Star.
London, England, 1830-12-31 00:00:00

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—Srrrixo or D=c. 28.

Before the President took the chair, the deputies were all engaged in
circles, in warm and animated conversation. On taking the chair,
The President read a letter from M. de Martignac, apologising for
his non-attendance, on the ground of having been attacked with a
'serious complaint, which had alarmed his family and friends, and
which, though presenting no absolute danger, was likely to be of long
duration. The President afterwards announced that the proposition of
M. Boissy d' Angles stood first upon the order of the day, but that seven
out of the nine standing committees had pronounced against its being
read. Several members exclaimed—" It has been managed so on
purpose."
11. de Rambuteau rendered a high tribute of praise to the National
Guards of Paris and the Banlieue, for the ardour which they had dis-
layed during recent events, and begged Ministers to give the Chamber
some explanations upon what had taken place ; these explanations were
oecessary for the security and tranquillity of the commercial interest.
If this proposition were premature, he (the hon. deputy) would with-
draw it, but he conceived that the Counsellors of the Crown could not
object to give the explanations asked for.
M. Lafitte rose and addressed the Chamber to the following effect:—
" Gentlemen, ministers have never refused to give explanations upon
their conduct, and particularly upon the course they pursued during
recent events. They have already given the explanations demanded,
and are now ready to explain every part of their conduct. I will not
trouble you with details relative to the entrance of ministers into office.
I will not tell you how difficult the task imposed upon them appeared;
but this task once accepted, they did not recoil before difficulties ; they
met them without discouragement, and feel that they have not been
wanting in the resolution necessary to overcome them. Ministers
have often been asked what was their system : this question is put to
them every day, and more particularly at present, when a partial
change in the Cabinet has taken place. Our acts will prove what our
system is, and how we carry it into execution. Abroad. Ministers had
adopted the system of non-intervention. The Holy Alliance had for its
object to stifle, by combined efforts, the liberty of the nations ; the new
principle of non-intervention has for its aim to suffer the germ of liberty
to expand wherever it springs up. Liberty is good only where it is a
natural fruit. With the principle of non-intervention you will inspire
the foreign powers with confidence, and guarantee your own independ-
ence. This principle conciliates the dignity of France with the security
of Europe; it was not an expedient, but a well founded truth. This
principle has prevailed in our policy. However, the declaration of it
does nothing, but its application may prove something. This applica-
tion has commenced, and it proves that the principle is not a vain
theory. The five great powers of Europe have acknowledged and signed
the independence of Belgium. (Cheers.) Thus this great question of
Belgium, which, it was apprehended, would lead to a war, is decided in
its material point. During the negotiations, the powers had taken
arms with a view to security rather than of a on ; France consi-
der:4 it necessary to arm herself in her turn ;gtfenipativparations for war
centinite, and they will not be suspended till foreign powers shall cease
to arm themselves. Thus France has been neither hostile nor weak ;
she has resumed her rank and preponderance, and all things prove
thet peace will be preserved. Her tranquillity at home will be an ar-
gument that will influence the powers as much as our armaments. The
National Guards under recent circumstances will produce as much ef-
fect as a battle gained upon the Rhine, or at the foot of the Alps. if
from considerations abroad we turn to home, you will perceive that the
conduct of the government results from the nature of things. The paths
epencti by the regeneration of July must be pursued ; justice must be ex.
embed towards the opinions of all : the motto " Liberty, Public Order,'
must at length be realised. These expressions are vague; but here, as for
our foreign policy, we will state facts. A great trial has just been
concluded : the enemies of the public repose attempted to sully the re.
volutien of July, and the Government proved upon this occasion how it
understood public order and liberty. It employed no extraordinary
measures, but resorted to the customary means it formed the resolution
to make the laws respected, and they were respected: Anarchy has been
vanquished by the arms of liberty alone. The Government knows
that the National Guards have done their duty with courage and
prudence. The Government lays claim to no merit upon this mem
sion, but that of having foreseen and appreciated the courage and
prudence of the National Guard, and of having relied upon it.
It perceived the danger, and announced that every one would do
his duty ; and every one did his duty—the citizens -and their
illustrious General. With • little less confidence the Administration
would have been either weak or violent. The Government told you
that probably there was a conspiracy ; it put this doubt in the plea
of a certainty, in order that it might not excite surprise. As to other
information upon the details of the events, a judicial inquiry is In pro-
gress, and the delay which a conscientious investigation requires mast
be granted. Moreover, the offences committed in popular tumults do
not present themselves as conspiracies. These offences are frequently
only the consequence of being misled. The real crime remains with the
perfidious instigators, who seek to take advantage of the misdemeanours
of weak-minded men. Documents are already in the hands of justice.
The Government is not willing to make categories by system, for ca.
tegorier ought to be left with the restoration. Written documents
will prove that the enemies of July mixed themselves with the enemies
of December, and that alone they cannot allege as an excuse their ex-
cessive love of liberty. Wt. have these words written with their hands
—we must have a republic to drive away the famil of Orleans. Such,
gentlemen, was the conduct of the government, and its manner of main.
taining order during the perplexing circumstances we have just passed
through. An incident to be regretted occurred after the late agitation.
It was said that the Chamber was attacking the government in every
direction, and that the National Guards were losing their chief and all
their officers. The issue again proved the excellent spirit of every body.
A proposition made in the Chamber might have been misinterpreted,
and it was withdrawn ; this mark of confidence given to the government
proved the wisdom of the Chamber. The illustrious Chief of the National
Guards resigned his post, notwithstanding our persuasions ; he wished
to imitate the noble example of Washington ; he did a little earlier
that which he would have done a little later. One of our colleagues,
whose virtues had shed so much lustre upon the Administration, had
also the intention of resigning his share in the Government; he
would not do it on the eve of danger, but he did it the day after.,
One of our brave officers is at the headi of the National Guards,
and you know what men have entered into the Ministry. Our sys-
tem will not be altered, gentlemen, b these changes. We shall proceed
in the paths of regeneration opened in July, and whenever the laws may be
threatened we will make them respected. The names of the men recently
called into the ministry ought to give confidence to the friends of liberty.
An election law, founded upon wide and solid bases, will show how we
undcrst Ind the institutions that should be given to France. It has been
asked why this law has not been presented to the Chamber sooner; the
numerous laws that have been presented, and the labours of the
Chan:bee are the cause of this delay. If the Election Law had been
presented earlier you would not have been more in advance. The
government has lost no time. However it may be, this law is
about to be presented to you ; we think it will extend suffici-
ently the number of the electors, and satisfy the friends of liberty and
t):ose of order. The opinion of Government is, that each ought to
have complete action in ,public affairs. In giving force to the royal
power, force must also be given to the national power. At home and
abroad, the system of the Government cannot appear doubtful to any
ore. Abroad, it requires that France should be listened to : at home,
it requires liberty, but with laws. A mild repression has restored trans
quillity in the schools. We seek for Paris to be tranquil, and that it
should not be in the power of a few agitators to disturb commerce,
credit, and the general security. (Cheers,) In this task the Govetn-
ment has need of support : it reckons upon the support of all well.
disposed citizens, and will persist in enforcing respect to order and
the laws,
M. Otiillon Barrut raid,-1 am obliged to the honourable member
for affording me an opportunity of explaining the events that have
lately taken place, for I feel the necessity of throwing some light
upon certain facts. The King's Minister has declared himself in an
open and candid manner; but it is requisite that I, who have beat
pointedly attacked, should answer more specially. It was but a few
days ago that I declared from this place, that every reliance ought to
be placed in in the Government for the maintenance of order and the laws,
and I was nor deceived. i have myself contended in the name of lib-
erty against arguments calculated to destroy it : to-day I have to an-
swer accusations against myself, which have been published in the
journals. (Expressions of surprise.) You will pardon, Gentlemen, the
susceptibility of an honourable mind. have been accused of being
privy to conspiracies; ray, even of entering into compromise with dr
conspirators. What ! I have been acquainted with the plots of con
spirators, and have not revealed them ! Ah, gentlemen, It is only
when the effects of their conspiracies are at an end, that conspirators lay
open their projects. Happily they have found in the people and in
the National Guards a resistance sufficient to prove to them that all
their plans were futile. We have been reproached with having con-
tracted with the youth of the capital, and of having entered into en-
gagements with them. Gentlemen, I confess to you that it was with
delight that at the very height of the effervescence I found these
young men, whose seal it'd Judgment cannot be too loudly praised,
interpose between the people and the agitators and by their de-
meanour and word% of peace, at once restore that order which had
been ntomentarily disturbed. Proclamations have been referred to r in
these there may have been some phrases that shocked susceptible minds
(Hear, hear); but nevertheless, I did rot think it necessary to forbid
their publication. I did not conceive I was wanting in my duty whoa
I yielded to the application of these youths, whoa only desire,
whose only object was to re-establish order and maintain
Other proclamations have been mentioned : these were postetkup withoutek
having been submitted to me. Had they been placed under my eyes, I
should most probably have struck out some sentences. I should have
t eplained to the young men that they should never personify the liberties
t:mey claimed, and I sin confident they would not have hesitated to listen
my voice. Engagements have been insinuated and demands of insane-
-I,ori promised by the revolution of July : but I myeelf have spoken
I" these institutions in a tgrodamation posted upon the walla of Paris,

and which I may say was received with some degree of favour. This
engagement vas besides a pledge of honour, and ought to be faithfully
carried into execution. It has been said that I required concessions,
and that I took advantage of a moment of confusion to exact them. Now
I invoke the testimony of his Royal Majesty, before whom I was at
that moment called, that I never had the team intention of imposing
any condition, thus reserving to myself the greater freedom in defend
Mg the cause of liberty. Let me here be permitted to examine a male.
voknt imputation, and perhaps also the disposition of curers men's
minds. I have heard it said that I took advantage of the imp et:cot:lent
of the ex-Ministers to create a certain popularity for myself. Far
from me was such a thought. I turned my mind to nothing but my
duty—to adopt su:h measures as were best calculated to pacify and re.
strain a misled multitude. It is not my duty to discuss the conduct of
the ministry ; nevertheless, I cannot dissemble that there is a c.luse for
general anxiety. But does this cause spring from the revolution ?
Certainly not: for the revolution has been received with transport by
every class of society. Among the three Powers of the state, one
sprung from the bosom of the revolution of July, the two others had a
previous existence. One of the last branches, I mean yourselves, has
bestowed upon France a new constitution. You will shortly have to
consider a new electoral law; and it will not be until a new Cham-
ber is elected by virtue of this new law, that there will be an end
to all conflict between the Chamber and the country and it will be'
then only that the genuine character of the revolution will be fully known.
1 beg pardon of the Chamber for this digression, and will conclude by
replying to a reproach—light unquestionably—but still a reproach. I
am in some measure engaged by similarity of opinions, with men, who as
soon as they conceived their presence in the Government was no longer
necessary, resolved to retire from it, You yesterday heard the hon. Gene,
rat, with whose friendship I am distinguished, assign his motive lot re-
signing. For myself, I have not forgotten, that having on one occasion
signalised my dissent from the majority of this Chamber, I might have
been ed as an obstacle to the views of the Government, but I
resole= to yield to the disgust with which I was filled, but to remain
at the post his Majesty had assigned me. I have now entreated the
King to fix a term when my mission may cease. I think that, if by
die forte of circumstances, the prefect of the Seine has become a polid•
cal character, it is time that such political magistrate should disappear.
I could not resist the desire of laying these explanations before the
Chamber, and whatever may be the result, 1 trust I shall not lose its
esteem.

111. Lameth accused the journals of producing all the evil, and de.
dared, that if the Chamber was dissolved, the monarchy was lost.
M. Lafitte replied, that justice would have its course, and that every
thing would be done to discover the truth. As to the dissolution, every
member had a right to express his opinion, but the Government was not
called upon to enter into any explanation on the subject. The country
required some very important laws. The financial state of France, the
unfortunate condition of commerce, the want of employment for the la-
bouring classes; every thing displayed a want of confidence, which
could only be revived by the laws that were in contemplation and ought
In be passed. As to the dissolution, ministers had only to wait for
the expression of the will of the King, to whom alone the right be-
longed, and it was at least ill-timed to raise that question.
11. Bignen addressed the Chamber at great length, maintaining that
there were four parties in the kingdom, besides the present Government ;
but he felt no apprehensions from any of them—Adjourned.

LETTER IN THE TIMES.

PARIS, WEDNESDAY EVENING.

The journals are filled with articles upon the state of
parties consequent upon General Lafayette's resignation,
but I assure you they compliment each other in writing, more
than they do, viva voce, when you meet them in their pri-
vate circles. The new law of election will not, lam in-
formed, be introduced this day : to-morrow is intended to be
devoted to it, and some warm speeches are expected. M.
Mauguin has promised to speak this evening, and he
humorously says, " that man is entitled to be heard who was
described in one and the same day to be Consul, Minister,
and prisoner," alluding to the rumours of the different
parties during the troubles of last week, that the people
meant to make him a Consul; the clubs, a Minister; and
the Government, a prisoner.
You will be struck in reading the speeches in the Cham-
ber of Deputies yesterday evening, that the President of
the Council, who a few days ago denied the existence of
a conspiracy against the state, although ho said the Go-
vernment would act as if they believed in one, now says,
there has been a plot, and offers to produce written evi-
dence in proof of it. M. Odillon Barret (who retires
with General Lafayette from office) rather negatives this
assertion, and says, that as chief magistrate of Paris, he
had no such proof before him.
General Lafayette's house last night was thronged with
visiters, and he was the object of every kind of homage.
There are many rumours about the new electoral law, which
is to produce the trial of strength between the popular party
and the Government. Rumours of all kinds are afloat upon
its quality, and the Ministers maintain a strict silence until
the development in the Chamber of Deputies.
I am informed, however, from a person who professes to
have (and I believe has) access to good intelligence upon
these affairs, that the government mean not to fix a general
and unalterable qualification for the electors, but while they
nominally reduce the present standard of 300 francs to 250
or 200 (more likely 250), to leave that still liable to a more
reduced arrangement, according to the local circumstances
and wants of the departments.
In the first place they mean to double the present number
of electors, which they consider will be sufficiently extending
the popular basis of the national franchise. They will then
request each electoral college to send forth a specified num-
ber of electors, and if that number cannot be found, accord-
ing to the schedule of qualification already alluded to, then
there shall exist an authority to diminish its amount, so as
to comprehend the electoral sense provided for the locality.
An inflexible rule is, they say, inapplicable to the condition
of France, and that by this descending scale, according to
local wants and circumstances, the electoral voice will be
better heard. The qualifications of the elected are differently
spoken of ; some say the standard for them will be fixed be-
tween 500 and 800 francs ; others, that the present rate will
not be altered.

There are arrests in daily progress. A M. Dumoulin was
yesterday apprehended—an old officer of Napoleon's, and a
friend of M. Cassimir Perrier : but I understand this person
was liberated last night. A boy, connected with the Duchess
of Berri's household, was also taken into custody : but I
have heard that the police act upon slight suspicions in these
affairs, and that the most important disclosure yet made is
M. Lafitte's, yesterday, when be declared that there was
written proof to show that the friends of the exiled family
were leagued to establish a republic, and expel the Orlean
branch from the throne.

Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg is expected at his hotel
in Paris this evening. Rumour is again busy with the nego-
tiation of a marriage between Princess Mary of Orleans and
this Prince—the dowry to be the throne of Belgium.
Y.