot, however, help
Big that I View with feelings of great jealousy
and re, grbt those soldiers who remained faithful to
oovereign,
q DOH M and who opposed the late conduct
—.guel, taking refuge in the ports of France,
covered with wounds received from the oldest allies
of the; Sovereign
—namel aoothmel, thy of the Kin
at
such ag
England.--(llear, heaYr.) Inav— had hoped thng Could have happened which could lead to
n event as that to which I have alluded. I
grieve to think that the faithful subjects of our
between England
most ancient ally (and the alliance bad subsisted
and Portugal nearly five centu-
ries) should
thoa have been compelled to seek refuge in
lU.e ports which were formerly viewed as belong-
g to our natural enemies. I fear that no explana-
tion
which can be given can satise feelings of
these poor
men t but I trust that t y hthe Government
`will ))e able to exonerate themselves from a charge
ftvbiet must weigh so heavily upon them in the
n of the world if suffered to pass unexplained.
eat-f that there are circumstances connected with
his affair which it will be difficult to explain. The
npture of- the Spanish frigates laden with treasure,
their voyage to Europe in 1805, and which ex-
cited such an outcry throughout the whole of the
continent at the time, can, I believe, be explained on
store satisfactory grounds, in relation with the law of
buieas, than I conceive the present question
eaung as it now does—can be. I can
conceive few events which would appear
as
a greater blot on the pages of our history
t'a" this untimely event, if a satisfactory explana-
eon is
pert not given. Our conduct with respect to
Zugal has deprived us of all influence in that
untry, and we had abandoned that controul,which
been exercised SO !Mich to the advantage of
'nth countries, to other nations. All those sacred
remembrances of England, which had subsisted in
that country,
u nl not only as her oldest and most faith-
re_rallY, but also as the classic land of liberty, I
vill be at an end. Of all people they had least
hetdextir
.c t' from this country, which they
of lib:rta' Y,s been taught to regard as the native soil
3 ; but they had been opposed in their at-
„,
4l'ulPts, when they had been led to expect assistance
heerr support. This country, which had always
regarded as the supporter of good govern-
° tut, had been exhibited in other countries as the
tPo_oser to the establishing and securing free institu-
, tons. They did not merit opposition, or what was
th,
been led Opposition, from England, when they had
to peort. I trust that the expla-
Nlon which will be given will satisfy the expecte-
Ityletiis of the country. I know of no public man for
f01:°111 I entertain a higher degree of respect than
the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord
liAeberdeen), and I hope that when his instructions
t:itPtoduced, they will not disappoint those high
ectutions which I as well as the country enter-
gf him- I have expressed myself perhaps in too
tag °i 11414
anguan.; 6 but I cannot forget the strong feel-
hatred entertained by the supporters of Don
forget Pei against any thing that is English. I cannot
h,. the conduct pursued by this petty despot and.
Colstiototlrluwers against any thing in connection with this
rep, Y, and the pains he takes to mark his abhor-
?t, "ce and hatred of it. Of the men who at present
rbed the .Constitutionalin Portugal, it was
.._ party
.4111°Ssihle to speak in too high terms ; it was corn-
lies a
420 f the most distinguished of ull parties, and
legtUined all the talent. in the country. The pre-
e:t Party might be considered as formed on the
41;institationat party of 1820, but greatly modified
tr softened down by the junction of the supporters
the Constitutional party of Don Pedro. Thisus l'uiobody, who
were scattered and dispersed
i
thrt "ghout Europe, was composed of the most en-
h ht
men in existence. The hopes of this
I.4tY nOW only rested on the support of the Con party in France; and they relied alone
(41 the assistance of that country for the establish-
-Ittlent of -the liberties of their country, instead of de-
-1::4441g0n the countenance of this country. Eng-
Fm wits bound, by all the ties of honour and po-
s Ito uPport her ancient ally, and prevent her
11°121 falling under the influence of France. Let it
1):1"ger be said that a defensive alliance subsisted
lot,een this country and Portugal. Let it no
be. said that a commercial treaty existed, after,
ils4o.l.tiduct which we had pursued. In the year
th 'N'r• Canning informed them, in consequence
re-
thi'eats of invasion, that England would. p
110111.1 the. interference of any foreign nation with the_
rekltical Constitution of Portugal, and that they might
1;71°1)0P the support and assistance of this country.
come to the last point in this tragic story, and
1.1,7 the details of which I fear I have fatigued the
The event to which I allude calls forth the
:'eltlPathy and lamentations of every man who pos-
, sse. ,L
fttf the common feelings, of our nature. It is now
(1)f alluo\re than three weekiago (n.amely,. on the 7t h
reit —I), that ten gentlemen of distinguished f,ami-
in
ta.alvere seized in. Oporto, and shortly afterwards
Wo-alered the most :wanton and brutal manner. I
tea,,, ask any man acquainted with the circum-
eiet,Vl of this case to tell me the cause of this atro-
to.' :et, and I feel confident that no one could do
41.0- was because they had in the previous year,.
164%1 1"-8, treated Don Miguel as the Constite-
Oet -I
;those
nof Portugal—that they had co Isla
Ca'rleißeteose oaths which lie had then taken to the
aitte-dtution as binding, as well upon him, as the
teer 4 ef allegiance which they had taken upon them-
Place:` change of the Government had taken
Itt,j,,' and, an amnesty had been published, which
tiii."•l:!_t_ve been regarded is any other European
‘,/itile:l,uut not so in Portugal; these gentlemen,
441.1„-"e exception of two, who were reserved for af
the fate, were Moat inhumanly butchered. 0
tent ;13 Whose liveS were preserved, the one was
the oe-'th'd to theialleys and hard
,labourfor life, and
thee et---the brother of a gentleman who was for-
hataYi 4,lobassader to our Court—was condemned to
itas fia,"ur of the most degrading nature for life, but
na .8t compelled to witness the murder of his
:4ebtieSseiodthcantmopuarttis. (Hear, hear.)—lt was to
information was incorrect on this
Nijleaeht, and that such scenes as had been described
ot have occurred. According to the accounts
WI ' had
ate been received, such was the alarm
ttty of ad been excited by these executions in the
:tll4,°Perto that the Nobles had fled the city,
.•eiti,„l- even the ignorant peasantry had concealed
,`sis ties, and were ashamed to be witnesses of
,ce
litvin tie of blood. The city was described as.
041 Uteri left almost deserted to the soldiers and
4a illissar ofI
e„ w lesthe 'late. tyrant, Don Miguel.
?teeeas but too faithful a picture of the conse-
etaot' resulting from the government of a lawless
!Ai ;Z(Hear, hear !)—What a day was this 16th
devoted
.to outrage and, murder I.
etiti:4), et:rents done on it would even blacken the
I,Mt,e° a Don Miguel. To suppose that there
tie to ',in my conspiracy
for this
against Don Miguel would
Lekpotiee* his acts in a light too favourable
thireLtYvant. Ten months after the event for
which they
itat.':eY were put to death, and o
bit eeeti.questioned in the interimf—aeperiod,
,
1/4iiti,o't sufficient to still the rapacity o t
f th
legea 'RI with this monster—ten months after
sets Pereffence. he put these gentlemen to death for
ittfofeetlY leg al at the time, and for the non-
_
hid 01 which they were liable to punish- i
41.1411, by his acts) 11401 Kt at defianc.

all the other Sovereigns in Europe. He had com-
mitted acts which hail excited the' indignation of
every country in the civilised world. He had
made all Europe rib.- with his horrors ; and his acts
had excited such alarm at Lisbon that it had been
deserted, and became like a city afflicted with the
plague. -He had insulted every Sovereign in Eu-
rope by his conduct, and had thrown down the
gauntlet to them in the face of the world, and had
shown how far a tyrant could go.—(Hear, hear.)—
He cared not by what means he arrived at his ends,
and resorted to any crime to perfect his acts. He
acted thus to show to the assembled world how far
he could carry his designs of bloodshed and crime.
He determined to show that he would, by force,
dispossess justice and mercy of their seats in those
places in which he had controul. Ile holds up the
bloody head to Europe as a challenge, to show how
far he can trifle with the common feeling of our na-
tion, and how far he can exhibit his hatred of all
laws and powers either human or divine.—(Cheers.)
—The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded with pro-
posing, " That an humble Address be presented to
his Majesty, praying for the communication of such
Papers as may throw light upon the relations be•
tween Portugal and this country from the year
1826 to the present time, provided that it can be
done without danger to our foreign alliance."
Mr. Secretary PEEL—The Right Hon. Gent.
made some very pointed observations on the events
which are supposed to have lately occurred at Oporto.
I, as well as the Right Hon. Gent. must express my
deep regret that such events should have happened,
but I cannot help lamenting that the Right Hon.
Gent. should allude to them, as they are calculated
to mix up the-question before the House with sub-
jects in no way connected with it. I have not heard
any observation which would induce me, as a Mini-
ster of the Crown, to recommend the abandoning a
course of policy which has always hitherto been the
guide of this country. I trust that no act Of this
country will tend to put an end to that peace which
has so long subsisted in Europe, or to weaken those
pacific principles which seem to influence most of
the Sovereigns in Europe. Indeed, considering that
for the long period of fifteen years, the peace of the
greatest portion of Europe had been secured, I think
that the man who for one moment would put it in
jeopardy would take a fearful responsibility on him-
4M; and I must confess, that following the line
which the Right Hon. Gentleman marks out, would
in my mind lead to such a result. I hope that one
effect of this peace will be, to show to all nations
what great interests they all have in preserving and
securing the peace of Europe. I trust that the cha-
racter of a mere military hero--one who goes to
war merely for the sake of gaining victories—no
longer exists; and that all men begin to see the
importance and die advaritages which each nation
and people gain by a firm peace.--(Hear; hear,
hear.)—l entertain no fears of the ability of this
country to enter into a war ; I am acquainted with
her resources; and I feel convinced that as she
has already made extraordinary exertions in seasons
of difficulty and danger, she would be prepared, if
called upon, to make similar exertions.—( Cheers.)
—At the same time I do not hesitate to express my
most ardent hopes that nothing will occur to dimi-
nish the chance of preserving it.—(Cheers.)—l
admit that our intimate relations with Portugal
have now existed without intermission for nearly
450 years, and I hope they will still continue; and
I will say that, during that long period, and until
very recently, no attempt was made to induce her
to interfere in any way in the internal arrangement
of that country. England had ever been ready to
assist Portugal in case of foreign invasion, and in
periods of adversity, and it is my wish that she may
ever be able and willing to do so.—(Hear, hear.)—
The first attempt to induce her to interfere was in
1820. The Constitution had been established in
Portugal; and on the invasion of Spain, in 1822,
Mr. Canning had written to our Minister at
Lisbon, and desired him to communicate his
Note to the Portuguese Ministry, that England
was willing to render Portugal any assistance
in support of any Government she might choose,
and prevent the interference of foreign States; but
that if she took part in. the war, England would be
compelled to deny all hopes of assistance. This had
been. our uniform answer to 'applications for assist
ance. The general rule for our policy is, I repeat,,
non-interference with other countries—(Cheers)—
and this must be the rule to follow in the present
case.—(Hear.)—lndeed, in the case of invasion, we
were bound by treaty to assist Portugal. I need not
call the recollection of die House to the course pur-
sued by my late Right Hon. Friend, Mr. Canning,
under such circumstances, and who then held the si-
tuation of Foreign Secretary. He had brought
down a Message from the Crown, and a number of
troops had been sent to Portugal to prevent a fo-
reign invasion, with the full concurrence of the
House. I then thought, as I now think, that such a
proceeding was absolutely necessary, and called for
in that instance, and I should be prepared to follow
a like course in similar circumstances. My late Right
Hon. Friend had then stated that he was only pur-
suing the line of conduct marked out by his prede-
cessor in office, the Marquis of Londonderry. Again,
when the Emperor of the Brazils declared himself
the Independent and Constitutional Sovereign of his
country, he governed, and had declared himself in-
dependent of Portugal. The King of Portugal, the
father of the Emperor of the Brazils, called upon Eng-
land forassistance, to preserve the Portuguese empire
inviolate, and from partition. The answer of Mr. Can-
ning then, in the note which he directed to Mr.
Ward, our Minister at Lisbon, was, that England
could not interfere; and quoted a long extract from
the instructions of the late Lord Castlereagh to our
Minister at the Congress of Laybach, in which the
principle of non-interference was most pointedly
laid down. He added, that in the unhappy occur-
rence of a war between Portugal and Brazil, England
would preserve the most strict neutrality—(Hear) ;
that the British Government were determined to.
act on the fundamental principle of our foreign policy,
namely, not to interfere with the rights, liberties, or '
internal affairs of other countries.—(Hear.)—Such,
I trust, will always be the policy of England, when
called • upon to interfere—(cheers)—either in the
affairs of Portugal, or of • any other country.—
(Cheers.)—Such a course I am satisfied is most con-
sistent with the best interests of this country, and it
is founded on the sound basis of policy and justice.
England is ready and willing, as in 1828, to send an
army in support of her treaties of alliance; but I am
convinced that in a case like the present, we should
sacrifice both honour and justice, were we to pursue
the mode of action which the Right Hon. Gent.
seems to recommend.—(Hear.)—l do not want to
revive the discussion relative to the occupation of
Portugal by our army. I only refer to it to remark
that Mr. Canning, in strong and express terms, dis-
claimed,
in sending that army to Portugal, any poli-
tical intention. It was sent in consequence of the nets
of the Portuguese Government, claiming from us the
performance of our engagements, in order to protect
Portugal from foreign invasion. The principle on
which that army was sent to Portugal was,
that, by our ancient alliance, we were bound to
assist Portugal, when threatened by foreign in-
vasion. The Government of that day declared that
the course which England meant to pursue was to
decline all interference with the civil dissensions
with which Portugal was, unhappily, at that time,
afflicted. Non-interference, then, is our general
rule; and is there any thing in the usurpation of
Don Miguel,-and in his declining to acknowledge
the rights of Donna Maria da Gloria, which imposes
on England the necessity and the duty of departing
from her usual accustomed course ? I must state,
in opposition, not to the direct assertions 'of the
Right Hon. Gent., but in opposition to the general
tenor of his inference and his arguments united,
that there is nothing in this particular case—nothing
in the usurpation of Don Miguel which makes his
a special case, requiring England to depart from her
general principles of not interfering in political dis-
putes, on which she has acted in all former cases. •
The first feature of peculiarity to which the Right
Hen. Gent. has referred, as imposing a duty on Eng-
land of a qualified interference with Don Miguel,

since he has usurped the Governnient of IJu Pe•
dro, is the fact that in IS'23 we were parties to- the
Treaty which separated Portugal and the Brazils,
and to the grant of a Constitution by Don Pedro,
which was brought from the Brazils to Lisbon by
Sir Charles Stuart, our Ambassador, now Lord
Stuart de rfoib•ay. The Right Flom Gentleman
contends that b. a subject of the King of England
undertaking to bring theonstitution, granted by
Don Pedro, from tit Brazils to Portugal, wetitßrazils lbed
the Portuguese to believe that England was a party
to granting that Constitution, and that we would
lend our aid to preserve it. The answer I have to
make is this:—Don John VI., the late King of
Portugal, died in March, 1826. Prior to his death,
his son, Don Pedro, had effected the separation of
Brazils and Portugal, and had assumed the title of
Emperor of Brazils. This title had been acknOw•
hedged by his father in the preceding year, and the
treaty of dismemberment of Portugal had been rati-
fied. It was agreed that the two Crowns should
be separated, but no provision was made for the
,accession to the Crown of Portugal. Notwith-
standing the intended separation, Don Pedro, on
his father's death, claimed the Crown of POrtugal,
and as King of Portugal he determined to abdicate
to make his daughter Queen, and granted a Con-
stitution to Portugal. It was not possible, in fact,
that England could be responsible for this grant of
the Constitution. It was, indeed, physically impos-
sible. The news of Don John's decease arrived at
the Brazils on April 26th, and on the I lth of May
Lord Stuart departed from Brazils with the Consti-
tution of Portugal. Whether sufficient time had
been allowed to digest the Constitution, I will not
say ; but I will say, that it was not possible that
England should advise the giving of that Constitu-
tion, or be responsible for its maintenance, of which
Lord Stuart was the bearer. That Nobleman
was not only the Plenipotentiary of this Govern-
ment for effecting the separation of Portugal and
Brazils, but he was also the Plenipotentiary of the
King of Portugal for adjusting some existing diffe-
rences between Portugal and the Brazils, and for ne-
gociating a Treaty of Commerce between the
two countries. No authority was given by Mr.
Canning—no commission was given to Lord
Stuart to- act for this Government as to the
Constitution ; and it was as the servant of the
King of Portugal that he was the bearer to Lisbon
of the Constitutional Charter. We were not the
advisers of that measure, and Lord 'Stuart merely
carried it to Portugal. The British Government, or
at least Mr. Canning, who was then the - Minister
for the Foreign Department, was aware that the cir-
cumstance of Lord Stuart being the bearer of that
Treaty would create an impression in the European
Courts that England was connected with the grant-
ing of that Constitution. He accordingly addressed
a circular to all the Courts of Europe, disclaiming.
all responsibility for the measure on the part of
England. Positive orders, also, were given by Mr.
Canning to Lord Stuart to return from Lisbon forth-
with, and not countenance in any manner the delu-
sion that England was concerned in granting their
Charter. The Right Hon. Gent. has said that the
steps so cautiously taken, togeth€r with. Lord Stuart
being the bearer of the Constitution,-induced the
Portuguese to infer that England was'concerned in
granting the Charter, and he wished it to be inferred
that this delusion ought to have been removed.l
This delusion was effectually preven:ed by the
language of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. When,
in consequence of the transactions of that period,
Mr. Canning advised his Majesty to send troops-10
Portugal to protect that country from foreign inva-
sion, nothing could be more explicit than his public -
declaration on that occasion. The Right Hon. Gent.
has dwelt much on the moral obligation imposed on
this country by her conduct towards Portugal; and
I trust the House will allow me to refer to Mr..
Canning's words on that occasion. Ott the 12th of
December, Mr. Canning made his celebrated speech'
on bringing doWn the King's Message on the sub-
ject of Portugal, and -on that occasion he-made' use
-of these exprissions:—
" It has been surmised- that this: tneasure,•as well as the
abdication which it accompanied, was the offspring of our
advice. No such thing—Great' Britain did not suggest
this measure. It is not her duty nor her practice to otfer
suggestions frir the, internal regulation orforeign states.
.She neither approved nor disapproved of Ain. grant of a
1 Constitutional Charter to Portugal ; her opinion upon that
grant was never required. True it is that.the instrument
of the Constitutional Charter was brought to Europe. by
a gentleman of high trust in the service of the British
Government. - Sir C. Stuart had gone -to BraZil to
.nego-
tiate the separation between that country and Portugal. In
addition to his character of Plenipotentiary of Great
Britain, as the mediating Power, he had also been in-
vested by the King of Portugal -with the character of his
Most Faithful Majesty's Plenipotentiary for the negociation-
with Brazil. That negotiation had been brought to a
• happy conclusion ; and therewith the British part of Sir
C. Stuart's commission had terminated. But Sir C,
Stuart was still resident at Rio de-Janeiro, as-the Pleni
potentiary of the King of Portugal, for negotiating corn-
mercial
arrangements between Portugal and Brazil. In
this latter character it was that Sir C. Stuart, on his return
to Europe, was requested by the Emperor of Brazil to be
the bearer to Portugal of the new Constitutional Charter,
His Majesty's Government found no fault with •Sir C.
Stuart for extending this commission ; but it was im-
mediately felt that if Sir C. Stuart were alloWed to remain
at Lisbon, it might appear, in the eyes of Europe? that
England was the contriver and imposer of the Portuguese
Constitution. Sir C. Stuart was therefore, diricted to
return home forthwith; in order that the Constitution, if
carried into effect there, might plainly appear to be adopted
by the Pot tuguese nation itself—not forced upon them by
English interference."
I have answeiedi then, the first part of the Right
Hou. Gent.'s speech; and I have shown, first, that
England did not advise the granting of the Consti-
tution ; secondly, that it was distinctly gated that
this Constitution was adopted without the advice
and responsibility of our Government ; and I have
shown, in the third place, that Mr. Canning took
the proper means of making Europe and the people
of Portugal aware of the real facts of the case. I do
not contend, however, that the people of Portugal
may not have deceived themselves, by suppoing
that some reliance was to be placed on England
supporting that Constitution, and that they may not
have supposed that England advised that Constitu-
tion to be granted. The second point to which the'
Right Hon. Gent. has adverted, as a peculiarity,
imposing on England the necessity- of supporting
the claims of the Queen of Portugal, and the
second point referred- to in the discussion, was,
that by the discussions at London and Vienna,
we had made ourselves a party to the accept-
ance of the Regency of Don Miguel. It is,
however, too much to contend, because England
and Austria took part in the discussions relative to
this subject, on- the invitation of Don Pedro, that
they were guarantees to him that the promises made
by Don Miguel should be performed. The English
and Austrian Sovereigns did, by their Ambassadors
and Ministers, co-operate in endeavouring. to per-
suade Don Miguel to observe the instructions he
received from Den Pedro when he was admitted
into the Regency, and they did enforce on him the
necessity of keeping his engagements. It is also
true that these promises of Don Miguel have not
been fulfilled. Ido not say that this is to vindicate
Don Miguel, but it is no part of our duty to enter
into an examination of the private vices and crimes
laid to his charge by the Right Hon. Gentleman.
Should we make the private vices and crimes .of in-
dividuals the matters of our consideration for the
decision of public questions—should we once regu-
late our public policy by the consideration of the
private character of individuals—that peace will not
long continue in the continuation of which the
Right Hon. Gentleman rejoices, and which 1 hope
will long continue. These are matters for the con-
sideration of the people over whom the Sovereign
reigns, and not matters which ought to influence,
much less dictate the public policy of other nations. I
Is England to undertake the conquest of Portugal
for the Queen Donna Maria? This is the question.
The Right Hon. Gent, says, that we should have
compelled Don Miguel to execute the trust reposed its,
him. But by what measures could we compel him
I know of none other than these:—Either we must
preserve QU neutrality., or we must unawake thum!
• •

quest of Portugal. To give advice to Don 'Miguel,
and not to enforce it, would be of no use. To threaten,
and not to execute our threats, would only encourage
him, and would be inconsistent with the dignity 0!
the Crown of Great Britain. Were we to enter into
an alliance with the Brazils to ensure the succession
of the government to the young Queen, whatever
might be our engagements, from our proximity, and
other causes to which I will rot refer, England would,
I am sure, become a principal in the war. It is dif-
ficult to say, that there is any thing in our ancient
treaties, or any thing in what passed at Vienna, which
imposed on Great Britain the obligation to enforce
the claims of Donna Maria by force of arms, or to
undertake, by force, to place her on a throne which
some out of the majority of the people would not
willingly see her fill. The Right Hon. Gent. says,
that it was intimated to Don Miguel, that if he did
not accept the Regency on the conditions offered, he
should be detained at 'Vienna. I do not positively
recollect, and I therefore may be mistaken, but I do
not believe any such intimation was made to Don
Miguel. But after announcing the intention of I)on
Pedro, could he force us to detain Don Miguel ? or
does the Right lion. Gent. suppose that we could
detain him ? I do not recollect that there ever was
an intention to do this ; but I am sure that Eng-
land never was a party to any such intention. I
do at think that it could ever be in the contem-
plation of this Government, which only took putt
in the conference at Vienna, by the invitation
of Don Pedro. Undoubtedly an indignity was done
to the King of Great Britain, by Don Miguel's not
fulfilling the obligations and engagements he then
contracted; but we were trot parties to those cor-
fereaces, we were only witnesses. It is not just, it
is not politic in England to make war on Portugal;
because Don Miguel has not kept the engagements
he solemnly entered into. The Right Hon. Gent.
has also referred to this blockade, and seems to
think that we have not acted with regard to Portu-
gal, as we have to other countries. When this sub-
ject was discussed formerly, I attempted to shew
that England had respected the blockade, not on ac-
count of the Government, but because it was a
blockade established by a Government de facto.
The Right Hon. Gent. ,wished that the question of
acknowledging die blockade should have been re-
ferred to Don Pedro, but in this I cannot agree with
him. The question of the blockade was to be de-
tided by public law, and it was not possible to refer
it to Don Pedro. To shew that there was no par-
tiality in recognising the blockade, it is only neces-
sary for me to remind the House, that when Don
Pedro dismembered Portugal arid Brazils, lie declared
a blockade against a port of South America, which
England, without inquiring into the legitimacy of
his Government, respected. England had acted
on the same prnciple, in recognising the blockade
instituted by the Greeks, and all other blockades.
It had always acted on principles of law, and had
recognized every blockade instituted by a Government de
facto, supported by a sufficient force. The Right Hon.
Gent. has also referred to our conduct to three individuals
in this country, which he has described as discountenancing
the Ministers of Brazils. There are, it is true, three in-
dividuals residing in this country, who have had diploma-
tic relations with the Government, and the Right Hon.
Gent. complained of a want of courtesy in the conduct
adopted by the Government of this country towards them.
These individuals are, the Marquis Palmella, the Marquis
Barbacena, anti Viscount Itabayna. The Viscount its-
bayna represented the Court of Brazil, and his functions
' had never been suspended. The Marquis Palniella was
accredited to this country from Portugal, and when Don
Miguel usurped the Government of that country, he de-
clared that his functions were at an end. The Right Hon.
Gent. however, is aware that communications have been
made to this gentleman since Iris functions have been at
an end, and there surely can be no want of courtesy in
them. The Marquis of Barbacena, the Right Hon.
'Gent. complains, is not yet recognized ; but that Nobleman
Arrived very unexpectedly in this country. The Queen of
Portugal was sent to Vienna to be placed under the care
of her august relation, the Empress of Austria. No noti-
fication whatever was made to the Government of this con n-
'try, of any intention to send her here. Mr. Gordon, our Am-
bassador at the Brazils, had written letters home three weeks
after her departure,' and no mention was
.then made of
Any intention of sending her to England. The Marquis
of Barbacena had arrived at Gibraltar before he resolved
to bring the young Queen to England. 'Was it not, then,
too much to expect that the Marquis of Barbaceaa should
be received here without the Government knowing in
what capacity? In all this lean see no want of courtesy
on the part of this Government, which could not be ex-
'pected to acknowledge as Ambassadors or as Agents any
persons without 'first knowing the authority those persons
possessed. I have now concluded all the observations
'which I think it is necessary to make in reply to the Right
'Hon. Gentleman. Let me, however, remind the Right
lion.' Gentleman that Don Miguel is not kept on the
Throne by any foreign intrigues. He is supported by the
people of Portugal. There is every indication that he
does not reign in opposition to the will of the people. He
was proclaimed by the Cortes, and he seemed generally
acceptable to the people. There has been one insurrection,
but that failed—and failed, as the Right Hon. Gentleman
says, from mistake of the Colonels at the head of the
troops. Into that discussion I'will not enter. There is
one other transaction to which the Right Hon. Gentleman
has alluded; and to which I will refer. I mean the affair
of the Island of Terceira; of that transaction I will en-
deavour to give a brief and clear view. It was
the determination of this Government to preset ve the
most strict and undeviating neutrality in the civil dissen-
sions of Portugal. It resolved to yield to no entreaties,
and not to be induced by any appeals to depart from its
neutrality. There was no reason why England should in-
terfere by force, and it determined to preserve its neu-
trality at all hazards. After the revolt which occurred in
the North of Portugal against Don Miguel, the troops
nge co
wasethnt to
t of the
sought refuge in Spain. An objection was made to re-
ceiving them, the English Government interfered, and
proeured for them a more hospitable reception. They
afterwards determined to come to this country, and an
appeal was made to England to receive them. An answer
was returned, that we sympathised with their misfortunes,
that no opposition would be offered to their coming to
England; and that if they came, they should be hospitably
received. They accordingly arrived in this country, and
remained at Plymouth, to the amount of three to four
thousand men, for a considerable time. The Right lion.
Gentleman has stated, that in November it was found ne-
cessary that the
,officers should be separated from the men,
and in consequence of this being intimated to them, the
Marquis of Palmella e
earletieedd toto
gtohetoDa,uokeßotafzWil.e.llingTthonte
might made to go to the Brazils, and it was
er 23d that an application was made for
rehtl
at leave
theyllftapplication
roop,
ra.Rigblltly
Hveeers.ionGedn
ifftleemrsan,solubtei;
it is true that it was on the 23d December that the Mar-
quis of Palmella applied for permission for these troops to
go to Terceira. The Marquis was told, in answer, that
England would not permit troops to be embarked from
any port of Great Britain on a hostile expedition. The
Right Host. Gentleman has not added, that shortly after
the arrival of the Marquis of Barbacena in this country,
on September 24, that is, on October 15, the Marquis of
Barbacena wrote to the Duke of Wellington, pressing him
to allow a part of the Portuguese troops in England to go
to Terceira, and to supply them with a convoy for that
island. Terceira is one of the Azores ; and while some of
the other islands had declared for Don Miguel, Terceira
was divided, and a large party there was in favour os
Don Pedro. On the 18th of October the Duke of Wel-
lington wrote to the Marquis of Barbacena, and replied
that the military force at Plymouth could on no account be
permitted to prepare in any of the ports and arsenals of the
kingdom the means of equipment for attacking foreign na-
tions. On the 20th of November, the military depot at
Plymouth, though it could not be said to cause any danger
from the Portuguese troops, was found inconvenient ; and
it was doubted whether it could be suffered to remain.
The application of the 15th October having been made to
us, which was, in effect, to fit out an expedition to make
war on a part of the dominions of Portugal, it was inti-
mated to the Marquis Palmella, that though we had given
a friendly reception to the Portuguese refugees, we could
not allow them to exist in this country as a military body.
It was said that all they asked was, that they should sta-
tion themselves in the different towns and villages in the
neighbourhood of Plymouth.- But the answer was, that
they must separate as a military body, in order to relieve
the Portuguese Government from the apprehension it must
feel if the military body residing at Plymouth did 'not se-
parate. Was it to be allowed—l appeal to the House—
that a Power with which we were not at war should have
its apprehensions excited by the presence of a military
body ready to attack it? Was it consistent with the
maintenance of our neutrality, if we allowed a mili-
tary body to be formed here not compatible with the
security of a country to which we were not hostile'

We certainly did intimate to the Marquis Pa'simile that
this body of refugees must give up its military character,
and reside as individuals merely, and with the officers se-
parate from the men. The answer the Marquis Palmella
returned was, that rather than destroy their military cha-
racter, they would prefer to go to Brazil. What was out
reply ? That we dill not wish them to go to Brazil,
but that we would throw no obstruction in the way of
their passage thither; and in order to protect them from
the Portuguese cruisers, we offered them a British convoy
They declined the offer ; it was repeated, and again de-
clined by the Marquis Palmella. We, at the same time,
told him that the Government of England would not per-
mit them to use Plymouth as a port for the equipment of a
hostile expedition against Portugal. The Right Hon.
Gent. says that this was an application made by a body.
not of troops, but of unarmed men. They were not
body of soldiers with arms, no doubt; but they were not
an ordinary and undisciplined body of unarmed men, in
the common meaning of the words. It is absolutely ne-
cessary, in this part of the details of the case, to stet(
what bad previously occurred as to the transport of arms;
for though these men were unarmed, yet every object that
armed men could gain would have been obtained by their
conveyance to that place to which they were destined. I
shall be sorry to st ate any facts but such as are necessary
to the vindication of the British Government.—(Hear.)—
At an early period of these transactions, viz. on the 15th
of August, 1828, which is much earlier than the matters
to which reference has been made in the course of the
debate, for• they occurred in the October and December of
that year, Viscount Itabayana, the Brazilian Minister, ap-
plied to Lord Aberdeen fin• permission to send 150 barrels
of gunpowder and 1,200 muskets to Brazil, bya Brazilian
frigate called the Isabel. The answer was that Lord
Aberdeen would give the permission required, provided he
was assured that no part of these munitions cf war would
be employed in the civil dissensions of Portugal ; and, he
added, that to promote acts of hostility against powers
with which we were at peace, was forbidden by the Eng-
lish law, and that if any attempt were made far the con-
quest of Portugal, England would not interfere, but that
she would not permit the dismemberment of the Portu-
guese Monarchy, and therefore Lord Aberdeen required an
express declaration that these arms were not to be em-
ployed in the civil dissensions of that country. The
answer of Viscount Itabayana with respect to the non-
employment of these articles of war in the civil dis-
s:•nsions of Portugal was, that he did not hesitate to
give it a clear and precise answer—namely, that Brazil
was also at peace with Portugal ; but though she lamented
over the mis.or•tunes of that country, she had no intention
to attack her. In consequence of this clear and precise
answer, Lord Aberdeen (lid no doubt agree to send the
arms and gunpowder to Brazil ; but notwithstanding that
answer, these arms and that gunpowder were transported
to the Isle of Terceira.—(Cheers.)—When they applied
to us for the removal of this unartned body of men to the
Isle of Terceira, we were obliged to argue, that as we
were deceived before, when they assured us that the gun-
powder and tire-arms should be sent to Brazil, though we
were afterwards informed that the Brazilian frigate the
Isabel went to the Isle of Terceira, so we might find, if
we agreed to this unarmed body of men going thither,
that they might find their arms at Terceira. We did,
therefore, refuse to allow them to go. We felt it our
duty, as they were a military body, to refuse that they
should sail front the port of Plynionth to strengthen the
garrison of Terceira, because we held that on our part to
be a breach of our neutrality. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man expressly asks us what right we had to stop those
men on the high seas ? I will tell him a sufficient reason:
they sailed on false clearances. They applied to the Cus-
tom-house for the clearance of the vessels for Gibraltar,
Virginia, Rio Janeiro, and various other places ; but these
vessels, thus bound to different parts of Europe and North
America, did all repair to Terceira, notwithstanding the
clearances they had made. I ask the House to consider
and decide, with reference to the peculiar circumstances at-
tending the whole of the transaction, should we have acted
in an impartial manner if we had suffered that body of men,
tt whom we had very propel ly given a hospitable reception
as refugees, to sail direct from our ports to wage war
against a power with which we are at peace? If we have
suspended our diplomatic relations with Portugal, that
does not necessarily place us in a situation of war with that
country. We maintain our commercial relations, and
have a Consul resident there. The Brazilian Minister was
asking us to place ourselves in a different situation from
that which we had judged it proper to take. The Bra-
zilian Government also maintain their commercial rela-
tions, for they have a Consul resident at Lisbon, or they
had lately. Had we not , a right to require to know by
whom these troop were to be sent to strengthen some
garrison, or to attack some part of the Portuguese domi-
nions? We did require to know this, and the answer was
that they were not the troops of the Emperor of Brazil.
As we had at that very moment a Minister at the Court
of Rio• Janeiro, Lord Strangford, who had been sent to
effect an amicable arrangement between the two countries,
was that the moment to be selected for allowing a body of
troops to be embarked to wage war, or to act in any way
offensively against Portugal ? This application resolved
itself into an allowance of a direct expedition against Por-
tugal. 'We are at this moment bound by treaties with
Portugal. We have a commercial treaty, which we com-
pel the Sovereign de facto to observe. The engagements
of these treaties are reciprocal. If we compel the Portu-
guese to keep the conditions of the commercial treaty,
Portugal has a right to expect front us strict neutra-
lity ; and let me remind the House, that the ditties of
neutrality are as strictly due to a Government existing
de facto as to a legitimate Government.—(Hear. )
We say to Portugal, " we are determined to take no part
in your civil dissensions." It is, therefore, inconsistent in
us to allow a military force to leave the shores of England
to act hostilely against Portugal. To give a character
beyond all question as to these transactions, I should state,
that in addition to the Portuguese refugees in this country,
there arrived 300 Germans, who had been enlisted in the
north of Europe, and who were brought to this country to
reinforce this military body which was going to Terceira.
Is it possible that we could allow private individuals, not
acting under the direct sanction of the Emperor of Brazil,
to recruit forces in Germany, and bring them to England,
and direct an expedition against a power with which we
are not at war? The Emperor of Brazil, nor any other
Power, can make the ports of England subservient to their
own designs. Such a practice would be inconsistent with
the dignity and independence of the country. But when
he intimates to us his desire to maintain amicable relations
with Portugal, and we are also doing the same, if we had
permitted that military body to have set sail to invade
Portugal, what would our conduct have been Under
precisely similar circumstances, when the Portuguese
refugees went into Spain, we insisted that the Spanish
Government should separate the officers from the
men. We complained of Spain, because these troops
were allowed to be assembled on the frontiers; and
because we believed that Spain was encouraging the Portu-
guese refugees to make an attempt on Portugal, we actually
sent five thousand men to protect the Portuguese Go-
vernment. I do not say that these cases are perfectly asta-
lagous, but I do say that we are bound to prevent any
military body of Portuguese refugees from remaining sta-
tioned where they can excite the apprehension and
threaten the tranquillity of Portugal. Is it the policy of
England to permit the dismemberment of the European
Portuguese empire? Is it not settled by treaties that Eu-
ropean Portugal is to be constituted a separate empire, en-
tirely independent of the American empire, and with all
the ports and colonies in Africa and elsewhere belonging to
it ? By the Treaty of Separation it is expressly stipulated
that all dependencies shall belong to the Mother Country,
and that the Portuguese empire shall be distinct from the
Brazilian. By one article, the Emperor of Brazil declares
that be will not accept the offer of any colony to unite it-
self with his empire. Motives of policy, as well as the
obligations of treaties, compelled us to prevent the sailing
of this military expedition. But, above all, I desire that
in discussing the principle by which we shall decide,
whether this free country shall become the arena where
foreigners may collect military bodies to wage war on
Powers at peace with us—whether we shall make the port
of Plymouth for the future what we have prevented it
from becoming on .this occasion—whether, if there
should be a war between Russia and France,
we shall allow either party to use our ports to
carry on their• aeparate o`►jects?—(Hear.)—Would it
not be a breach of our neutrality, if this should be per-
mitted to take place ? Would it net expose us to the
hazard of a war? If the present Government of Portugal
be a weak one, that is no reason why we should suffer
parties in this country to,fit out hostile expeditions against
it. We could not mistake the intention of that expedition
from Plymouth. It was this—that that military body
was to sail to Terceira, to strengthen the hands of one of
two parties between which Portugal is, divided. We were
determined to preVerit it, because we conceived those who
had practised such evasions before, es in the case of 'the
transport of arms to Terceira, were not fit to be trthied in
this instance; and therefore jive directed a naval force to
ward off from the isle of Terceira the descent which the
application made on the 15th of October was intended to
carry into effect. I leave it to this House to decide whe-
ther the Government of England was not right, to prevent
its intentions from being defeated by false assertions, with
respect to the character of this transaction. These are
the facts of the case; and I am perfectly satisfied that the
House will be convinced we have acted with impartiality,

and that we have viudicated the isparation ut England, by
not allowing any party to render her ports subservient to
promoting such dissension in countries with which we are
not at war. The flight Hon. Gentleman tae not entered
into the details of the transactions which took place: at
Terceit a, or I could shew that the officer in command only
executed his instructions, of which he gave due warnings
to the parties, in addition to the warning that had been
riven previously in England ; and that it was only when
they attempted actually to pass into the port of Terceira.,
that the fire took place, which wounded one sailor 111 M,
tally, and another seriously. The Right Honourable
Gentleman laments that those wounds should be exhibited
o the people of France. But the course of Franc: was
till in precise conformity with that of England ; and if
diey had been placed in the same situation with regard to
Terceira, the same melancholy consequences must have
suseed. [laving disposed of these grounds of complaint,
Jew come to the terms of the motion. It is impossible
Aor me, in discussing a question relating to foreign affairs,
to forbear from acknowledging that, with respect to these
subjects, the conduct of the House has been charactestieed—.
I will not say by indifference, or by confidences
in any Administration that may have existed—but,
I believe, by an apprehension of interfering with leading
negociations, and injuring the interests of the country by.
sreinature explanations. There is no disinclination on dim
tat of his Majesty's Government to give the fullest expla- .
:ration by which the interests of the country may not be
(nejudiced; and I have no hesitation in assuring the Right
don. Gentleman, that I am now prepared to acquiesce in
ais motion, and as far as it is stated in his notice. Pro-
uably the Right Hon. Gentleman, who has thought proper
to confine the terms of his motion to esrtain papers so hid:
lie had there described, will allow the motion to be put as ,
it stands in the notice, where it calls for all the Papers.
connected with the relations hew( en this country and
der Most Faitful Majesty the Queen of Portugal."' I as-
sure the Right Hon. Gentleman that every paper relating
to the connection between this country and Portugal shalt
he laid before the House, though they may probably ex
creed the number the Right Hon. Gent. calls for in his
motion, which specifies those which he thinks it might be •
store eviden ly desirable to have laid before the House.—
Those which will be included in the terms of his notice,
will embrace a wider period of time. If we take the mo-
tion as it stands, it will not so effectually answer the Right
Hon. Gentleman's object ; and I repeat my assurance,
chat every Paper not relating to pending negociations, or
by which any communication may be prematurely made to
the injury of the public interests—every Paper rekstive;
the relations of this country with Portugal, w•th but
single exception, shall be laid before the House...(l.ml
cheering.)
Mr. BROUGHAM—AIthough the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman has expressed his disposition to grant the Papers
for which my Right Hon. Friend has called, yet still I
think it necessary to trouble the House with a few driers
vations, for the purpose of setting my Right Horn. Friead
right with the House, and of preventing the idea Irons
going abroad that my Right Hon. Friend has in any pact
of his speech—and I am sure I can answer for myself—.
shown the slightest disposition to maintain such doctrine,
as the Right Hon. Gent. opposite has imputed to him.--
With regard to the principle of non-interference in the
affairs of Foreign States, I must say, that if the abstain-•
ing on all occasions, without horsily allowing an exceptions
to the rule which proscribes any interference in the inter-
nal affairs of other nations—if the Right Hon. Gentleman
says that that is the sacred and inflexible principle of
English policy, I subscribe to it without hesitation, 1
agree that the case is barely possible, in which a country
shall be plunged into such anarchy that it would be dill's.
cult to decide with which party we should maintain the
relations we had before maintained with the country. I
own that it is hardly possible to conceive stub a ease, In
which we ought to give aid to one party to establish its
power over the other. My objection to the conduct of
this country, in regard to Portugal, is not that it bast
shown too little disposition to interfere, but that there ban
been, in my view of the case,
,too much interference on
our part. I will proceed to show on what this opinion of
mine is founded. I contend that the principle of non-
interference has been departed from, and I hope to show
that this was the case at a period considerably anterior to
any to which the Right lion. Gentleman has referred. I
will go back to the time to which my Right Hon. Friend
referred, but which was passed over by the Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite. ,My Right Hon. Friend did not say- •
that we ought to send to Portugal to establisi. 9tIeSII
Maria, or an army
.to set up the Constitution aga,.‘l,4
Absolutism ; but having done so much to establish a free
system in Portugal, it occurred to my Right Hop. Friend
to ask why we should stop here? why, haying got men
into a situation in width they are suffering—why, having
produced effects under which they are writhing'---I dis not
say we should send an army and fleet to make isonquentss,
or take a part in civil dissensionsbut I do ask Why we
ought not to follow up our former interference by sor.f."
councils, and finish and make safe what we hid already,
begun to establish ?. The Right Hon. • Gentleman .ob- -
jects to the facts stated, but he. has passed over then
to-night ; but by the Right Honourable Gentleman's own:
statement, that which passed with respect to the Cons
stitution of Portugal being sent over by the hands of,.
Lord Stuart, does appear to me of the nature
,of .
fence. I do not accuse the Government with being charge-
able with that interference, for the dates are a defence
for them. The English Government would not have been
consulted as to a document resulting from the death or
John VI. on the 26th of April, and dated on the 10th ef
June following. No despatch could have enabled them to
be consulted as to the formation of this Constitution, and,
therefore, if it did happen that an English Ambassador
carried it over from the Government from Brazil to Por-
tugal, and if, in addition, Lord 'Stuart was at the same
time the English Ambassador at Brazil, and the Portu-
guese Ambassador there also—though we have nothing to,
do with it, and could not possibly object to its being
brought over three weeks after it was rendered necessary—
yet we know that Lord Stuart acted as Ambassador front
Portugal to Brazil. We can never exactly determine,
when the same person is Ambassador from England to
Brazil, and also from Portugal to Brazil, whether he is
not carrying on at the same time negotiations between Eng-
land and Brazil, and between Portugal and Brazil; and
this same individual leaves the new Constitution to the old
mother-country. This is interference, if there. be any
thing of the nature of interference—l do not say military
interference, but that which belongs to the interest we
naturally feel in matters of this nature. This interference
had the effect of committing England to more transactions.
Is it not also true that the Regency of Portugal consulted
the English Government as to the course theyshould follow ?,
And was not the answer, "Adopt the Constitution?" ,So
that here was a plan of Government continued in Brazil, and
this Constitution, which was intended to have been more.
liberal, was rendered less so, it is said, by the advice of my
Noble Friend (Lord Stuart), who was acting both as Am-
bassador of England at Rio de Janeiro, and as Ambassador
of Portugal, though he was an Euglishtnan, He .so far
interfered_as to counsel Don Pedro as to the Constitution ;,
and the result of their joint deliberations was that Consti-
tution of which he was the bearer to Portugal. The Re-
gency of that country then consulted the English Govern-
ment how they should deal with the new Conetitution; and'
the answer was, that they should adopt it, institute it, and -
act upon it. .In these circumstances does England stand
perfectly unconnected with Portugal? And I understand
that I have not a little understated the facts ; but that, per-
haps, is the better for my argument. My Right lion.
Friend did not state that our Government was consulted by
the Regency of Portugal, but that their council was-tendered
in the first instance, and sent over to Portugal when the
Constitution reached that country. Be it so or not, we are
clearly in some degree committed to the support of that
Constitution ; and those who have been induced to take
part in its maintenance we should defend. Ido not say
that we should interfere by a fleet and army, or attempt to
conquer Portugal, or put down the old government or revive
the new, which was stifled as soon as born ; but I say we
ought to do this by the weight of our influence and authority.,
These was not always so great an abhorrence of interference,
for there was a little more once at Vienna. I listened with
great attention to that part of my Right Hon. Friend's speeds
relative to the attack on the Portuguese refugees at Ter..
ceira. I was desirous to bear some explanation of what
led to it, but I confess I am as ignorant as I was before.
I understand how the English Government may require
foreigners to leave the country, but how they are entitled
to seize an expedition afterwards, in the waters of a foreign
sea, I cannot understand. The very law which was passed
to prevent violrtions of our neutrality was evidence that,
by the common, law, there iraWifo power to prevent these
transactions. All the i64ltiy had *right:tools unclpy the
old law was, tcriay 'you shall: nut make us a _party t(7l/441 r •
measures, Which •Midertake at your own peril.. Ile Hon.
Gem tlernewthen went on to say that the point they:had to
consider wee, not the conduct of Don Miguel ,soi it ap-
peared in the eyes of the world, but how thatsperson
stood in relation to Portugal. It would he no excuse for -
their interference for them to be able to say, that Miguel,
in the whole tenour of his conduct, Was so detestable as
to he hateful in ,the eyes of every man who pretended to:
possess the most common feelings of our nature; or-to as-
sert that it would be too short of description to numbers,
among the petty tyrants of modern days, one who,
.in the
amount of his enormities- rather deserved to be classed ,witia
the most flagrant and hateful of ancient despots.. -,.Tliests
was 'not the point. at issue i this wupeter,: with :0111aris