The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-07 00:00:00

DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE.

By a notice prefixed to the present Number we
learn that the " Dublin University Magazine" will
henceforth be brought out under the auspices of Mr.
Lever—author of Harry Lorrequer—whose editorial
labours will commence next month. As this gentle-
man is a practised and popular writer, and understands
the public taste, we may reasonably presume that the
Magazine will be greatly. benefited by his superin-
tendence. His " Jack Hinton, the Guardsman"—of
which we have here the five first chapters—exhibits
much of that easy vigour of language and ready hu-
mour which were so attractive in the adventures of
" Harry Lorrequer ;" if it be carried on with equal
spirit, we cannot doubt that it will obtain equal popu-
larity. " Nuts and Nutcrackers" is a series of ram-
bling, miscellaneous reflections on matters of every-
day occurrence. The " Portrait Gallery" contains a
full-length likeness, accompanied by a memoir, of
Viscount Gort.

SPORTING REVIEW.
There is here a spirited engraving entitled " The
Finish," which represents the cloge of a fox-hunt, just
at the moment when the excited hounds are about to
tear Reynard limb from limb. The horsemen in the
foreground are well grouped, and there is a pleasing
sylvan background, which adds much to the effect of
the picture. Among the literary contents we find
some interesting " Gleanings from my Travelling
Journals," from the pen of Lord W. Lennox.

THE BRITISH :MAGAZINE.
The original papers for the month, with the excep-
tion of one on Chaucer's Churchman," are ex-
tremely brief, as well as few, but the deficiency is
made up by a lengthened correspondence that will be
found interesting to persons desirous of religious and
ecclesiastical information. The most important Let-
ters are those on " Papal Exactions in Britain," " Ir-
regularities in the Irish Church," and " Workhouse
Chaplains," the last of which is written with modera-
tion, but so much cannot be said of the second. The
rabid hatred of the Romish priests is displayed in all
its pristine strength.

THE SPORTING MAGAZINE, AND THE

SPORTSMAN.

The latter publication contains a good memoir of
the late Duke of Cleveland, and a lengthened account
of a journey through a part of Brittany, which is
written with spirit, mixed up with a little prejudice
against our Gallic neighbours. The Sporting Maga-
zine is chiefly valuable for two beautiful maps of the
North Warwickshire and Atherstone Hunts, and two
equally beautiful cuts, intitled the " Hen Roost" and
the " Trysting Place."

JACK HINTON, THE GUARDSMAN, No. 111.
Curry, Dublin, 1842.
In the present chapters of this lively work of fiction
—which is the production of Mr. Lever, author of
" O'Malley, the Irish Dragoon," there are some clever
sketches of Vice-regal revels in Ireland, towards the
close of the last century, and of the mock- knighting
of an Irish serving-man by a drunken Lord-Lieute-
nant. The story exhibits much of that riotous humour
for which all Mr. Lever's previous works have been so
remarkable.

PUNCH: or the LONDON CHARIVARL
London, 1842.
We have just cast a hasty glance at several Num-
bers of this weekly Miscellany, and have been much
pleased with their smartness and drollery. Like his
celebrated name-sake, Punch lets fly the shafts of his
satire at all the follies and vices of the day, and is an
excellent moralist and reformer, without knowing it.
Your solemn, political fool is an especial favourite
with him, and he " chasteneth" him accordingly with
uncommon zeal and assiduity. He cuts up an Alder-
man, too, with as much unction as if he were a
haunch of venison ; and quarters a certain simple City
Knight as dexterously as though he were a quarter of
lamb. The Illustrations, which are numerous, aptly
harmonise with the spirit of the letter-press. We will
just notice one or two of the more conspicuous ones.
" Got into Soundings" represents a wife, lean and sour
and straight as wvinegar-cruet, treating-her husband to

a stormy family lecture, while her three " precious
babes " set up a unanimous squall, by way of keep.
ing their excited parent in countenance. The hus-
band (poor devil !) looks exceedingly perplexed and
discomfited—in fact, his face is a very title-page of
tribulation—and he gives us the idea of one who is
meditating an impromptu bolt. But his wife !—she
is the very incarnation of vixenism, as untameable as a
hytena. 'The " knocker " pourtrays a fat page, or
fbot-boy, making vain efforts to reach a knocker
provokingly placed just half an inch above his fingers.
From the expression of his countenance, we gather
that he is expostulating—and in no very amicable
terms—with destiny. Should the letter, which he
holds in his indignant hand, be a billet doux, or have
the word " immediate " marked on the envelope, he
will be in a pretty prediciment ! As a specimen of
Punch's powers of humour in verse, we quote his ac-
count of a late imperfectly developed duel, which
occasioned inextinguishable laughterO all over town.
It is a parody on one of Moore 's ballads, entitled the
" Temple of friendship" :
" A challenge to Wraxall," said Symons enchanted,
" I'll send by a second ; the thought is divine."
The second was found, and they now only wanted
To meet with Sir William before he should dine.
Ley flew to the club, and his message deliver'd
In language the plainest his suit could invent ;:
But so cold was S r William, who said as he shiver'd,
That fighting with Symons was not what he meant.
" Qh, how," he exclaimed, " could I thing of a meeting 4
With a fellow whose claims are so horribly dim ?

But the rascal who threaten'd to give me a beating
I'll fight, if you please, Sir, a duel with him."
The bargain was struck; of a challenge each full is :
Ley, Borthwick, and Robertson twaddle and write :

" Adieu," said the public, "you're not the first bullies
Who prate about honeur,but dont' mean to fight."
One more quotation and we have done. The fol-
lowing is on " Cecil-street, Strand" :
" At the top of the street many lawyers abound,
Below, at the bottom, the barges are found;
Fly, Honesty, fly to a safer retreat,
For therers craft in the river, and craft in the street."

BRUSSELS and GERMAN PAPERS.
BRUSSELS, MARCH 3.—A letter received yesterday from
Belise, dated Jan. 20, 1842, announces that the Royal Belgian
schooner, the Louisa Maria, which has on board the Commis-
sioner sent to explore Central America ( Guatimala), arrived
on the 15th of the same month at St. Thomas, the place of its
destination.
BRUSSELS, MARCH 4.—The average price of wheat last
week was 211. 61c., that of Rye, 12f. 33c. Monsigno i Foriari,
nominated Archbishop of Nicea, will receive the title of Nuncio,
with powers attached to it.
A letter from Antwerp informs us, that by an agreement
between the two Governments, the Dutch and Belgium Com-
missioners in that city had made great progress in their pro-
ceedings relative to the execution of the treaty of the twenty-
four Articles, but that they had just been suspended for a time.
Tvey will be resumed and finally closed.
The Chamber of Representatives sat for three hours yes-
terday in Secret Committee, to discuss the subject of the claim
of various foreign Powers to indemnities for the losses sus-
tained by their subjects by the destruction of the entrepot at
Antwerp.
The trial of the persons accused of the conspiracy is still
proceeding. Twenty-one witnesses for the prosecution have
been examined.
BERLIN, FEB. 22 —Persons usually well-informed say that
the intended visit of the King to St. Petersburgh in July, to
be present at the celebration of the 25th anniversary of the
mart iage of their Imperial Majesties will not take place, espe-
cially as the Empress of Russia will again visit Ema in the
c urse of the summer.
His Royal Highness Prince William (the King's uncle) has
just set out for Italy.—Hamburgh Paper, March 4.
THE HAGUE, MARCH 4. —The infant Princess, daughter of
his Royal Highness Albert of Prussia, was baptised on the
28th of February,, by Bishop Eglet, at Berlin, by the name trf
Frederica Wilhelinina Louisa Elizabeth Alexandrine. Spon-
sors present were the King and Queen of Prussia, King Wil.
liam, Frederick, Count of Na.ssau, the Prince and hincess of
Prussia, Prince and Princess Charles, the Prince Royal of
Bavaria, the Prince Royal of Wurtemberg. Sponsors absent,
the Empress of hiussia, the King and Queen of the Nether-
lands, the Grand Duchess of Mecklenberg, Prince and Prin-
cess Frederick of the Netherlands, and Prince William, his uncle.
DUTCH FUN DS.-Aatirritana es, Mattes 4.
Money. Hills.
Actual Debt, 2% per Cent
Jitto, ditto 5 per cent. ...........
A inert Syndic, 4 % per cent 91% 93
Ditto, ditto, 3% per cent ............ 76% 77
Commercial Company, 4.4 per cent 1563s 157%
Ditto (1535 and 1837) 5 per cent.
Loan 1837, 5 per cent.
Exchange on London, One month l2 13
Two months
Hamburgh, One month 35 61%
Two months 35 37%
Dutch Papers, March 5.
rELI3IAN F UNDS-BattseLe, MARCH 4
Actual Debt, 2% per Cent.
Rothschild's Lean, 5 per Csnt lOl%
Loan of Thirty Millions, 4 per Cent. 1,3%
3per Cent.
Thirty-seven --.. 723
(1.4 n) 103%
Loan of City, 4 per Cent i;2%
Society et Commerce, 4%per Cent s2
Bank of Belgiuna, 5 per Cent... ......... - Bl%
National Society.
Exchange on Londen (short)
—Brussels Papers, March 4.
AUSTRIAN FUNDS.-VIENNA, FE8.21.
flee per Cents. Metalliques
FOott per Cents.
Three par Cents.
Bank Shares 1636
Zeitune. Feb. 21.
HAMBURGH BORSENHALLE, MARCII 2,
Bills. Money.
Austrian 5 per Cents. -
Bank Shares -
Anglo. Russian Loan 109%
Russian 5 per Cent., Ist series, Certificate 103% 103%
Inscription, Ist series -
Russian 5 per Cent. Hope and Co., Sd and 4th
Series .• £9 -
D tto in Certificates g
New 4 per Cent. (1840)
Dutch Actual Debt, per Cent. ......... 51% 5078
Ditto 5 per Cent.
Polish Bonds
152 -
New Tickets -
Anglo-Danish Loan, 3 per Cent. 78% 78%
Spanish, New 5 per Cents. -
EXCHANGES ON LONDON.
EIABRuRa, MARCH 1.-13 8%,-.Two months, IS 7
PETERSBUKOH, FEB. 18 -Two months, 38 3-16 pence
RIGA, FRB. 19. -Three Months, 36%.
STOCKHOLM, FEB. 22.-Seventy-five days, 12. 12.
VIKNNA, FL% W.-Three months, 9. 39.
PRUSSIAN FUNDS.-Beltran, FEE. £6.
Bills. Money.
St. Schuld. Sch., 46 per cent. lOl% 166%
Prussian English Loan, 1830, 4 per cent. lO3 122%
Exchange on London, three months — 6 22%
Prussian State Gazette. Feb. 27

ME SUN, LONDON, MONDAY MORNING, MARCH 7, 1842.

ward,6 yrs—Modesty, aged—Ada 5 yrs—the Recorder, 6 ps—
Haslington, 4 yrs—M. by Curtiss, 5 yrs—Archer, 4 yrs—
George aged St. Lawrence, 5 yrs—Topsail, 3 yrs—The Cur-
rier, 6 yrs—Miss Stilton, 4 yrs—Retriever, 6 yrs—Priscilla
Tomboy, 3 yrs—Wardan, 5 yrs.
Nominations for the Corporation Plate :—F idhawn, 4 yrs—
The Young'un, 5 yrs—Pharold, 3 5 rs—Prior, 3 yrs—The Maid
of Auckland, 3 yrs—Guitar, 4 yrs—Christopher, 3 yrs., b c by
Lion, out of Hind, 3 yrs—c by Langar, dby Filho da Puta,
3 yrs —f by Voltai,e, out of Proserpme, 4 yrs—f by Vol. aire,
out of Wagtail, 3 yrs—Moss. Trooper, 3 yrs—Mary O'More,
4 yrs—Eboracum, 3 yrs—Alice Hawthorn, 4 yrs—c bt Liver-
pool, out of Maid of Avenel, 3 yrs—Cantata, aged—Centu-
noo, aged— Queen Bee, 5 yrs—Arnagill, 4 yrs— Quilt Arnold,
4 yrs—Marius, 4 yrs—c by Liverpool, d by Filho, 3 yrs.
Thu RSDAY. —Nominations for the Gold Cup : —Cruiskeen,
aged—Pharold, 3 yrs--Little Wonder, 5 yrs—Bees-wing, aged
—Thirsk, 4 yrs—:. late Woiader, 5 yrs—Mustapha Muley, 4
yrs—Combermere, 3 yrs—Lanercost, aged—Dr. Caius, 5 yrs
—Middleham, —Jack Sheppard, 4 yrs—Galaor, 4 yrs—
Calypso,r yrs—Moss Trooper, 3 yrs—Vulcan, 5 yrs—Bro to
Garland,hs
3yrs-4Ys
Charles the Twelfth, 6 yrs—Provost, 6 yrs—
Skipton, 3 yrs—Retrieve, 6 % rs.
CROXTON PARK, 1842.
Nominations for Mlles& n Captors Stakes—Henley, 5 yrs—
c by Napoleon, 4 yrs—f by Lambtonian, dam by Filho,4 yrs—
Euclid, 4 yrs—Man Friday, 4 yrs—Sister to Ferneley, aged—
Brother to Prizeflower, aged—Chance, 5 yrs—c by Master
Syntax, dam by Filho, 4 yrs.
EGLINTUN PARK, 1842.
Handicap for the Stand Cup—Dr. Caius, 5 yrs, 12st 71b—
St. Lawrence,s yrs, Ilst 51b—Zohrab, 5 yrs, 12st—Potentate,
aged, list 121b—Neptune, 5 yrs, 11 st 101b—Oswald, aged,
llst 41b—Nubian, aged, Ilst 41b—Charlie, aged, Ilst—Black
Diamond, aged, I lst--Constantine aged, I lst—The Returned,
aged, 1 Ost 71b—Robinson, aged, lOst 71b—Harrier, aged,
lOst 31b—Hull Bank, 4 yrs, 9st 121b—Magic, 4 yrs, 9st 81b—
Archer, 4 yrs, 9st 41b—and Clydesdale Lassie, 4 yrs, 9st.
COVENTRY RACES, 1842.
Acceptances for the 10 Sovs. Handicap—Miss Kitty Cockle,
aged, Bst 101b—Chantilly, 6 yrs, Bst 61b—Moonbeam, 4 yrs,
Bst—Sister to Glencoe, 4 yrs, Bst Whisperer, 4 yrs, 7st 121 b
Hudibras, 4 yrs, 7st 101b—Sister to Broadwath, 4 yrs, 7st 31b—
Rebecka, 4 yrs, ist 31b—Happy-go-Lucky, 6st 51b.
Acceptances for the Silver Cup—Moonbeam, 4 yrs, Bst 12th
Rough Robin, 5 yrs, Bst 121b—The Knight, 6 yrs, Bst 51b—
President, 4 yrs, Bst 61b—Frank, 6 yrs, Bst Anvil, 4 yrs,
7st 121b—Rancour, 4 yrs, 7st 121b—Esperenza, 4 yrs, 7st 101 b
—Traitress, ist Sib—and Satan, 7st 81b.

SPEECH OF MR. G, THOMPSON,
DELIVERED TO. TEN THOUSAND OF
THE. OPERATIVES OF MANCHESTER,
ON MONDAY EVENING.
GEORGE THOMPSON, Esti., here came forward
amidst loud cheers, and said :—Never did I at any
time Psteern it a higher privilege to lift up my voice
in public than I do at this moment when called upon
to address this vast and multitudinous assembly of the
honest working men of Manchestei . Before I pro-
ceed to speak to you on the subject of the Corn-laws
let me say a word to inspire you with that confidence
_ _

in my sincerity and my friendship which I deem it
desirable above all things to possess. Ever since I
have been an advocate of the rights of humanity,
whether personal or political, I have been in the habit
of carrying out just and righteous principles to their
full and legitimate extent.—(Cheers.) I have never
been afraid to follow wherever truth has led me. I
have never claimed for myself the exercise of any
right or the enjoyment of any privilege which I was
not willing to extend to every other human being.
(Cheers.) In reference to political rights, I place my
countrymen, whatever their condition or occupation,
on a footing of equality with myself, and believe that
an equal share in the government of public affairs is
the right of every working man on every ground,
whether moral, social, or political, and that the con-
cession of that right is dictated by an enlightened love
for the greatness, the stability, the peace and the
prosperity of this great nation.—(Cheers.) Having
now, in a sentence, made known to you my deliberate,
deep-seated, and unalterable opinions on this, to you
vitally-important point, I shall proceed to offer you
first a few words of encouragement, and then a few of
wholesome counsel. As a man friendly to the object
which lies so near your hearts, I congratulate you
upon the proud position which you now occupy, and
on the majestic strides which your cause has made
during the last' few months:—(Cheers.) Only let
your object be a righteous one, your principles sound
and equitable, and your measures pure and peaceful,
and your success is certain. Your triumph is but a
question of time, and you will accelerate that triumph
in proportion as you cast aside every motive to dis-
cord and disunion, and present a solid and impene-
trable front to the common enemy of the just rights
and interests of our countrymen.—(Applause.) I am
thankful for what our enemies have done for us. A

little while ago and we were distracted and divided;
and the consequence was that on both sides we were
weak and unable to contend with the powerful oli-
garchy that oppresses every class but its own. Some-
thing was wanting to bring us together, to knit our
hearts and our hands in a common struggle. That
which was wanted has been supplied by our foes, and
there is now a prospect of a compact, impenetrable,
honest, and indissoluble union between the middle
and the working classes.—(Cheers.) I am candid
enough to confess my honest belief that if the middle
classes had gained their object two years ago, such is
the selfishness of our nature and our disposition to
rest satisfied when we have gained our own object,
that those classes would have continued to regard with
indifference, if not with distrust. the movement of the
working classes for the attainment of their legitimate
object.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But the middle
classes find themselves, after all their efforts, disap-
pointed and defeated, and are now thoroughly con-
vinced that, unless a cordial union be forthwith
effected between them and the industrious and unen-
elalebeottiiornedhcasanen,tmooomatantnphdbld'eeeteadchtiheeviedr
franchised classes, the object for which they have
ult
soifrtßheoblea.rstt
. T
conversion.he res
Peel found himself installed in office with a majority
isnt) eannbi
tln, e e
owingtt yo-
c oonmesincer ae
c rmajoritytheea nc y re-assemblingo f
of professedl23in fLa ovi
Liberals
euPrraa
lroslfi
ha
ae-
monopoly of the people's bread. What is the conse-
quence ? The scales have fallen from the eye-balls
of the middle classes. Sir Robert Peel has anointed
their eyes, and they now see clearly that 'the battle
has to be fought out of doors. They now perceive
that the House of Commons not only does not repre-
sent the people at large, but that it does not even
represent themselves.—(Cheers.) They cry in vain
for cheap bread, for the revival of trade and com-
merce, for the removal of those manacles which un-
just legislation has put upon the limbs of a nation's
industry ; they see that all the great interests of the
country are at the mercy of a landholding aristocracy,
Who, if they can succeed in driving the wedge between
the middle and the working classes, can perpetuate
their robber 3r and keep both classes in a state of sub-
jugation.—(Cheers.) They perceive, that like the
people of ancient Greece, ruled over by thirty tyrants
at Athens, they are the victims of thirty thousand
titled and untitled landlords, who are determined to
perpetuate their odious monopoly at the expense of
all other portions of the community.—(Cheers.) They
have therefore learnt to sympathise with you. They
now enter into your sufferings and sorrows, and are
fast coming to the opinion that those who suffer
together must work out their redemption together.
—(Loud cheers.) But, my friends, you require that
the terms of the compact be explicitly stated, and you
are right in dosng so. The middle classes find they
cannot do without you. You know full well that you
cannot do without them. They say, labour with us
for the revival of trade, for the abolition of monopo-
lies, for the establishment of free intercourse with all
the nations of the earth. This they know would
empty their warehouses, would raise the prices of
their goods, would set their mills in motion, would
increase their foreign trade, would bring customers
to their shops, and you would doubtless be benefited
in a pecuniary sense by the attainment of these just
objects. But you also have objects peculiarly your
own, for which you have struggled through many
years of obloquy, misrepresentation, neglect, and suf-
fering ; and now is the time to strike an honest bar-
gain, to obtain a fair understanding, and to enter into
a righteous compact, the fulfilment of which shall
not only disenthral the genius of commercial enter-
prise and give bread to a starving people, but bring
you within the pale of the British Constitution, and
enable you henceforward to check the growth of every
domestic spoiler who would rise up :tol crush your
energies or rob you of your rights.—(Loud cheers.)
Had I the power as I have the will, I would speak into
political being every man in this vast multitude who
has arrived at years of thought and discretion.—(Tre-
mendous cheers.) I would give you a vote for the
man who represents you ; I would protect you in the
honest and independent exercise of your franchise,
and abolish the unconstitutional Septennial Act, which
gives men a lease for seven years to do wrong, and a
premium to oppress and plunder the people.—(Great
cheering.) I would bring public men before the
people
to account for their acts as often as public con-
venience would permit, that they might either be
supported in a righteous course and prosecute it, or
be set aside to make room for more consistent repre-
sentatives of the people. But I possess no such power.
Your cause, like ours, must advance_ by degrees ; but
I agree with my friend Mr. Prentice, they must ad-
vance side by side, neither going before
or following
behind the other. The cause of freedom and the
cause of food are one cause ; the rights of industry are
only to be secured by giving to the children of indus-
try and to defend those
the power to assert rights.
Let us, therefore, in this common cause, enter into an
indissoluble and everlasting compact. The advan-
tages will be mutual and the triumph will be complete.
—(Cheers.) But then the question is, how is this
noble and patriotic end to be obtained ? Let me tell
you. It is by the peaceful exercise of moral and in-
tellectual power. Political power is not necessary to
the advancement of a political object. Political ends
are accomplished by moral means, and in the employ-
ment of those means you may take as honourable, as
conspicuous, and as influential a share as any class in
the community. I have never yet given a vote my-
self, simply because I have not yet seen the man in
that part of the country where I had one whom I
could consent to call my representative.—(Cheers.)
I could give my vote neither to a cunning, time-
serving, place-hunting, Whig lawyer, or to a war-
making under-secretary of state.--(Cheers.) But,
though 1 have felt myself for conscience sake dis.

• franchised, I 'trust I have not in consequence lived
altogether to no purpose.—(Cheers.) I have per-
ceived that there was yet a wide sphere of usefulness
before me. Though I laid down the weapons of
party political warfare, I took up others of a far more
pure and potent description. My trust for victory is
in the power of mind over mind ; of just opinions op-
posed to unjust ones ; of truth opposed to error ; of
right opposed to might. I have ever seen clearly
that when once the people were enlightened, conso-
lidated, and resolute, all obstacles to their freedom
must give way, and they would stand emancipated
by their own virtue and their own independent ener-
gies.—(Cheers.) You have been told to-night that
it is probable that an emissary from the Government
is amongst you. lam glad of it. Let him carry
back a faithful report. Let him tell his employer
that ten thousand men could come together, discuss
their rights, determine upon their course of action,
and then depart with the solemnity of persons who
had congregated in a Christian temple for the worship
of their Great Maker. Let him report the counsel I
offer you, which is this : that all your measures be
peaceful, loyal, and pure ; that you take no step which
will injure a man, woman, or child, in the empire;
that you hold person and property. sacred ; that ypu
are no friends to turbulence, or violence, or blood ;
that you love your Queen, and desire that when she
hands the sceptre she has wielded to him who is the
heir apparent to her throne, that it is your deter-
mination, as far as you are concerned, that the sceptre
shall neither be stained with human blood, nor be-
dewed by the tears of a solitary widow or ophan
made so by an act of yours.—(Cheers.) Let the
emissary of Government tell his master that the power
he has to dread is moral power ; that your weapons
tire those of argument; that yours is the majesty of
mind. This power, my friends, is a power which
human governments cannot confine, cannot crush,
cannot coerce, cannot annihilate. It cannot be im-
prisoned in a dungeon, it cannot be trampled down
by soldiers, it cannot be burnt with fire, it cannot be
destroyed on the gibbet.—(Loud cheers.) When the
working men of this country shall assume this power,
and appear in this aspect of sublimity, the day of their
redemption is at hand ; the proud Minister of the day,
like the Belshazzar of the Scriptures, shall see the
handwriting on the wall ; his knees shall smite to-
gether; he will be weighed in the balance, and
found wanting ; and the vessels of the State which
he has desecrated shall no longer be his ; his power
shall be given to another, and that superstructure
shall totter to its fall which has been based upon the
degradation and ruin of the people.—(Great cheers.)
Let Sir Robert Peel delight himself in the cheers of
his majority of U 3; let him utter big words and as-
sume the virtue of courage—he has no courage, but
that which is kept over at the Horse Guards—

•
(Laughter)—and sent for as it is wanted.—(Great
laughter, and cheers.) Let the youthful Gladstone
echo the empty vauntings of his hoary Gamaliel, his
courage is of the like description. But it is all in
vain if brought into the field against you, if your
weapons be ever that impalpable and ethereal quality
to which I have referred. Yours is a cause which
advances secretly and silently, like the sun which is
now but a faint streak resting gracefully upon the
horizon, but advances till in vertical strength and me-
ridian splendour it casts its light over the face of all
the land.—(Cheers.) The power you may exert is
like the genial influence of the spring on which we
have entered, which, though unseen and unheard,
either by night or by day, is working with resistless
energy, and now that the snows and frosts of winter
have passed away, is bringing up through the hard-
ened clod the green blades which shall soon be nur-
tured into the strong stalk, and by and by be
crowned with the full ripe ear which the industrious
husbandman shall gather into the garner he has pre-
pared.—(Cheers.) I honestly confess I came hither
to-night with trembling anxiety, but your conduct
has d.spelled my fears. I feel my heart encouraged
in the people's cause. As I love you, I exhort you to
be ever as you now are. Brand that man as your
enemy who would counsel you or tempt you to vio-
lence. I wish you to be strong, but I wish that your
strength should be in the the justice of your cause, in
the virtue of your conduct, in the perfect peaceful-
ness of all your measures. You are mighty in the
simplicity of your principles ; you are omnipotent in
the strength of your arguments ; you are terrible in
the peacefulness of your demeanour. While your
conduct is that of intelligent and virtuous men, you
will enlist on your side the ministers of religion—(A
man cried out here " Not the bench of Bishops,"
which created loud laughter)—the philanthropists of
the country, and every other man of high principle
and genuine patriotism. Your sufferings, combined
with fortitude and forbearance, will plead trumpet-
tongued on your behalf, and men will admit, not
only your right, but your fitness, for the suffrage, which
you claim at their. hands.—(A voice here cried out,
" What do you say to the Charter ? " I say it is a
righteous instrument.—(Cheers.) I fear not the work-

ing men of this country. Fear them ! Why should
I fear ? Have they not all power already ?
Do they not make the clothes I wear, the house in
which 1 live ? Are they not the producers of the very
food on which I subsist ? Do they not erect our ware-
houses, construct our machinery, guard our property,
take care of our cash boxes, compose our army, and
man our ships of war ? And shall I not give to those
who make me what lam and upon whom I depend
under God for everythingl enjoy, the right of saying
in a constitutional way by whom they shall be
governed, and by whom they shall be taxed ?—(lm-
mense cheering.) No, my friends, I have no such
fear. I would invest you with your rights now, but
as I cannot do so I will labour with you shoulder to
shoulder until you get them. I don't 'object to the
terms you propose. I commend you for requiring
what the scholars call the quid pro quo. They have an
adage in Scotland which says"gill gaff makes good
friends." It only means that the bargain should
be an honest one ; that those who ask should be ready
to give.—(Cheers.) I am convinced that future in-
justice is only to be prevented by giving the people
their rights and protecting them in those rights. The
sliding scale, iniquitous as it is, is only one of a
multitude of contrivances for injuring and plundering
the people. It is only one of a warehouse-full of similarly
ingenious devizes.—(Loud cheers.) I want to shut
up the shop altogether and to send every false balance
(as the Scriptures would call them) to rot, and have
no scales but the scales of everlasting justice ; and no
fixed duty but that of loving my neighbour as myself.
—(Cheers.) I wonit trust the Whigs ; I have seen
something of them in years that are past, they've
always conceded with a niggardly hand.—(Cheers.)
They have had to be pushed over the clam.—(Laughter.)
Their song has been—
" Row brothers row
The stream runs fast,
The rapids are near,
The daylight's past."—(Loud laughter)
My opinion is, that, to use a vugar saying, it is but the
toss up of a halfpenny between Whigs and Tories when
they get into power.—(Cheers.) We want the power
of the people to control both parties and all parties.
Alike they love the loaves and fishes. Alike they are
landlords, and love high rents. Their doctrine, as well
as that of the Tories, is "bricks versus brains"—
(Laughter)—broad acres versus the rights of industry.
No, trust neither party ; tell the Whigs their power is
gone, and that if they would henceforth be the
leaders of the people they must recognise the
people's rights, and aim at the possession of no
power but that which the people gives them.
And now I commend you, I exhort you, to
persevere. Be thankful that your cause is in its
present position. Give us the confidence we
ask and accept of the help which we offer. Bury the
hatchet of discord. Let us fight under one banner.
From this day forth let us be comrades ; then we need
not fear Sir Robert Peel's majority. Were it far
greater than it is, it would fly like chaff before the
wind, in presence of the people's majority. United
let us stand ; united let us fight ; united we must
conquer.• And then we will not only rejoice in
the possession of a cheap loaf and well paid industry,
and extended commerce, and free trade, but in the
possession of a power that shall perpetuate these
blessings, and shall transmit them in a richer mea-
sure to those who shall come after us. We shall then
get more than bread—we shall get understanding
also. Then our present adversity will have had the
effect of cementing us in bonds of affection and
brotherhood. I look forward to another meeting,
even larger than the present—not composed, as now,
of the suffering, the unemployed, the starving, and
the disfranchised; but of the happy, the remunerated,
and the enfranchised classes of the community.—
(Loud cheers.) And, my hope and prayer is, that
when we' shall unfurl to the free breeze the flagf of
our triumph, on which shall be inscribed, " Free
trade and equal rights," that there may be upon that
banner no stain of blood, and in our consciences no
feeling of self-reproach, nor in our shout of victory
the wailing of one unhappy being who has lost a
friend, a father, or a husband in the struggle.—
(Great cheers.) To every man of this immense mul-
titude, I say—
Be just and fear not.
Let all the ends thou aim'st at
Be thy country's, thy God's, and truth's ;
Then, if thou fall'st,
Thou fall'st a blessed martyr.
Mr. Thompson retired amidst great cheering.

The journals of Santander and Corunna confirm
the observation of. the Bayonne papers, that the whales have
e r appeared in the Bay of Biscay. The fisheries along the
northern coast of Spain are stated to have been of late very
productive of all kinds of fish ; and at Cadillero in particular
the fishermen got 15,000 f. worth of the vesugo in four hours,
not many days since.
NEw BRIDGE.—The chain-bridge, which is to com-
municate with Ilungerford-market and the opposite bank of
the river will be a great public convenience, and wilt be erected
sooner than is generally expected. The coffer-dams have been
built at each side, and all the materials are in readiness neces-
sary to finish the undertaking, which will be a considerable
convenience to the inhabitants of the Surrey side of the river
particularly.

HISTORY of the PROPERTY-TAX,

1803-1815.

The expected legislative measure of a Property-
tax, which, it is stated, the present Ministry will
shortly bring forward for adoption, renders a recur-
rence to the existence of this tax in former times,
when in operation under the Administrations of Mr.
Pitt and Lord Castlereagh, not altogether ill-timed, or
devoid of interest and information.

The failure of the Income-tax—a measure by
which Mr. Pitt expected to have realised a sum of
ten millions to meet the necessities of the country,
but which, after its full trial, brought in but six
millions, caused him to open up some new train of
finance, which developed iitself in his proposition of a
new Property-tax. The Income-tax was repealed
on the sth of April, 1802, and the Property:Act began
its operation, after being duly settled by Parliament,
in the beginning of 1803.
The Property-tax was introduced by Viscount Sid-
mouth, at a rate- at first of 5 per cent. This was in-
creased by Mr. Pitt to 71 per cent. ; and by the Mar-
quis of Lansdowne, when Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, in 1806, to 10 per cent. In 1809, its ex-
action began to be rigorous and oppressive ; the ar-
rears from this year became heavy, and payments
through the consecutive years were restricted, or
otherwise avoided by large masses of the people. In
1815, the opposition to the tax became so universal
throughout the country, that it was at length found
impossible to withstand its ultimate repeal. We now
proceed to notice succinctly the nature of the Pro-
perty-tax, as developed in the Act of 1803, and to trace
the leading circumstances which subsequently attached
to it, during the twelve years of its continuance.
The principle of the old Property-tax was that
which, of course, must be the chief guide in the for-
mation of the new, namely, that of the tax being a
proportionate contribution on the means of subsist-
ence, arising from every species of productive pro-
perty or personal exertion, whether combined, we
presume, with property or not.
The Property Act, of 1803, comprehended four dif-
ferent sources of profit, as applicable to four principal,
classes of individuals, under different modes of taxa-
tion, each of which received a distinct consideration,
as if they had formed the subject of four distinct
Acts of Parliament. They were, first, Landed Pro-
perty ; second, Funded Property ; third, Produce of
Industry, whether from professions or trades, or cer-
tain pursuits in the nature of trade ; fourth, Offices
held under Government, and the Public Institutions
of the Kingdom, although certain of the offices were
of a private nature.

The tax on landed property was separated into two
parts, viz., the " Landlord's Duty," and the " Tenants
Duty ;" both of these duties, were, however, in the first
instance to be charged on the occupier, and by him
apportioned according to the various relations in
which he might stand with others, either having a
property or interest in the land, or a claim on the
profits. The first of these was contained in schedule
A, and charged at the rate of ls. for every 20s. of
the annual value of all lands, tenements, or heredita-
ments in. Great Britain. This annual value was to
he understood of the rack-rent, at which lands had
been let. if the commencement of the letting had
been within seven years ; if not so let, then it was
to be understood to be the rack-rent of which they
were worth to be let.

The duty on funded property extended to all
annuities, dividends, and shares of annuities payable
out of the public revenue, contained in the Schedule C,
except such public annuities as belonged to the Bank
of England, South Sea, and East India Companies,
in their corporate capacities. The charge in the case
of this branch of the tax was never made on the
funds themselves, but on the persons entitled to the
dividends or shares of those public annuities, as being
the first possessor.
So property acquired by the employment of capital
in trade, with its increase by the application of indus-
try, &c., was chargeable to the hands of the first pos-
sessor, without regard to the claims that might rest
upon it.

So all salaries and emoluments under appointments
of a public or private nature were subject to be charged
to their full extent, without reference to the mode of
their subsequent application.
In each of these instances provisions were made, au-
thorising the appointment of the original charge : the
payments to be made, the persons specifically appointed
to attend their collections, &c. &c. Such is the brief
analysis of the leading features of the Act.
In 1806, the Property-tax Bill encountered
great opposition in its way through the House, not
so much from the members seated on the opposition
bench, who on . the. contrary expressed their hearty
approbation of itspripciple, and praised the Ministers
for bringing it forward, as from independent Mem-
bers of Parliament, who disliked the harshness and
rigour of its provisions, and disapproved of so great
an addition to the burthens of the people. Several
modifications and alleviations of the tax were ac-
cordingly proposed, to some of which the Ministers
acceded, though they rejected the greater part of
them on account of their tendency to diminish the
productiveness and destroy the efficacy of the measure.
Objection, however, to the sudden increase of the
duty from 6i to 10 per cent. was made with much re- '
sistance, and many suggestions put forward to divert
this course of policy, but of all the propositions only
one was acceeded to by the Ministers, namely, that of
levying duty on the unfunded debt in the same man-
ner as the funded. The clause, however, for levying
the full amount of 10 per cent., after a long and warm
discussion, was carried by a majority. In the course
of this debate, Mr. Fox owned to the House, that " he
was not a friend to the tax, or any of its principles or
operation; he was sensible the objections to it were
just and innumerable, but his Majesty's Ministers were
reluctantly forced to adopt it, under the pressure of
circumstances." After this enactment had passed, the
whole of his Majesty's private income was exempted
from the op6ration of the tax.
The Property-tax, which in 1809 still continued to
form the bulk of the direct imposts, was at this time
collected with greater rigour than at first—the per-
sons entrusted with the management of it having Of
course become more skilful, and acquired a more inti-
mate knowledge of people's affairs. The effect of
this was exactly the same as if the rate of that tax had
been augmented. But the difficulty of procuring
payment, nevertheless, also increased in an alarming
degree. The assessment of 1805 was not quite six
millions and a quarter, that of 1806 amounted to
above eleven millions and a quarter, although there
had only been imposed an addition of 3 per cent.
But the arrears also increased at a much higher rate.
In the April of the last year there remained due of
the assessment of 1805 only 92,0001., but of the assess-
ment of 1806, above 900,0001., and of the assessment
of 1807 n 3 less than 2,357,0001.
The sums paid into the Revenue arising from the
property-tax, from 1812 to 1816, were as follows ; at
the same time we place the amount of the land and
assessed taxes in contrast :

Land and Assessed Taxes. Property-tax.
1812
b 1 S
1814
1815
1816

The arrears, which amounted to 2,635,0001., were
paid up in the four subsequent years ; so that all ac-
counts of the repealed tax were closed by 1820.
The foregoing table of sums can, of course, fur-
nish no correct data of what the collections would be
at the present day.
In 1815, the Property-tax, having reached its ut-
most amount, raised upwards of 14f millions, of
which nearly 5f were paid by landlords, above 2f by
occupiers ; whence, says a writer of the period, we
may infer that the income of the former was about 55
millions, and of the latter 28 ; but adding eight and
four respectively for the incomes below 601., we have
the whole income arising from land, 95 millions.
When the machinery of the tax had attained perfec-
tion, hardly any property escaped.
But petitions against the Propety-tax in the above-
mentioned year, continued, day atter day, to be pre-
sented to the House ; speeches rather than debates on
the subject were multiplied in corresponding propor-
tion, which, with very few exceptions, were adverse
to the tax. The petitioners were chiefly violent upon
one point, viz that Mr. Pitt had laid on the tax only
as a war tax. To this the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer explained, that at its first introduction, instead
of a pledge being given for its conclusion at the end
of the war, its produce was actually mortgaged for 56
millions, a sum which it would take eight years to pay li
off. Again, in 1806, when the tax was raised in its
amount, the Ministers gave a pledge that they would
never, but in the time of war, have recourse to such a
measure.

Debates, however, in the House now began to get
more and more recriminative and bitter ; and as the
time for decision approached, the Ministers and their
adherents increased their efforts to make it appear
that the opposition to the tax was fostered by popular
clam our and party manoeuvres, and was by no means
anindication of the clamours of the most respectable
part of the nation. This statement, however, re-
ceived its final defeat by a petition presented on
March the 18th, by Sir William Curtis, from the
merchants, bankers, and traders of the City of Lon-
don. The number of signatures was 22,000, among
whom were many persons of the first property in the
City. At the same time there was an attempted
counter-petition, which bearing only 27 signatures
was prudently suppressed.
In the debate which followed, Mr. William Smith
showed that no less than 11,000 surcharges had been
made in the City of London alone in the last year—
of these 3,000 had been set aside on appeal, after cri-
tical examination into the appellant's circumstances ;
7,000 out of the number made no appeal.
Among the speakers who followed, Lord Castle-
reagh was the most diffusein recapitulating all that
had been argued in favour of the measure. At length