The Sun.
London, England, 1829-03-04 00:00:00

titular attention of the House, which he had done BO ably,
and to which the characters of the individuals and their
extensive local knowledge of Irish affairs had the strongest
claim. In all respects this petition seemed almost a con-
trast to the English petitions which night after night
poured into that House from all parts of the country, in
opposition to the decided opinions of his Majesty's Minis-
ters. The petition before the House looked at the question
as ene purely of a political nature—(hear, hear)—as one
essentially Irish, and it was in that sense alone it had been
introduced to the notice of the House by the Hon. Mem-
ber. In the English petitions, as far as he could judge,
the feelings of the petitioners arose from an apprehension
on the ground of religion, rather than from a fear of polie
tical danger. He respected those feelings in the great bully
of the people, and he had no doubt that by working on
these feelings that such a number of petitions were ob-
tained, because the people believed that their religion was
i nvolved by the proceedings in Parliament. These, he ad-
mitted, were houest prejudices, and deserved the attention
of tha Legislature; and he was not one of those who rlid
not think them worthy of the serious attention of Parlia-
ment. He thought, however, that it was most important
that those who were so active in getting up those petitions,
should, if possible, be prevailed upon to take a different
course from that which they hither iii pursued, and instead
of hawking petitions from door to door, and putting them
in public places to which large nembeis of the lower orders
were in the habit of resorting, to call public meetings.—
(Hear, hear.)—There was no part of the country where
there could not be found sonic men of education, intelli-
gence, and sound views on this question, who would, no
doubt, attend at such meetings, and be able to allay the
fears which were excited, by detailing what was the teal
state of the question. If such meetings were held, and he
was sorry they were not, men would be found who, instead of
proving, or endeavouring to prove, that this was a question -
between the Protestant creed and that of the Church of
Rome, would show that it was purely one of a political
character; or that, if it were a question between the two
creeds, the only, way in which that of the Protestant could
expect a triumph would be to open a fair field to each, fir
in that case the Protestant religion would most certainly
be triumphant.—(Hear.)—Such a man might say, that
if there were any apprehension of danger from with-
holding an equal pat ticipation of rights and privileges from
all his Majesty's subjects, the only way to remove
that danger would be to repeal the laws which
created the disabilities ; and that course would undoubtedly
be best for the interests of the Church in support
of which the intended measures had been graciously Teem-
mended by his Majesty to the consideration of Parliament.
He bad no hesitation in stating emphatically, that the mea-
sure of concession was inevitable.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.")—He did not mean that this necessity was physi-
cal, but he would say, that there was a great moral neces-
sity for considering this subject with a view to concession.
(Hear, hear.)—He had heard much of what was sod in
that House and out, of settling the question, but he bad
never heard any which could bringiit to a conclusion, ex-
cept, indeed, what had been intimated by a gallant officer
in his place on a former evening (see speech of General
Arcirdall in the Commons' debate of .Monday)—a direct
appeal to the sword. —( Hear, hear. )—That Gdlant
Officer, speaking of his constituents, said that their an •
cestors had once fought the Catholics, and that they them-
selves were ready to fight them again. With persons so
heated, it would not be very :useful to t eason—( Heat,
hear)—but in that very state of feeling which showed one
party ready to tight with the other, he saw the strongest
ground to recommend the absolute necessity of concession.
(Hear, hear.)—Another measure, and one in appearance
more pacific, was to dissolve the Parliament, and appeal to
the people. Dissolve the Pat liameut ! Whv, for tunately
fir this country, the Crown could not take such a step
without the concurrence of responsible advisers..---(Hear,
hear.)—lt would be insanity itself to suppose that the pre-
sent Ministry could advise such a measure; but if they did
not, by whom could such advice be given ? It would be
insanity to suppose that as public men they could advise
such a course, especially after the honest and manly avowal
of a change in their opinions on this subject, which had
been made by the Noble Duke at the head of the Govern-
ment, by the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the
Home Department, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
other influential Members of hie Majesty's Government.
But then, if men of their opinions could not be found to
advise such a course, would it not be still moz;insane
to suppose that a set of teen could be brought ihto the
Cabinet on mixed principles—(Cheers)—with a deter-
mination to remain neutral ? (Hear, hear.)—That
would now he impossible. He had no hesitation in sav-
ing that the day of neutrality was gone by.—(Hear, hear,
hear.)—lt had lasted much too long, and he was
glad that the time had at last arrived when the Crown
had taken it upon itself to give advice which would put
an end to neutrality on this most important question.—
(Hear.)—He would say then unequivocally, that an ape
peal to the people by a dissolution of Parliament was im-
possible. But though such a measure was more pacific in
name, would it be so in reality? He apprehended that it
would be far otherwise. In the present state of excited
feeling through the country, from one end to the other,—a
feeling which must be still more excited by the stimulants
of a general election,—he could not contemplate such a
measure without the utmost alarm and dismay. In this
view of the question, then he would repeat that the mea-
sure of concession was inevitable. The people of this
country must make op their minds to it, and whatever
might be the feelings of sonic on the subject, they should
give way to measures by which much danger anti confusion
neeald be prevented. He would say that it was the moral
duty of every man, whether in that House or out a it, to
exert himself to correct the mistaken opinions which were
spread on this question, arid not let it go uncontradicted,
that the intended measures would have an effect injurious
to the established religion. It was she duty of every man
to show that nothing was intended which could endanger
the Protestant establishments in Church and State; but
that, on the contrary, the object of the measures was, as no
doubt their effect would be, to give great security to all our
establishments. By these means the people would be
taught to submit with the same loyal confidence in the
measures suggested by the wisdom of Government, and
sanctioned by the deliberate sense of the Legislature,
which had distinguished theirs on all other occasions.—
( Hear, hear.)
Mr. BROUGHAM and Mr. 3fooftei. rose at the stone time,
and there were some cries for Mr. Moore, but e',,e Speaker
named Mr. Brougham, and Mr. Moore gee, wee..
Mr. BROUGHAM rose to express his hearty concur-
rence in what had fallen from the Right Hon. Member fie-
Liverpool, and particularly in the latter part of his address.
That attempts were making its different parts of the coml.,
try to defeat the measure recommended to Parliament be
believed, hut they were neither so extensive nor so power-
ful as the Right Hon, Gentleman seemed to think ; but
that attempts were made to delude tire less thinking, the
less educattei, and less enlightened portion of the commu-
nity into the belief that the intended measure was one
which would interfere with their religion, no person who
4 all observed what was passing in Parliament or out of
it could now entertain any doubt. Ile trusted, however,
to the good sense of the people—he trusted to their natz,
rally kind feeling—lre trusted even to the little time whiela
must elapse before the introduction of the intended mea-
sure, fur a removal of much of tie prejudice which existed
with respect to it. For one, he concurred with the Hight
Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Huskisson), that ins discussing tbs,
question it should lie argued as a political, not as ft reP.gint,,,,
rightue'ti a7l:l—j
uttshtaict ,t Z 1717 ItTiaWt we should olfa;,t-h‘'t:ix;:aeced(i)eunnel
of
to
consider it as one of inevitable necessiq.—( Hear,;hear.)—
Of the three modce of disposing of it, that whieh would
pretend to let it stay as it was, was the least passible, and
the only vaclieable to- possible one was that which looked
to ;:o, emicableeettlement by concession.—(Hear,
o go, back to the repeal of the concessions of MS, 1779,
and 1793—f0r there were not wanting those who, in their
excess of zeal for what they considered the Constitution,
would go even thus far, he held to be one of the wildest
chi.oeras which had ever entered the most visionary brain,
(Hear, hear.) 'chat Parliament would adopt the only mole
in which. :V; could be settled, he -firmly hoped and lie-.
lieve;l, As to the belief that a Government could now
formed en a prineiplo of neutrality, or on *,',le con-
trary principle of opposition, it was what rag men in
100 of commen understandings would scout, us impracti-
cable and as to a Government on a Inixed principle, it
was still more so. He would venture, tee sato that no man
in that or the other House of Paeliesnent, be his want of
sense, his thouglitlessnees, or his ioconeiderate violence
what they might, wutel,'s stand imp and say that a neutre't
could he eutuged OF 4,ounconeeting Cabinet, or that f;
could be f4rioed, on a' base:, which could last much longer
than. 14, tiniq occupied in naming it. To talk e. the dan-
t-p,v,:kiOr the country would be expesed ;rem conces,
much lees
at itt
aun‘gtivo.ealtitlesrloitirsnteo inttii
childish,h eio
a°ll;dth': otui isa,,ntlan.latof doors, t
he knew
ouol,t to nothing like it,
rs:inds on this genes;laclean ;—lnc e
—not
that
of setting dealt as unhoesortant the only runt fear which.
t for his
that wholesome fear which should operate oe a great
-tat-vetoers ;
personal safety of himself, ar his connexions, or path.-
but a fear for his woutry---(ltear, hear)—a fear or the
danger nut discord and the possibility of civil war—(hear.
hoar, hear)—arol wheu he heard a gallant officer talk
of Pr.:testa ts being ready to fight with C
—lt: was net sole Mollie.' the Bali::: t had net o'er!