The Sun.
London, England, 1829-01-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.

A people so tried as the Irish Ca,holies may
be pardoned for exhibiting now and then a little
unreasonableness and impatience ; but if such in-
firmities may well be forgiven, we do not say that
they ought not to be lamented, if not despised.
When Lord Anglesea was first appointed to
Ireland, the Catholics on all occasions prejudged
and abused him ; or rather, they transferred be-
forehand, to his approaching administration as
Lord Lieutenant, the judgment which they had not
unnaturally formed respecting the politics of the
Noble Marquis, from a single impetuous speech
which he had delivered in the House of Lords
against them. The same Catholics lived to see
and acknowledge their mistake, and we suspect
that they will very shortly do so in the case of
the Duke of Northumberland. At any rate,
they ought to bottle up their disrespectful lan-
guage towards his Grace, until they have some-

thing like facts to go upon as a justification of
its v►olence. Suppose it should turn out that
the Duke of Northumberland had some time ago
declared that " the Catholic question must ere
long be amicably and finally settled," and that
he is " ready to support by his vote and influ-
ence in Parliament any well considered measure
for that purpose." We ask the gentlemen of the
Association whether they are not preparing to
heap coals of fire upon their own heads, if it be
true that the Duke has so expressed himself; and
whether it would not therefore be wise to wait a

little, lest, as in the instance of Lord Anglesea,
they may be driven to the alternative of eating
their own words, and admitting their real griev-
ances to be so light, that a hunt after unreal
ones was necessary to their amusement ? Now
we state no more than is probably well known to
at least 500 members of the political world, in
affirming (and with a perfect confidence of the
fact) that the Duke of Northumberland has de-
clared himself, after long and anxious inquiry, a
decided friend to emancipation. We are satis-
fied that his Grace will not be a week in Ireland
until his sentiments on the great question will
have become as notorious there as they are at
this moment among well-informed English poli-

icians. Nor is the encouragement to be drawn.

from such a circumstance confined to the pledge
which it presents of the feelings of the Duke of
Northumberland only towards the people of Ire-
land. As we once before hinted, it furnishes us
with a strong assurance of the real wishes enter-
tained by the Duke of Wellington upon the sub-
ject. We repeat, that this nomination ought to
be considered an unanswerable and highly satis-
factory commentary upon the Duke of Welling-
ton's letter to Dr. Curtis—a paraphrase from the
pen of the author.—Times.
There is a violent tempest, we find, raised
against the Bishop of London (Dr. Blom-
field) in the city, because he is said to have re-
fused to allow any church in his diocess to be
used for the advocacy of any charity supported
by Dissenters. Nay, in a letter which we re-
ceived, it was asserted that his Lordship had
said, and even given it under his hand, that if
one Dissenter were upon a committee for the
regulation of any charity, he would not allow a
sermon in support of that charity in any of the
churches of his diocess, for the sake of that one
Dissenter. The letter which conveyed this in-
telligence to us, (though the writer comnli:Pi-
cated to us his name confidentially, and that of
a respectable man), we declined inserting, think-
ing that the statement must be erroneous or
exaggerated. However, the letter obtained
publication in other journals, to which it ap-
pears to have been transmitted, and has occa-
sioned considerable commotion. We still doubt
the fact. Neither do we believe that a Bishop
has a right to enter so minutely into the concerns
of every church in his diocess, as to say who
shall or shall not preach in each (being canoni-
cally ordained of course) upon any single Sun-
day. However, we hope the matter will die
away, for it were a great pity to see a Bishop of
the Church of England exciting disturbances
among his fellow-subjects.—lbid. •
We received last night by Express the Speech
of the King of France on Tuesday last, on
opening the Chambers. His Majesty com-
mences with assuring them that his satisfaction
at meeting them again is the more lively, as he
has pleasing communications to make to them ;
and the assurances he receives from his Allies
offer him a pledge that, notwithstanding the
events in the East, peace will not be disturbed
in the rest of Europe. After recounting what
has been done to give effect to the Treaty of
the 6th of July, he alludes to the recall of the
French troops from Spain, the hostilities with
Algiers, and the relations with the States of
South America, and winds up his notice of Fo-
reign Affairs by a somewhat theatrical declara-
tion, that " he shall never forget that the glory
of France is a sacred deposit, and that the ho-
sour of being the guardian of it is the fairest
prerogative of my Crown." It is not given to
every Sovereign to have glory in a sacred de-
posit, and Frenchmen, as well as other people,
who play at bowls, must expect rubbers. As
success cannot always be commanded by either
Emperors or Kings, and few people (are the
French an exception ?) do not usually consider
defeats glorious, a more modest language might
not be unbecoming even in the mouth of a King
of France. The glory of France ! The glory of a
Fiddlestick ! His Most Christian Majesty gives
a favourable account of the industry of France ;
but observes, that some branches of their agri-
culture and commerce are suffering; but he
adds, " I hope it will be possible for me to
lessen the evil, if I shall not be able to cure it."
What would be thought of a President of the
United States, who should tell the people that,
if he could not cure, he hoped he should be
able to lessen their evils ? '1 he assumption of
power over the prosperity of the country justifies
the people in attributing their miseries to Go-
vernment. It would have been more prudent if
he had told the Chambers that inquiries had
been instituted into the causes of the distress,
and that he hoped they would concur with him
in endeavouring, if possible, to relieve it. His.
Majesty is quite an optimist with respect to the
high prices of food. " The subsistence of all
(he says) is assured ; and if the price of corn,
while it augments the prosperity of the land-
holders, increases for a moment the distresses of
the indigent, Providence has created beneficence
to relieve those who suffer." We much doubt,
however, whether the sufferers will be as much
;Ised with this logic as the agriculturists.
E..; Majesty concludes with announcing the
measures which are to be submitted to the Cham-
bers. Some of them relate to religion, others
to the regulation of the army. The most im-
portant is a new Municipal Law, which, while
it allows scope to the Communes and Munici-
palities, shall, at the same time, give to the exe-
cutive the power necessary for the securing the
safety of the whole. The revenue of last year
has exceeded the estimates. •ftt will be observed
that the allusion to foreign.affairsi though tran-

quillising, is quite general. There is not the
smallest notice of any measures, either taken, or
contemplated, with a view to put an end to the
hostilities between the Russians and Turks. So
much for his Majesty's speech. The Paris
Papers of Monday, and the Gazette de France
dated Tuesday, contain little that is possessed
of interest. The Constitutionnel says, that
neither M. de Polignac nor M. de Renneval will
be the new Minister ; that M. de Portalis fills the
office for the interim. We know of nothing which
so much detracts from the power of writers as the
practice of abusing or praising every measure,
according to the source whence it originates.
The French Journals are, we think, too much
characterised by this disposition to praise or blame
en masse. As an instance, the Constitutionnel
attacks with great bitterness some new regula-
tions promulgated by the Director• General of
the Indirect Contributions, respecting the mar-
riages of the supernumerary clerks, who must
obtain the consent of the Administration. The
Journalist, with indignant eloquence, commences
by observing, that " Hitherto wise Governments
have always favoured marriage; encouragements
and favours were even granted to fathers of fa-
milies." Wise Governments may save them-
selves the trouble of encouraging what men are
sufficiently inclined to do, if they can support
families. The Director of the Administration
of Indirect Taxes no doubt considers the allow-
ance of the Supernumerary Clerks not equal to
the maintenance of a family ; and having little
doubt that the French King will never be in
want of subjects from any aversion to marriage,
wishes to trust the gathering of the taxes to
persona who can only maintain families by dia-
. honesty. Soldiers may also obtain the consent
of their officers to marriage, but we never heard
this regulation objected to.—Morning Citron.
While the friends of Catholic Emancipatie,,,
in this country are amusing themsclvea on the
probability of the Duke of Northumberland be-
coming a convert to its nP..ceSsity and policy, and
the Catholic agitator; in the sister kingdom are
spouting every ;species of calumny against him,
the Orange Press of that country teams with the
most extraordinary and ridiculous anticipations
of the benefits which will flow from his appoint-
ment. " Under the auspices of such a chief
Governor," says one of them, " Trade cannot
fail to improve daily, and ultimately flourish.
His Grace's dignity, affability, firmness, and in-
dependence, will secure him against the assaults
of faction : the wily promoters of agitation, and
lovers of false popularity, will not be permitted
to pollute his ear ; and an impartial administra-
tion of the laws will consequently flow from
such a high-minded source. Ireland under such
an Administration cannot fail to be restored to
her propriety. All that is needed for the ac-
complishment of this great object is, a rigorous
enforcement of the law, without fear, favour, or
affection, and a proper impulse given to trade.
The known impartial and established expendi-
ture of his Grace eminently fit him for these
ends ; and we look with confidence to the
consummation of peace, happiness, and pro-
sperity, under his I,enign influence." In
continuation of su:sh sanguine anticipations of
good, we only bay may half of what is expected
be realised. His Grace of Northumberland, we
hope, Is. both affable and dignified ; for both
qualities will do much to conciliated the disaf-
fected ; and, we trust, also, that he has firmness
and independence to secure him against the
assaults of faction ; for in no country did
faction ever reign with such unbounded license
as in Ireland at the present moment, and in no
country, in consequence, were firmness and in-
dependence so much required. But men who
have been untried in such scenes are not the
most likely to immortalize themselves in this
way ; and our hopes, in consequence, of the
Duke of Northumberland making a display of
such qualifications are not over sanguine. The
Orange Press of Ireland, however, might be
forgiven, for indulging in this sort of twaddle ;
for the new Viceroy is a Duke, and a Duke,
every one knows, possesses graces to which a
Marquis or a Commoner has no pretensions.
But it is most unpardonable, and most melan-
choly, to find the same Papers attempting to
persuade the people of Ireland that because
his Grace possesses a large fortune " trade
connot fail to improve daily, and ultimately
flourish." His Grace's income, we dare say,
amounts to 150,000/. or 200,0001.; and the
expenditure of such a sum would undoubtedly
be a fine penny among those of the Dublin
people whose services might be required by the
Lord Lieutenant ; but what is it, let us ask,
when diffused among the whole of the people of
Ireland ? Not a sixpence a-head ! and, there-
fore, unless his Grace of Northumberland dis-
cover other modes of " improving the trade, and
promoting the prosperity of Ireland," we trust
we may be forgiven fur despairing of their being
effected by these means. No. If the Duke of
Northumberland means to apply himself seri-
ously to the improvement of Ireland, he must
adopt far other modes than that of merely spend-
ing money. He must be not only "firm and
independent," so as "to secure him against the
assaults of faction ;" but he must endeavour to
reconcile the factions by whose discords Ireland
is torn and ruined ; he must try to promote a
spirit of kindness and mutual goodwill among
them, instead of .the malevolent dispositions by
which they are now governed ; to excite mutual
confidence, and to divert their attention from the
petty squabbles which now occupy it, to im-
proving the trade, the agriculture, and the Ma-
nufacture: of the country ; and, above all, its
peace and tranquillity, without which neither
can flourish. If his Grace can effect these
objects, nothing in the shape of eulogy will re-
main undeserved by him ; but as to private
fortune, however applied, doing anything for the
permanent welfare of Ireland, it is, we affirm,
neither more or less than mere nonsense.—
Morning Advertiser.
Among, the improvements contemplated in
the practice of the Common Law Courts, for
the more simple and expeditious administration
of Justice, it were well if the abolition of the
absurd monopoly in the Court of Common Pleas
were included. The throwing open of that
" close borough" of the " Learned Sergeants,"
would he of great advantage to the public, and
would be the cause, eventually, of relieving the
Court of King's Bench of a part of its great
arrears of term business. The public are never
so well served by a monopoly as by an open
competition. Where the latter prevails, men are
apt to find their level—in the former, incapacity
is too often artificially elevated into the situation
that merit ought to occupy. It is preposte-
rous that the ablest men in the King's Bench
cannot argue any motion whatever in the Court of
Common Pleas in banco,and that whatever con-
fidence a client may have in his counsel who is not
of the degree of the coif, he cannot employ him in
that Court in any of the business of the term,while
the Sergeants who monopolise the practice of that

Court are as free to argue in the Court of
King's Bench as in their own. Much has been
said of late of the " reciprocity system"—
where is it in this case ? What is the conse-
quence of this exclusiveness of practice in the
Common Pleas ? It causes a vast accumulation
of business in the King's Bench, because the
open competition of that Court produces more
professional excellence. This occasions the
Judges of that Court to have fsr more than their
fair quantum of labour, while the public business
is proportionably retarded. The monopoly in
the Common Pleas also has the effect of beget-
ting remissness on the part of the Sergeants to
their client's affairs, who would find it indispen-
sable to be more punctual in their attendance if
the Court were thrown open to the profession at
large. An instance occurred on Monday last illus-
trating the great public inconvenience arising out
of this system. At the close of the day Ulises
were called on, in which two Ltarned Sergeants
were concerned. It appeared that both these
gentlemen had gone home. The Chief Justice
Best, who is not accustomed to mince matters,
where the public interests are sacrificed to any
private objects of the profession, remarked that
" it was impossible to do public justice if gen-
tlemen of the Bar, in that privileged Court, did
not attend. The Court," he observed, " might
as well be shut up, and he gave notice that in
future, when gentlemen were absent, the Court
would proceed with the business, as well as it
could, without their assistance." This was plain
language. The Chief Justice is accustomed to
speak in this decided manner of abuses in the
practice of the law; but, instead of "shutting
up the Court," it would, perhaps, be better to
try the experiment of throwing it completely open
to the profession at large—then the Sergeants
would. always be found at their posts.—Morning
Herald.

The Roman Catholic -Demagogues of Ire-
land, and the Protestants who espouse their
cause, are busily engaged in negociatiug the con-
ditions of a new confederacy, intended to assi-
milate and combine them more completely than
their common enmity to the Constitution now
does. This we should have thought an unne-
cessary project, since the two parties to the me-
ditated treaty are now seen to work together with
a degree of unanimity and zeal which no new
arrangement, no new denomination, no new sym-
bol of union, can well increase for the promo-
tion of their common object, the overthrow of
the British Constitution. The scheme, so far
as it has yet been permitted to transpire, appears
to be one which, under the name and appear-
ance of mutual concession and accommodation,
will render the Pro-Popery Protestants who
embark in it more than ever, if possible,
the slaves of the Popish Agitators, lay
and ecclesiastical. It is proposed that the name
of the Association shall be changed from Catho-
lic to Irish ; that its meetings shall be some-
what less frequent than at present ; and, that the
speakers shall be precluded from indulging in
topics of a purely religious nature. These are
the concessions which O'Connell, Sheil, and
the other Popish Leaders offer ; and in return
for which they expect that the Pro-Popery
Protestants will unite themselves in a body to
the Association, and not only, as they now do,
promote its objects by their votes and speeches
in Protestant and Constitutional Assemblies,
but habitually, actively, and zealously, take a
part in the proceedings of this Irish Asso-
ciation, and contribute their fair quota to
all the agitation, the clamour, the frenzy,
the wickedness, and the folly, of which
it is intended to be, and doubtless will
be, the source. The effect of a league of
this nature upon the character and station of the
Protestants who enter into it cannot for a mo-
ment be doubted. They will become the myr-
midons and slaves of O'Connell, or of whomso-
ever else may be from time to time the Popish
Leader in virtue of the patronage of the Priest,
and the support of the mob following implicitly
that patronage. To this low state of degrada-
tion the Protestant advocates of Popery will be
visibly sunk, for if they attempt to make head
against the Popish authorities in an Irish Asso-
ciation formed under such auspices, and for such
purposes, as that in contemplation, they will
become the object of greater odium and more
relentless persecution than even if they were
Orangemen. They are persons for the greater
part who would sink to any degradation
rather than encounter these disadvantages, and
of this their past conduct is a proof. They will
then, indeed, be scarcely more degraded than
they are now. The chief difference is, that
their degradation will be then somewhat more
conspicuous. The menials of Popery they are
already, and why should they refuse to wear the
badge and livery of a servitude they willingly
endured. We trust to the wisdom and vigour
of the Legislature for the adoption of prompt
and effectual measures to abolish and suppress
for ever all Associations ill Ireland, under what-
ever name, of which the object or the tendency
is to exercise the political power of the Roman
Catholics. But while we await these measures
in the fullest confidence that they will be re-
sorted to, inasmuch as their necessity becomes
every day more evident, we cannot but re-
joice when we hear the leaders of an As-
sociation inimical to the Constitution make
that confession of weakness and apprehension,
which is implied in their anxiety to change its
name and constitution ; and we rejoice the
more when we perceive that the meditated change
is rot calculated, whatever its projectors may in-
tend or believe, to increase the power of the
Association, or to promote the cause of Popery;
but on the contrary, to impair the one and ob-
struct the other. The Protestants who are em-
barked in pursuit of the same unconstitutional
and ruinous object with the Roman Catholic
Association,- so long as they keep aloof from
it, and appear to act independently of it, pos-
sess some small degree of influence, and claim
at least the privilege of being heard in more re-
spectable and constitutional assemblies. But let
them once enter into in open and avowed alli-
ance with the men who are and must remain the
leaders of the Association, and this influence
and this privilege will of course be at an end.--
Morning Post.

COMPROMISE WITH THIEVES.—TWO Dutch
mails that came in with two bac% and bad in them 5,0001.,
or, as some say, 10,000/. of Spanish coined and uncoined
gold, for some of our merchants in London, were robbed
very lately near Guildford, by some sparks, who no doubt
had intelligence of the purchase beforehand ; and it is noti-
fied, that if the persons will produce and refund their prize,
they shall have both his Majesty's pardon, and HU into
the bargain. April, 1686.—Ellis Correspondence.

IRRlTATlON.—Excitability is essential to the
continuaance of life. The effect of excitation on the
nerves, as every where else, is to produce a movement of
contraction. If this movement, which in a healthy state
is repeated a certain number of times in a certain period,
becomes quicker excitation changes its name, and becomes
irritation and a malady. Simple irritation differs from in-
flammation in that the latter particularly affects the cellu-
lar systems and the blood vessels, and leads to a train of
disorders which irritation alone never produce*.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JAN 28.
THE KING V. PETER JONES.

Mr. BROUGHAM shewed cause against a rule for
a criminal information against the defendant, ob-
tained by Mr. Pollock. The rule was obtained upon
affidavits, stating that the defendant, who was a
linen-draper In Chester, had, upon various occasions
between 1824. and 1826, used insulting and menac-
ing language towards the complainant, Mr. Murrell,
a Magistrate of the county, sometimes in the pre-
sence of female branches of his family, and always
under aggravated circumstances; and that upon the
24th of November, 1826, he wrote hi►n a letter,
couched in terms calculated to incite the party to
whom it was addressed to a breach of the peace. It
was headed " Great Sir," and went on to express
the writer's contempt for Mr. Murrell's threats, as
well as for his person. Allusion was made to im-
putations thrown out upon Jones being an unquali-
fied sportsman, and it concluded by offering, if
Murrell could find a single person, and laying his
hand upon his heart, should say that he was an
honest man, he (Jones) would give up his cause."
It was also sworn that Jones had applied the offen-
sive term " coward" to the applicant, and that he
had invited him to salute a particular part of his
person in a way unpalatable to a man of taste and a
gentleman. The Learned Counsel now submitted
that the case upon the other side omitted several
important facts, and was imperfect, as it began too
late. He then read passages from several persons,
speaking to offensive language used by the com-
p!ainant towards the defendant, upon many occasions
between 1824 and 1826. It appeared from them
that Mr. Murrell was an apothecary, and that the dif-
ferences between the two parties arose out of the
Game Laws. Mr. Murrell was in the habit of brand-
ing the defendant as a most notorious poacher, and
of calling him a - scoundrel, and other such
names. Mr. Brougham was proceeding with the
reading of the affidavits, which set out with these
expressions, when

Lord TENTERDEN observed, it was quite clear, from
the language used by these parties to each other, that,
if there had been the least disposition on either side
to break the peace, abundance of provocation and of
opportunity had been long ago afforded them.—
(Laughter.) The rule must be discharged, and in the
usual way : we say nothing about costs.