The Sun.
London, England, 1827-10-31 00:00:00

FESTIVITIES AT EUSTON-PARK.

The beautiful seat of his Grace the Duke of Grafton was
last week the scene of considerable festivity, the noble owner
having invited a large and fashionable party to partake of
the well-known hospitality of Euston-park. The party
consisted of the Marquis and Marchioness of Exeter,; Lord
and Lady Charles Somerset, Lord Anson, Earl and Coun-
tess of Euston, Lady De Roos, the Hon. Miss De Roos,
Lord Alvanley, Sir John Shelley, the Hon. Colonel Au-
son, Irby, Esq., Lord James Fitzroy, Lord John Fitz-
roy, Greville, Esq., and many others. The greater
part of the week was occupied in hunting, shooting, fal-
conry, and other field sports ; and, by way of a wind-up,
the week closed with horse races, all the horses being
ridden by noblemen and gentlemen, and about a mile hav-
ing been allotted in the park for each race. Great skill
was displayed by the gentlemen jockies in the following
races, which were all excellently contested :
Match.
Lord Alvanley's cl►. b. Piccadilly
Mr. Greville's roan mare 2
Won easy. The Hon Colonel Anson rode the winner,
and Lord Anson Mr. Greville's.
Match.
Lord Alvanley's black horse
Lord Anson's black horse 2
Colonel Anson rode the winner, and Lord Anson his own.

Match.
Lord James Fitzroy's bay mare
Colonel Anson's brown mare
A good race. The owners rode.
Match.
Lord Alvanley's black horse
Colonel Anson's' chesnut horse

A well contested race, and the jockeyship of the very
first order. Lord James Fitzroy rode the winner, and
Col. Anton his own.

A Sweepstakes.
Lord Anson's black horee 1
Earl of Euston's bay mare 2
Colonel Anson's brown mare , 3

Mr. Greville's roan mare

Won by half a neck, after an admirable race. Lord
Anson rode winner, Lord James Fitzroy the second, and
Colonel Anson the third.

Sweepstakes.
Colonel Anson's chesnut horse
Lord Alvanley's black horse 2
Lord Anson's brown mare • 3
Lord Alvanley's chesnut horse 4
Well contested between the first two. The winner rode
by the owner, and Lord Alvanley's two by Lord Anson
and Lord James Fitzroy. _ _

Match.
Lord James Fitzroy's bay mare 0
Colonel Anson's chesnut horse
A dead heat. The owners rode with great judgnienl

Match.
Lord Anson's black horse 1
Lord James Fitzroy's cbesnut mare
Won by a length. The owners rode.

The betting on each race was sufficient to excite an in.
terest, but not to heavy sums.

PEDESTRIANISM.

A foot race will be run on Monday next, between Berry,
a Lancashire man, and Clarkson, of Birkenshaw—for 50
sovs. a side. The race will bt run on the high-way from
Bradford to Birkenshaw and bank—a distance of ten miles.
Berry is the favourite at 6 to 4.—Manchester Mercury.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE is to be the
new Lord Lieutenant for Wiltshire, vacant by Earl PEM-
BROKE'S death.

The Marquis and Marchioness of ELY, their
family and suite, arrived at Ely Lodge in the course of last
week, where, we understand, it is the intention of the Noble
Marquis to fix his chief residence for some time. The
carriage in which the Marquis and Marchioness rode was
met at a considerable distance from the lodge by the work-
men in his Lordship's employment, and other persons in
the neighbourhood, and drawn to the lodge amidst the
greatest cheering. Bonfires were lighted on the surround-
ing eminences, and every demonstration of joy manifested.
The crowds of persons about the house were copiously re-
galed by order of the Noble Marquis.
NOVEL MODE OF QUALIFYING WIT-
NESSE& —At the Middlesex Sessions, yesterday, in an in-
dictment for keeping a house of ill-fame, two parish con-
stables, both married men, were brought forward to prove
the character of the house, which, to enable them the bet-
ter to do, each had been instructed to take a girl to the
house. The Chairman held, that witnesses coming forward
in this manner to give evidence of their own immorality,
were not to be relied on, and the consequence was the ac-
quittal of the defendant.

A CHEAP HUSBAND.--A young servant
girl who had conducted herself much to the satisfaction of
her mistress, was presented by her with 5/. to save as a
marriage-portion. Some time after her mistress desired
to see the lover. He was ugly and mis-shapen. "My
good lass," said the lady, " what a comical husband you
have chosen."—" Ah ! Madam," replied the girl, with
much simplicity, "what can one expect to get for Si."

STANISLAUS, King of POLAND, had ass
astonishing memory. VOLTAIRE waited on the MONARCH
by his invitation, to read to him his Tragedy of ifEdi pus,
then revised. While the reading was in progress, the
KING engaged in a game of chess with the Duke of NAR-
BONNE. " Sire," said Vovratar, at the end of the third
act, " I shall be deprived through your present occupa-
tion of your excellent advice." " Not at all," replied the
KING, " and to prove this, I will now point out to you
those changes which I think the most happy." The KING
then quoted one hundred and eighty new verses, made
judicious remarks on them, and finished, notwithstanding,
by winning the game,....,Farpt de Londre:.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Most impartial and discriminating persons
who had an opportunity of reading the letter pub-
lished by Sir Walter Scott on the 14th of Sep-
tember, in reply to General Gourgaud's attacks
upon the veracity of the worthy Baronet, Where
Sir Walter, in his Life of Napoleon, had been
compelled to touch upon the dirty subject of the
intrigues and squabbles connected with the im-
prisonment of his hero at St. Helena, were, we
think, pretty well agreed that the English author,
however defective his original work, as a history
of the most striking and awful period in the an-
nals of modern Europe, had nevertheless dis-
posed sufficiently in the said epistle of this M.
Gourgaud—of his objections to the figure under
which he was represented in the book, as well as
of his pretensions to the praise of straight-
forward integrity, of virtuous pride, and of gene-
rous devotion to his master ; General Gourgaud,

however, has not, it seems, had enough: -The
official documents brought forward by Sir Wal-
ter, in justification of the part which he had- as-
signed to Gourgaud in his history, were too
much for the patience of this slippery retainer of
Napoleon : they have provoked him to a fresh
indulgence of his anger, and we must really add,
at the expence and to the injury of no reputation
but that of General Gourgaud ; as we sometimes
find the refractory inmate of our hospital tear off
a" blister because it itches him, and scratch
the sore until it bleeds. Sir Walter Scott

had accused General Gourgaud of having
made certain communications to the British Go-
vernment, and to the diplomatic representa-
tives of two others of the Allied Powers, in
substance that Buonaparte's health was good,
his finances,. overflowing, his means of escape
both easy and frequent ; while the General him-
self pretended that he knew the situation of Na-
poleon to be in all respects quite the reverse : as
also, of having by these, (whether true or false
representations), very naturally produced an in-
crease of rigour in the precautions taken by the
Governor of St. Helena to prevent his prisoner
m ascribedta
taking advantage
himanta by his ownofthese formidable faci-
litiesAide-de-Camp.
This was the offence of Sir W. Scott,—a grave
one in the eyes of Gourgaud, who sputtered
prodigious things about calumny, falsehood,
baseness, and so forth, in the Baronet, but left
the question of " who tdld truth ?" at issue
upon the word of the English historian weighed
against that of M. Gourgaud. Sir W. Scott
did that which would have occurred to every
honest man, whose fair dealing had violent im-
putations cast upon it. He produced his autho-
rities, extracted from the Colonial-office. To
these General G-ourgaud's present pamphlet
professes to be a reply ; but we do conscien-
tiously declare, that with every readiness to ac-
knowledge—and, indeed, with every wish to dis-
cover—something like a defence of the character
of General Gourgaud, whose good name has
alone been implicated, (for that of Sir Walter
was abundantly cleared, even had the official
documents which he consulted turned out to be
as false as they appear to be unquestionable),—
the charge against the General stands precisely
where it was before this ill-judged attempt at re-
futation was published, and in no one instance
can we make out a satisfactory answer to the
plain assertion, that Gourgaud, had in repeated
instances either betrayed Buonaparte, or sacri-
ficed the truth. In the reply subjoined to Sir
Walter Scott's statement of September, there is
enough, even to satiety, of declamation against
the English Government under Lord Castle-
reagh, of subterfuge and equivocation with re-
gard to the words on record against himself, and
of gross abuse and Billingsgate against the his-
torian who has placarded him ; but of direct and
successful negative there is not one syllable,—.
the Aide-de-Camp of St. Helena shows himself
linanis:e'
Session,
to be nothing better than a cross between a blus-
terer and sophist.—Times.
The public has reason to regret the further
prorogation of Parliament—for it must be clear
to every one at all conversant with the subject,
that the ordinary period allotted to the Session
is utterly inadequate to the full and fair discus-
sion of the various measures submitted to the
Legislature. If this be the case in times of nu
()Teat difficulty, and when the object is to com-
pareb the balance sheet of the public accounts
and make the income meet the expenditure—
how much more forcibly will it not apply to a
period like the present, when our foreign embar-
rassments are thickening on all hands—when
millions of our people are unemployed at home
—and when the ordinances of Parliament are set
at defiance by our Colonies. We shall not at
present further advert to the very critical state
into which hasty councils have betrayed us, be-
cause in the unaccountable absence of all positive
intelligence, we can neither calculate the amount
nor' real nature of the subject. ff all were
straight and right, we think the Government
should announce it to the public—and whether
it be so or not, they should have called Parlia-
ment together to assist them in devising the best
scheme, either to get rid of the inglorious struggle,
or pursue it with promptitude and vigour.
We do not see in the present Administration
those elements of wisdom, quickness, or com-
prehensiveness, which would induce us to plane
ment cannot be taken as other than a dispo.
timainpliyicittherelfivanrtcheer opnrotrhogeiartiornesoolvfest,boandpmeleira:
sttiit
think,
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cessitynki i
d,
~notcompels
s deferut to
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ei
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of
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leabsolutetybhteh seem,however,
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euor.ple have a right to
is stew-
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which eleventh
the
eh
people
efixdpeenecteforwthhiecii
th mistakeneyexbhuitbistteildl generoustoards cthoeunt
when, like the fragments of a ruin, no hand-was
to be found adventurous enough to gather and
again unite them into solidity. Where much is
given, muchwill be expected ; but give what we can
we apprehend the place-despising Whigs will still
be expecting more. However, as we have just
said, we shall abstain from further reference to
relations—to the the state of our foreign
dis-
tractions of our colonies. But we beg leave to
ask the retainers of Ministers, what they intend
to do with Test Acts ?—what with the annual
it)—Ca-
tholic Emancipation—what course will they take
with the Corn Bill—what means devise either
to find employment for a surplus population at
farce (as Sir Francis Burdett phrastehdee
rosnteo omfeet muarrtteenrst
home—or tax the nation to find it for them in
one or other of our colonies ? What, we should
only
yire ample time for deliberalion ; and
like to know, is to become of the promised re-
trenchmentbut to make for
all
up
all the deficiencies of the last. It is notorious
that objects of the most pressing importance
wh yet,uo sui n' ldeos t business ong the h a
Surelynvee I Vt
were neglected—were sacrificed in the last Ses-
sion, in order that the late Mr. Canning might,
by hook or by crook, string an Administration
together--and yet his successors, the Whigs,

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(for their baleful influence unhappily prevails in
our national councils), imagining as
.usual, that
all the wisdom of the world resides in their ca-
pacious heads, have done nothing to satisfy the
just and reasonable expectations of the nation.
It cannot be questioned for one moment that the
Government is beset with difficulties, and that
embarrassments not before thought of have lately
arisen. Why not then call Parliament together
—why not consult the general sense of the na-
tion—and then act with decision and effect ?
Upon the ground of personal convenience, and
still more so on that of public policy, such a
course ought to be pursued. But no—the Whigs
will not do so—they trust to something in the
Chapter of Accidents which may turn up to
make their crooked ways seem straight. We
only hope the public interests may not be seri-
ously injured, and our character tarnished, in the
mean time.—Morning Post.
A Meeting of the British Catholics was yes-
terday held in the Freemasons' Tavern, of the
proceedings at which our readers will find an
account in this day's paper. From the outset
the, proceedings assumed a very discordant cha-
racter. A Mr. French took an exception to a
part of the Minutes of a late Meeting of the
General Committee, approving of the conduct
of Mr. Canning on Catholic affairs, and vio-
lently attacked the departed Statesman. This
of course led to much warm altercation. Gene-
ral Meetings, in so large a place as this metro-
polis, of men, who possess little in common ex-
cept their religion and a wish to obtain a re-
moval of the civil disabilities to which it exposes
them, are peculiarly liable to the occurrence of
scenes like the one in question. A Meeting of
the Friends of Reform will be attended, in ge-
neral, only by those who agree as to
its expe-
diency, though they may differ as to the extent
to which it ought to be carried. Wherever men
are not influenced by loaves and fishes, there
will, no doubt, be disputes and dissensions ; but
still they are less likely to occur at a political
meeting, strictly so called, than at a meeting of
men of all sorts of political creeds, and agreed
only as to their religious creed. Catholic, are
Tories and Whigs, Aristocrats and Democrats,
Liberals and Ultras, Moderate Reformers and
Radical Reformers ; and though all these classes
of politicians in the Catholic body may be de-
sirous of the removal of religious disabilities, it
is hardly possible that they should not differ
toto ado from each other, as to the mode in
which the measure should be effected. The
Radical Reformer, for instance, may imagine
that the hostility to Catholic Emancipation is
intimately connected with the abuses in Church
and State, and that therefore it can only follow
a Radical Reform. A Tory, again, may think
that any addition to the influence of the people
would only add to the strength of the opposition
to Emancipation, and that it can only be carried
through the favour of the Government.—
Others, again, may deem the opinions of royalty
on the question of most importance.' In short,
opinion must be infinitely divided as to the best
way of promoting the success of the cause. But
not only are different individuals of different opi-
nions as to this point ; we have often seen a wa-
vering in the same individuals. Thus, for in-
stance, Mr. O'Connel, the most indefatigable
and most influential of the organs of the Catho-
lics, has at one time placed his hope in Reform ;
atinother, in the favour of a Monarch or a Mi-
nister. At one time religion seemed absorbed
in intense political feeling ; at another, political
in 'religious feeling. But a useful lesson may
be derived from the view of this difficulty of har-
monizing the Catholics. Those who really ap-
prehend danger from opening the door of the
• Constitution to Catholics, and admitting them
to political power, may see how little likelihood
there is of Catholics agreeing on any common
plan of operations, after the removal of disabili-
ties, when even the common desire to get rid of
the disabilities cannot for a moment keep down
their political dissensions. Were the disabili-
ties removed, the heterogeneous elements, now
held together with such difficulty, would follow
their natural affinities, and a Catholic Lord
and Catholic Radical would hate each other as
cordially as any other Lord and Radical. Again,
Ministers may see from this a proof of the wis-
dom of the course recommended by Mr. Can-
ning, of legislating with regard only to views of
national, policy, with regard to Catholic feeling,
except in so far as attention to it might be subser-
vient to national policy. Of all ideas, the most
visionary is that of conceiving the possibility of
satisfying thetholics. To please all of them
is impossible because •
that which pleases one
class would be sure to displease another. Be-
sides the Irish (and the Question of Emancipa-
tion is chiefly of importance with respect to them)
are a nation of wranglers, and love dearly to cen-
sure and eall names. Mr. Birkbeck remarked,
in his Notes respecting kmeriea, that where
the French have settled any where in the United
States the politeness and good nature of that na-
tion were observable to the tenth generation.
It has been remarked, on the other hand, of
Irishmen, in France and Spain, that they re-
main Frondeurs to the second and third
generation. The epithets in Gil Bias of Hi-
bernian Geniuses, were as well understood in the
days of Le Sage as they are now. With such a
lose-of speechifying and contradiction—with such a
disposition 'to exaggerate—such a cordial hatred of
candour and coolness of judgment, the result
probably of a combination of causes, physical as
well as moral, to produce unanimity in the Irish
would be a miracle exceeding any ever wrought
by Prince Hohenlohe. Ministers, however, are
of operating any such mi.
under no necessity
rade. Let them adopt such measures as may
allow a conscientious Catholic to place himself
on a level with Protestants its the career of busi-
ness or ambition, and they need not alarm them-
selves respecting consequences. As to. the
people of England, we certainly believe that
there is a tolerable mass of prejudice yet enter-
tained by them, in many parts, respectin
the
g the
Catholics ; and we cannot, therefore, go
length of Mr. French, who, with a fervour of
faith meritorious even in a Catholic, believes
that Mr. Cobbett has succeeded in rooting out
prejudices against Catholics, in all but Parsons
and their creatures. This, we fear, would be
giving a very extraordinary extension to the class
of creatures, or a power to the eloquence of Mr.
Cobbett, surpassing that of St. Francis, who,
when an Ass came braying into the midst of an
assembly which he was addressing, called out,
Be quiet, brother Ass," and the Ass, we are
told, slunk away with his head between his legs.
The Ais which Mr. Cobbett has been address-
ing will stand proof, we fear, against many an
admonition: But when did it yet happen, that
the proposition of any change was received with
universal approbation? Infact, all history bears
witness to the cireu political, as well
mstanee of
as religious reforms, having uniformly
effected through the instrumentality_
oft the
been
tel!
ligent and educated portion of the community,

against the will of the greatest part of the lower
orders. All the writers of credit, for instance,
of the period of the time of the Commonwealth,
agree in stating that the Parliament had a mi-
nority in the Nobility and Gentry with them,
and a minority of the body of the people. But
they had every where the intelligent middle
class—the men uninfluenced by others. Just so
is it with the Catholics. All those whose opi-

_ -
!lions are worth a straw approve of Emancipa-
tion. The Barristers, the cleverest and most
influential men of the country, are, as was proved
by their petition, with very few exceptions,
friendly to emancipation. In the large towns,
where men's minds are sharpened by constant
collision, emancipation is in favour. It i§ only
in the remote towns, and among the tenantry
and labourers, that the enemies to emancipation
are chiefly to be found.—Morning Chronicle.
It would appear from the French and German
Papers that the Russians are about to assemble,
or are assembling, a very large force on the fron-
tiers of Turkey. We long since said, that Eng-
land was reduced to this extremity, so far as
respected the Greek and the Turkish question—
or, perhaps, it ought to be called the Russian
question—that Russia has said as much as this
to England, if you do not separate Greece from
Turkey, and make Greece an independent State,
under the guarantee of Russia, or other Powers,
we will. And we further believe, that Mr. Can-
ning, and the rest of the Cabinet, knowing the
measures which were taking place on the part of
Russia, to put her threats into execution, gave
way to circumstances, and in order to ward off
the direct blow aimed by Russia at the Peninsula
of which Constantinople is the extreme point,
agreed to join Russia and Frame in the Treaty
of July 6. As we have all along said, the real
enemy that we have to encounter in this Eastern
piece of business, is Russia, not Turkey, and
like all other weak States—we mean weak in
comparison with Russia in a military respect—we
have given way to circumstances which could not
be avoided, preferring to go hand in hand with
an enemy, as long as we could, rather than to op-
pose hiiii. There can be no doubt in our minds,
that the Turks see the matter in the same point
of view that we do, and that it is more than
probable they will agree to set the Greek affair at
rest under the auspices of France and England,
in order to ward off the immediate blow of
Russia. If Turkey, however, will not agree to
such an arrangement, then, as we before have
said, it is probable that the Three Powers will
slice the greatest part of Greece between them,
in which case Austria and the United States
would come in for some of the leavings. Not
that we think Greece would be of any use to any
of the Powers for at least a century or two to
come, except in a military or naval respect ; for
we understand from those who have been residing
in Greece, that it is a country almost ruined, so
far as trade and commerce are concerned that

its towns for the most part lie in the most deso'
late state ; that the common class of people ap
pear more miserable, and are worse off than the
poorest people in Ireland, and that the richer
classes are proverbial for their roguery. It is
singular that the four greatest European Powers
should have each taken such a fancy for pe-
ninsulas—we for that of Hindostan, the Rus-
sians for that, the extreme point of which is
Constantinople, France for Spain and Portugal,
and Austria for Italy. That Russia will even-
tually seize the Peninsula belonging to Constan-
tinople, there canner: be much doubt,, and if she
pushes on at the same time towards Ispahan, our
peninsula of Hindostan will be in no little
danger, and all this while we are lending our
money to Russia to enable her the sooner to do
these things.--Morning Herald.
A weekly contemporary has proposed certain
alterations in respect to the mode of granting
promotion to officers of the Marines. It would
have the Colonelcies bestowed on such officers
only ; it recommends the introduction of Second
Lieutenancies, as in the Artillery, and that Lieu-
tenants of 15 years standing should be allowed
to retire on the half-pay of Captains ; and lastly
it proposes to allow exchanges or purchases into
the Line by all Officers of Marines properly
qualified. The Times of yesterday takes up the
same question, and discovers that the present
state of the Marine Officers is disgraceful to
Great Britain. This is selon les regles, it being
a rule with our contemporary that whatever is or
has been in Great Britain must be "disgraceful.
We cannot, for our parts, see that the conse-
quence of regulations which have been often held
up as infinitely better than those in use in the
Navy and Army should be so accounted. The
regulations may he unwise, though neither the
Sphynx nor the Times have attempted to show
that they are : but if they had done so .con-
vincingly, where was the disgrace of adhering
to rules which up to this moment have never
been seriously impugned? There are three
methods in the armed force of Great Britain by
which promotion is regulated. In the Marines
and in the Artillery, officers are promoted by
seniority alone ; in the Navy, unless in the case
of Post-Captains, by favour, obtained whether
by eminent services, or by friends ; in the Line,
by purchase and by favour, as in the Navy. At
one period, in the Navy, a Midshipman might
be made Lieutenant, Commander, and ,Post-
Captain, in one day ; now a certain term of ser-
vice in each rank is requisite. The question
which we are called on to determine before we
advocate such modifications as those proposed
by the Sphynx is, which of these three methods
is best for the service and for the empire ; or is
there any fourth mode superior to all of them.
At first sight we should certainly say that the
promotion of officers by seniority was the best.
No man, whatever his pretensions, can, by such
a method, step in to snatch his reward from the
man who relies solely on his own personal me-
rits and services. The prospect of promotion
in such a case is indeed distant, but it is
sure. Increasing years bring, with them a slow
but certain increase of comfort when comfort is
most required, He that once enters in the
Marines or Artillery has an heritage which ne-
cessarily improves by possession. Such are the
advantages of the method of seniority. On the
other hand, it must be confessed that it acts as
a damper to enterprise. Men must be stimulat-
ed by something more solid than mere fame ;
and, where nothing but applause is attainable,
extraordinary exertion, unless among a few more
sublimated spirits, is hardly to be expected. He
who can sleep himself into a fortune will seldom
be inclined to work himself into one.— Again—
the seniority method is too slow. Men are old
ere they rise
,to high offices ; and before they
can be entrusted with the command of others are
no longer capable of commanding themselves.
To the method which obtains in the Navy the
same objection does not apply ; and were it con-
sistent with the nature of things to afford to all
officers an equal opportunity of obtaining distinc-
tion, and to promote none but those that had en-
joyed such opportunity and improved it, the

plan would be perfect. But these are impossible
conditions. Many bright and promising geniuses
must be content to wither unknown and un-
noticed there as well as in other departments
of life, and must owe their advancement not to
what thethselves have done, but to that which,
in a modern state of society, is not !Infrequently
the best possession, notwithstanding the observa-
tion
of the poet, the qu& non fecimus ipsi.
Such then are the disadvantages attending a me-
thod in which length of service does every thing
and favour nothing, and a method in which
length of service does nothing and favour every
thing ; including of course under the term fa-
vour, personal merit as well as the interest of
friends. The third plan is a modification of
the second. Much has been said on the impro-
priety of setting up commissions to sale, yet we
do not know that any very substantial reason has
ever been urged against the practice. It may
occasionally happen that a poor and deserving
officer is passed over by a rich and undeserving
one, but this is an accident, not an essential of

the plan. The thing sought is to obtain a power
of an accessible character, which may balance the
power of favour or interest, strictly so called,
which, while men are men, must and will con-
tinue to operate in the Navy and Army as it
does every where else. If any thing can be sub-
stituted for money that will produce the same
effect, we should not oppose the substitution,
but we must confess we have yet heard of none.
With these sentiments it may be concluded, that
were it our object to suggest alterations, we
should prefer placing all the armed force of the
kingdom on the same footing as the Line. This
would, however, require great caution, and must
of necessity be a work of time.—New Times.