The Sun.
London, England, 1829-12-30 00:00:00

SPARRING AT THE TENNIS-COURT.

Yesterday Dutch Sam, the Young Phenomenon, took
a benefit at the Court, under the strength of an introdue•
tory " Appeal to the Sporting World," which involved
the Phenomenon's twofold mishaps of his having not been
paid the battle-money he fought for, and which he won on
a former occasion; and his having been deprived of the
opportunity of earning the late battle-money, for which he
was willing to fight, and says he was confident of being
able to win. The weather was certainly not very invit-
ing; but notwithstanding which there was a much
better attendance of persons than we had anticipated, al.
though, perhaps, not quite so good as Sam deserved under
all the circumstances.

The setting-to consisted chiefly of glove-fighting on
friendly terms; and several of those called fights were not
bad ones, nor did they sham the holidq-keeping with
scarcity of claret.

A Gentleman solicited for the family of Old Bill Rich-
mond, who died suddenly on Monday morning. The eldest
son of Bill was present, and a subscription commenced,
but we believe it did not exceed 21. It was then proposed
to have subscription papers at Tom Cribb's, in Panton-
street, at Jem Burn's, in Old Bond-street, and at other
houses, to raise a trifle for the deceased veteran's family,
consisting of a wife and four children.
Sam, in a short speech, alluded to his complaints, and
intimated his determination to leave the ring because he
could neither get money, after he 'sad won it, nor be al-
lowed a fair chance to fight for money when he was able
and willing. He said that he had only one desire to ex-
press before he left the ring—that the friends of Ned Neal,
as their umpire had refused to act, would name another
umpire, and let the existing dispute be brought to a close
immediately.
Ned Neal immediately mounted the stage, and announced
that his friends had appointed Mr. Henn as their umpire;
and it was ultimately agreed that the two umpires are to
meet at Tom Gaynor's on Monday next.
Party feeling was let loose while Ned Neal was on the
stage, and some irritating remarks were bandied about,
but considering circumstances, moderation was observed.
Ned said, to show that he was not afraid to fight, he was
ready to renew the match for any sum.
Sam replied, that he, Ned, in doing so, did not guaran-
tee that the grabbing system would not again be adopted.
A friend of Sam offered to put down 550/. to make the
match for 10001. a-side, but no business was done at these
high figures.
Ned Stockman offered to fight any man in England,'and
to give him 41b., for 50/., to come off in a month. -

The fact that Mr. HusiussoN and the Duke
of WELLINGTON have been reconciled, and that there is
nothing to prevent the former coming into office but the
stare of his health, which ie extremely delicate, ie now
confessed to be true even by those who calh d cur veracity
in question when we first mentioned it. An Evening
Paper states, that it has reason to believe that the state-
ment on the subject in a Sunday Paper, which it quotes,
is correct, and which statement, we shall merely add, is
that which we gave two months ago, and which the same
extemporary then dec'arc.d to be totally without founda-
tion.—Morning Advertiser.

7300KSELLtRS AND PUBLISIOS.

For a considerable time past the Gentlemen cui',
nected with the higher portion of the trade of be°,o
selling and publishing, have been labouringltndefi
- - - -- • mei!
some remedy for a system of underselling, h
become very prevalent in the metropolis, and o'ed
those who practice it call the trade ofquiekreholiall
small profits, but which the richer and more peer;
ful portion of the body denounce as an unfair on
indecent attack on their property, and one ice!:
lated to prejudice them in the opinion of the pub'''/
This system is well known to most of our reader",
as the ticketing trade, under which a bookseller;
who has purchased at a trade sale, or subscribed rG/
a large number of a new work, instead of atvolc°
the present unfortunate small demand for the boo Pi
and receiving, when he does sell, the usual profit 11
2.5 or 30 per cent., chooses, on the contrary, to se
at a profit of 10 or 1.5 per cent, for ready money
Every one who traverses the streets of the met',
polis must have observed, during the last swept
months, a number of shops, and those of the rou:
respectable kind, in which books, such at We
Waverly Novels (we mean the new small editiool
Murray's new edition of Byron's Works, all 11!
Annuals, the Edinburgh Quarterly Reviews, the
New Monthly, Blackwood, and other Magseino;
and, indeed, every new book, whether novel (It,
history, are offered for sale on the day of publicatitt
at 15 or 20 per cent. under the price set on them Pi
the proprietor or publisher. This practice has hers,
denounced by the majority of the trade, as ealculsr,e;
to lead the world to believe they cannot uphold We
prices of their works, and that the publishers sr,
practising an imposition on their regular customer"
Ibet:itg
es: i ltlhfautr: haesr,at
shyesyteamre
onf undenel
o wcompelllig it
end toa
jured the regular trade and most materially affect!
its profits. Finding, however, that the pr
s_etle.e.
was every day extending itself, a number of the 1040
ing gentlemen of the Row formed themselve6
a Committee, and drew up certain resolutions, de;
claratory of their opinions with respect to it, 11111
containing a pledge, to which the signatures of lois
trade were required, that all who signed would all
here to particular rules on the subject of prices. I‘l
number of meetings, both public and private, We
been held, at which the greater portion of those ieci
terested have at one time or other attended, en
a'though a great many serious difficulties were t°
be surmounted, and a great many frivolous or uoisir
objections to be answered, the Committee have, bl
continued perseverance, succeeded in drawing oP
series of resolutions which met the unanimous cow
currence, on every point save one, of all those iw
vited to take part in their deliberations. That one
point was this :—What is in reality to be called $
new book, which would be subject to the regolw
tions—and how long are the regulations with re"
Mpect to it to continue in force? To deliberate 00
this point the Committee sent invitations to the
trade, and the meeting was appointed to take place
yesterday, at the Chapter Coffee-house, St. Paul 6
Church•yard.
At twelve o'clock about twenty-five gentlernes,
represeuting the principal bookselling firms in Loir
don, were assembled at the Coffee-house. Among
them we observed Mr. Rees, of the house of Long.
man and Co., Mr. Baldwin, of the respectable firm
of that name, Mr. Richardson, Mr. Duncan, Mr.
Harding, Mr. Sintpkin, Mr. Arnot, Mr. Bumps,
Mr. Netterly, &c. &c.
Mr. RICHARDSON being called to the Chair, and
the original declaratory resolutions being read,
Mr. BALDWIN, in a plaint and sensible address, ad'
verted to the losses sustained through the practice'
we have described, and represented to the Meetinif,
in forcible language, the imputations which the
practice of ticketing new books at low prices cast of
the reputation of the general body of the trade. ft
was very true that some books were sold to the
trade at prices below those at which they usually re'
ceived them, but when the publisher did so give
them to the trade, it was not his intention to confer
a bonus on the purchaser, but on the members of the
trade itself. When a book, for instance, "og
price Pub-
lishedat
belowa
to comprehend that, if the publisher had chosen to
fix a price of eighteen shillings on the book,witk the,
usual allowance, he would hate a better chance 01
disposing of a greater number of copies. It was to
put an end to the system of unfair dealin g with the
the guinea,
usual er2d 5 t
pee
r it
it At a
tWas very ells,'
received
property of their neighbours, who did not choose to
infringe the general with rstanding of the trade, that
ttehremind
these regulations
enforceationsw them
ereadmopostetdsly against,tricatnd,as itc
aiashZ
signed, it was hoped they would prove effectual. WO
regard to the question of what was to beseonsidered $
new book, he had to propose to them a revolution, 131
which it was declared that no new book, published or
reprinted within the last two years, and whie‘i,
is protected by copyright, should be sold at al3r:e;
loner than ten per cent. under the publication price
(and that only for ready money), unless the WA(
had been brought to a trade sale by auction, Os
seller being the publisher himself. This regulr
Lion, Mr. Baldwin again observed, was to be strictif
observed ; but it did not apply to works which, sl'
though new, had no copyright, such as republire'
Lions of Gibbon's Rome, and other books in whifi
the market was open to fair competition, and in
which the republieation took place with the knosc:f
ledge that every other bookseller might republ;shi
he thought the work likely to pay him. To a Reef'
lotion of this kind he thought no one ought to obi
ject ; for although he was sensible that many of the
booksellers would lose by it, in having the work
left longer on their hands, still their loss would be
trifling, compared with the losses of the publishere;
and on an occasion of this kind, there must
mutual sacrifices. After observing that this Ro°-
lotion was to take effect from the 29th of December'
and that 650 booksellers had signed it, williol4
to abide by the regulation, Mr. Baldwin concludecdi
by hoping, that this explanation of their effect soul
be satisfactory, and also receive their assent ; for be
was confident they would benefit the trade now,
and ultimately tend to increase the price of all book.
whatsoever.
A long conversation then took place across the
table, on the subject of particular works; which,
although new, and coming under the denominatiO°
of those mentioned in the Resolution, had yet bee°,
dispersed somehow or other among the trade, 11'
very depreciated prices, although the full price Os
still demanded by the publishers. (We abstain
from particularising these books, because, as thole
named included some of the most popular new
works of the day, we should consider it a violati°
of the private property and rights of the possess Ora
to state the sums at which they were sold to OIL.
trade). In answer to many inquiries from
holders of books of this description, it was state"
that the Resolutions were not to be retrospective'
but, that in future the Committee would consider I`
member who signed the resolutions to be bOund 11°'
to buy at any sale a lot of such books, with the
tention of disposing of them under price. 08
might, of course, buy them if he adhered to t°6i
publication price ; but if he felt he could not "el;
them so, he must avoid that lot altogether. It was
also stated, that no one who signed the Resolutiell
would be allowed to ticket a new book on any tic'
count whatever, but that the regulations with re'
spect to the ticketing of books of other descriptions
were to be the same as before ; and it was added'
that if a Bookseller signed the Regulations and irr.
fringed them, lie would not afterwards be allowed 10
purchase or subscribe for any new work.
The Resolutions, as amended, were then put sn
carried unanimously, arid n e believe will be adoptet;
by all who signed those which were declaratory °'
their sense of the grievance.:—Morning chronicle.

The English Opera► House will open on the
sth of January with a French Convoy, under the direc-
tion of Mr. ARNOLD and M. LAPORTE.. POTTER, the
LISTON of the French stage, it engaged for thirty nighl°'
lie is already a grcat favourite atnong the English, although.
as a general comedian, he it very inferior to Ppßl,rc.

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We were unable yesterday, for want of space,
to insert more than the result of the trial ; we now
give an outline of the speeches, the whole proceed-
infra being now, in consequence of the recent trials
. for Libel in the Court of King's Bench, peculiarly
interesting.
M. DUPlN—Gentlemen ! the Journal des De-
"is, celebrated for the constancy of its attachment
and the vivacity of its antipathies, justly claims the
honour of never having varied in its attachment to
the Bourbons and its devotedness to the true inte-
rests of the Restoration. It has, above all, well
served both in constituting itself more particularly
the organ of those Royalists, endowed with pa-
triotism and discernment, who, connected with the
benefits and the hopes of 1814, soon perceived and
proclaimed aloud, that henceforward the Throne
Could find no solid support but in the sincere and
frank alliance of legitimate royalty with the consti-
tutional liberties which the intelligence of the age
and the wishes of the country equally demand. En-
tered into the wide career, guided by feeling and
conviction, the Journal des Debar applauded itself
for having uttered a cry of alarm and grief at the
-aPPearance of the triumvirs of August Bth; a cry
danger
proportioned its love of the King to the
uattlee with which it thought France was threatened
fen it saw in their accession to power the triumph
entl ,theprtooceeneadbirlie it gsoftowhiche llct.er.tehe sUrntsi
known
amicting prospects.
Better than any other person, the courageous
writer who edits the Journal des Debar knew by
what men the King was besieged, by what coun-
cils it was attempted to lead his wisdom astray, and
surprise his benevolence; he knew—he had seen in
Privacy—he had heard express themselves freely
those men whose prejudices (respectable in some
On account of their extreme age, their religious
character, and their good faith) are not the less a
source of mischievous errors and delusions; he knew
also that other species of men, as perfidious as basely
interested, who make every thing subserve their
own ambition, their selfishness, end their insatiable
cupidity. It was then to warn, not to wound, not
to outrage, that M. Bertin, the elder—this Roy-
alist, firm in exile and in prosperity—charged one
of his assistants, of whose attachment to the dy-
nasty he was well assured—M. Becquet, a Royalist
volunteer of March 20—to write an article which
"light represent their mutual opinions, an article
he made entirely his own by revising it; in which
the lively expressions of grief and regret, of unea-
siness and anxiety for the interests of Charles X.
are not separated from those of the country, and in
Which the Editor, uniting both in the same senti-
ment of affection and of fear, exclaimed, in the ac-
cents of a faithful but profoundly afflicted subject,
" Unhappy France ! unhappy King !"
The article was written in haste and on the spur
of the moment, tinder the influence of the event,
in the midst of the agitation which the circumstance
had caused; I know not • if in the haste, tinder the
emotion so strongly felt by the author, under the
dominion of his personal feelings, augmented by
the general agitation of the public mind—l know
not that the pen of the Editor has misrepresented
his thoughts ; • but it is certain my client has always
affirmed, and is ready now to affirm, that his inten-
tion and that of his young friend were never more
Pure ; both believed that they were fulfilling a duty
commanded by the force of circumstances ; they had
no desire to offend the person of the King—God
forbid,—whom they highly honour; they only de-
plored an error, which they regarded as mischievous.
They did not pretend to doubt the constitutional
Power of the Throne, of which they have always in
need declared themselves the defenders, but to rouse
the public attention, and that of the Prince, to the
probable manner in which the new Ministers would
govern France, pointing out before-hand, in the sin-
cerity of their conviction, all the dangers which
might result to the King and to France.
An accusation, however, was brought against the
Journal des Debats, an accusation altogether politi-
cal—an accusation of predilection ridiculed' in pre-
ference by the Ministry, as an expiatory sacrifice, an
holocaust to the manes of the Administration before
the last—a lesson to be taught to those who had
been called by its predecessors men who were guilty
of defection ; a terrific warning finally to those other
authors who, not having the same service to the
Bourbons to plead, must expect to find still more
rigid justice. The chief Editor was carried before
the Tribunal of Correctional Police, and he was sen-
tenced to be imprisoned six months for the imputed
crimes of ofence to the person of the King, and of
attacking the royal dignity.
Without any doubt the person of the King is in-
violable; without any doubt his person is sacred—
sacred in itself, and by the august title of King—by
the single fact of his succession to the throne, inde-
Pendent of his coronation.
This pompous ceremony, in times of ignorance
and superstition, might have been improperly con-
sidered as conferring the crown and the royal power
by the hand of a priest ; but in times more enlight-
ened as to the independence of the civil power, and
since our ancestors proclaimed an order to prevent
the Church from saying that it had a right to take
away what it had bestowed, as a fundamental maxim'
that the King of France acquires his right from God,
and his sword and the law alone—the Coronation
has.only been considered, in its true point of view,
at a purely religious act; and in this character de-
serving of our respect, but not affecting in anything
the essence of royalty, which might be omitted or
deferred, which added nothing to the political cha-
racter of the King, to his natural and legal power,
and to his immediate and absolute inviolability. If
his person is said to be sacred, it is only to affirm at
all times his holiness, and that he is most venerable
in our eyes. This inviolability, however, has no-
thing in common with the crime imputed to M.
Benin, as offence to the person of the King.
The whole article, the Advocate contended, was
written in a spirit different from that imputed to it.
As for the words " break the vow of confidence and
attachment," he justified his client by the example
of M. de Polignac himself, who, writing in the Con-
servaleur in -1818, and speaking of the King taking
away from Monsieur the command of the National
Guard, used the phrase—" such a measure loosens
the bands which united the National Guard to the
Throne." The Advocate also quoted the circular
or M. de la Bourdonnaye, which speaks of" reviv-
ing confidence;" and a phrase of M. Cottu, who
had said it was " that the attachment of the nation
Mightobe reconquered ;" and as M. Cottu's advice
had not been followed, this attachment is not yet
regained.—(Laughter.) I may even quote M.
Syrie'yrde Mayrinhac, who, after having said that
the King has many enemies, has been placed at the
head of the Police to look after those he believes to
be the enemies of the King.—(Renewed laughter.)
M. DUPIN then showed that to criticise the com-
Position of a Ministry was not to attack or doubt
the King's prerogative, but to use a legitimate right.
It was said the Ministry have done nothing, but
there was cause to fear. Long articles of mad de-
clamation had declared that the majority was the
King—the doctrine of Divine power has been re-
vived; and into this new confession of Augsburgh
a doctrine had glided, which substituted a Dictator-
shop for the Constitution, extinguishing the limited
Monarchy by putting force in the place of right, arid
by lifting the power of the bayonet above the holy
authority of the laws. They pretended to form a
majority sometimes with the King and the Chamber
of Peers against the Deputies; sometimes with the
King and the Deputies against the Peers ; and
'leaven preserve us from a third combination !—for
under such a system every thing is possible.
If a single stone of the social edifice is touched,
the whole may fall to the ground. And how can
e expose ourselves to this danger, when there are
two' exiles to prove that legitimacy is not a sufficient
secuyity against the -strokes of fortune ? At the
bottom the trial proceeds from nothing but the ma-
lice of the Ministers, who, under the pretence of re-
venging a pretended insult to the person of the King,
have only endeavoured to take vengeance for an

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TRIAL OF THE JOURNAL DES DEBAT& offence to themselves—to intimidate the Constitu-
tional Press, and create that silence which seems
peace to them. Hence the numberless accusations
against the Press in Paris and in the Departments,
and the declamations of which it is the object. by a
party which has never been in power without re-
quiring the censorship and laws of exception. In
our laws, the Press has merited well of the coun-
try, for it has watched over its interests during the
cessation of Parliament. " The liberty of the
Press," said the present Keeper of the Seals in
1819, " is the spring and the support of Represen-
tative Government ; it is our object to strengthen
that species of Government, and we must endure
the inconveniences of the Press for its advantages.
Can7we hope to obtain, after a revolution and under
the Charter, a silent deference for the acts of Go-
vernment? Can we hope to keep down the Press,
when an impotent opposition in ancient France
only aggravated its unfortunate effects ! Opinion
has governed here from the sixteenth century; fac-
tions invoked it, and authority found a support in it
against factions. Satire was even more powerful
against the Leaguers than the sword of Henry IV.
It was to opinion that Louis XIV. had recourse in
his reverses, and from it he obtained resources in
1709 and 1710 against the arrogance of his ene-
mies. England was violently agitated as long as
authors and their works were prosecuted with se-
verity; arid the agitation ceased when thought could
take its boldest flight, without dread of a Govern-
ment prosecution. By prohibiting the publication
of any writing riot authorised by the Archbishop of
Canterbury or the Bishop of London, James L only
tempered the weapons of which fanaticism made use
to destroy the throne of his son. Did the execution
of Sydney, and the bloody decision of Jefferies, se-
cure the power of Charles 11. and of James 11. ?
If the Press had not been put down, would it not
have informed these Sovereigns that a King, ma-
tured by misfortune, had left them the wise counsel
to place their strength and glory in the liberty of
their subjects ? M. Dupin concluded a long ora-
tion, by explaining the advantages of frankness in
governing according to the wishes of the people,
having for a motto, " the Legitimate Dignity, the
Constitutional Charter, and the interests of France."
Then those sentiments would be awakened which
are now asleep, but have never ceased to exist; and
the last year of a reign, God permitting, would be
honoured with the same acclamations which greeted
its commencement.
M. BERARD DESGLAGEUX, Advocate-General,
sustained the prosecution, and quoted the words,
" What will they, however, do ? Unhappy France!
Unhappy King," as falling within the law. "We
would exclaim," he said, " unhappy author 1 who
shuts himself up in his own hatreds, and raises his
own passions to form those storms with which he
threatens his country, and is not afraid, in appealing
to discord, to take the responsibility of that which
lie provokes. To suppose that the Ministers would
do what the writer imputes to them, supposes the
consent of the King—supposes that he would re-
nounce the laws, tear the Charter in pieces which
he has consecrated by his oath ; but against those
fears you have a refuge in the sincerity of our Kings
in their promise, for they never deceive.
" You have a severe duty, Gentlemen, to fulfil—
you have to repress that licentiousness of the Press,
which, attacking all that is most elevated among
mankind, sees nothing beyond its reach, and leaves
nothing unassailed. If its words were to be cre-
dited, feeble and isolated, it could effect nothing
against objects placed so high in the general venera-
tion ; and after having boasted of its audacious at-
tempts, it excuses itself by the impotency of its
blows. According to this rule, the more an object
is worthy of our respect, the less it would be neces-
sary to defend it from outrage; the dignity of the
King may be delivered up to contempt, and his au-
thority treated as the image of a vain illusion. You
must decide, gentlemen, if these things shall be;
these high interests are confided to you, arid society
places them, without apprehension, at the foot of
your justice-seat. We requ;re for these reasons,
from M. Benin, the application of the Ninth Article
of the Law of May 17, 1819, and of the Second
Article of the Law of March 25, 1822."
M. DUPIN replied—lt had been remarked that
the Bourbons were worthy of attachment, and al-
lusion had been made to Henry the Fourth ; but he
gave a Charter—the Charter of Nantes—to which
he was faithful. It was a great calamity when the
Charter was broken at a later period—a conse-
quence of false councils—and from it resulted op-
pression and injustice, the impoverishment and the
ruin of the State. Henry the Fourth returned from
exile with companions in distress; but he did not
think of reigning for the gratification of a few—he
reigned for the freedom of all. In his reign they
did not send secret notes, for he had said to the
foreigners-,--" Adieu, Gentlemen, but do not come
back," as though he had applied to Queen Elizabeth
for assistance in his distress, he would never ask in.
structions of this Queen for the conduct of his in-
ternal Administration.—(Applause.)
Soniething has been said of the recent journey
of an illustrious Princess. The mother of the Duke
of Bourdeaux was everywhere received as she
ought to be by the French, for whom the young
Prince is an object of hope. He has not seen the
antient regime arid the emigration; he will be like
his age—he will be sensible that the French who
love their Prince, also love liberty, and that he will
have to govern a nation which is proud and free.
His mother may be convinced of this by the accla-
mations she heard on her journey, so that it will be
a part of the education of the Duke of Bourdeaux.
" The conclusion of the Article (M. Dupin said)
related to illegal acts which were mentioned for the
first time on that day. They might be easily de-
fended. As for illegal taxes, they ought not to be
paid ; and if they were demanded of me, I declare I
would not pay them. In a question of property,
the State has no right to demand from me anything
except what the law has given it. The remainder
belongs to me. Thus, if there be no law, there can
be no taxes.—(A number of voices expressed appro-
bation of this doctrine.)—As to the words intel-
ligent bayonets,' there is nothing to complain of in
them. Our soldiers know the laws; they are riot
mercenaries, but faithful subjects of the King, and
observers of the laws; soldiers to-day, and citizens
to-morrow ; and what end would it serve to in-
crease their pensions, if they are to forfeit all their
rights, and if more than is given them may be taken
from them by illegal taxes? Let us not make Pre-
torians now for the King against the law; hereafter
they may be for an usurper against the King him-
self. The army is constituted only to defend the
country against foreign enemiei, and-insure obedi-
ence to the law. It must be employed on things it
can perform. A Crillon will always be preferred to
Tavares, and a Viscount d'Orthez to him who could
be an executioner. It is a bad game to employ
soldiers in improving the State. Coups d'etat are
the seditious. of Power, and will not succeed against
the more than seditions of the people
against Royalty. There is for Kings, as for their
subjects, one means only to live. in peace—it is to
respect the rights of every man—law and justice for
all. Never, gentlemen, had I more confidence than
I now have in your decision."
The reply is said to have produced an extraor-
dinary effect on the audience.
M. Berlin, the Editor of the Journal des Debats,
then addressed the Court as follows :
Gentlemen,—After having heard the skilful ad-
vocate, who has been willing to undertake the
charge of demonstrating to you, that in the article
inculpated there is no offence to the dignity and the
constitutional authority of the King, you will not
expect from me that I should, on the question
which brings me before you, add anything to a de-
fence so complete; but I think it is my duty to say,
after this defence, a few words on my :personal
situation.
For thirty-six years that I have exercised my
honourable profession, surrounded with difficulties
and full of dangers, I can render to myself the tes-
timony that in the Journals, of which I have been
the proprietor and chief editor, the Majesty of the

King has never been outraged T.,ver have Iwi
ten, or allowed to he written, -'never
been free), a single line, a hit for
ject the defence of those pi oiciides which could
alone, in my opinioit, restore to !he legitimate So-
vereign his usurped kingdom, and to France its lost
liberties. Have I been deceived in expressing
these principles? Ido not believe it ; but my con-
science would always contradict the error of my words.
Without going back, Gentlemen, to the times

which few men now living have seen, to speak only
of the Journal des Debats, established by my bro-
ther and myself thirty years ago ; those who hear
me know if I speak truth; the enemies of the King
have preceded me, and many years past to render
me justice; witness the seizures, the forced flights,
the exile, the imprisonment, the banishment pro-
nounced against me many times, both under the Re-
public and under the Empire, as an acknowledged
and declared partisan of the Ilousa of Bourbon.
God forbid that I should speak of these things as
boasting; I only did my duty in exposing myself to
the dangers belonging to my opinion; so many
Frenchmen have suffered,, and among them so many
illustrious victims; so many Frenchmen have ren-
dered more important services than I have, that it
would ill become me, an obscure citizen, to claim a
merit in making some some sacrifices; but com-
pelled to refute an imputation which I perhaps have
a right to prove extraordinary, I only wrote to re-
mind my Judges that I am not an enemy of the
Throne, and that my past life ought to be taken
into consideration in the judgment about to be pro-
nounced on my present life.
The Restoration found me and my associate des-
poiled of my property in the Journal des Debals.—
Even the tenor of the Act of Spoliation may serve
as a certificate of fidelity to the King. On March
30, 1814, I re-seized my property, with my brother,
in the name of that King who had been the avowed
motive for our spoliation.
You know, Gentlemen, how the cause of legi-
timacy was defended by the Journal des Debats, to
March 20, 1815, and particularly in the article in-
serted on that day. Compelled, in consequence of
this article, which was stopped at the post-office, to
fly once more, I repaired to Brussels, whence I was
speedily summoned to Ghent, to edit the official
journarof the King, which was the greatest honour
and the most noble recompence which I could pos-
sibly receive. There, under the eye of the King
himself, I continued to contend for the constitu-
tional principles which the Charter had proclaimed,
and which the legitimate dynasty alone could secure
to us. Louis XVIII. approved of these articles,
which a too ardent zeal would, perhaps, now
calumniate. Liberty had fixed herself with legiti-
macy at a few paces from France, and it opened the
gates to the immortal author of the Charter.
On my return to my country I again undertook
the editorship of the Journal which I had esta-
blished. Never since have I ceased to defend the
true interests of Royalty, which appeared to me
henceforward to have no other guarantees than
those of the Institutions chalked out by the Monarch
Legislator.
Alarmed for these great interests at the formation
of the present Ministry—little accustomed to con-
ceal my opinions, particularly when the Monarchy
is in danger—l desired one of my co-editors to ex-
press his own grief and mine. After having made
such correction in his article as appeared to me to
be necessary—l am convinced that any equitable
judges, who have heard my eloquent and learned
Advocate, will not see in it the crime, the affecting
imputation of which leads me to the foot of their
tribunal. If the sentiment even of that article is
properly understood, it will prove my loyalty as
well as my innocence,
I do not know if these who undoubtedly believe
themselves more devoted than I am to the descend-
ants of King Henry IV. perform a great service to
the Crown in bringing before a Court of Justice
these hairs, grown grey in the service of that Crown.
I do not know that it is very useful that the Royalists,
who have suffered the pain of imprisonment on its'
account, should also suffer it by its authority and in
its name; but, gentlemen, if by 'impossibility my
defender has not succeeded in begetting in you his
conviction and mine, I still dare flatter myself, after
the few words which I have had the honour to ad-
dress to you, that no person who has heard me can
believe that almost at the end of my painful career I
have knowingly wished to offend, outrage, and insult
him who was always the object of my respect, of
my affection—l had almost said of my adoration.
The speech, which was delivered with seriousness,
and with the accent of perfect conviction, several
times produced a profound impression on the Judge,
which every person present might have observed.
The Court had hardly retired to deliberate, when
the respectable M. de Montlosier went up to M.
Benin, and shaking him kindly by the hand, said to
him, " My dear M. Bertin, you have reminded me
of circumstances that have affected me very power-
fully; the last time that I saw you was at the
Temple—we were detained there together, you
know : Ad pias causas."
The Judges took three hours to deliberate, and
during the whole of that time the Court remained
quite full of people, who manifested the most lively
anxiety. At length the decision was pronounced
which we recorded yesterday, by the First Presi-
dent, in a firm voice, and with an imposing manner.