The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-20 00:00:00

Ctg o§awn.

LONDON
moNDAr MoIINING, JUNE 20, 1842.

When we find Sir ROBERT PEEL falling under the
ob,urgations of the ultra-Tories, it is, perhaps, our
duty to take him under our protection. In proportion
as he is attacked by the Pot and the rabidi of his own
party, he rises in our estimation. We are almost
compelled to believe he is doing good, though we dis-
trust him, and repudiate the means he employs, when
we find him furionSty assailed by ignorance and

bigotry.
Perhaps 'sonic of our readers, who attend closely to
polities, nay recollect a Sir RICHARD VTVYAN in
Parliament some- eight or ten years ago. The Hon.
Baronet sat then for Bristol, if we recollect
right,-and was distinguished for making a few long
and furious speeches in the House of Commons against
freedom in every shape, which no Journal ever
honoured, except the Standard. This ultra-Tory
Baronet; who was thought at one time to make pre-
tensions to be Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
has been returned to the present Parliament for the
borough of Helston. He has, however, given up
making speeches and taken to write pamphlets. A
production of his, in the shape of a letter to the Elec-
tors of Helston, has lately been published, which
makes some curious revelations as to the Tory party.
From the position of the Hon. Baronet, he is a good
witness to what is going on in its interior, and we
shall quote some parts of his letter to explain that :
The leader of the Oppo.4tion, who had originated the
vote of distrust before the dissolution, was commissioned
by the Queen to form a new Government, and the con-.
stitueneles looked for Ward with confidence to an imme-
diate eas,zation of Ministerial endeavours to unsettle ex-
regulationS affecting agrieniture and trade, while
they hoped, that some of the obnoxious changes effected
by the Whigs, nore especially as regarded the Poor-law
Connitission, ,might he reconsidered. They were fully
justified in" 'entertaining these expectations. Appeals
bad been made to them upon such questions against the
Whir, anti they had laboured with zeal to promote the
election of Members in whose- assurances of opposition
to the mcasureS of the late Governmont they had full re-
liance.' Under such auspices Sir Robert Peel became
bur Majesty's Prime Minister.
Although the mystery with which some of his more
e,infidential supporters, and the new subordinate place-
holders, talked of the plans of their chiefs, was most
alarming to the main body of those Members of Parlia-
ment who had concurred in ejecting their predecessors,
there was so general a disinclination to suppose them
capable of adopting the policy of those who had pre-
ceded them that hints upon the subject were almost
treated as insults. Until the Duke of Buckingham
entitled the Cabinet, shortly before the commencement
of this session, it is evident, that 'even in that Council
tin-re could have been.no fixed determination to bring
forward free trade measure!. Yet the retirement of his
Grace was a fact which justified all previous doubts, and
it prepared the nation for sonic propositions in which the
agricultural interest was to be attacked. Thenceforward,
from the opening of the session to the present hour, the
country has been kept in a constant state of apprehension.
The Hon. Baronet is somewhat endeared to .us by
making a vigorous attack on the Income-tax, againSt
which he voted, and which he describes as an in-
tolerable burden carried through the house of Com-
mons in a most arbitrary manner. Ile is, however,
a determined enemy to free trade, and therefore :he.
severely attacks Sir Ron Ear PEEL. - Let the reder
remember, however, that the writer of 'the following
passage is a Tory, who must have experienced the
effects of those methods Of forcing Gentlemen to vote,
of which he so feelingly complains :
;Ile House of Commons, at the beginning of the
i'“'s(mt session, consisted of only two sections—that
which supported Sir Robert Peel's Government, and
that which adhered to the late Administration. Any
Conservative inclined to act independently was ob-
noxious to the cabal ly% whom themtaii arssnosft thehin party
were influenced ; they were warned
marplot ; his private declarations of a wisha to thinikaasnda
act in accordance with his own opinions
cuipeont any point,
were either scouted as those of n person, en-
tertaining what were called " crotchety" notions—or as
thOtie of a mutineer in the ConserVative regiment, incul-
iee
eating disobedience to his superior oftieer* , because he
h .beeti.diasppointed in the attainment of seine
(.f; his,persoifal ambition he, was derided as an, object
acid alarmist, or stigmatised as a dissatistiedpl rely
a,
hunter, who grumbled because he bad not been aced
in office. The surmise of a suspicion th4t the late cloaca

of Government would -disappoint' the Conservative con-
stituencies, who had acted with so much energy and con-.
fidence during the general election, was sufficient to
isolate the Member who, ventured to suggest it.
Yet this plan of keeping the members of a party
together, by stifling the expression of independent
opinion, and degrading the self-respect of each in-
dividual, or of. endeavouring to convert . a body of
high-minded noblemen and gentle Men into a regi-
ment of partisans, never can prevail ultimately. A
vast majority of those -who constitute the Conserva-
tive party in Parliament are tbo.well informed, and too
conscious of their own dignified position before the
country, to bo led on from one error to another, under
the guidance of a few intriomers,• many of whom are
subor:linate persons, not Members of Parliament, and
not entitled to respect on account of their political
tion. Such a mode of exerting a sinister influence could
not have prevented the resuscitation of an independent
party, after the declaration of the Ministerial intentions,
hich were announced in the Queen's speech, if . Sir
Robert Peel had not ac_ompanied his declaration by the
threat, that unless his measures were carried he would
resign—a threat distinctly made in his speeches on
several oc:asions
In ordinary times, this method o" attempting to force
great changes in the existing law through Parliament.
would have had no effect upon the Conservative majority
for, however I may have -presumed to differ from that
majority, I believe that t:Lere never was a House of Com-
mons more inclined to act independently, and in accord-
ance with the wishes of their constituents, when it first
met, than that which was elected during the last summer.
But the public feeling then manifested against the
measures of the late Ministers was immediately
treated in the spirit of party, as if the nation enter-
tained a greater objection to their persons than to
their policy ; and as Sir Robert Peel's threat of re-
signation implied the supposed necessity of their return,
to power, it had its full effect in compelling almost
every individual in the Conservative party to vote for the
new'Corn-law, the Income-tax, and the Tariff; notwith-
standing his objection to such measures. The dread of
seeing the Whigs restored to place banished all other con-
siderations ; not only did they submit to the Minister's
dictatorial manner, but they scarcely ventured to offer.
a few words in debate against it. Unfortunately for the
country,. must of the leaders in opposition have not ab-
stained from holding indiscreet language. about the so-
called principles of free trade, which justifies. the fears
of the Conservatives, that should Sir Robert Peel's Go-
vernment resign, they will be succeeded by Ministers
still more hostile to the interests which have been at-
tacked so unexpectedly by the present Administration.
In this apparent choice of evils, they believe the safer
course is to submit to an inflictitin, upon the full extent
• of which no man has yet endeavoured to enlarge in his
place in Parliament.
Poor Sir RICHARD does not like to be called a
marplot," a " crotchety man," or represented as
disappointed, and, therefore, he preaches against his
whole party, and declares that many of them have
dishonestly voted against their own convictions merely
from terror of the Whigs. They have according to
their view sacrificed the public interest to keep out the
hated Whigs. We shell quote another short passage,
which Viscount Almnootw.ti said on Friday night was
very well expressed, and then leave our readers to form
their own :udginent of the Tory party and the Tory
Chief from the testimony of one of his followers.

The nation at large is never either Whig or Tory ;
the people only look to ate mess -res of a Government,
and are indifferent Rhea the prospect of ths or that
party losing or gaining office. Last year the ploductire
classes believed their interests were in jeopardy when
Parliament was dissolved, ard they were wearied by the
constant attempts of .he Whig Administration to disturb
the exis ing laws. At thepresent moment they are equaly
alarmed; but they are more disgusted with tly.: conduct
of public men, because the leaders of the Tory party, if
not chargeable with deceptive promises before they be-
came Ministers, allowed the constituencies who returned
the majority of the Uouse of Commons, to deceive them-
selves. Mr. Palmer, one of the Members for Essex, has
la t ply declared in Parliament, that had his constituents been
certain that the present Administration would act. as they
bare done, and had he declared his intention to support
such measures previously to his election, he could 'not
have obtained the votes of 50 Conservative electors in his
county; and no Minister who heard this declaration ven-
tured to contradict it.

The following • notice appears in the votes of the
Commons of Friday, for Saturday, June 18 :

Mr. Wiliam Gladstone, in Committee of the whole
House, to propose the following resolution :—" That it
is expedient to permit foreign wheat to be delivered,
under certain regulations, from the warehouse or from the
ship, duty, free, upon the substitution into the warehouse,
or the delivery for exportation, of equivalent quantities
of flour and biscuit."

No mention of the subject, however, is made in
the report of the debate on -Saturday, and we prt-
smne, therefore, it was not then submitted to the
House. Had that taken place, we might have found
it less necessary to explain its scope and object. Mr.
Hurr had taken up the subject, which has been a
favourite with some Liberals for several years past, but
we infer, from Mr. GLADSTONE'S notice, that the Go-
vernment has taken it out of Mr. Hurr's hands, and
means to carry a measure successively proposed by
Mr. P. TnomsoN, Mr. WARBURTON, and Mr. HUTT,
to a conclusion. Its object is to confer some benefit
on the grinding and shipping interest.
In the debate on "May 25, Mr. GLADSTONE stated
that there are at pr6sont rules of the Custom House
by which every article, except salt provisions, lying in
warehouse, might be delivered. (as ships' stores) with-
out the payment of any dues whatever. The Custom
House rule is this :

‘• Warehoused goods may be delivered into the charge
of the searchers, to be shipped as stores without entry or
payment of any duty for any ship of the burden of 70
tons at least, bound upon a voyage to foreign parts, the
probable duration of which out and home will not be
less than forty days."
According to those regulations, whenever Mr.
GLADSTONE'S proposition to allow biscuit to be sub-
stituted for foreign wheat in bond, on which
no duty his been paid, shall be carried into effect, all
our shipping engaged in foreign trade will be easily
victualled with foreign-grown corn, made into biscuit
here, as well as with foreign fatted and cured beef.
As far as the plan goes it is good. The great objection
we make to it is that it is partial.
Why should the (*Maim House and the Board of
Trade confine this great benefit of provisioning ships
cheaply to ships engaged in the foreign trade ? What
have the owners of coasting vessels done, that they are
not to have the same advantage ? What have the
manufacturers done too ; and what have the hulk of

the working classes done, that they may not have
cheap food as well as the shipowners engaged in foreign
trade ?
The Ministers profess a wish to give relief to the

labouring classes, but except, as such a regulation
may give a little more:employment to our millers,
biscuit-bakers, and sailors, it will be exclusively an
advantage to one class of shipowners. To the sailors
it will be of no benefit, for the plain reason that the
owner supplies them with proviSions, and they only
victual themselves when they are on shore. As
a small abatement of the landlords' monopoly,
leading perhaps by smuggling to a large abatement—
as a means of giving employmept to our millers, and
faCilitating our shipping in supplying such colonies
as Newfoundland with ships' provisions, and as lower-
ing the cost of, proviaioning our own ships engaged in
foreign trade, the measure has our hearty approbation.
We only blame it for narrowness, incompleteness,
and partiality. •
At the same time it reflects no credit on the Lc-

g*.slature, that it is obliged to make such a multitude
of laws and regulations as a substitute for the simple
rule of allowing every man to trade when and where
he likes. Poor as the alteration is, Mr. GLAD.'
STONE, unless supported by the Liberals, is not likely
to carry it, for it is the counterpart of a measure
which they have frequently proposed, and the land-
owners, headed by the present Paymaster of the
Forces, have always resisted.

A British Jury has found Jour; FRANCIS guilty of
high treason, and a British Judge has sentenced him to
die the death of a traitor. His crime was clearly proved,
and substantially no other defence was set up but that
the pistol wes not loaded with a bullet—a count of the
indictment upon which the Jury acquitted him, finding
him however guilty of having loaded with some other
deadly substance. Mr. CLARKSON'B defence of the pri-
soner was able and judicious, and, considering the heart-
felt devotion of all classes in this country to our young
and amiable SOVEREIGN, and the difficulty of approach-
ing the consideration of a subject so interesting to every
British bosom, without. prejudice, no political offender
ever had- a fairer trial.- The. atrocity of the crime was
rather intimated than dwelt upon by the ATTORNEY-
GENERAL. It was impossible *o describe an attempt upon
the life of a Sovereign, and that Sovereign a lovely, in.
tellectual, virtuous, charitable young wife and mother,
the idol of millions of a people equal to any upon the
face of the earth, in terms less calculated to mislead the
minds of a British Jury than those employed for the
prosecution. This is exceedingly creditable to the AT-
TORNEY-GENERAL. The whole trial was conducted with
e exists a per.
a calm solemnity, and the verdict was so clearly based
by a host of
iiheeveJtubre3;
neypeo-nwtihtneeesysie(sle, ittratsu,bvem
son in the British enspire who could rationally anticipate
ditoteidlott°bet
any other result.
But now comes the grave, the solemn question, ought
the awful sentence of death-'recorded upon FRANCIS to
be _tarried into effect WO the execution of this
wretched criminal, as a " false, ciOnvieted traitor," deter

wicked, abandoned men from attempting a repetition of
his treason ? We most firmly believe that it would I
not . We care nothing about the prisober. What is
now to be considered is how our beloved QUEEN may
be preserved in future from similar attempts. This is
not to be done by reviving the barbarous and revolting
punishments of a barbarous age. In such sinks of cor-
ruption as are to be found in such an immense capital
as London, there are many wretches whom the strong
excitement of an atrocious punishment would stimulate
to the commission of the most revolting crime. The
strong tide of popular prejudice is, we well know, op-
posod to this doctrine, but it is nevertheless true. Re-
volting punishments, and especially capital ones, bru-
talise the mind instead of inspiring with any wholesome
terror of the rope and the dissecting knife.
We would punish all such wretches as FRANCIS by
instimt condemnation to incarceration for life in lunatic
asylums in a penal colony. We would have this done
snddeuly, and as si:eutly as possible. We would put an
end to the mock-sentimental system of parading atro-
cious criminals, as things to be stared at, and talked
about. We would have no pious ladies, fond of strong
excitement, to visit them in their cells—no Sheriffs and
I risen governors to shake hands with them, order them
wine, and lionize them to the edification of a gaping mob,
astonished at the footing of equality with which fine
ladies and gentlemen associate with the greatest ruf-
fians. The poor ignorant clod-hopper sees that no-
thing short of a murder or two can qualify him to
shake hands, on affectionate terms, with a Sheriff
or a Sheriff's lady, and of course his horror of the
crime is wonderfully abated. Now we Would put a stop
to all this. There should be no maudlin sympathy witl
great criminals, nor would we, admit any intercourse
with them after conviction. FRANCIS no doubt read in
the papers that a number of fine ladies and gentlemen
visited the ruffian Oxford—that he was comfortably
lodged—enjoyed luxuries denied to honest, hard-working
men—that he indulged tastes for drav:ing and music—
' and that, in short, it would be a very good thing to be'
equally well provided fur at the public expense. That
he seriously meditated the murder of the QUEEN we do
not believe, although perfectly satisfied with the finding
of the verdict. What FRANCIS sought •was notoriety,
and a life of idleness, and that was to be obtained by
frightening the QUEEN, not by destroying her. This
was a very wanton and atrocious crime, and well sub-
jects FRANCIS to confinement for life in Norfolk Island.
As the place of OXFORD'S confinement is at the dis-
posal of the Government, we would suggest, for the
further safety of her MAJESTY'S person, that he be at
once removed out of this country, and subjected to more
rigorous treatment. All intercourse with him should be
strictly prohibited, and, for the time to come, nothing
more heard about him. This is the way to deal with
such villains. Confine, unheard-of fur life, in lunatic
asylums in penal settlements, and there will be no more
attempts unpon the life of a Sovereign so universally
and deservedly dear.to her people.

There is no political news in the French Journals.
Subjoined are some interesting miscellaneous extracts
from them : _ _

...,...
A dreadful storm visited Marseilles on the 11th. The
awful claps of thunder, which continued incessantly for above
an hour ; the fury of the hurricane, the torrents of rain which
innundated the city and country, gave reason to fear deplorable
accidents; this fear has, unhappily, been realised. The house of
Mr. V. was struck by the lightning, and ravaged as it were from
one end to the other, the furniture being upset. the partitions
thrown down, the floors torn up, and at last all the windows
broken by a terrible explosion. The room in which Mr. V.'s
family were assembled alone escaped these destructive effects
of the electric fluid, though it penetrated into tho room. A
crucifix in the servants' room was thrown into the middle of
the garden. A Brazilian vessel in the port had its topmast
broken. Several other houses were struck by the
lightning. Mr. 8., residing at a country house near
Mondredon, went out in a boat to fish, with nine other per-
sons ; when the storm arose, four of these persons went below
to avoid being wet through by the rain, and Mr. B. got into a
small boat and reached the shore, to which the large boat was
proceeding, when the lightning struck the mast, tore the sail,
and killed the four persons who had gone below. 'lhe steers-
man was struck, and remained in an alarming state till the
evening. The other,four persons were merely stunned.
Constitutionnel.
BOUESE—W.titII3, THURSDAY, JUNE 16.
•Pirtt Highest Lowest Last
• Price. Price. Pm,. Prier.
're_cn 5 pet Conte ......«» 119 45 ... 119 65 ... 119 45 ... 119 55
4per Cents. ..... 'lOl 75 ... 101 75 ... 101 75 ... 101 75
3 per Cents.... 79 50 79 70 ... 79 50 ... 19 70
B ink of France
C.-Attie ta ;k 1,0001. SI area 1050 ...1050 ...1050
5,0001. Shares 5055 ...5055 . 5055 ...5055
setetan Bank
5 per Cents., 1840 lO5 ... 105 ... 101 ... 105
wish Active 931 ... 231 231 ... 431
Pattiguese 5 per Cents. 5ll 311 ... 3;1 ... 31%
eapoirtani, lO5 25 ... 1.5 25 ... 105 25 ... Xll5 25
It3N, «. 103% ... 103%
RAILWAY SHARP%
ersailles.ll.l?• ...... 305 25 305 54 ... 506 25 307 50'
11() ... 110 ... 107 50 ... 107 50
,11911.••••••••••«••••••••••••••••• 515 .•. 515 515 • 515
Orleans
Sisasburgr toDale..• • 94 50 907 50 206 25 ... 206 9.5

The gentlemen who are in town from the North of
England, for the purpose of laying_ before Government
and the Legislature facts connected with the present
alarming state of that part of the kingdom, have already
had au interview with Sir Robert Peel, and with se-
veral influential Members of both Houses of Parlia-
ment, and of all parties. Sir Robert seemed impressed
by their communications. They have formed a Com-
mittee, to whom communications on the state of other
districts of the country may be forwarded, addressed to
Hamer Stansfeld, Esq., King's Arms Hotel, Palace-
yard, London.
CONSTABULARY OF IRELAND.—A statement of the
amount of constabulary force employed in each county,
county of a city, and county of a town in Ireland, on the
15t of January, 1842, has been laid before Parliament.
The total number of inspectors, sub-inspectors, and con-
stables, amounts to 8,931, and the cost to 424,0411., in-
cluding a reserve of 9,193/. The number of stipendiary -1
Magistes is 65 (eight of whom were reduced on the
31st of March, 1842), with salaries varying from I,OOOL '
to 400/. each, amounting to about 27,6001. Of the total
expenditure on this force 260,6231. is borne on the Con-
solidated Fund, and the rest by the counties, cities, and
towns. The Inspector-General has an annual salary of
1,500/., First Deputy Inspector 1,200/., Second 800/.,
Receiver 6001., Provincial Inspector 500/., and so on
down to the common constable, who has a salary of 32/.
7s. per annum. The number of horses employed in the
force is 287.