The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-07 00:00:00

Protestant Establishment in 1814, it is infinitely more so at the

present moment. I know that at this moment the Jesuits are

•mployed in conducting the education of youth throughout dif-
4ent countries. This alone was sufficient to form a foundation

of their future absolute power. Who could view the insidious,
riminal, and daring conduct of the Jesuits in France, in order to

e-establish their sway—who could contemplate the encourage•-
aent given to them in that country, and say that the Protestant
Church could dispense with her legitimate means of defence—the
fight to demand securities from the Catholics ere any concessions

vere made to them ? One of the great and good effects of the
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French Revolution was, that the Inquisition in Europe was abo-
lished. That dreadful instrument of the power and tyranny of
the Church of Rome, at the shrine of which so many unfortunate

victims had been sacrificed ; that most guilty contrivance to extir-

pate heresy had fallen before the French Revolution. But guilty

is this tribunal. bad been in its practice, infamous as it was in its

pretensions, and contrary as were its principles to every maxim of
jurisprudence and dictate of justice, it had been re-established in
full force throughout Spain and Italy. What absurdity was it,
then, to talk of the Roman Catholic Church having kept pace
with the general improvement of the age.—(Hear.)—l make use
of this fact, not because I apprehend the establishment of such a
tribunal in Ireland, but to show that, in every part of Europe, the
principles of the Catholic religion are unchanged. The barbarous
features of antiquity still distinguished it. It was in vain to attri-
bute this most detestable measure, the re-establishment of the In-

quisition, to the Civil Government. It was authorised by the
Head of the Roman Catholic Church. Could any man refer to
any document, or give any proof whatever, that the head of that
Church had made the slightest exertion to put down this great

scourge upon humanity—this outrage upon the intellect and morals
of civilised society.—(Hear.)—Now let us turn our view to Ire-
land. In 1810, and in 1815, Ireland was tranquil. She is now
in a state of excitement and of agitation. There is a body domi-

neering over that country which has been the cause of this disorder
—(Cheers.)—What is it that the Roman Catholics of that
country ask ? Indeed. they do not condescend to ask, they demand
of us, in terms of menace, what they call their rights. I allude
to the language of one of the chief Orators of the Association.—

That person, in addressing an Irish Catholic Meeting, had said,
" Ireland is a gigantic supplicant, thundering at the gates of the
Constitution." Let me, amongst the language held in that coun-
try, refer to the conditions which were once required of us, even
by our present friends, and contrast them with the terms used
upon the same occasion at present. This is the secret of their
proceedings. A leader in their cause had asked, "Is it our de-
cerous language which has placed us on this 'vantage ground, on
which we assert our claims, and which enables us to triumph. If,
indeed, any thing could be gained by following the course which
our Government Councils recommend, we might follow it."—ln
another speech this language was held to tl.e Catholie audience, in
order to excite them to obtain Emancipation :—" The interests
of your children are at stake. The time may come when your
sons shall be slaughtered at your threshold."—To this language
were the people of Ireland exposed. It sufficiently &hewed the
temper and feelings which reigned on this subject in that country.
Let me not be misunderstood in my argument. Ireland was in a
state of order when we thought securities indispensibly necessary
for the protection of the Established Church. Now, when Ire-
land is in a state in which I have described it, who will say that
such securities can be dispensed with? If there was any doubt
upon the subject, it must be set at rest by referring to what was
assumed by a public authority of the Church of Rome. I allude
to the tutelar Bishop of Kildare, and to the language which he
used against the Protestants—(Hear, hear.)—lt is said that these
Catholics are not the whole population of Ireland, and that
what I complain of is merely the sins of a few. If I saw
the rest of the Irish hierarchy renouncing these proceedings,
and dissenting from these opinions, I should say that my argu-
ment might be objected to. But if I find that this language
is not only used by a Prelate amongst them, but that imme-
diately after his using it, he is cited as an oracle, and deno-
minated a modern Fenelon, and loaded with the most extraor-
dinary commendations; I say, that the Catholics do adopt
his language, and render themselves responsible fcir his act; and
I judge of the whole body by this circumstance.—(Loud and re-
peated cheers.)—My argument, then, I repeat, is most important
in the consideration of this question. lam not to be misunder-
stood. lam not to be msidered intolerant, or a bigot. I have
have acted not only on my own account, but on account of that
liberal and illustrious body that I have the honour to represent.—
(Loud laughter through all parts of the House.)—A greater
or more illustrious body I say, cannot be found, and
amongst them is included a class of men possessing more ex-
tensive and profound learning—(hear, hear !)—more liberal
principles and opinions—(loud bursts of laughter)—than any
persons in Europe. lam proud to be placed in the situation
of a Representative of these gentlemen. The Hon. Member
who cheered me (Mr. Scarlett) I have the honour to reckon
among the number of my constituents. He has himself been a
candidate for a similar honour—he has been distanced in the
race, and now turns round to throw his sarcasms on those
who have rejected him.—(Cheers and laughter.)—The view I
take of the subject is consistent with that of the illustrious in-
dividuals to whom I have alluded. I have the means of show-
ing that no securities have been offered by the Catholics—
nay, they have been refused, and those gentlemen who have
adopted the principle of securities, ought to satisfy us that
some respectable securities are granted as an equivalent for our
concessions.— (Hear, hear !)—The concessions required of us
are most important. In the first place, what are the subjects
which we are assembled to discuss? What is the writ under
which Parliament is convoked ? It is to consult together of
things and matters relating to the Constitution, and safety of
the Protestant Church. By the measure now proposed, we are
required to admit into the Legislature of the country, assem-
bled to deliberate upon matters connected with the safety of
the Church of England, a body of Roman Catholics, directly
hostile to that Church—men, who, upon principle, must he
hostile to it in every respect. Before admitting any such
persons into Parliament, let us consider who they are, by
what spirit they are actuated, and the circumstances in which
they are to deliberate. After Parliament had passed the Bill
which entitled the Forty Shilling Freeholders to vote, it was
declared by a public authority in Ireland that the representa-
tion of that country was to all intents and purposes in the
hands of the Irish Catholic Clergy. The same had been re-
cently asserted, and we have just had sufficient evidence that the
assertion was perfectly true. In 1815, when it was proposed to
disfranchise the forty shilling freeholders, it was opposed by the
crafty hierarchy of Ireland, because it deprived them of their in-
fluence, and gave to those who opposed their authority too many
of those privileges which enabled them to return Members to this
House. It behoves us all to consider what are the feelings of that
body with reference to that Church Establishment which it is our
duty to defend. I cannot do better than refer to the sentiments
and language of an individual to whom I have all eady alluded, as a
specimen of the feelings entertained by the Catholic body—feelings
against the Established Church of Ireland, which it is cur duty
as Legislators to oppose. He says that the Established Church of
Ireland was not the spouse of the Redeemer, but was to be received
as the handmaid—her eyes were fixed upon her own interests, and
she fails in nothing forbidden or unhallowed which serves to promote
them. She occasionally revolts against a fellow servant who tells
h;r of her frauds and oppressions, and reminds her of her origin,
and brands her with the profligacy of her mis-spent life." Such
were the feelings entertained towards the Protestant Church
of Ireland by a Bishop of the Roman Catholic persuasion.—
On the other hand, Sir, how are we situated? We are required
to admit into this House Hon. Members so influenced, and so
returned, and possessed of feelings such as I have described, to-
wards the establishment of the Church of England. It has been
often said, suppose that 20 or 30 Roman Catholic Members pos-
sessing those hostile feelings were returned to Parliament, would
they possess the means of over'turning' the Protestant Establish-
ment of this country ? and the proposer of the question has always
answered it in the negative; but, Sir. lam not satisfied upon
this point. I am sorry to say that there are now in this House
many lukewarm friends of the Protestant Establishment--(Hear,
hear.)—l am sorry to say, and unfortunately daily experience
but confirms the assertion, that there are even many with feel-
ings hostile to the Establishment—(Hear, hear.)—and I say, that
if in addition to these lukewarm friends and open and avowed
opponents, we admit into the House a mass of persons acting with
one spirit and in one body, it will become a question whether we
have duly consulted the interests of the Church, of which we are
members, and which we are bound to support—(Cheers.)—l
beard it remarked on a former occasion, by the Hon. Member for
Corfe Castle (and the remark seems to me well deserving the
set ions attention of the House), that even if we should be able in
the end to oppose an effectual resistance to the hostile feelings
or attempts of these parties, we should ask ourselves, whe-
ther it was nothing for us thus to expose the Church to their
continual attacks—(Cheers.)—Let us pause for a moment upon
this part of the subject, and let me suppose that there are re-
turned to this House some of those persons who exhibit in them-
selves specimens of some of those talents, which seem to be in-
digenous to Ireland—let me suppose some of the individuals of
that body to be desirous of overturning the Protestant Esta-
blishment, and of rearing in its stead the Roman Catholic re-
ligion in Ireland—let me suppose these persons possessed of
talents, resembling in their extent and power those of my
Right Honourable Friend, the Attorney-General for Ireland,
commanding and swaying the body they represent by their
masterly eloquence and extraordinary powers, and directing