The Sun.
London, England, 1827-06-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The people of England are fully aware of the
factious nature of the conspiracy by which the
measure of the Corn Bill, humanely introduced
for their relief and support, has been frustrated.
It was merely to spite Mr. Canning that the
nation is wounded—is made to suffer much, in
fact and in reality, and exposed or rendered liable
to the greatest excess of misery. A notable ob-
ject, indeed ! and obtained by a truly feeling
and benevolent process ! This we have no he-
sitation in calling faction, in the worst sense of
the word. And what will be the effect of the
present disappointment of the public hopes and
wishes, in respect to the Corn Bill ? Why, that
the people must of necessity attach themselves
yet more to Mr. Canning and his Ministrys:,
measure of a most beneficent tendency has been
devised, and in part executed by him : in step
his old colleagues, and defeat that soothing mea-
sure. Which of these two parties must the
people love ? and which must they hate ? Lei
reason and common sense answer. Was there
no other way of piercing Canning's side, but, by
driving the sword through the very vitals of the
people ?. And by whom has this parricidal act
been committed ?—(We do not mean to in-
clude in 'our sweeping condemnation all those
eminent noblemen, such as Earl Fitzwilliam, and
the Duke of Bedford, Src., who, as we think,
have nevertheless shown an unnecessary fear for
the interests of the agricultural party—but)—we
answer, chiefly by the scum of the Whigs, joined
and unnaturally combining with the sweepings of
the Tories. With respect to the latter, they knew,
when in office, all the provisions of the Bill, those
provisions having formed the subject of frequent
deliberations and discussions in the late Mi-
nistry : it, was . then acknowledged by them that
they were wisely planned, and would be useful
to the country. How could they, being out of
office, oppose, and (worse than oppose) nullify,
that which, being in office, they had stated to be
for the good of the community, except that they
themselves had not the'good of the community
at heart ? And with respect to the apostate
'higs, it is clear that eNey only consider the
people as instruments to obtain power, or annoy
those who possess it ; for now they sacrifice,
without scruple, and condemn to the risk of ex-
treme want, the whole labouring population of
England, agricultural as well as manufacturing,
for so insignificant a purpose as that of obtaining
a mere personal triumph over the man whom his
-Majesty has chosen to place at the head of the
Administration. The people will learn to value
them accordingly ! And at what time is it that
this petty victory over Mr. Canning is sought,
and so dearly obtained, by the Rump of Whig-
Mery ? Not at a time when Mr. Canning is in
ull blaze of Toryism—not when he is giving
the reins to his fervid eloquence, arid endeavour-
ing to overbear the rights of the people ; but at
a time when he is striving to alleviate their dis-
tresses—at a time when he is promoting and has
promoted the cause of liberty over all the world,
—at a time when 'the servile adherents of despo-
tism are raising their cry against him. The
cause of the people, therefore, or of liberty,
cannot be made the pretext for this disinge-
nuous act against the Premier ; for—and long
may he so continue—he is with the people and:
for liberty. Wheat, as we stated yesterday, has
risen greatly in consequence of the rejection
of the Corn Bill ; and if it does not continue to
arise, it is only because .the people look with confi-
dence to some exertion of the Executive power,
under the responsibility of Ministers, to prevent its
reaching. att.una,ttaioat4 price. But what an inver-
sion of the right and constitutional order of things,
that the national representatives, being over-
powered by the aristocracy, must now be over-,
ILlOked in the prospect of national calamity, and the
eyes of the people turned to thwservanta of the
crown, as their -best and surest refuge when the
storm comes on ! What, above all things, shows:
the extreme ;:iasetieSs of certain of the renegade:
Whigs, is, that tliz'y are urging the Ministry to pro-
tect them from the, ►erited hatred and contempt
of the people, by carrying through the Bill. "Pray, '
say they, " do not oppose us to the public indigna-
tion as having stopped the measure. Do not with-
draw the Bill ; it is your withdrawing the Bill that,
shovis the people who are their enemies. Why do
you withdraw it ?" Why do they withdraw it ?
Because it is totally altered from that benevolent
measure which the Ministers first proposed. It is
not now their proposition, -but, in lieu of it, one
svhich we cannot reprobate in terms sufficiently
Atioug. Let tliOe 'who have thus injured the people
bear the consequences of their own deed. Can any
thing exceed the meanness of that man—if such a
man there be—who, having:, first joined in converting
the just propositiot: of the Ministry into the reverse,
would then sneak under
the wings of the same Mi.
nistry for shelter and prot,;ction, 'demanding of them
to father his act, and even cally it on to its comple-
tion, M order that he may be
ereened from the
.odium attending' it.—Tinges.

. -
Public credit is so far from suffering i 37 the
loss of the Corn Bill, that the funds have ad.:
vanad to-day, thus clearly proving that the event
does not, in the general opinion, at all affect the
stability of the present Administration. The
merchants connected with the north of Europe
express satisfaction rather than otherwise at the
failure of the measure, because they seen' to
have adopted the belief,--whether on just
grounds or not it is impossible to determine,—
that the stock of grain in the country is not
enough to last over the harvest, and that the rise
in price will be so considerable, that they will
obtain the admissisn oi foreign grain on better
terms than those proposed by the Bill. The
contempt expressed in the city at the conduct of
those members of the Upper House who have
thus destroyed the principle of their measure, for
No other imaginable motive than that of causing
perplexity to their successors in office, is univer-
f_al. Their unpopularity will experience no small
addition, both here and throughout the country,
should the expectations of a scanty supply of
wheat tl2e realized. A favourite argument is afloat,
that the it.'ss of the Corn Bill has a tendency to
increase the value of stock, by securing us from
the contingency of a fall in the exchanges, and
thus preventing
a s;.idden contraction of the is-
sues of Bank notes w:2ich the Bank of England
might be driven to by tLe exportation of gold.
The reasoning is fallacious, irosmuch as the im-
portation of corn under the proposed Bill must
'have been extremely gradual, had the price of
wheat regularly advanced : the danger is much
greater now, presuming that scarcity is actually
threatened, since the importation of foreign grain,
which will be its natural consequence, will neces-
sarily be sudden and extensive, and by that sud-
denness its influence be felt in the fo-
reian exchanges. It is apprehended, and on
no slight
grounds, by another class of ca-
pitalists, that the defeat of the Corn Bill
will produce great distress among tile mer-
chants and manufacturers in. the mating au_
on which has destroy.
tutu). The factious oppositi
ed this benevolent measure could not be
.anticipated
even by those most versed in tckenesr t6rd
tics : for who could suppose that a Whig
would join with the refuse of the Tories, and risk
OW starvation of myriads of his fellow-countrymen?

in order to turn out a Constitutional Administra-
tion? In the full belief, therefore, that the Corn
Bill would be carried, merchants have been induced
to give employment to our languishing manufac-
turers, and have, with the fruits of English la-
bour, purchased large quantities of colonial produce,
to be exchanged for foreign. corn, as soon as the act
should come into operation. This produce, in the
usual way of trade, was consigned, among other
places, to Amsterdam, the great entrepot between
Great Britain and the Continent. As soon, how-
ever, as it was known at Amsterdam that the Duke
of Wellington's amendment had been carried by a
majority, though of only four, colonial produce fell
15 per cent. When it is learned that the gallant
Duke has since succeeded in destroying the Bill, a
still greater fall may be expected. In other words,
the market for that portion of colonial produce ap-
propriated to the purchase of foreign corn will cease
altogether : the merchant will not be able to pay
his bills either to the foreign grower, or to the do-
Mestie manufacturer; a sudden stoppage will ensue
to 'credit and employment, which will renew the
dreadful distress of last winter. And this calamity
is to be inflicted on the country, because the Duke
Of Wellington and Earl Grey have, by some curious
Coincidence, both conceived at the same moment a
determined dislike to Mr. Canning, and rather than
riot overthrow him, will risk the welfare of the
people and at once their own reputation.—lbid.

Among those accidental occurrences which
are formed to try the temper and discretion of
public men, and the feelings of the people to-
wards them, we may refer to the dinner given
by the East India Company to Sir J. Malcolm,
on occasion of .the appointment of that gallant
.officer and distinguised Oriental historian and
statesman to the situation of Governor of Bom-
bay. At the table were assembled personages
-so little associated in any other point of view but
as partakers of the same hospitality, that we
i should have almost feared their appetite to feed
upon each other would have defied the ablest
efforts of the most recherche', cook in London to
divert them from the barbarous repast. On
Mr. Canning's health being given in conjunc-
tion with that of his official colleagues—a toast
which drew forth tumultuous and long-conti-
nued applause—the Right Hon. Gentleman
tied himself down, with becoming taste and
prudence, to a simple assurance of what indeed
' is the fact—that he and his brethren have no
claim to support but " in so far as their exer-
tions may contribute to the general advan-
tage and happiness of the people." , This,
we repeat, 'is the precise fact—and one preg-
nant with warning as well as with encou-
ragement both to Mr. Canning and to us the
people of England,—that the Right Hon. Gentle-
man has no friends but the nation, and no tenure of
the place which he fills—no, not for one short hour,
—except in the prosecution of such measures, and
the maintenance of such a sound, straight-forward,
loyal, and generous policy, as shall convince the
great body of his countrymen that he relies on real
services to the state, and on them alone, for the pro-
tection
against the tyrants over principle, King, and
people. The Duke of Wellington also made a
speech, in which he showed sense enough to abstain
from any profession of a thirst for popular attach-
ment, or of a design to court it " by contributing to
the general advantage and happiness." His Grace,
on entering his carriage to go away, was saluted with
hisses and groans by the crowd,—that plebeian
multitude whose military relatives nourished with
their hearts' best blood the laurelled fortunes of the
leader who now provokes their natural hatred by
denying them bread to eat. Mr. Canning, on the
contrary, was cheered and hailed by the citizens.
Long may he deserve to be so ! And Mr. Canning
may be persuaded,—as the Duke of "Wellington is,
we dare say, half convinced while we are thus indi-
rectly addressing him,—that the people of England
" can tell a hawk from •a hand-saw."—lbid.
The recent conduct of the landholders affords
a striking proof of the truth of the position
that though in every body individuals will be
found actuated by higher motives than a desire to
promote their own vulgar interests, yet the ma-
jority of every body will be actuated by no such
refined and disinterested motives. The Mem-
bers of the Upper House, from the defective-
ness of their education, and the absence of mo-
tives for application, may, generally speaking, be
more ignorant with regard to politics and legisla-
tion than men placed in circumstances -which de-
mand from them diligence -and application ; but it
will hardly be contended that they are also more
selfish than other people. They may possess
less than an average share of talents, but in re-
gard
to honour and integrity it would be absurd
to suppose that they do not possess their fair
share of these virtues. Now we have seen ex-
emplified in a very striking manner, in that as-
sembly, the dominion of the most vulgar inte-
rests. When Ministers were pursuing their
plans for freeing the industry and commerce of
the country from the shackles which oppressed
them, from every quarter of the country by turns,
they were assailed with complaints. The House
of Lords, however, treated the apprehensions of
the enemies of Free Trade as groundless, and
courageously backed Ministers. All went on
smoothly, till Ministers at length
_came, as in ho-
nour And consistency they were bound to do, to
apply their principles to the manufacture of food.
Then a new light suddenly burst on our great
landholders. They were as firm as rocks, while
the free-trade principles were carrying consterna-
tion into the ranks of the silk-weavers. Ministers
then deserved the warm approbation of the coun-
try. They could hear, unmoved, the tales of the
Spitalfields weavers, which experience has since
refuted, that the removal of the prohibitory du-
ties would plunge hundreds of thousands of
human beings into the most dreadful distress.
But the moment it was proposed to open the
Ports to foreign Corn, the same liberal Ministers,
who, when operating on other classes, had in
their eyes merited so much from their country-
men, were assailed as projectors, as political eco-
nomists, as innovators, and every Lordling who
had the ability dealt out his sarcasms against
them. The bare possibility of a lowering of
price, which might lead to a lowering of rents,
was quite enough to determine them to abandon
their admiration of free trade. It was quite im-
possible that those principles should not be de-
testable, which tended in the remotest degree to
diminish the nominal incomes of that important
class, the glory of the country and the bulwark
of the Constitution, the great Proprietors of the
Soil. In all this the Lords have merely acted
as other men would have acted in their situation.
Had the Spitalfields Weavers or the Shipowners
had the arrangement of the free trade system,
they would both, no doubt, have set free the
trade in Corn ; but the one would have deemed
the exclusion of foreign silks indispensible, and
the other would have excluded all foreign ships
from our ports. In all these classes, liberal and
disinterested men would have proposed a higher
and noble course ; but exceptions only serve to prove
the rule. It is always well that the truth should
be known. When more is expected from men than
,experience warrants us in expecting, the conse-
puence will be disappointment. But it is not in-
compatible with devotion to gross and vulgar in-
terest (mistaken, no doubt), which has been so con-
spicuously manifested by the Members of the House
of Lords, that though not to be restrained by con-
siderationa of a high, and elevated character, that it

should yield somewhat to prudential considerations.
—The people of England are, it is said, making a
wonderful progress in intellectual improvement;
and one of the first objects on which men exercise
their intellects, is the belly. Now, nothing is more
certain, than that the labouring classes of England
have, year after year, been more and more straitened
in their supplies of food. Now, while manufac-
turers and labourers of every description have been
gradually deteriorating in their condition, the
owners of the soil (who, having the power, as has
been seen, are responsible for the acts of Govern-
ment) have been constantly increasing in import-
ance. Now, it is delightful to have the power of
legislating—to have the power of enriching ourselves
at the expence of others; but it is a drawback from
this delight to reflect, that millions suffering the
extremity of want may view us as the authors of
their calamity.—Morning Chronicle.

The correspondence which has just been pub-
lished as having passed between his late Majesty
and Mr. Pitt, previous to the latter's retirement
from the Administration in 1801, throws most
important light upon the history of that period,
and places the character both of the King and
the Minister in the most favourable point of
view. The warmth of the King's attachment
towards Mr. Pitt is not less remarkable than his
firm conscientious scruples upon the Catholic
Question ; while the least anxiety on the part of
the Minister is that which now appears to in-
fluence some who profess to be his followers_
viz., the preservation of his place and power upon
any terms. It is rarely now-a-days that the
public are let into the secrets of the portfolios of
Monarchs or Statesmen ; and it is doubly grati-
fying when the disclosure of the real sentiments
of public men, as in this ease, instead of pre-
senting a picture of intrigue and insincerity, show
such men as George the Third and Mr. Pitt
dealing with each other as common men—or, at
least, with that openness and candour which men in
all ranks of life ought to possess. We are, however,
somewhat at a loss to conceive with whatparticular
object the publication has been made just at this
moment. If it were to convince the world of the ir-
revocable firmness of the King, that required no
corroboration; while it does away,one would think,
past argument, with the doubt which has been at-
tempted to be cast upon Mr. Pitt's sentiments
upon the subject. That the sentiments of the
Monarch were sincere there cannot be a doubt ;
and when, on the other hand, Mr. Pitt assures
his Majesty that he is, " on full consideration,"
convinced that " the admission of Catholics and
Dissenters to offices, and of the Catholics to
Parliament, would, under certain conditions to
be specified, be highly advisable, with a view to
the tranquillity and improvement of Ireland, and
to the general interests of the United King-
dom," there can be as little doubt, that a con-
viction so formed and avowed, was one, from
which, in after life, he never swerved, however
Lord Eldon may persuade himself, and endea-
vour to convince the world to the contrary.—
We do not think, therefore, although this publi-
cation has been put forth by one of the most emi-
nent, as well as vehement, of the opponents of the
Catholics, that it is calculated, materially to af-
fect their cause. We do not believe, that strongly
and conscientiously as a majority of .the people of
this country are opposed to the Catholic Claims,
that the Coronation Oath is looked upon as the
main, or indeed with most of them, any obstacle at
all. Of course, it cannot be supposed that the Ca-
tholic Claims, if ever ceded, can be granted with-
out the institution of proper guards for the mainte-
nance of the principles of the Reformation both in
Church and State ; and we agree with a correspon-
dent, whose letter we published a short time since,
that if there be any thing in the objection as to the
Coronation Oath, it would apply just as strongly, if
not more so, to passing the annual Indemnity Bill,
which is, as our correspondent expressed it, " A
letter of licence to all Dissenters." On the other
hand, the friends of the measure have now Mr.
Pitt's sentiments upon the subject recorded in a
concise and authentic form, with the addition of his
opinion in favour of the Dissenters, more strongly
expressed than he was before known to have enter-
tained them. Upon the whole, then—though, as
historical documents, this correspondence is of the
highest value and importance—we are inclined to
think that it leaves the question pretty nearly as it
found it ;, and that, upon the balance, the argu-
ments on each side will be found to be nearly equal.
—Morning Herald.

We do not remember a more glaring impos-
ture having been attempted to be foisted upon
the public, than that which has been of late years
carried on by persons composing what are called
Pitt Clubs, in using Mr. Pitt's name as hostile
to the Catholic Claims. The thing was a pal
paple falsehood upon the face of it, and wanted
no corroboration as such, in the eyes of impartial
or dispassionate people. The publication, how-
ever, of Mr. Pitt's correspondence with the late
King, has now set the matter at rest. The most
bigotted of his soi-disant followers, can now no
longer keep up the delusion, but must tacitly at
least, if not openly, acknowledge that they have
been the conscious or unconscious libellers of
the fair fame of the man whose memory they
profess to venerate. The characters of public
men, we have often remarked, are the property
of the country ; and it is due to them, as well as
to the truth of history, that people should not
be allowed to distort facts and vilify the memory
of public men with impunity. We say this with-
out reference either to what may be our own, or
the opinion ofother people upon the Catholic Ques-
tion ; which is probably at this moment as far
from being amicably adjusted, as it was in the
time of Mr. Pitt. But when we hear of
bodies of respectable men, calling themselves
Pitt Clubs, and putting a lie into Mr. Pitt's mouth
for the purpose of justifying their own deviation,
whether right or wrong, from his principles, it is
fit, be our own sentiments upon the subject what
they may, that such duplicity should be unmasked
and exposed. The Catholics—at least the Irish
Catholics—have themselves alone to thank for the
situation in which the question is now placed; and
they must also have themselves in a great degree to
thank, if it assume a more promising aspect. Not
only will a recurrence to the intemperate speeches
and proceedings of the Association profit them
nothing; but they are mistaken if they think that the
qnestion will ever pass unconditionally. It is clear
that Mr. Pitt, one of the warmest and most sincere
advocates of their cause, always looked to the subject
as one of mutual concession. Of late years, we know
not why, this point appears to have been lost sight
of: but, if we mistake not, that is the point to
which it must return, before it can assume the slightest
prospect of success. The concession required would
probably, in the eyes of reasonable Catholics, be more
imaginary than real : but to receive all and yield
nothing, is not the footing, we are convinced, upon
which the claims can ever be effectually advocated,
either by the Catholics or their Protestant friends ;
and it is with reference to this point that Mr. Pitt's
recently-published letters are of the greatest value.—
Ibid.

Mr. Western, last night, gave notice in the
House of Commons, that he would, on Monday
the subject of the Coln Laws
inde r a
consideration of Parliament, by
next,igtahn: bring
moving for leave to introduce a Bill to amend
the 3d Geo. IV. cap. 60. We confess we are
not very much surprised that tlie good people of
Southwark, at their Meeting on the Corn Laws
some months ago, should not have been able to

say what w 1.4 the tennur of the laws against
which they met to petition ; for, in addition to
its never having been practically known, a more
perfect specimen of the studied obscure, than
the Act in question, we do not recollect ever to
have met with. It is only by dint of repeated
perusals that we have arrived at what seems its
meaning, though that is a point on which we
cannot positively pledge ourselves. By the Act
which it is the object of that under consideration
to amend (55 Geo. 111. c. 26.) the following,
we believe, were the prices at which grain was
admissible for home consumption :
If imported from any country except British
possessions in North America—

Wheat wag admissible when the prices rose to 80s.
Rye, Pea,,e, and Beans, when they rose to
Barley
Oats

If imported from the places above excepted,
the importation prices were, for—
_

wheat
Rye, Pease, and Beans
Barley
Oats

The peculiarity of the Act of Amendment is,
that it retains the foregoing scale of importation
prices in the first instance. It does not open
the flood gates until wheat has amounted to 80s.,
but, having once opened them, it allows them to
remain so until wheat shall sink again to 70s.—
Thus, having, in the first place, established 80s.
as a remunerating price, it proceeds, in the se-
cond place, to negative its own declaration, and
admit 70s. to be a remunerating price. There
is another marked difference between the origi-
nal and the amended Act. The former did not
recognise any thing in the shape of duty. It is
said, 80s. is as much as the people of England
can afford to pay for a quarter of wheat, and
while wheat remains at 80s., or above, corn may
be freely imported. The Amendment Act keeps
the former, but rejects the latter part of this con-
dition. It does not allow importation at all
until the prices have risen to the point of the
scale laid down in the original Act, but even
when they have so risen, it loads importation
with a heavy duty. The markets having been
opened to importation, agreeably to the scale of
prices we have given above, the following duties
are exigible. During the first three months that
the ports are open :
On wheat, if under 80s. and above '708.-11s. Od. duty.
On rye, &c....
On barley 409 359.... Bs. 6d.

On oats.

After the first three months the duties are di-
minished by ss. on wheat, 3s. 6d. on rye, &c.,
2s. 6d. on barley, and 2s. on oats respectively.
When the price of wheat is above 80s. and below
855., the duty for the first three months is 10s.,
and after the first three months ss. A corre-
sponding rise in the priceS of other grains is ac-
companied by a corresponding decrease in the
duties. When the prices rise to 855., 565.,
425. 6d., and 30s. for wheat, rye, barley, and
pats, respectively, the duty is nominal only. Such
are the duties by the amended Act in respect to
grain imported from other ports than those of Bri-
tish America. These duties in respect of the latter
are proportionately lower. It is very evident that
no amendment of its amendments can, by possibility,
place such an Act on an equality with the Bill
which has just been abandoned. That Bill im-
posed only a nominal duty when wheat rose to 70s.
The Act of 1822 does not admit importation at all
below 70s; and it imposes a duty, varying from 17s,
to 12s. at that price. By the Bill, 625. is assumed
as the protecting price of wheat; and even its op-
ponents were most willing to accept of 665. By the
Act, 80s. is fixed as the protecting price, for, until
wheat rise to 80s., no importation can take place.
This it is proposed to alter, but we GO not see Lov.
that alteration can assimilate it to a Bill to which it
is equally opposed in principle and in detail.---Neu
Trines.