The Sun.
London, England, 1827-12-28 00:00:00

carter of her government, the nature of her domes-
tic policy, and the occasions and objects upon and
on behalf of which she had at all times, remote or
recent, exerted her influence or power in the ge-
neral politics of Europe. No Statesman who re-
flected upon these things could entertain a doubt
that the governing impulse of Russia was ambition.
This feeling alone can explain her determination in-
telligibly or consistently. The conduct of England
goes far to confirm this view of Russian policy ; for
if England could have trusted Russia with the set-
tlement of the affairs of the East, no one will deny,
that it would have been the true policy of the for-
mer to keep entirely aloof from them. England
saw, no doubt, that the intltiees of Russia were
those of arnbitien ; and with a view eventually to
regulate and restrain their developement, she sub-
mitted to the degradation of uniting with Russia in
a treaty as flagrantly unjust in its object and provi-
sions as any that stains the annals of nations; she
lent her high sanction to principles which she
ought loudly to have condemned; she humoured
Russia when that Power should have been, and
might have been, deterred by the threatened
displeasure of England ; she sunk into the pander
to Russian ambition, in the silly notion that she
!night thereby acquire the right to limit its excesses.
Such has been the policy of England ; and it is in-
disputably the weakest, the most pernicious, and the
most dishonourable which was open to her. If
England had declared her intention to resist any in-
terference with Turkish affairs on the part of Russia,
an inteefereece the motives to which she might
safely and candidly have inferred from its manifest
tendency, Russia, we entertain but little doubt,
would have receded from her determination ; and
thus England and the world would have continued
to enjoy the blessings of peace. Had Russia obsti-
nately clung to her determination, notwithstanding
the admonition?: and the menaces of England, a
war between England and Russia must, we admit,
have been the result. This it will scarcely be
denied is a fair way of looking at the question ;
and it therefore only remains to compare such a war,
as to its character and probable consequences, with
that hi which we are now about to engage. The
war upon which we are entering is in direct and
flagrant violation of the law of nations, as under-
stood and interpreted generally throughout Europe
fur a long series of years. It proceeds upon the
avowed principle, that power constitutes right, and
thus inflicts a most dangerous wound upon the peace
and independence of nations, and the general happi-
ness of mankind. A war with Russia in the cir-
cumstances stated, would have been on our part a
legitimate war, carried on for the purpose of protect-
ing an old and faithful Ally, from a partial dethrone-
ment at the mandate of Russia, and his dominions
from certain dismemberment to gratify Russian am-
bition. In the war now about to commence the
confederation to which we are united is knit toge-
ther, not by a community of objects or of feelings, but
by the reciprocal jealousy of its Members. It is a
war in which victory is likely to be more disastrous
than defeat—a war in which the discomfiture of our
most active Ally will make the British Government
rejoice,—his triumphs make the British Government
tremble. It is a war which may be prosperous only
up to a given point; for if it should be further
triumphant it converts infallibly England and her
Ally into bitter and implacable foes. It is a war
founded not more upon injustice towards the Porte,
on the part of all the Allies, than upon fraud and
hatred on the part of each of them towards every
other. In a war with Russia, on the contrary, we
should have been united in a zealous and sincere
alliance with Turkey, for purposes definite, intel-
ligible, and honest. Such a war would not, like the
present, have been pregnant with the seeds of future
and more terrible conflicts.—Morning Post.

In the learned and laborious work on British Pi"
name, published a few days ago by M. Moreau'
among a multitude of highly interesting particulars
is a table of the revenue derived from 'Newspapers
for the last thirty years. According to that docu-
ment the revenue from Newspaper Stamps in Great
Britain—the accounts for Ireland only commence in
1818—amounted in 1798 to 145,000/., and in 1827
to 365,000/. in round numbers. Up to 1814, the
stamp duty was 3)d. on each paper; from that
period to the present it has been 4d., the only alte-
ration being a reduction in favour of Supplements,
made in 15241, by which two or three of the News-
papers of the metropolis benefit to the amount of
perhaps a couple of thousand pounds per annum, but
which has no effect whatever on the great mass of
the newspaper press. The ratio of the duty, and,
consequently, of the number of newspapers, in 1798
and 1827, may be, therefore, stated as 14 to 36.
In 1798, the duty on advertisements was 76,000/.,
and in 1827, 1.50,000/. in round numbers, which is
in the ratio of one to two very nearly. From this
statement it appears that while the demand for news-
papers has increased in the proportion of 2i to 1,
the demand for advertisements has only increased as
two to one. It is very difficult to estimate what
the real increase of trade and commerce has been
since 1798; but, looking to the very different man-
ner in which business is now managed from what it
was thirty years ago, and to the enormously augmen-
ted speed with which goods travel from hand to hatd
in consequence, we should not perhaps over-rate the
matter, were we to say that the occasions for sales
and purchases, and, consequently, the legitimate call
for advertisements, are twenty times greater than
they were in 1798. We are rather disinclined to
pronounce on the duty on the newspaper, because
that is one in which it may be conceived we arc prin-
cipally concerned; and although it might, with
no great difficulty, be shown, that in that duty
also the public are interested, we arc willing that it
should remain for the present as it is. But at a
moment when, to the merchant, the trader, to every
one who has any thing to sell, and to every one
who has any thing to buy, it is allowed by all that
every possible facility ought to be given, it may well
be doubted whether so excessive a duty as three
shilling and sixpence on the smallest advertisement
be politic. It may be laid down as indisputable,
that no means or method of advertising is likely to
be useful to the advertiser, except in newspapers or
periodicals. We do not speak selfishly in stating
this obvious truth. Unless a man have the adver-
tisement in his hand, and have leisure to peruse
and to consider it, it may as well not be presented
o his inspection at all. There is not nosy only,
but at all times there has been—for the occasion
is one that never has ceased and never will cease
in a trading community—a most grievous com-
plaint that there is no such thing as effect-
ing sales. Yet there is not the slightest deubt
that these might be effected in numerous instances
where they are not, were it but possible to convey
to the public generally a description of the nature
and forms of the articles. So true is this in London,
more especially, that he who has sufficient capital to
advertise often enough ,and long enough,is sure to create
a business. Even if the reduction of the advertisement
duty,which we should feel disposed to:recommendovere
in our opinion calculated to diminish the revenue,
we do not say on that account we should abtain, be-
cause we think that a revenue cannot be raisedfrom
any more improper source than one which tends,
when checked, to dry up the streams from which all
the revenue beside must be drawn. But we are so
far from imagining that such a diminution would be
the consequence, that we firmly believe that there
would be a great augmentation of revenue. We have
stated the increase of commercial transfers gene-
rally,-since'l79B, at 20 to 1, but whatever may
be the increase, can it be a matter of doubt that
there occur in Great Britain, in the course of a
twelvemonth, an infinitely larger number of cases,
wherein an advertisement would be highly desirable,
than half a million, which, allowing for repetition, is
more than the number of all the separate notices
made last year in all the newspapers taken together ?
It was some tinge ago proposed in a Parliamentary
Report, to lower the duty on short, and increase it
on long advertisements, but we confess we are averse
to all such complicated processes. If any distinc-
tion were made, we should feel inclined to make it
in favour of a certain class. Notice@ for or