The Sun.
London, England, 1845-06-11 00:00:00

E S LONDON, WEDNESDA EYId:INTING. JITN-E1 11, 1845,

whatever to do with the question.—( Hear, hear.) And now
he would ask, was it right, or reasonable, or sensible, that
Hon. Members should hold back in this sort of way, when
they might have the merit of voting for it now, in compliance
with common sense, instead of yielding to forge or menace,
and at a time too when the whole change might be effected
with the greatest possible ease and safety.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. BUCK said he was not present at the meeting alluded
to by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, and therefore
knew nothing of the speeches that bad been made; but this
he knew, that the resolutions passed at that meeting
were to this effect, that they unanimously agreed to call
upon the landlords to give every opposition in
their power to this measure ; and he begged to
assure the Hon. Member that he.(Mr. Buck) and his consti-
tuents fully concurred in this respect. He could also assure
the House that nothing could be more injurious to the agri-
cultural interest of the country than this constant agitation of
this question.—(Laughter, and ironical cheers.) And he
should add, that a more feeble argument from so enlightened
a Member he had never heard than his speech upon this occa-
sion.—( Laughter.) He felt great pleasure in now stating
that it was his own conviction, as well as that of his con-
stituents, that the country was greatly indebted to the Noble
Lord the Member for London for the resolutions he had
brought forward upon the subject of the condition of the la-
bouring classes ; for the discussion on that occasion elicited
the real state of the landed interest of the country. By that
discussion it had been made quite apparent that from the year
1841 to the present time, the landlords had sacrificed nearly
one-third of their income during that period, from various
circumstances. The lion. Member for Wolverhampton had
said that the present Government had expressed their ap-
proval of this measure; but he (Mr. Buck) believed that a
member of the Administration had said, that no man in his
senses could recommend such a measure.—(Laughter.) He
had spoken of the effects of this agitation, and now let him
ask, ought it to be kept up, after the alterations that had
already taken place? They had not only placed upon the
landlords the consequences of the tariff, but they bad also
the income-tax, and very many other indirect taxes. The
Hon. Member opposite had spoken of the comparative state of
the farmers and the manufacturers ; but he (Mr. Buck) would
contend for it that no comparison could be made between
them. He would ask what was to become of the agricultural
labourer if he could not get employment, while the manu-
facturing labourer had full work? Was he to go to the work-
house, or to emigrate to the colonies, where, it was suggested,
that land should be purchased for his occupation? He
(Mr. Buck) would contend for it that it would be more
judicious and more beneficial to this country to devise some
plan for the employment of their labourers at home than to send
them to a foreign country ; and he had no doubt that a plan
could be easily devised by which this country could be made
to produce sufficient to supply not only all the wants of the
population, but also sufficient to give employment to
the whole of the idle agricultural labourers. As to
the low rate of wages, no person could regret that more than
he did, but it was owing to the large amount of the population,
and the smallness of the capital. But he did think that
measures could very easily be proposed whereby capital could
be raised to be invested in projects for cultivating the land, and
thus giving extensive employment. Those were his reasons for
opposing this measure, to which he had always given a decided
negative, and he felt convinced he would hest consult the inte-
rests of his constituents by doing so.
Mr. M. PHILIPS begged to assure the House that the
Honourable Member who had just sat dawn had taken
most erroneous views as to the manner in which the trade
of this country was conducted. The manufacturers were com-
pletely tied down to their manufactories, and if they were not,
or if they suspended them, they would lose their connexion,
which they would not find it so easy to renew again as a farmer
might his crops.—( Hear, hear.) That agriculture had been
lagging behind in its progress, as compared with manufactures,
was easily accounted for by the fact that landlords were too
much given to the practice of delegating their business to their
stewards, instead of looking after their properties themselves,
and this often accounted for the state of embarrassment they
were placed in by outliving their means. The Honourable
Member concluded by calling upon the House to adopt this
measure, which he looked upon as one of the most important
that had ever been introduced to the Legislature.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that allusion had been made
to him so frequently and so pointedly by the Hon. Member for
Wolverhampton, that, however reluctant he might be to tres-
pass on the House, he could not forbear doing so, as he felt it
his duty to offer a few observations on what had fallen from
the Hon. Member. In the course of the many years during
which he had had the honour of occupying a seat in the House,
he had never felt it his duty to speak upon a subject which he felt
was so totally devoid of any new argument or illustration as
this. He was anxious that this most important subject
(and a more important one could not come before the
House) should have the fullest and fairest consideration.
He agreed with the Hon. Member in his most earnest desire
that their decision should be guided by the most solemn wish
to promote the interest of the community at large. He would
not shrink on the present occasion from again repeating ;11
those principles which he had on a former occasion avowed.
It was decidedly his opinion that the prosperity se', agriculture
must always depend on the prosperity of natieve industry in this
country, and that the public
.prosperity was on the whole for-
warded by giving a free and incesrupt current to the natural
flow of industry. It was his Opinion that, as a safe and cau-
tions measure, it was expedient to bring forward laws with re-
ference to trade in a manner relative to the sound principles
which guided their commercial policy with respect to other
branches. It was perfectly clear that the landlord's prosperity
would depend on the wealth and comfort of the people. Hav-
ing made that declaration, he was bound to state that it was
his opinion that suddenly, and at once, to pass a measure to
reduce the protection in this country was utterly inconsistent
with the well-being of the community, and would give a great
shock to the agricultural interest.—( Hear.) In the first place he
wished to advert to an observation which was made by the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, in which he said two-
thirds of the people of this country were otherwise employed
thau in raising food. He begged to differ from that observa-
tion. In considering this question, he always observed that
one-third of the community was never carried into calculation
by Hon. Gentlemen, when they contrasted the manufacturing
with the agricultural interest. The sole produce of Ireland,
with a popu'ation of eight millions, was food ; and their only
means of subsistence depended upon the demand upon that
produce. When the Hon. Gentleman said that two-thirds of
the population of the United Kingdom were employed in in-
dustry other than agricultural industry, it was a misappre-
hension on his part arising from the mis-statements of others.
He wished also to correct another error into which he fell,
while it was fresh in his recollection. He stated on a former oc-
casion what he would not now hesitate to repeat—that, without
distinction of party, for the last twenty years the object ef,
succeeding Governments had been to substitute protectisee for
prohibitory duties, and when a. protective duty could Ise Imposed,
to remove the prohibit wry
duty. The protection given to
agricultural produce ':.as not an exception to the general rule.
—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Wolverhampton
stated that it was not the object of the Government to di-
minish the extent of protection. They had adopted a prin•
ciple w.'aich had actuated not only this Government but former
Go-,cenments, which was aproof that it was a safe principle ; and
was not only the principle, but the key-stone of the policy of
Itis Right lion. Friend at the head of her Majesty's Govern-
ment. With respect to the corn-laws, and the alteration made
in them in 1842, there was no exception to the policy which he
referred to. That alteration was not made for the purpose of
diminishing the protection of the agricultural interest. He
would now read to the House the words of his Right Hon.
Friend in 1842, when he introduced to the notice of the House
that measure which was now law, giving that protection which
they were now discussing. He ( Sir R. Peel) said that, it was
impossible to deny, in comparing the duty which he proposed
with that which then existed, that it would cause a very Con-
siderable decrease in the protection which that duty af-
forded to the home grower. That, however, would be
made consistent with justice, for he would be adequately
protected, notwithstandlng the reduction which was considerable.
He felt bound to say that he thought that the agricultural in-
terest of this country could afford to part with a portion of the
protection which it now received, and it was only fit that that
protection should be diminished. He might quote further
from the speech of his Rt. Hon. Friend, but he had read as much
as would show that the corn-laws were modified in 1842, and
it was not for the purpose of diminishing protection. The Hon.
Member for Wolverhampton had traced the origin of the pro-
tection. He said that it appeared that at dated from the ac•
cession of William 111. At that time this country was not an
importing country, but the policy of great men in those days
was to give encouragement to n dive industry, and to make this
country as independent of foreign supply as possible. That
kind of protection continued up to 1716, when the circum-
stances of the country began to alter, and the population
began to increase. It was then the introduction of fo-
reign corn commenced. He must say that he would not wish
to rely so much in matters of this kind on the greatest man of
past times, freely admitting that experience and new sources
of knowledge would throw light on matters of this description,
but yet he must state, that the highest authorities throughout
the last century and a half had concurred in maintaining this
policy as one of paramount importance. The Right Hon. Ba-
ronet then alluded to the observations of Mr. Burke and Adam
Smith, in which they stated, that the protection of agricultural
interests was most conducive to the national wealth, and to
the comfort of the community at large. A po:icy maintained
by the greatest authorities, was a policy not likely to be soon
laid aside. He thought that it was truly stated by the Hon.
Gentleman, the Member for Bridport, that corn had very
little to do in any particular year with the rate
of wages. He entirely agreed with the doctrine that, en the
whole, under the system of protection, an immense agricul-
tural improvement had not taken place, but he would say, that
notwithstanding the population of this country had been nearly
doubled within the last half century, the supply of food at this
misment was more easily obtained for double the population
than it was previous to that period. He (Sir James Graham)
alone could speak, from his own personal knowledge, of the
county and neighbourhood in which he resided. That county,
thirty years ago, did not produce sufficient food for the main-
tenance of its inhabitants, but by inclosure, improvement, and
successful industry, it was now a county which exported
largely. The Right Hon. Baronet then alluded to a common
which came under his own personal knowledge, which was
covered with heath sixteen years ago, and over which he him-
self had hunted. It consisted of two thousand acres, and, in
consequence of an outlay of 6,0007., one hundred and twenty
people were enabled to live on it with ease and comfort, and it
added to this country a capital which might be represented by
30,0007., whereas it was totally uncultivated twenty years ago.
An Hon. Gentleman referred to the doctrine that protection
was necessary on account of local burdens. When that sub-
jeet was mentioned it was received with derision by Gentle-
men on the opposite side. He was glad to see the
Noble Lord the Member for London in his place, be-
cause he knew that he would not support that doctrine
of local burdens —he was still an advocate for a fixed duty.
The Hon. Member for Wolverhampton had said, and very
truly, that abundance of food was essentially necessary for the
population. If the Honourable Gentleman would show him
that free trade would produce such an effect, it would at once
make him a convert; but he did not think that it would have
such an effect. He considered that a 4s. duty would be good
for nothing. The question was, whether they would adept free
trade or not. He thought they ought to proceed in the matter
with great caution ; they ought to take care how they altered
clay land from growing wheat into grass land.—( Hear, hear. )
lie was sure that if the motion of the Honourable Member for
Wolverhampton was carried, it would create the greatest dis-
trust, destitution, pauperism, and despair in the country.
( Hear, hear.) He thought the better cultivation of land
would produce a better supply than any alteration in the corn-
laws. Ile maintained that a low duty was no protection whatever.
He believed that the proposition of the Hon. Member for
Wolverhampton would, if carried, be most disastrous in its
consequences—disastrous as much to the population engaged in
manufactures as to those engaged in agriculture. On these
grounds he should oppose the motion of the Hon. Member for
Wolverhampton.
Mr. VILLIERS explained.
Mr. BRIGHT next addressed the House. He commenced
by saying that from what he had heard both in and out of that
House during the last few months, there was a very great dif-
ference of opinion on the question of protection amongst sensi-
ttihioonse.
Gentleman
ble men. To much of the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet
Oppositionad he
.11
those
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es
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hv
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fh
titishma se sßtehinegtrh,.
Right
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rt
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ote
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thing at one time, and
Gentleman had ,chihto unsay it at another. The Right Hon.
dually coming to a ft:tea-needed' bstating that they were gra-
Ba ronet said that any eh an ee in corn. After that the Right Hon.
repeal. The Right
Reh.g jnfatture must be a change to a total
Gentleman then suneesafully demons,

rerson, or a shadow of a reason, why he intended to vote
against the motion. He had not stated any new argument with
respect to the peculiar burdens on land,. or why the baneful
system cf pretection. should ,70 Min ,The Hdrt. Geetlerned
tefeered. to the state of wage; paid to labourers on the Conti-
nent, and asked why the peasantry of this country were not
better paid than those with whom they came into competi
tion, and compared the eernittete
of each:
was
Heegare
and In other tOtititries of reurope corn produced
the feudal system-, the labourers receiving no
wages for their labour. The Hon. Member for Lincolnshire
(Mr. Christopher) taunted the free traders with seeking pro-
tection for themselves, to the exclusion of similar advantagee to
others. He ought to hate done them the justice to say that
they had again declared that they sought for no concession
which they would not equally extend to all—that they were
convinced that the protection to manufactures was injurious,
instead of being a blessing. The restrictive tariffs of Eine-
land were pointed to by other countries as opposed to the
principles and freedom of commerce. If they were to take
the manufactures of other countries they would compel them
to take an equal quantity of theirs. He regretted to see
two great nations, whose interests were identical, continuing
in a hostile course towards each other instead of adopting mea-
sures by which they might act in unison for the common benefit
of both. Now that something had been done for the ruling few,
it was time that something should be done for the many—
that the food of the people should find its way into the coun-
try unimpeded, and that the productions of the whole world
should he open to It, and that theirs should be open to the
whole world. Whatever might now be the amount of resistance,
the time was not far distant when the emancipation of com-
merce would ensue, and when the people of this country Would
derive what was due to their growing intelligence and in-
dustry.
Mr. CAVENDISH said he should give his vote in favour of
the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, although
he differed with him as to the period when a total abolition
ought to take place, but in doing se he should not be precluded
from supporting any amendment when such a proposition was
before the House. He was of opinion that protection had not
afforded any benefit to the landed interest, and had prevented
farmers from relying on their own efforts. He was opposed to
the dividing of large plots of land into small compartments. He
would vote with the Hon. Member for going into Committee
with the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton.
Lord EBRINGTON said as the choice lay between the
present monstrous anomaly of a corn-law and going into Com-
mittee to inquire into its operation, he should certainly vote for
the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton.
Mr. COBDEN said that after what had been said he would
not detain the House by any lengthened observations, but he
would wish to call back the attention of the House to the sub-
ject before them, and to remind them that the motion of his
Hon. Friend, so far from being met, had been eyetematically
avoided. The question as to comparing this or that corn-law
had nothing to do with manufacturing or agricultural pros-
perity or depression—the question was Whether they could
withjustice continue a law which restricted the present sup-
ply of food ? That question had not been answered, and could
not be met here or elsewhere. It seemed to have been for-
gotten, though the country had not forgotten it, that the
plea for protection on account of exclusive burdens
involved the logical deduction that the price of Corn must be
raised in consequence of a limited supply. But that House had
clearly shown the country that that question should not be
met. It might be asked what proof was there that there
was an insufficiency of food ? Would any one from the
agricultural districts tell him that labourer's families had a
sufficiency
thesom Hon.ers
et s Member b
sufficiency of food? Would the Hon. Member for Wiltshire,
say r
thatfor Dges e tshire , labourersor the
had lao n
of
. Member for
food? The condition of the unskilled and labouring class
was disgraceful to the House. The reports on the table of
that House, both from Scotland and Ireland, showed that
the people of both countries were in a dreadful state of desti
tution. Some spoke of Ireland as if it were not a portion of
the United Empire. He had heard it said in private con-
versation, " Oh, if you come to Ireland, what is Ireland ?"
when he remarked that 5,000,000 of the people had
not eaten wheaten bread. He asked them did not the
corn-law apply to Ireland as well as to England ? The
Scotch were almost as bad off as the Irish, Its appeared by the
report laid upon their table: In the midland counties thou-
sands of people have been dependent upon framework-knitting
—a trade which Was now shown, by competent evidence, to be
in a most dePrescd condition. He would ask, was that state
of thine; satisfactory ? He considered it disgraceful to the
people of this country.—( Hear, hear.) And it was not the
consequence of political economy, but in consequence of the
system of protection which they had introduced They could
not benefit the people of this country unless by the introduc-
tion of a greater quantity of food. He would not talk of price.
He would be glad if the word price was never mentioned, but if
the quantity of wheat were not augmented, all the plans hey
would adopt—all the expedients they would resort to—would
not permanently increase the prosperity of the inhabitants
of this country.—( Hear, hear.) If they did not import a
larger quantity of food, all other resources would fail. How,
then, would this increased supply come ? They said it would
come in consequence of increased protection. But that had
failed. They must admit it had !ailed. Then, he would ask,
them to try his plan. The argument of the Hon. Baronet the
Home Secretary was an argument in the future sense. It was
built upon prophecies and predictions. Let the two millions
of quarters of wheat come and he would take his chance. Let
them not talk to him of panic or fears. Those alarms were not
owing to them, they were owing to Honourable Gentlemen on
the Opposition benches. The old story was continually trumped
up. Pass free trade, and you will throw the soil out of culti-
vation. Throw the soil out of cultivation ! throw the poor
sandy soils out of cultivation.—( Hear, hear.) He had no
hesitation in saying that the land would be better cultivated.
He had the highest authority for saying so. The most eminent
agriculturists had given their opinion that it would benefit
agriculture. For his own part he would prefer the authority of
Lord Spencer, Lord Ducie, and the Earl of Leicester, to that
of the Home Secretary. Another panic, too, may be sought to
be raised by the effect which free trade would have on mort-
gages on land. Ile believed that every mortgage would be
better discharged if free trade were carried than at present.
He would not be put off by such prophecies. Talk of
a panic ! If they abolished the corn-laws to-n,ght,
anti if the newspapers took no notice of it, the farmers would
never know anything of the change, unless, perhaps, a few
years hence they might come to discover it in their im-
proved condition.—( Hear, hear). The Right Hon. Baronet
talked of their rashness. He made use of the argument the
last time the subject was under discussion. It appeared a
stock argument. But he would ask were not they rather
the rash men? Were not they the rash men who were in-
vesting tiem, the free traders, with a moral power
which they would afterwards be jealous of ? The
times of distress and commercial depression might
come again. Another revulsion might again disturb
the country. Who would then be the rash man ?
The Right Hon. Baronet had admitted that the question was
merely one of time. They had it on the authority of a gen-
tleman who could be depended on, that there were at present
300,000 quarters of wheat in bond. N. w, was not that a pretty
stock ? Was it ever known that such madness could exist—
that in a great country like this, where there was a population
of 27,000,000, such a state of things could continue ? Were
there to be no provisions for the fee ore ? They might as well
have laid up the store of corn. But what had they done ?--
they had refused to make any future provision for the time to
come, and were rashly neglecting all the means which they
ought to employ for the advantage of the country. This had
always been the case, and when opportunities were
occurring on every hand they were obstinately refusing
to avail themselves of the magic stores of science,
which should bind people to people, and country to country,
which should unite nation to nation, and destroy the boun-
daries which had hitherto been barriers to the interchange of
good-will and the promotion of the general benefit. Let them
not, then, be behindhand in legislation. He would not suffer
the Right Hon. Baronet, with his customary caution, to de-
prive his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton (Mr.
Villiers) of the credit for deep caution and long foresight
which, in this period of calmness, could make provision for
what shall hereafter occur—for that revulsion which would as-
suredly come. He was the man of caution and of foresight.
The country would see this, and would inevitably force the
Right Hon. Baronet to the end which his Hon. Friend desired,
and he warned him not to suffer those to lead who ought to be
followers.

strafed that the proposition of the Noble Lord the Hon. Mem-
ber for London fore Arced duty was altogether untenable. The
Right Floe. Gentleman showed that there was no argument in
favour of a fixed duty. Now how the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman could reconcile this with the latter part of his eneesh,
he (Mr. Bright) could not imagine: He had been surprised
to hear the Right Hon: Gentlettian using the same arguments
as Hon. Gentleteinn on the other side of the House who sat
below him. This was very extraordinary, coming as it did from
a member of a Government which had staked its thertattet on
its free trade measures. The Right lion. Baronet told his
protection friends that these flee trade measures could not be
brought on suddenly. He (Mr. Bright) recollected seeing in
Punch a letter written by an aunt to her niece on the best
means of ruling a husband, and the advice of the aunt was foe
the niece to cultivate her nerves. This was the advice given
by the Right Hon. Gentleman to those on his own side.
He said—" If you cultivate your nerves, and become
extremely sensitive, we will make your sensitiveness an argu-
ment against repeal." The Right Hon. Baronet asked if free-
trade would give the people more food ? Did the Right Hen.
Baronet want proof upon this? Could the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet look around, and not find ample proof? In the street in
which he (Mr. Bright) lived, there was a lark which sang as
sweetly as though he:was at liberty. Every morning a boy
came with a piece of green turf to supply the comforts of that
lark. And this was the principle upon which the Queen's
palace was supplied, and by which the whole community was
supplied with their necessaries. The Right Hon. Gentleman
contended that a repeal of the corn-laws would cause a larger
importation of foreign corn than had been estimated. Now
it was an extraordinary thing that so little was thought about
the risk of the country being reduced to a scarcity. In
articles that the unhallowed fingers of monopoly had never
touched there was always a supply sufficient for the consump-
tion of two years. How came it that at the present time
there was six months' stock of cotton in Liverpool, although
the whole of that cotton came from the United States of
America. The Right Hon. Baronet spoke of a panic attend-
ing a repeal of the corn-laws. He said that an importation
of two millions of quarters of corn would displace two mil-
lions of quarters grown at home. Did the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet know that during the times of scarcity, as many people
as were employed in the cultivation of two millions of quarter s
of wheat were thrown out of employment in one town.
The Right Hon. Baronet had said we might have a sufficient
supply of food by improving the cultivation of land ; but what
had been done to cause that improvement in land ? Was that
improvement going on ? If it was not, when the next ten
or twenty years had expired the population would be no better
off than at present. It, was a notorious fact that at the present
moment a vast number of the people of England and Ireland
did not possess the means of procuring bread. The Right
Hon. Baronet must have experienced very great difficulty in
speaking of the corn-laws, holding as he did free trade opi-
nions. He had spoken in defence of the corn-laws, and had
rested his defence on the fact that the price of co:n had been
exceedingly steady under that law. The parties for whom
that law was specially intended had been disappointed that the
price had been so steady. In the years 1133 and 1834 the
price of wheat had been more steady, and for a longer period
than it had under the operation of the present law. The
Right Hon. Baronet admitted there was no proof that the law
had not failed, because it had not met with that awkward con-
tingency of a bad harvest, therefore the argument adduced by
the Right Hon. Gentleman would be of no use. When the
discussion commenced that evening he expected to find the
members of the Government approve the motion of his Hon.
Friend the member for Wolverhampton, on the ground that it
would not be expedient to do all that it required at once, but
by degrees, in order to assimilate with the increasing wants of
the people. He thought they would have said a great deal to
their supporters at the lower part of the House to endeavour to
break the fall, but as they had riot done that he would offer a few
observations to those Hon. Members who defended the agri-
cultural interest. It appeared to him, notwithstanding the
speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the arguments for
the corn-law had entirely disappeared; and why they were un-
willing to come at once to the repeal of that law was, that
there were certaia fears lingering in their minds about land-
lords and farmers. He found those Hon. Members express-
ing their fears, and rather willing to hear arguments that
their fears had been well grounded. He would ask, was not
wheat precisely the same as any other article of commerce;
and whether the laws that regulate tobacco and other articles
of commerce would not equally apply to wheat? He found
the Right Hon. Gentleman had, from time to time, admitted
various articles connected with general commerce, and no harm
had arisen in consequence. He would take the article of
bark, and he found that within the,.ad lastfo:n ten
more d
ffit
years
more than 7,000,000 cwt. had been adm;•• ye
d and ye
no gentleman who possessed timber ,
cult} in disposing of it at ^
profit. During the last
ten years more than 4 ,
To -
0,000 cwt. of hides had come
in, but no butcher nad experienced any obstacle in getting
rid of the es that covered the animals they slaughtered.
SuPP(s.T.: those hides had not been imported, how would the
el.entry have been supplied? They might be independent of
foreigners for the supply, and they might just as well be inde-
pendent of boots and shoes.—( Cheers.) Tallow had been
introduced within the last ten years to the extent of 12,000,000
cwt., and yet it had not had the slightest effect in damaging
the agricultural interest. The Hon. Member for Bridport
had alluded to the subject of flax,—why, within 10 years,
400,000,0001b5. had been brought in, and yet the price of
wool had been undiminished. He would mention the articles
of silk and cotton together, as they were more likely to come
into competition with wool. He showed that the article of
cotton had increased within the last 30 years to 700,000,0001b5.,
and the consumption in the country was likely to be doubled
and quadrupled. The article of rice would best contrast with
corn and grain. A rice pudding and a bread pudding were
very similar when placed on the table. Of rice there have
been 170,000,000 cwt. imported wiihin the last ten years, and
of rice, in the hu k, about 140,000,000 cwt. within the same
period. Of clover, 100,000 qrs. had been brought in. Rye,
200,000 qrs.—beans and peas, 200,000 qrs.—barley, the same.
Oats, 250,000 quarters ; of wheat, 12,000,000, and of flour
5,500,000, making a total of grain of of all kinds brought in of
19,000,000 quarters within the last ten years. The quantity
of butter that had been consumed was 2,000,000 cwt. and the
same quantity of cheese. From the consideration of these items
it appeared to him that if the principle of protection was right
the claim of these articles to protectioh was desirable. It was
not right to allow these articles to come into competition with
our own articles of consumption. It was not cus-
tomary for either House of Legislature to know
much of what was
had been a faminetermed famine prices ; but there
the Right H ,rice- under the operation of our laws, and
Baronet had admitted it; and when they had
been rel.-axed to such a degree of tenuity that they would be
we,:seened they would suddenly break. To the poor the price
of corn was a famine price, and a starvation price as much as if
the Almighty had permitted the land to be devastated with a
famine ; but it was not a famine from Heaven, but a famine
promoted by that House—by men who were pretending to legis-
late for the public good. It was time that that extraordinary
misgovernment should come to an end. Thousands of people
had been made poor by this fallacious system ; and so long as
the system prevailed so long there will be a constant state of
irritation in the country—a constant jarring with the Legis-
lature, and a desire to have the law repealed. He had men-
tioned various facts for the purpose of arguing that there was
no reason to be afraid that evil consequences would result from
the importation of wheat any more than would arise from the
importation of the articles he had enumerated. Another
nustake the Hon. Members for the agricultural interest had
fallen into was, that as a very large quantity of grain would be
brought from abroad, the cultivation of the land would be ren:
dered unprofitable, and would be relinquished. It would
be recollected, that from 1838 to 1842, the price of wheat
averaged 645. per quarter; during that period it appeared
that foreigners could only introduce 2,225,001) quarters, and
he would contend, that as the price now was only 455. per
quarter, that it would be impossible for foreigners to bring in
their grain now at a remunerating profit, when, at the time
the price was highest, they only brought in 2,225,000 quarters.
In the country there had been a strong feeling that the aristo-
cracy of England had for a moment stooped from their true
position of defending protection. From the opening sentence
or the Right Hon. Baronet's speech, it would have appeared
that he had concluded that the question was entirely a ques-
tion of time, and that he vess..willing to secure for all the
benefits to be derived from free trade—and that free trade
was the principal or key-stone on which his Right Hon. Friend
at the Head of the Government foueded all his Legislative
enactments. The Rig' .t Hon. Baronet was every day doing
something to break down the protective system, and there was
a party out of the House, who were endeavouring all they could
to support every measure, which any Ministry might bring
forward, for relieving the distresses of the country. He would
just refer to the history of the agitation that had been carried
on out of doors on this subject for the last seven years.
Seven years ago they commenced, and their receipts from the
public had been 5,0001., 7,0001., 10,000/. 50,0001., and the
last year it was 110,000/. They had entered many of their
friends as freeholders in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, and he
would ask the Hon. Member for South Lancashire what prospect
he had of being returned at the next general election? They
intended to extend their operations into other counties where the
same course of proceeding would be trie,.l.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) They had held a bazaar a few weeks ago. He did
not pretend to describe it, but there were many Honourable
Gentlemen on the other side of the House who had attended
that bazaar, and if one of them would describe it, it would
make a very excellent anti-corn-law speech. The receipts of that
basaar had been upwards of 20,0001. The free subscriptions had
amounted to between 4,0001. or 5,0001. ; and with the ma-
terial yet left unsold they would make up 30,0001. Many of
the Hon. Gentlemen on the other side had been parties to the
getting-up of bazaars, but there never had been a bazaar one-
tenth the extent of what that had been. Yet that bazaar had
been got up by the middle classes of this country, who had
taken a deep interest in this question, who viewed it as a re-
ligious question,—(Loud ironical cheers.) He would tell
I-lon. Gentlemen who cheered in that manner that there was
a passage in the Koran which stated that one day of good works
was better than seventy days of prayer. The passing of a law
to rai•e the price of bread—(lronical cheers)—was what the
Gentlemen on the other side of the House had clone ; and the
middle classes who protested against that law were actuated by
a strong religious feeling in their opposition. It was easy to
sneer at those who opposed that law, but he was sure the
Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Govern-
ment would be the last to sneer at the great middle
classes from which he himself had sprung. Coming
from the country, where this great movement had originated,
he knew the wants, the feelings, and the energy of its people,
and would be the last to sneer at the sentiments by which
they were influenced in seeking the abolition of the law.
Another Gentleman, on the same bide of the House, had
written a work, in which he represented society divided into
two great empires—the rich and the poor. The corn-laws were
at the foundation of that division. The wants of the people
required a more honest and equitable system of distribution,
and this could only be done by acting upon the great and im-
mutable principles for the regulation of trade, which he (Mr.
Bright) advocated. They had seen good principles advanced,
and bad ones recede before the light of knowledge, and this
gave hope and assurance of the success of their principles.
Unless they chained down the great legacy left them by Caxton,
unless they could restrict the circulation of Chambers's cheap
literature ; unless they could put an end to the aublication of
Knight's Weekly Volume, and the myriads of cheap publications
issuing from the press; unless they could stop the progress of
the locomotive engines, and the wonderful improvements in
science that had taken place—unless they could accomplish
these things, it was vain for them to attenipt arresting the pro-
gress of this princii:le, which was sure, eventually, to triumph.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN said the Hon. Gentleman had made refe-
rence to the bazaar, and had asked lion. Gentleman on that
side of the House to give a description of it. Though he would
not attempt to answer to the call of the Hon. Gentleman, still
he (Mr. O'Brien) must confess that he had seen the produc-
tions of that bazaar, and, apart from all party feelings or pre-
dilections, he felt a just sense of pride at what his countrymen
had done. He was prepared to the fullest extent to do justice
to the industry of those by whom that great collection was
made, but when he heard all the evils of the country ascribed
to the corn-laws, and all imaginable good represented to flow
from the opposite policy, he must object to the doctrine alto-
gether. He was willing to let legislation do its best to im.
Iproveegis
la theti
enon free
trade
d ofe could th e c
rem nre but,the evilsr
hisef
a g
opinion,
re at a no
do
complicated empire like this.—( Hear, hear.) He had heard
nothing to induce him to change his opinion on the subject,
and he would accordingly vote against the motion of the lion.
Member for Wolverhampton. He draught the present law
migl:t be considerably modified, but he would not consent to
tt
uhe
al
interestsprinci ple
ofadvocatedu
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ry y thatw Hn
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be
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best-
served by a system of mutual concessiora,--( Hear. )
Dr. BOWRINCF rose amidst cries, of " Divide." He said
the Hon. agntlernan who had just At down had not given a

Mr. G. BANKES said he would reply to the observations
of the Hon. Member for Stockport, as it laid in his power to
correct some mistakes with respect to historical facts into which
that Hon. Member, and the Hon. Member for Wolverhamp-
ton, had fallen. The former Hon. Member had spoken as if
the corn-laws had only been in existence during the last
thirty years; but the former had gone fu ther back, even to
the period of 1688, for the time when, according to a work of
fiction attributed to the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, whether
truly or not it was not for him to say, the corn-laws had been
first instituted. But it was not William of the pious, glorious,
and immortal memory, who had founded the corn-laws. It was
true that at that time a considerable alteration had been made,
and it was not only the time for the memory of the cern-laws, but
of the national debt, and of the standing army also. But the
corn-laws had not been founded by William ; they had only
been altered. He had imposed a duty on exports, and it was
from that time that the free trade in corn had been destroyed ;
and he would go beyond that, to the time of James 1., when
there was a free trade in corn, for the condition of the labourer.
In 1621, when there was freedom of trade in corn in England,
the state of the labouring population was most deplorable, and
wages were never known to be so low. And what were •the
prices in that day ? They had been told a good deal about the
tremendous fluctuation in prices, owing to a check upon trade
in corn, and he would now point cut to them what the
fluctuations were at a time when freedom of trade was
in existence. In 1621 the price of corn in England
was 30s. 4d. per quarter, and now for the fluctuations.
In the very next year, 1622, the price of corn was 525. New,
take a period of ten years. He had already stated that in 1621
the price of corn was 30s. 4d. In 1631, a period of ten years,
the price was 68s. Now, these were the fluctuations at a time
when there was freedom of trade. In 1648 wheat was 855.,
having been two years before only 48s. These returns he took
from the accounts kept at Eton College, which ran as far back
as the reign of Elizabeth. The corn-law was altered in the
reign of King William, but the alteration was no alteration
as regarded imports; the alteration was merely a bounty
upon the exports. At that time exporting corn was considered
as an experiment ; but it was one that entirely succeeded ;
and, to prove this assertion, he could give them the
authority of a person writing 70 years after it was made.
That bounty continued up to the reign of George 11., and
they would find that during a considerable period of that reign
wheat was a lower price than at any other period, and England
was at the same time a largely exporting country, for from
1697 to 1765 the exports exceeded the imports by fourteen
million quarters. He was told that this system of exporting
was an experiment commenced within the last thirty years,
but so far from this being the case it was an experiment ex-
tending over the last century and a half. Whether it was
successful or not he admitted was a question of argument, but
whether the system was a novel or an old one was a matter
of fact. Upon that fact he met the Hon. Member for Wol-
verhampton, and was prepared to discuss with him whether the
experiment was new or old. For his own part, he was confi-
dent it was an old experiment, and had long ago been proved to
be a successful one. A large portion of those exports were
conveyed to France; in fact, in the year 1748, the whole of the
south of French was supplied from England with wheat; and
he found, in a book written by a traveller in Smyrna, that 300
ships, laden with wheat, left England, and arrived in that
country, from England, in one day. Very shortly after an
alteration took place in the corn-laws, and soon after that fol-
lowed the revolution. Mind, he did not say that the
state of the law produced the French revolution, bet
it certainly did not prevent it. —( Laughter. ) On those
grounds, then, he would say that history afforded
no evidence by which to prove that the corn-laws had led to
this discontent. He admitted they were the cause of the na-
tional debt and the standing army, but these were burdens that
the country was happy to bear.—(Laughter, and ironical
cheers.) Hnn. Members might laugh, but let them recollect
that the great proportions of those burdens were borne by the
landowners. He believed that the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government was somewhat mistaken,
when he thought that the state of the labouring classes was in
an improving condition. He (Mr. Bankes) was afraid that it
was not the case. The Right Hon. Gentleman referred to the
returns of last year, not the present. He was induced to think
that, as far as related to that portion of the kingdom, the
returns this year a ould present a very different feature.
"F here was immense suffering last winter, and the greatest
energy was exercised for the prevention of that suffering.
There was great suffering from want of fuel. He believed
that that difficulty was made away with by subscriptions of
benevolent people, who deserved great credit, With respect