The Sun.
London, England, 1842-11-24 00:00:00

tion in saying that a -fixed duty would have
saved us from all the trouble here and depression
there, which had tended to our mutual mischief and
destruction. The house of Messrs. Lizardi and Co.,
of New Orleans, in their circular, expressed a strong
opinion that the passing of the new American tariff
and the new Corn Bill of England would operate in-
juriously to the interests of their respective countries.
—(Hear, hear.) He had no hesitation in saying to
the farmers and landlords, that the prevailing depres-
sioh in the grain market was owing to the sliding
scale; for if corn were admitted free, or at a moderate,
or even a high fixed duty, they would not suffer the
evil now arising from an enormous quantity of agri-
cultural produce being poured into th© market just at
the time of harvest—an evil, monstrous in itself,
which necessarily accompanied the sliding scale, and
which no modification of the sliding scale could pre-
vent.—(Hear, hear.) The permanent settlement
of this corn question was essentially necessary for
the agricultural interest ; for there could be
no leasing of farms, no outlay of capital, no transac-
tions whatever connected with the value of land, until
it was permanently settled.—(Applause.) He was
satified that as the matter now stood—and he believed
that everyone in the kingdom, manufacturer, mer-
chant, and farmer, was coming gradually to that con-
viction—there would be no permanent settlement of
this question except on the basis of justice and free
trade.—(Applause.) A free importation of the agri-
cultural produce of foreign countries would not only
benefit the manufacturer and merchant, and enable
them the better to purchase the agricultural produce
of this country, but it would form the only stimulus
which could enable them to compete with foreign
countries.—(Applause.) He was most happy to hear
that peace had been concluded with China.—(Ap-
plause.) The word peace must sound sweetly in
every ear, and doubly so in the ears of those who
believed it would give them an improving trade, and
relieve them in any degree from their present difficul-
ties. But le t them not be led away by the delusion
that opening the empire of China to our manufac-
tures and produce would give the relief we required.
It would give no effectual relief connected with our
present system of Corn-laws.—(Applause.) We
might import ten times the quantity of silk that we
did, and silk gowns might become as cheap as cotton
ones, but in what respect would that benefit us ?
The possession of a silk gown would not make a
cottager a bit happier or better fed. It would be an
amazing benefit to us if we could exchange the
surplus of the silk, china, or tea, which we brought
from China, and which we could not consume our-
selves, for the food of other countries. That would
be an amazing boon to this country; the population
would be fed, and then the cottager's wife would be
able to buy her silk gown and enjoy it, and their
tea, sugar, and other luxuries would be a blessing to
them.— (Cheers.) But, so long as they had not
food enough, no accumulation of luxuries in this coun-
try would benefit the great mass of the people.—
(Hear.) That was a most important point, and
formed the very basis of the question of the restrictive
laws on food. You could not benefit the mass of the
people without increasing the quantity of their food.
China was to pay us 21,000,000 of dollars for the ex-
penses of the war. Suppose that sum put into the
pockets of the labouring classes, they would go and
buy food with it. The higher and middle classes, and
their numerous servants and dependents, would want
the same quantity of food, and would get it. Thus
the two parties would merely bid against one an-
other, and raise the price of food ; but not a single man
in the kingdom would have a loaf more to put into
his belly.—(Hear, hear.) If all the wealth of China
were imported into this country, the quantity of food
being still limited, it would not benefit the commu-
nity, but the price of food would rise, and go into
the pockets of the landlords.—(Hear, hear.) You
cannot benefit the people but by increasing the quan-
tity of food. Even charity itself in giving a loaf to
a starving man, took that food from some other man
unless it came from abroad.—(Cheers.) The poor-
rates themselves could not benefit the condition of the
poor; it was merely taking out of the general stock
to feed a certain class of the poor ; and in doing so,
making those who were poor before poorer still, and
making them paupers.—(Cheers.) To increase the
quantity of the necessaries of life was the first step to
benefit the country, and above all the manufacturing
interest ; therefore let no one suppose that the opening
of the trade with China warranted them in slackening
their efforts for procuring 'an alteration in the Corn-
laws. The sliding scale was the juggling fiend which
robbed them of the reward of their industry. Having
struck one blow, let them strike another which should
be effectual. Let them direct their concentrated ef-
forts, with increased means, to the destruction of that
juggling fiend, the sliding-scale.—(Loud cheering.)
Mr. B. PEARSON moved the first resolution :
" That in order to furnish employment for the large
number of operatives now unemployed, to provide
subsistence for our increasing population, to prevent
a still further reduction in the wages of labourers, to
put a stop to the ruinous depreciation in the value of
all invested manufacturing property, and to restore
prosperity to all branches of industry in the country
—this rnedting affirms that it is absolutely necessary
to repeal the Corn and Provision-laws—(Applause)—
and to abolish all restrictions which prevent the per-
fect freedom of commerce."—(Loud applause.) Mr.
James Deacon Hume had said, "If ever the day
shall arrive when we shall be put to a severe trial as
to our manufacturing power, I can hardly doubt that
the prosperty of this country will recede much faster
than it has gone forward."—(Hear, hear.) What
they now saw approached to a realisation of these fore-
bodings. There could be no wonder at the want of em-
ployment; though our exports had increased, our home
trade had been much depressed ; and with an in-
creasing population we wanted not a stationary, but
an increasing, trade-.and surely the world was large
enough to furnish it.—(Applause.) It seemed the
most strange thing in the history of the world, that
the most powerful nation, both in agriculture and
manufactures—the most wealthy nation in the world
.--.-should be crying out, "We are on the verge of
ruin."—(Hear, hear.) Was this the result of some
dispensation—some calamity worse than those of
Ivry pt—some direful visitation of the hand of God
on account of our peculiar offences as a nation ? Had
all possible efforts been made by the Government to
relieve the Wants of the people ? No. The people
were denied, by the most unjust, iniquitous, and ab-
surd law ever passed—the right of supplying them-
selves with what their gracious heavenly Father had
provided.—(Loud cheers.) No one would doubt
that an alteration in our tariff, and the repeal
of the Corn-laws, would bring increased pros-
perity to the manufacturing districts. The artisans
would obtain employment. All they asked was to i
he let alone—" Give us no protection, but don't 'deny
113 the right of purchasing food with the labour of our
hands." While no one doubted the immediate effect
which the removal of restrictions would have on our
commerce, many entertained serious fears as to its
effect on the home market. It had been asked, " Had
the manufacturing interest been most prosperous
when we have imported the least or the greatest
quantity of foreign food r The obvious answer was,
when we imported the least quantity ; but could any
one be so blind as not to see that we imported little
foreign fend because it was cheap at 'lame, and a
larger quantity when it was dearer at home. So that
the most decided supporters of the Corn-laws came to
the same conclusion as them, that the manufacturing
interest had been most prosperous when food was
lowest.—(Hear.) Now Mr. J. D. Hume, who was
admitted by Sir Robert Peel to be a very
competition
high authority, had said—" The tradec
of
p farm-
ing, as a trade, is invulnerable by ome
in an importing. country." The average quantity of
land in England, and of agriculture, being equal to that
of other countries, it was perfectly clear the farmer
had all the advantage of the expense of importing
foreign food; and if there were not a farthing paid on
the importation, farming as a trade in this country
would be invulnerable by competition, because the
country did not furnish a sufficient quantity of food
for the inhabitants. No. They very shrewdly
observed—" If it is not a trade, what is it ? Is
it an office ?" That was solely the point between
them and the landowners, who had used farming,
not merely as an office for the collection of their rents,

but for the increase of their political power, as witness
the Chandos clause in the Reform Bill.—(Applause.)

Farming was a trade ; and as rent was not a necessary
ingredient in the cultivation of the soil, no foreign
imports could ever prevent the land from being cul-
tivated. And if the land was cultivated, the

people would he employed, and if the people were
employed, we should • not lose the home market—no
foreign importation could ever deprive us of it, be-
cause we could always raise food more advantage-
ously than they could in other countries.—(Applause.)
Nothing could deprive us of the home market but the
folly of the landowners ; they could reduce the popu-
lation to such a point of poverty that it would be im-
possible for them to pay anything like a remunerating
price. Supposing the people of Manchester were
well employed, at such wages as they had had, and
the population of the kingdom was increasing at the
rate of a thousand a day, how great would be their
consumption (if food ! Could they not consume twice
the quantity of milk they now used ? and we could
not import milk. Potatoes, also, could not be im-
ported at their present price of V. per load. Suppose
that we were permitted to import without restriction,
and that we hnported ten millions worth of corn, we
should have to raise exports to the amount often millions
more,than we had yet done. Ten millions was but 1-24th
part of the total value cf the produce of Great Britain
and Ireland, taking wheat at 40s. per quarter; and if
the people could consume a twenty-fourth part more
than they now did, not one acre would be thrown out
of cultivation.—(Hear.) It was plain that with suffi-
cient employment, the condition of the people would
be so much improved, that the farmers would have
customers such as they had never had before ; and the
payment of taxes and the purchase of
less that the people had to give for food, the more they
the
could give in

clothing ; and these benefits would act reciprocally.
—(Applause.) Sir R. Peel had said he was not pre-
pared to adopt all the views of Mr. J. D. Hani-e—let
him be asked wherein'Mr. Hume was wrong.—(Hear,
hear.) It was lamenable that the Prime Minister of
England could not :give a candid statement of what
his views really were ; it appeared inconsistent with
sound morality. Sir Robert Peel was very
measured in-his language, and he did not say he was
not prepared to approve, but was not prepared to
adopt all the views of Mr. Hume. Sir Robert had made
some progress, and his further progress depended on
the voice of the people. He had done much, more
than might have have been in the power of any other
man at this moment; and the fault lay at their own
doors, if he did not adopt all the views of Mr. J. D.
Hume —(Applause.) It was most mysterious that
such blindness had been permitted to fall on the rulers
of the nation, and such apathy on the people. The
eclipse that had been long foretold, had begun to
come over the prosperity of this country. Unin-
structed people had imagined, on seeing the moon
eclipsed, that a monster had run away with the lumi-
nary, and what was a fallacy in their case was a
fearful reality in ours—for the monster monopoly
threatened to destroy the very vitals of the country.
Let them be encouraged by what had passed ; their
shouts had broken the gloom ; he hoped they would
continue to raise them till the obscurity entirely
vanished, and the prosperity of Britain shone forth in
all its former splendour; and they should never for-
get that it remained with themselves to do that.—
(Cheers.) The axiom " knowledge is power," was
never proved more sound than on this occasion. It
was impossible for the community to be acquainted
with the real state of the case, and not provide a
remedy ; arid the object of the League and of that
meeting was to make them so acquainted. This
could not be accomplished without means they could
not instruct a whole nation, but at considerable ex-
pense, but the result would be worth any labour or
expense they could be called upon to bestow.—(Loud
cheering.) In the confident expectation that these
evils would be removed, and that it was the design of
God to make this nation the instrument in his hand
for spreading the knowledge of truth throughout all
the globe—our merchants being the handmaids of
religion—(Applause)—let them he most unremitting
in their exertions until the object was accomplished.
—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. T. ASHTON, of Hyde, seconded the motion,
which was carried with applause.
Mr. E. GRUNDY, of Bury, moved " That this meet-
ing hereby expresses its sense of the invalable services
which the National Anti-Corn-law League has ren-
dered to the cause of free trade, and is anxious to give
to the League its best co-operation, until the great
object it has in view be achieved ; and in order to
enable the League to make renewed and increased
exertions, a subscription in aid of the League Fund
be now commenced, and that the following gentlemen
be appointed a Committee to canvas Manchester and
the surrounding districts."—(Here followed a list of
about 50 names.)
Mr. R. MUNN, of Bacup, seconded the resolution,
and said, as he wanted to encourage the League, he
would tell them what he meant to give. He would
give 2501. for himself; andahe would state that his
reason for doing it was a fear lest he should lose all
the rest of his property if trade were not relieved.
Sir T. POTTER addressed the meeting, and an-
nounced his intention to contribute to the fund,
though he should he unable, from age, to canvas for
subscriptions.—(The resolution was carried with ap-
plause.)
The CHAIRMAN said those were all the resolutions.
He thought some gentlemen of the League ought to
return thanks for the very handsome manner in which
the gentlemen around him had come forward.—
(Cries of "Cobden, Cobden.")
Mr. COBDEN, who was received with loud acclama-
tions, said he felt very happy in having deputed to
him the honour of returning thanks to the meeting,
and to Mr. Munn in particular, for their vote of
thanks to the Anti-Corn-law League, and for the
munificent donation which the seconder of the reso-
lution had given. Nothing could be a greater tri-
bute to the body of men composing the Anti-Corn-
law League, and its council, than to find their con-
duct approved by such a meeting as that, comprising,
as it did, more of the wealth and intelligence of the
district than any he had seen assembled on such an
occasion before.—(Applause.) He saw before him in
that room the sinews of Lancashire, and the very hope
and mainstay of the country.—(Cheers.) The Anti-
Corn-law- League was eminently their league—it was
grounded four years ago, at a meeting similar to that
held at the York Hotel, when subscriptions were en-
tered into amounting to about 6,0001., for the
purpose of carrying on the agitation to effect
the repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) He con-
gratulated them upon the good return they had re-
ceived for that investment.—(Applause.) Everybody
would agree that, tested by the progress of public
opinion—and that was the only way in which they
would look for success in their efforts—this great
question of the Corn-laws an& free trade in
general, had made greater progress during the last
four years since they had embarked their capital and
exertions in the cause, than it had done in any twenty
years previously.—(Applause.) That agitation had
spread ; it had become not merely Manchester or
Lancashire, but a national agitation; it had not be-
come merely the agitation of the day ; it had become
embedded as it were in the national proceedings of
our country • it had become historical.—(Applause.)
It was now before the world, and the sound of its
voice was ringing through the Press, from one end of
the civilised world to the other.—(Applause.)
They stood committed, therefore, by their power,
efforts, and their present pledges, to the
good fight, with the world's eye upon them, and his-
tory waiting to record the efforts they might make,
and the result of their exertions ; and he thought he
knew enough of his fellow-countrymen, and Lan-
cashire men in particular, to be assured that having
once embarked in such a strife, knowing the object to
be good, and feeling that they had the approbation of
the wise and good in all parts of the world, they would
not turn back, but would go on to victory.—(Hear.)
Their agitation had enlarged the basis on which they
had founded their arguments, and their appeals had I
enlarged still more. They had commenced on a nar-
row ground; they began the agitation for the repeal
of the Corn-laws, because they saw rivals springing
up in neighbouring countries, threatening to injure
them in their own immediate pursuits. They had
enlarged the object of their agitation greatly since
then. Every succeeding discussion had opened out new
fields to encourage them to proceed, not merely as
manufacturers, but as citizens of the world, and as
philanthropists.—(Applause.) The question of the
Corn-laws had grown to be, not only a manufactur-
er's, trader's, or merchant's question, but one affecting
the welfare and interest of every industrious class in
the community. It was recognised as not merely
affecting the material or physical wants of the peoule,
but was bound up with their religious and moral well-
being.—(Applause.) Fortunately they had outgrown
the charge made against them, that they were com-
bating for their own special interests against other
greaeinterests. They were now recognised by those
who had stsdied the question the best, and as being
opposed to no just interests.—(Loud cheers.) They
advocated not merely their own rights and interests,
but those of the agriculturists as well.—(Applause.)
Members of the agricultural community were chain-
pions of their cause, and took as deep an interest in
the question as any one in that room. He would men-

tion such men- as Lord Radnor, Lord Kildare,
Lord Ducie, Lord Clanricarde, Earl Fitzwilliam,
and their worthy Chairman, who was also a landlord.
--(Loud cheers.) On the ground, therefore, of the
agricultural, as well as the manufacturing interest,
they claimed support. They were now, as it were,
beginning the agricultural view of the question, as
there had hitherto been but little discussion on the
bearing of free trade on arrriculture ; and hwen-
tured to predict, that before' another twelvemonth
Massed over, the very strongest ground for advocating
e rs
eplocevse.r_i n
(gt,
obenefits
ato u th.e
free
ettri:lltduer
oliirltleirestittsbt
Such being their position, he asked the assembly to
renew their pecuniary contributions in the cause of
free trade. They had given the League their confi-
dence, he hoped they had deserved it.—(Applause.)
They did not ask for approbation of every individual
step that had been taken by the Council of the League.
He could not ask them to approve every indi-
vidual act of his persoilal existence, much

less the individual act of an aggregate
body such as the Anti-Corn-law League. In all
agitations of that kind mistakes would be made ; and
every candid person must make up his mind to set
aside a certain quantity of errors and mistakes of
judgment that might occur; but he hoped sincerely
that the general scope of their efforts and means by

which the Anti-Corn-law League sought to accom-

plish their object was such that they might fairly lay
claim to the approbation of every candid and generous
mind.—(Cheers.) The means they had pursued,
improved by experience, chastened, he would admit,
by the admonitions and censures of their enemies,
were the means they should still pursue.—(Cheers.)
They hoped to carry the repeal of the Corn -laws by
enlightening the great body of the people, by appeal-
ing to that portion of the community which held the
destinies of the empire in its hand—the electoral body
of the kingdom. If they had had means they should
have done this long 2.0*(); but they now proposed to pay
a direct and personal visit to every elector in the 13ri-
fish empire. to place in his hands the truths and evi-
dences which all had at their disposal in Manchester,
showing the injurious effects of the Corn -laws upon
every interest in the community. The munitions were
ready ; they lay imbedded in our Magazine and Par-
liamentary reports, and other sources; and they only
wanted the money to give condensations and abstracts
of them to every elector in the kingdom ; and with
their aid, and the nation's aid, that should he done
within the next six months.—(Applause.) Let no one
suppose that this was a remote and tedious process ofi

arriving at their end, and that it would require years
in order to effect a change in their
and carry the repeal of the Corn-laws. No
Prime Minister in this country dared hold the reins
of power a moment longer than the electoral body
were known to entertain decided views on any
question, no matter what their views might
have been three years ago, the same as he
professed.—(Loud cheers.) With our complex and
somewhat unmanageable system of representation in
this country, we had always this adage at heart, that
we must have a Prime Minister who has a character
at stake in the history of his country, and whose
talents and moral weight are essential to enable him
to fill such an office ; and we had this guarantee, that
from the moment the public opinion had decided in
favour of any measure, it was not the mere numerical
strength he might court in votes in the House, not
by having a majority of supporters sent up from
small boroughs or packed counties, that would induce
him to risk his character and honour with posterity
by maintaining such a position. From the moment
Sir Robert Peel knew that the Government con-
stituencies, the influential classes, were with them
for the repeal of the Corn-laws and the establishment
of free trade he would be with them also. (Cheers.)
He would only add, without wishing to disparage the
efforts of other districts, that to Manchester and to
Lancashire generally, would be due the honour of
primarily carrying on the agitation which should lead
them to victory; and now, when the nation at large
were sending in their contributions, and crowding to
enrol themselves in the muster-roll of the League, ha
called on those present to maintain the position which
their former exertions had acquired for them, and to
give that aid which would enable them, he sincerely
hoped, to strike a death-blow at monopoly within the
next twelve inonths.—(Hear, hear.) And then, with-
out wishing to disparage other portions of the coun-
try, he should say that the honour of this victory
would primarily rest with Manchester and its imme-
diate neighbourhood.—(Loud applause.)
The CHAIRMAN said he believed there was no other
resolution to be proposed, hut if any gentleman wished
to say a few words no doubt the meeting would be
glad to hear him.—(Loud calls of " Bright.") -
Mr. JOHN BRIGHT, of Rochdale, came forward
amidst great cheering, and gave an animated descrip-
tion of the spirit with which this great movement,
under the auspices of the League, was' now going for-
ward. He said meetings were getting up in every
town in the kingdom to raise subscriptions in aid of
the Great League Fund. On the books of the Council
there were at this time meetings down for every day
in the month, and nearly every day brought in state-
ments that others were being appointed, that tea
parties were being got up, or requesting that lecturers
might be sent. Their letters gave an account of the
spirit of enthusiasm which was manifesting itself in
every direction—exceeding everything of the the kind
they had heard of in Manchester before.—(Applause.)
If the Corn-laws were not repealed it was their own
faults. He wrote a letter to the Manchester papers
three years ago stating so, and telling the merchants
and manufacturers that the gentlemen 'meeting on
the Manchester Exchange, whose trade and property
were at stake, that if they chose they could carry a
repeal of these laws against all the powers in the
kingdom which could be arrayed against them.—(Ap-
plause.) It had been justly said that "it was a money
question," and if money were wanting, if it could
not be raised on that Exchange, where might they
look for it.—(Hear, hear.) It was folly then to go
on 'Change and pull long faces, and complain that
trade was bad. He repeated that it was in their own
power to remove at once every shackle that bound
their trade, and one of the best ways to do that was
to subscribe to the League Fund. The League did
not ask to lead them ; it only wanted their co-opera-
tion and aid in the exertions they were making, and if
they cared one farthing for the prosperity and welfare
of the district in which they resided, or for the trade
on which it depended, to come forward and give their
assistance.—(Applause.) As to the distribution of
the fund, and the application of it, he would have
them to bear in mind that every contributor of 501.
was, by its rules, a member of the Council, and this
he thought was a sufficient guarantee of the disin-
terestedness of the League as to the expenditure of
the money, and of their wish to apply it in the best
possible manner.—(Applause.) As to the subscrip•
tion now going forward, he might mention that it was
the intention of the Committee to canvass every ware-
house and works in the neighbourhood during the
week, for subscriptions. They would probably be
aware that all throughout the country parties were
out, or would soon be out canvassing. He was at
Accrington on the preceding night (Monday), and lie
found that arrangements had been- made by which
not a single house would be omitted.—(Hear' , hear,
and applause.) Similar arrangements were makingat.
Rochdale, the same at Coventry. Ceventry was
blessed with a protective trade—(Laughter)—yet.
they found that " protection" had .been 'the source
of ruin to them, and sensible that it would bring
the same ruin gpon others they were willing to ex-
tend their hen & and help them from the danger.—
(Applause) In conclusion, Mr. Bright pointed the
attention of the manufacturers to the distressed con-
! dition of the people around them, and of their own
workmen, threatened with the same fate, and im-
plored them, as the only men who had the power, to
step between them and the ruin which must soon
inevitably crush them to the earth. His own opinion
of the necessity of the repeal of the Corn-laws was so
strong that he would say candidly, if he thought it
could not be brought about without it, he would
freely give half of all the property he possessed to-
wards the object.—(Applause.) But there was no
necessity for a man to give half, or for one man to
give even a considerable portion if all would sub-
scribe. He was happy to state that for himself, and.
father, and brothers that they were willing to contri-
bute their quota, and he begged to say that they
would now give 3001.—(Loud applause.) And they
would give a further subscription if it was wanted.
' The MAYOR of Manchester next came forward
amidst considerable applause, and said—Nothing he
was sure but a sense of deep seated wrong could have
called and kept them there so long on Tuesday morn-
ing.—(Hear, hear.) Their worthy Chairman had in-
troduced him as the Mayor of this borough ; but it
was not in that capacity, let it be understood, he ap-
peared before them on this occasion. He came here
as an old inhabitant of the town—as a merchant of
Manchester—as an individual who had spent his
whole life, and earned whet prosperity he possessed
amongst them ' • and he came here as he had done
before to enter his protest against those laws which in
his opinion were inflicting wrong and ruin upon their
common country.— (Cheers.) 'He might be blamed
for appearing there to-day.—(No, no, no.) It might
be said that he at least, on account of office, ought
to be silent; but he had yet to learn why the occupa-
tion of any municipal office should prevent a man
from expressing his sincere and honest convictions.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) In favour of those convictions,
which he believed both humanity and justice sane-
tioned, to shrink from expressing his opinions either
now or at any other tune would be cowardice—
to abandon them would he baseness.—(Hear, hear.)
He did not appear before them for the first time ; he
had always lent what feeble efforts he could to pro-
mote the abolition of these laws and the establish-
ment of entire freedom of commerce all over tho
world. It was because he was deeply concerned for
the maintenance of peace and order, because he could
not butedeprecate the annihilation of the capital and
trade of this district,—because lie could not see
our honest and industrious shopkeepers ruined,—and
that he could not listen in apathy ti the cry of the
fatherless, the widow and the poor, who were either.
actually starving or sinking into a state of destitution
and who had no helper save such as himself and those
around him, that he appeared before this meeting to
express his decided disapprobation of these laws which
lay at the foundation of the present distress.—(Ap-
plause.) He had always endeavoured to express his
opinion upon all subjects with temperance; he trusted
he should ever continue to do so ; because intemper-
ance and violence were not necessary to the advocacy
of justice and humanity, and he never would be the
man to join in any declaration of sentiment which
need to inflict pain upon the minds 'of his fellow-
countrymen.s, He sincerely believed that not only
the commercialist but the agriculturist was deeply
concerned in this question, and it was as a well-
wisher to' both that he trusted Government would
soon see the necessity of repealing these laws. His
friend Mr. Elkanah Armitage hadhanded him a
slf andfi i• firm-,(Renewed p
sub-
scription which he would now hand to their Chair-
man—(Applause)—along( with a subscription for him-
esay, like a certain etsaepaptlaiNiNs,oe)u—ldadnod
allhe trusted
his
that every gentleman a
power. to promote this .great cause in the same way.
Mr. Tifos. Asirrox -of Hyde, said he would not
mustAhisepremml their
anin riloalisdtognu'ildieuaritnogsatisi•ee
war, that they
the remainder—(Laughter)—lait believing that the
time had come for the expenditure of a part of their
property to save the rest, he should be very happy to
put down his name for 2001.—(Cheers.)

Aid. BROOKS said it was not now a time to make
long speeches—it was the money that was wanting.—
(Cheers and laughter.) He came with a hundred
• pounds in his mind, hut he had heard of one gentle-
man putting down his 2001, and another gentleman
NU, and he would put down his 3001. too.—(Loud
cheers.) He had heard Mr. Bright talking of the
necessity of diving
his 3001. towards saving his trade,
and if Mr. Bright thought his business was worth
3001. to save it, he
(Mr. Brooks) thought his own
was worth an equal sum..--(Hear, hear, and applause.)
When any of them were ill, they at once sent for
the doctor to cure them. Our trade was ill—why
not send the doctor to that ?—(Hear, hear.) lie did
not care what doctor they employed—whether the
Tamworth doctor or any other—(Hear, hear)—and if
fees were wanting, he would sooner give his 3,000/.
or .5,000/. rather than the cure should be withheld..
(Applause.) RA found his trade sinking under him,