The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

Ind

eetwten France and this country, neat on to say that.
While he rejeiced, in common with others, upon the
present amicable position of this country with foreign
countries, he h, gged to say, at the same time, he could
11,iiet,hy any means participate in the praise which her
nenesty's Ministers had thought proper to give them-
rives, on the conelueien of the business of the country
st session.—(Hear, and a laugh.) They praised the
moderation anti wisdom with which they had conducted
the public business. Now, for his own part, he could
8", nethine in the discharge ot. their public duty by the
present tee‘ernuteet that could entitle thin to ad this
credit for the exercise of their wisdern ; neither could he
Worthy of all this praise that they seemed so willing to
lavish on their public conduct. (Hear, and laughter.)
Yes, he would repeat it, he could discover no act of the
Present Government that called for this excessive self-
t%deletion of their great wisdom and moderation.—(A
2aiigh.) What wags the actual state of things whereon
I.le Present Ministry took so much credit to themselves ?
A individual in the employment of the French Govern-
ment in a foreign country was suspected by the French
!oretnander, of conduct tending to disturb the popular
u'raneuillity in that country, and he was thereupon placed
end r arrest, and eventually condemned to solitary con-
e-el:limit, and it was further intimated to him that, in the
_ vent el' an insurrection breaking out in the country, he
Would be held personally responsible in the event of its
h °ming necessary that blood should be shed —(Hear,
ea.) It had been said that there were no sufficient
loan It
for this " gross outrage," as it had been called,
trot this individual ; but the French authorities,
,}clit content with this " gross outrage," had fur-
:Pr resolved that Mr. Pritchard should not be per-
;Lifted to remain in the country. In all the eircum-
4'ilees that had taken place in this transaction, there
:peered to him (Lord J. Russell) to have been very
411.1" as divisions and misunderstandings. That the corn-
ander of the French forces in a foreign country should
1(1n it a Proper course for him to adopt, to remove from
titeountry an individual whom he had reason to believe
.etud be instrumental in pr educing an insurrection
:7°cgst the inhabitants, he (Lord J. Russell) did not
aan t° dispute. 'I e French commander might have
1:111ed that a fair and legitimate course by which t, op-
ei,,se,an insurrection ; aad he (Lord J. Russell) would
ti that an insurrection in that country lie would not by
ease ens wish to see. But lie would say, that every
ter; should be judged by its own merits ; and, there.
stot t.O e would say, that this French commander was
itu' under all the circumstances of the case, placed.
.a
tutitttic which would warrant him in placing the Indian-
"e had alluded to in solitary confinement, and to
he that individual, that in the event of an insurrection,
likaticiald be responsible for the public peace with his
e„', Was indeed what it had been termed, namely, a
Clirsa outrage," and demanded some explanation.—
ef ttii,r, hear.) Now, it seemec:, to him, that in the whole
in 'Qs transaction the present Government had not acted
eetteTianner to deserve praise for wisdom. They had not
tot promptly in it ; on the contrary, what were likely
vientave been the consequences? Was not a space of four
den
Permitted to elapse before any decisive step was
tirade ? and during that time was not this country
ille7 great apprehension that a war would en-
halt :Under these circumstances, he would say that
ask in'ziJestY's present Government were not entitled to
coto,;'r More than moderate and fair credit from the
/4 for the part they had acted in this transaction.
itia-°llld not see what there was in keeping the country
ties hate of alarm for so long a time ae he had men-
thiejttiLto entitle the Government to praise; and he did
Vet '4O3T were bound to show that it was to ensure the
Cen,, g
Y of the French garrison that the course the French
bee-illander had taken in reference to Mr. Pritchard had
n a
the "e•—(Hear, hear.) While upon the subject of
Leh 'erleh Government, he would say it was
.not his
toll to allude particularly to the disputes which had
tiele„n Place in the discussions in the Chamber of Depu-
te i:Pen this subiect.—(Hear, hear.) It might perhaps
apeernvenient were he to do so now; but the corre-
Seey,e,nce which had taken place upon the subject be.
hi the 42. Guizot and another individual, had appeared
%thee Public newspapers, and he supposed that was
by an •°• By that it appeared that a demand was made
eeth individual, which was resisted by the French
badf?erieties, and the latter demanded reparation for what
efthh so Now, he would repeat, that in the whole
Myth: transaction it did not appear to him there was
r,„ing for which her Majesty's Ministers were entitled
wits se for wisdom or moderation.—(Hear, hear.)
Ritevery well in discussing questions as to how much
tO
tesis ow many isles each country should occupy,
leg i t upon maintaining honour, but when they came to
tilettn,l'atinns regarding trifling and individual interests,
,%. est
it
of honour could have little or nothing to
tat it. He would insist upon having their rights,
lightlto He
to the :isolated question of honour, he
lere it was better not to make a demand that was
the e°4°llable. The demand, however, having been made
atte egociation ought to be conducted with forbearance
tikttnnili.oderation. Now it did not appear to him that the
etet',l,4tion had been conducted in this manner. It had
,
st:titiLinually
.boasted at former periods that this un-
ere„Tg existing between the two Governments was
front that of any other Government, either in
,erpepliu or France. They formed, it was said, a union
Vote i)e, tnal harmonwhich nothing could disturb.
'etlii,"Le Must sa therevents of the past year led him
Plitikn",4, there ways, no such good understanding as had
Naee-"Y been represented, or in fact which ought to
%Lei etisted. There was not that ready
leecce on the one side, nor that readi-
,llot, t""i, express satisfaction on the other. In
ertels,""°se tyro Governments had been divided by the
the one side, and on the other by a course
Linird :Particular negociation had taken. But they had
Zttlii"enunciations against articles whieh had appeared
*any ?teas of France directed towards England. Now,
”eririieles in the Ministerial Press of this country
e'atio 4% tone of violence and bluster towards the French
;°:l24o)ewthheie,,h made him quite ashamed of certain por
thot, eow,itanglish newspaper. press. He trusted, how-
th two mat this feeling of prejudce had passed away,
ere nations would maintain peace. He trusted
tit erwMild generally exist between them a feel-
e„'ellttl Mutual national interest—a feeling of fla-
ir geees,YMPathy a feeling tending to enhance
e trusts, Object, namely, the good ind peace of both.
ttiqn tt.o they might see that harmony restored be•
Irpeseue two countries which would lead to one great
411se of e and that purpose the consistent mainte•
the interests of the two countries.
eretith°:ever, he remembered that the late eulogised
once ha rag which subsisted between England and
produeed the present state of Spain, he
n that it was a result which any minister,
elLteueterlitngland or France, ought not to boast. of.
16711th that the existing good understanding be-
at it we two countries would not only continue, but
144,1 tlitttiiid be ripened into still greater friendship,
whencetu influence of the two Governments, wherever
try Yneslier that influence was exerted, it would be
eepetihure, ibe Promotion of commerce, the increase of
tonnressisse general diffusion of knowledge,
.and the
upon"f slavery. There was one subject not
Itr" in the speech, but upon which he antici-
s„-kin son should have some explanation from the
t1;41 0 t Zi • Gentleman opposite. He confessed that he
sainr,eased with what he had hitherto heard upon
erinteleoe‘ to whieh he had alluded, he meant the a,p-
,ethe • te°f a Commission to inquire into the powers
fet'id no"' of search as established in 1831 and 1832.
resiaPPear to him that there was any necessity
hev;stiin of the powers established at that time.
eit-iirh eery if the Government thought it right to
bee nee
rte agreement which had been come to between
~ untri
kee" eeii es, there could be no doubt that it would
etemY. els obstacle to the maintenance of bar-
litljde of e ethought they ought themselves, in-
the"; and ;1, '°Pting this course, to have man-
Oe:, 'three entered into a negotiation between
tthey v°untries, and to have declared on what foot-
tel:eetl iir,3Posed to place the right of search, as esta-
trisibilit"°
, and 1831, instead of placing itupon the
be f of a Committee of gentlemen of high honour
en,Ly,
tees, r ora Certainly, this did not appear to him to
sed:ne er t'LSantageous to the people of England. The.
he. ,f the eetioisii country wished to see, and they on his
ties "'aye t d se were as anxious fur the suppression of
Igll the N° any of those who voted for the resole-
eked "me Lord the Member for Liverpool, in
relsten .theY naturally look with some jealousy to
eke r Which
kit, 3 re could in the slightest degree reduce the
er,4,vvito ted to for this purpose. The Hon. Gentle-
ltet`ce fl,„e!ended the address had alluded to the visit
Ntintir wouizror of Russia. He said he hoped the Ern•
Pee Would
eentir ee that the sole interest of both nations de-
1' would eIY upon concord and peace. That the Em-
that some of the restrictive duties
the tree Orr gYsh produce diminished the trade and
/ietic4°l2.oe 11,15 Own country. He quite agreed with
, but he hoped the Hon. Gentleman
:1;17n; ag"rfilerreetteitivne
Ste,, e Em, with him when he said that it might happen
rise Ivo re, r of Russia to reflect upon the subject which
tleZ Lite to !lie observation of the Hon. Gentleman, and
Jew hefogelhits truth. But still the Emperor must
Gentle etnan e complied with the wish of the Hon.
littie`tl iree'tthei knn, if his sister the Queen of England
cite ve duties e Ministers to take off some of the re-
-11 ei irnPosed on foreign commodities —(Loud
lion) e wig Posed
f not pass altogether to the conside-
keet4.e on :reign affairs without congratulating the
sub.)
e nen ect which,
ate anhie th although it had not been
u, as et of
nreech from the throne, had yet been
7th ~,t,he conversation in the country—he
enSe t•ninft_nred state of our commercial relations
&Lear
44ettihetit recoil . hear)—and he could not do so
hie f ecting that when his Noble Frien the
tptliqteltalilltrkrojarjoinvsezion, said that he hoped that ours orn-
th et f tn China would open and improve
tele at °I. the trade and manufactures of this coun-
f st4tetnent werassidrecefived with marked tokens of
011.1111.91Z,t°111wtabse e o the House. That opinion,
arkd u ound to be perfectly true
the of o„ It Was in a great measure to the
e Press "r commercial transactions with China
/44 rit tend
101,0114
!ney to a revival in the commercial
Llieeee,il.-..(tierig interests of the country was to be
g't more'heir at:%r, 11.ar.) The speech next proceeded
eee , ns , Lenno beenomestic affairs, and reference
vta rertrein oeLt m 1 arly made to the state of Ireland
fr that
erahletera i_pt!:te Minister of the Crown, acting no
oqiti to etivitluk I'l:nation ho had received, had been
.li-1:A414;41 agit "t. her lvlajesty to state that the violence
Viler ,41id thaael°n and excite,tent had abated in that
eons rarts of he of improvement manifested
whiethilei country had extended to Ireland.
himself had received from per-
'ityiiiltlffea,l4''pre-gnetlisaitoenl3' lie
econie from Ireland, referrtd, with
teetethe t, theneeelee tu
, sYmptorns which had recently
asseeetees which s in that country. It was observed
be: 0 the
_le,rield that
together, the ties which
elretzthu.en th:i either class with the poorer, the tie.;
o,,treeralorehetisi priest class
his flock, were loosened, and
tllki itleorf whie`clit4ere entertained that those agrarian
y had recently seen accounts, were
tek,-tli)t4,,4;;4;eo.litje_hitt. there was no danger of any in-
-3 -firs Lee we. 4 urea! no ene couid doubt. That poli-
ago, 4-Tv as vieient as it had been three or
Ono euttid aver. But he wtthi

say, that there did not prevail that general
affection towards the Government and Parliament, of
this kingdom which ought to prevail in a free country
towards the Government and the Legislature. He could
not help attributing much, although certainly only a
part of this feeling, to the injudicious, and also he
must say, unjust - proceedings, which had been taken
agdinst some very leading persons in that country.—
(Cheers.) The country had seen the spectacle of these
persons put upon their trial, of a trial which had lasted
a considerable time, and of sentence pronounced
upon them. Those persons had been sent to prison,
where they had been confined for several weeks, and
whan the matter came to be examined before the Su-
preme tribunal of appeal, the whole of the proceedings
had been reversed as irregular and informal. More than
two of the judges had said that the proceedings with
regard to the jury were unjust and unfair, although they
did not rest their judgment on those grounds, basing
the grounds fur the reversal of the judgment on the
badness of some of the counts. Oue of those Judges,
and that one no less a personage than the Lord Chief
Justice of England, the highest common-law authority
in the realm, had declared that those prisoners had
not been fairly submitted to trial by jury.—(Hear.)
It had been said, that if those sixty names which had
been omitted had been continued on the panel the verdict
might not have been a conviction but an acquittal.
But the Chief Justice had said, that although he hai
nothing to do with that, he was bound to see that
every subject of her Majesty who was accused
had a fair trial, and was not deprived of his rights, and
more be had said. that if such proceedings were
to receive countenance, and to be drawn into
a precedent, a trial by jury in Ireland would be a
mockery, a delusion, and a snare.—(Loud cheers.) Was
it possible that the people of Ireland could have any con.
fidence in a Government when they saw that in the con-
duct of that prosecution they had resorted to means
which bad been thus condemned by the highest autho•
rity—and when they saw the trial by jury, which was the
safeguard of every subject of the Queen's, and by which
alone they were enabled, out of that House, to discuss
public matters freely, was taken from them, and a fraud
substituted in its place.—(Cheers.) There was one part
of those proceedings, however, to which he thought the
particular attention of the Right Hon. Gentleman at
the head of the Treasury ought to be directed. The

right of challenge formerly existed, and formerly when
the sheriff made an incorrect list, there was a remedy which
in ancient times was resorted to. The Right Hon.
Gentleman had, as he (Lord John Russell) firmly be-
lieved with the view to better the law regarding juries,
made certain alterations. Lord Denman argued that
that alteration did not prevent the subject
from having a practical remedy, if the clerk
of the peace, reeorder, or other authorities
having jurisdiction over the jury-list, neglected
ther duty ; but there were other authorities in West-
minster Hall, who did not take this view of the matter

—(Hear. hear)—and that there was something in the
statute which precluded the subject from a remedy.
Now, upon a matter-of so much importance, there ought
to be no doubt—(Hear, hear)—if any doubt did really
exist on the subject, he looked upon it in the light of a
great constitutional wrong. The privilege which the
subject had 'in challenging the array could not be too
clearly defined. If a doubt existed, it was incumbent on
the Government to bring in some measure, enactive or
declarative, so that the subject might have his remedy,
and prevent the recurrence of such a wrong as occurred
in Ireland, where a jury was struck off on a State trial,
although sixty names of- persons competent to serve as
jurors were left out.—(Hear, hear.) Another' subject
which had been alluded to in the speech, viz., academical
education, was hinted• at in such very general terms,
that no person in the House, whatever objection he
might hereafter make, would dissent from those general
allusions. He did not expect that his Right Hon.
Friend the Member for the University of Oxford even
would have any objection to make.—(A laugh.) At the
same time it was understood that sothe measure was to be
proposed on that subject, to which that phrase had re-
ference, and which, it was said, had deprived
the Government of the assistance of one of the ablest
of its Members. That Right Hon. Gentleman who held
the office of President of the Board of Trade, and who
explained in so luminous a manner the changes in the
tariff—(Hear, hear)—it was said, he repeated, that that
Right Hon. Gentleman had left the Government on ac
count of the measures which the Ministry were preparing
on the subject of education. He trusted some member
of her Majesty's Government would give some further
explanation of a measure which had been productive of
such a consequence—that disruption in the Government
which evidently had been caused by the conscientious
objections of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had ceased
to be a member of the Government. He knew not what
the nature of that measure might be, but he felt assured
that of whatever nature, it would be liable to great suspi-
cion, and be probably received with hostility in Ireland
as well as by a portion of the people of England.
He had seen that, with regard to the mode in which the
Bequests Act had been received. He gave his humble
support to that measure. He believed it to be a good
measure, and that it was framed with an honest inten-
Lion. He thought it carried into effect, so far as the
nomination of the Commissioners were concerned, and
that was the only part which the executive Government
bad to do—he: believed it was carried into effect, as the
speech from the Throne said, " in the spirit in which it
was conceived ;" but it was impossible to deny that that
measure was not brought forward with that calm prepa-
ration which it ought to have received.—(Hear, hear.) It
was mentioned early in the session. It concerned a most
important and difficult point—namely, bequests to a cer-
tain portion of their fellow-subjects, professing the Ro-
man Catholic faith. One would have thought that that 1
question would have been brought for ward earlier, that
those professing the Roman Catholic faith, especially
that some of the archbishops or bishops, would have
been asked their opinions.—(Hear, hear.) It would not
then have been said that an attempt was made to en-
croach on the independence of their religion ; and those
objections would not have been raised to a measure which
the Government—he freely gave them credit for it—
honestly wished to carry into effect. Instead of that,
the measure was brought forward late in the session, in
the other House of Parliament, so that it did not come
down to that House till near the end of the session.
Repeated alterations were made, amendments were
framed, and suggestions offered, which, because there
was no authority from the Roman Catholic prelates,
were not satisfactory with regard to an Act intended for
their benefit, so as to enable them to give their own money.
and to bequeath property for Roman Catholic purposes.
There was no judgment, there was no discretion shown
in the mode in which it was framed.—(Hear.) Why,
then, should they be surprised that certain parts of that
measure were caught hold of as a proof of the intention
of the English Government to attain some hostile in-
fluence over the Catholic Church? They had, therefore,
done a great mischief. There were persons in Ireland
whose influence ought to be cherished—such men as
Archbishop Crolly and Dr. Murray. What had they
done? They felt it to be their duty to accept office
under the commission, but by the mode in which the
Act was framed they had exposed them to hostility and
insult, which they should be the last in the world to
expose them to.—(Hear, hear.) But there was another
point which he could not refrain from mentioning, be-
cause it was put forth before the people of Ireland, and
he thought naturally put forward as a reason why dis-
trust should be felt. It was tbis, that for years and
years together those who were now in power counte-
nanced every hostility and insult towards the Roman
Catholics, of alienation and animosity against the Irish
people.—(Cheers.) Those phrases were now returned
on them. They knew perfectly well how sensitive the
people of England were on this subject—how much the
Protestant religion was endeared to them, and
how unwilling they were to see anything like
a Roman Catholic supremacy in this country.
They knew the pride of the people of England, and
how ill they would bear the statement that Ireland had
not only her fair share in legislation, but that the Irish
Members of Parliament governed the country. Yet,
knowing this, they did everything they could to excite
ill feelings, and to provoke animosities.—(Hear, hear.)
Wherever they perceived the spark of religious intole-
rance, they blew it into a flame ; wherever they per-
ceived the plant of national prejudice growing, they
watered it and trained it till the noxious and poisonous
tree overspread the land.—(Loud cheers from the Op-
position.) Such was their conduct for years ; and now,
when they adopted a better policy —now, when they
wished those things to be forgotten—now, when they
desired that Ireland should be conciliated—bow could
they wonder that those who were the agitators of Ire-
land—that those who had led the people to unpopulsr
victory, should remind them of the past ? How could
they wonder that the phrases " surpliced ruffians,"
" demon priesthood," and others of the same
kind, should be thrown back upon them, when
they themselves wished that they might fall into
oblivion, and that something more conciliatory might be
devised ?—(Hear, hear.) Such was the retribution—
(Cheers from the Opposition)—the not unjust retribu •
tion---(Renewed cheers)—that fell upon men who, in-
stead of appealing to sound and enlightened opinion,
endeavoured to gjt hold of some popular prejudice or
some mistaken notion, and to find their power in mis-
leading and deluding their countrymen —(Cheers.) At
the same time, he could not but feel satisfaction, with re-
spect to this subject and many others, in seeing that
the present Government had adopted views which many
of those who acted with him (Lord J. Russell) had long
since adopted ; that with regard to Ireland especially,
after endeavouring to force on that country a Bill which
would deprive it of its electoral franchise, they had re-
frained from the attempt, and had admitted by their Bill
of last year, although that Bill was a most defective one
in itself—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shiel)—had ad-
mitted that their former Bill was not fit for the Govern-
ment to carry.—(Cheers.) Yes, those were the very
words used by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear,
hear.) The Bill for which the Conservative party had
struggled for years—for which they had crowded to
that House—for which they had, in repeated divisions,
mustered in order to gain a majority, and to
force it against the Government of the day,
that Bill was now admitted to have been an injustice,
and when they themselves proclaimed this, when they
themselves admitted that such was their course, they
could not wonder either that he should rejoice in the re-
cantation of the opinions which they then held, or that
the people of Ireland should still feel a want of confi-
dence in them when they now said, "It is true that what
was formerly offered to you was an injustice, but what
we now offer to you is a boon." With respect to other
questions also—with respect to the question of educa-
tion, we were told that nothing was so dangerous as to
give to a Committee of the Privy Council any power
over the grants for the purposes of education. A grant
was nearly denied for this purpose by the Hon. Gentle-
men opposite, and it was only by a majority of two in
a Committee of the whole House, that the grant was ob-
tained. I need not remind the House that the doctrines
held on that ncca'ion were of the must extraordinary
kind. The Right Hon. Secretary of awe for the home
Department was of opinion that if they gave such
p•JIVVI- rf.i tlia Committee. a the Privy Council, it vvQultl

be a despotic and- irresponsible body, and if that
despotic power were used for the purpose of educating
Dissenters, the Established Church would be in
danger. Such was the nature of the doctrine
held on this question by the Right Honour-
able Gentleman. The First Lord of the Trea-
sury held an opinion not quite so exaggerated, but still
nearly similar to the former, and what do I see now ?
To my great satisfaction, Sir,_ a speech that has fallen
from the Noble Lord,. the President of the Council, in
which he states that the transfer of the power from the
Treasury to the Committee of the Privy CounCili was
absolutely necessary in consequence of the increase of
the business of this department. The Noble Lord is at
the head of the educational department of that Com-
mittee, and he says, the transfer was absolutely essential.
This is ae extraordinary speech, and I only wonder how
the Noble Lord managed to slide over this transfer when,
on the votes of the other House of Parliament, there was
entered an address from their Lordships, presented by
the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Queen, praying
that any grants for the purposes of education might
not depend on this House of Parliament only, but be
founded only on a legislative measure. His Lordship in
his speech slurs all this over, but I wonder he had not
told us that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other
Noble Lords had been entirely in the wrong. There
remains one topic—a very gratifying topic, as
it stands at present. It is the state of the
manufacturing and commercial interests of the coun
try. The Honourable Gentleman who seconded
the address has given us a very interesting account of
how every manufacturing interest, even the iron trade,
which did not partake of the prosperity of last year,
is now in a comparatively flourishing condition. But
while that is perfectly true, and while we have every
reason to be thankful to Divine Providence for the
bountiful harvest with which we were blessed last year,
there is another reflection occurs to me, which I do not
mention either to damp our expectations, or diminish
the forceThf what has fallen from the Hon. Gentleman
opposite, but for our warning as legislators. In 1836,
on the 4th of February, on the very day of the year on
which we are now met, an Hon. Friend of mine who
seconded the address went through the various items of
iron, and wool, and silk, and cotton, and proved that
there had been a large increase in the export of them
all compared with the previous five years. He drew an
elaborate picture of the state of the country—and at
that time we had had, in 1835, a favourable harvest—
but we must recollect, that however much we might in-
dulge in these anticipations, it happened that 1838,1839,
and 1640, brought us to a very different conclusion ;
that however flourishing our manufactures then
were after 1836, when we had a bad harvest,
when it did not please Providence to con-
tinue that state of plenty which we had enjoyed
and taken advantage of, we suffered most severely both
in trade and manufactures. No man can expect the
course of the seasons to be altered, or to have in this
country every year those bounteous harvests with which
we have been blessed in years past. If we cannot ex-
pect that, can we do anything to remedy the evil which
deficient harvests occasions ? I think we can; not by
interfering with the course of Providence, but by look-
ing to another dispensation of the same Providence,•
which enables men to exchange the produce of their
own country for that of the distant regions of the earth.
Let us, then, consider in the course of the present year,
and endeavour to ward off the storm, which in some
season of deficient. harvest may come upon us, by giving
to the productions of other countries, which we can
enjoy, a freer inlet into this country than our present
laws allow.—(Hear, hear.) It would only be acting in
consonance with the principles of, the present Govern-
ment, and of gentlemen en the other side of the House,
who do not hold with the great society that met yester-
day—(Bear, hear)—that the protection of Brit'sh in-
dustry is the true way to obtain a permanent and flou-
rishing condition of the country. On the contrary, with
respect to many articles they consider that principles
opposed to those of protection prineiples, which if not
entirely free trade are known as free trade, are those
by which the intercourse of nations ought to be regulated.
and by which this country ought to be governed. If
then they continue to hold these.opinions—if they differ
from the great authority of those who yesterday cele-
brated the principles of protection, let them give us the
benefit of their convictions, though they might be called,
as they have represented us to be, the enemies of agri-
culture.—(Hear, hear.) The question for them to decide
was whether they should do in a season of prosperity,
calmly, deliberately, and with all the dignity of legisla-
tors, that which we may have to do hereafter hastily
under the pressure of popular clamour, when they might
be unable to deny that which they might be afraid to
grant.—(Hear, hear.) If they think it best, with respect
to Ireland, to take advantage of the present time, and
boast that Ireland is more tranquil, then, I say, when
trade is prosperous shall we lose that opportunity ? I
think that if you were -pressed by a foreign war, and
internal commotion, you would give Ireland almost every
thing she asks for, except repeal.—(Hear, hear.) If
that is the case, take advantage of the present favourable
opportunity, and show yourselves worthy to rule that
great nation you are called on to govern.—(Cheers.)
Mr. MILES said he should not have risen at all but
from the understanding that on Friday week the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer would make his financial state-
ment, and the remarks of the Noble Lord. What the Noble
Lord meant to express with respect to agriculture, he
was at a loss to understand. Did the Noble Lord mean
to say that protection was the bane of agriculture ?
(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord entertained this opi-
nion when he was a member of the Government, or even
last year, why did he propose a fixed duty ?—(Hear,
hear.) Had he found it convenient to change his
sentiments, or had he allied himself with the
Anti-Corn-law League ?—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial benches.) The Noble Lord had appeared to
think that the agricultural interest was in a state of
prosperity—(Cries of "No, no")—and he thinks this the
very best time at which another alteration in the corn-
laws might be made. Now, if ever there was a time at
which it behoved an Administration to be cautious—

(Hear, hear, and ironical cheers)—this is that time. In
the north of England the harvest might have been a good
one, but in the south, west, and east, it had not been
an average. As they were given to understand that the
income •tax is to be continued, he rose to claim on behalf
of the agricultural body, in any reduction of taxation
that may take place, that their interests may not be for-
gotten.—(Loud laughter.) As to the speech from the
Throne, and the address in answer to it, he had nothing
to say against them; but though he gave a general con-
sent, still he would not pledge himself to any of the de-
tails.

The Right Hon. E. GLADSTONE (who sat at the
lower end of the House) rose amid a marked silence.
He said, he was aware that it would be inexcusable on
his part if he were to endeavour to relieve his Right
Hon Friend at the head of the Government from the
task of replying to the numerous imputations the Noble
Lord opposite had chosen to bring against him, but he
could not without apology intrude himself on the House
with what related immediately _to himself. He would
not venture on such a step were it not that the acts of
public men were acts in which the public at large had
an interest, and that however irksome and offen-
sive it might be to detain a public assembly
charged with high functions with matters
in - which self appeared to be prominent,
yet the object was to remove misunderstandings by
which great interests might be liable to prejudice. The
Noble Lord would allow him to thank him for the kind
manner in which, in spite of the difference of rank, sta-
tion, and talent, by which they were parted, he had
thought tit to make reference to him. He now felt
placed in a situation in which it was difficult to recon-
cile apparently conflicting duties. On one hand he
fully recognised the claim of the House to be fully in-
formed of the motives which led the Members of that
House to accept office under the Crown, or to undergo
the scarcely less grave responsibility of qui.ting it. He,
therefore. could not refuse to attempt some explanation
of what had recently occurred with regard to himself.
But, on the other hand, he could not help seeing great
inconvenience in any detailed explanation, or of refe-
rence to measures not yet under the consideration of the
House. He should, therefore, endeavour to state simply
and frankly the motives which had actuated him in the
painful step to which he had had recourse ; and he must
appeal to the patient indulgence of the House to receive
that statement, not as a controversial or party one, not
as an argumentative justification of his own conduct, but
as an explanation, which be trusted would prevent mis-
apprehensions that might be mischievous. In what he
had to say he could cast no blame on any one. He had
acted according to what he believed his own position
and the situation of those with whom, and under whom,
as a servant of the Crown, he had acted required. If any
syllable should reflect on those whom he regarded and
esteemed, he hoped such a feeling would be
put aside and disclaimed by them.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) At all events he might gain one object
of public utility, by first stating what was stoT the
cause of his resignation. He had not resigned, as had
been supposed in some quarters, on account of any
matters connected with that department of public affairs
of which he was entrusted with the charge. He had
not resigned on account of any question, so far as the
intentions of the Government were known to him, con-
nected with the Established Church in Ireland. A cause
which he was about to name to the House was the sale
reason of his resignation ; and again he was driven to
advert to himself, and what he had said and done in
former years. He had taken it on himself, some years
ago, whether wisely or unwisely was not now the
question, to state ,to the world, and that in a form
the most detailed and most deliberate—not under the in-
fluence of the moment—not in the heat and rancour of
debate—but on mature consideration, the views which
he believed were most conformable to the truth. With
respect to the relations between a Christian State and
the profession of its religion, and the policy with respect
to it. Of all questions, perhaps, that could be raised, the
question of that policy was, in its ultimate effect, the
greatest and most important. The manner in which he
took on himself the responsibility of treating it was
most deliberate. But he bad never been guilty of the
folly which some had charged on him, of holding that
any theories, even in such st department of human of
fairs, could be alike, and in all cases immutable and in-
flexible. But, on the other hand, lie had a strong con-
viction that those who had borne a solemn testimony to
opinions of great importance on conscientiou . questions,
ought not .to be responsible for the making any material
departure from the principles he had so stated. Now
it will be in the recollection of the House that

his Right lion. Friend at the head of the Government,
at the close of last session, declared in general terms the
nature of the inquiry he was about to make int') the pos.
sibility of extending education in Ireland. He like
wise indicated the spirit in which he would treat that
important matter. As he had said before, he was not in
possession of more of the intentions of Government. He
only referred to them so far as they were known to him,
and with regard to what they contemplated with respect
to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, he knew
nothing that might not be fairly and justly inferred from
what the Right Hon. Baronet said on that occasion.
:Doe views were, he considered, a great departure from