The Sun.
London, England, 1829-11-16 00:00:00

too, that in any reform of the Courts the great
Criminal Court at the Old Bailey will not be
overlooked ; and that we shall no longer witness
the singular anomaly of the Corporation of
London appointing Judges to try prisoners for
offences not occurring within the City. These
hints we throw out as not wholly unworthy, we
trust, of consideration.—Morning Herald.
In the last number of the Quarterly Review
there is, in the shape of a review of some late
publications on Turkey, a most unfavourable and
exaggerated account of the Turkish. Government,
and the Turkish people ; but at the same time
some judicious observations on the treaty of
Adrianople, and the settlement of the Greek
question. We pass over the former, which con-
sists principally of extracts from the works al-
luded to ; but the latter furnishes too important
a confirmation of the remarks which we have
made, from time to time, upon the treaty, not to
be transferred to our pages.
. .

"For _ the present, says the article, the fate of

Turkey is in the hands of the Russian Autocrat,
whose professions of moderation would seem to have
been too confidently relied on by England, France,
and Austria. The amount, however, of the indem-
nity, stipulated by Gen. Diebitsch, makes it clear
enough that a pecuniary liquidation of the claim is
out of the question—if, indeed, such liquidation was
not the last thing the General's Government wished
to obtain. The payment of the exorbitant demand
is utterly impracticable—there is no Rothschild to
advance money to the Turks, and the whole reve-
nue of three years would scarcely suffice to wipe out
this heavy score.
4' But the indemnities required by the treaty are
by no means the mist grievous and uoritalonable
part of it. - The seventliarticle lays the foundation
for a state of immediate and constant hostility. Its
provisions are repugnant to the principle and prac-
tice of international law; in fact, they establish an
imperium in imperio. By this article, Russian sub-
jects are to live, throughout the whole Ottoman
empire, under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Mi-
nisters and Consuls of Russia. The Turkish Au-
thorities are to exercise no controul whatever over
Russian merchants, seamen, ships, or merchan-
dise; they may ship, or transship, or land goods,
without giving any notice to, tar less asking permis-
sion of, the local authorities; and, if any of the
stipulations should be infringed, and the reclamation
of the Russian Minister should not obtain a full and
prompt satisfaction, the Sublime Porte recognises,
before hand, the right in the Imperial Court of
Russia to consider such an infraction an act of hos-
tility, and immediately to retaliate on the Ottoman
empire.' This, we confess, does appear to us to be
monstrous. By the established law of nations, the
civilised Powers of Europe agree that their subjects
residing in a foreign country shall be amenable to
the laws of that country; but Russia exacts from
her fallen enemy the degrading submission, that her
subjects shall bid defiance to the laws and usages of
the Ottoman State, and if interfered with, that im-
mediate retaliation shall follow. A Russian, for in-
stance, violates the sanctity of a Turkish harem, and
gets a yatigan through his body; the Russian Mi-
nister is unable to obtain satisfaction, and an imme-
diate declaration of war ensues. This is certainly
a pretty specimen of moderation.'
" We pretend not to divine what steps the great
Powers of Europe may judge it necessary to be
taken on the present emergency ; but the aggran-
disement of the Russian dominions cannot, we
should suppose, be contemplated with complacency.
In casting an eye over the map of the Old World,
and seeing how her territories stretched from the
Frozen Ocean to the Mediterranean, with her broad
shoulders resting on Europe and Asia, and her
gigantic body pushing its limbs on all sides into the
comparatively small chequered patches which form
the several states of the two Continents, the ditfe.
rence of their magnitude reminds us of a whale in
the midst of a shoal of porpoises.

' " When we consider that this overgrown power
is keeping up something like a million of men in
arms, we confess that, without a sincere and honest
confederaticn of civilized nations, it is no chimerical
apprehension that Western Europe may once more
be deluged by the slavish barbarians of the North.
However well disposed the Emperor Nicholas may
be to cultivate the arts of peace, and exercise the
virtues of moderation—which, however, he appears
to have failed to do, with regard to Turkey, in breach
even of a solemn declaration—it should be remem-
bered that the good effects of his personal disposition
are contingent on his life; and that it is impossible
to say what line of conduct his autocratical succes-
sor might determine to pursue. Let Austria in
particular look to this contingency and endeavour to
provide for it.
" Austria, above all other States, is deeply inte-
rested in the treaty made with Turkey. By leaving
the two great provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia
in the occupation of Russia, with Servia ready to
throw herself into the arms of this power, she is
virtually surrounded and made vulnerable on three
of her sides; open to an invasion at any moment,
into Gallicia, Transylvania, Sclavonia, and, in fact,
into all Hungary. If there be any faith to be placed
in the word of Nicholas, when he disclaimed all
aggrandizement of territory, he cannot in honour
hold those provinces which the treaty has virtually
given him in perpetuity; for being pledged for in-
demnity which the Tuck can never pay—being
garrisoned by Russian troops, and governed by hos-
podars appointed by Russia; it looks very like a
preconcerted scheme to obtain perpetual possession.
If this be not meant, and if the Czar be desirous of
putting his boasted moderation to the test, let him
concert to their being placed under the protection of
Austria, in the same mariner as the lonian islands
are under that of Great Britain. The Christian in-
habitants would be rejoiced if altogether transferred
to this power; and for such a boon it would be
wise on ther part, if so required, to abandon the
north of Italy, where her very name is held in
abhorrence. In every point of view, morally and
politically, such an arrangement would appear to be
desirable. To Austria it would lay open a line of
coast on the Black sea, extending about a hundred
miles between the Dniester and the southern branch
of the Danube, and thus restore something like a
balance of power on that side between her and
Russia; and it would prevent Turkey from ever in-
terfering with the territories situated on the northern
side of the Danube ; but these are points, among
many others of equal importance, which we appre-
hend it may be necessary to arrange by a congress of
the great Powers of Europe."
With regard to the settlement of the Greek
question, the" Reviewer expresses precisely the
sane opinions which we have all along enter-
tained and expressed. Count Capo dlstria is
not only a political adventurer of very ques-
tionable principles, but the creature of Russia,
and the gworn enemy of England ; and on " this
ground alone," the Reviewer observes, "we
do not think that either England, France, or
Austria, ought to consider him a fit person to be
placed at the head of the Greek Government.
It is, in fact, neither more or less than throwing
Greece into the hands of Russia, between which
and Nervia the province of Albania only is in,
terposed. 'To talk of the independence of
Greece under spch man as Count Capo
d'lstria is a farce ;" but the farce, after
all, we fear, will be acted ; and even if
it should not, is not Russian influence,
supposing the Treaty of Adrianople to be
carried into effect, already too extensive and
powerful to permit even an independent Prince
to remain independent of it ? Turkey is at this
moment virtually a province of Russia—the
subjects of the latter possess all the rights of
Russian subjects within the territories of the
guarded by
Sultan—the Turkish fortresses are