The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-15 00:00:00

constituency, by the aristocracy neglecting the registra-
tion, which was not likely to be the case. So long as
the people could be fed with praise instead of bread—so
long as they could be restrained from plundering the pro-
vision stores—so long as the parks of the aristocracy could
be preserved from invasion, and the wheels of Government
could go round with a little creaking— (A laugh)—Par-
liament would not be dissolved unless it pleased God to
let in some hand, which would throw all into confusion.
—(Cheers.) What they had to look to was to raise an
exalted, united, determined public opinion. (Hear,
hear.) It had been said that London must be raised,
and it could be raised.—(Hear, hear.) It was per-
fectly disgraceful to London that it should be the
least patriotic part of the country. (Hear, hear.)
They knew that it was the power of opinion that ruled
the world. It was that which gave force to the sceptre,
terror to the gallows, an edge to the sword, power to
the army, winds to the ship, lightning to the artillery,
force to eloquence, power to poetry, charm to money,
and influence to man. It was opinion that ruled the
world in every form of life, in every species of opera-
tion.—(Hear' hear.) Now what they had to do was,
to get hold of public opinion, and to wield this mighty
power against those vicious laws which made food dear
and labour precarious, which caused taxes to press with
the most rigour upon those who were the least capable of
bearing them, and conducted Government upon the worst
possible set of principles. (Hear, hear.) The Go-
vernment had fairly admitted that there was great dm-

ress, but they said that the Corn-laws ;-vere not
,he cause of that distress. Very well, but what cared

the poor man about the cause of the distress ?—(Hear.)
He was wronged, he was injured ; what did it matter to
him about the cause of the injury ?—(Hear, hear.) The
knowledge of the cause, unless he was the person to
apply the remedy, was no very great comfort
to him as a sufferer. What did it matter to

im whether Sir Robert Peel attributed the existing

distress to the Corn-laws or to something else ? What-
ever was the cause they had a right to look to him for
the remedy.—(Hear, hear.) He had undertaken to
govern the people, he had undertaken to cure or to kill
the patient ; let them keep him to the terms of his en-
gagement.—(Hear, hear.) He predicted that instead of
the thorn, the fir-tree would come up under
his sway ; that instead of the brier, the myrtle-
tree would flourish under his rule ; he assigned all the
distress to the Government of the Whigs—all the
misery to the ascendancy of Lord John Russell and his
party ; he sneered at a diminished income ; he sneered
at the representatives of trade ; and now that he had
had fuller swing in the House of Commons than he ever

in many instances, 60 or 70 per cent., from the inability
of occupants to pay the landlord's claims. I will now
add, that, in cottage property, the average reduction in
annual receipts is fully 50 per cent.
Mr. J. BRIGHT said he rose for the purpose of submit-
ting a resolution. agreed upon by the Executive Com-
mittee. He did not know if there was any particular
business to be transacted during that sitting ; if not, he
would make a few observations which did not bear upon
the resolution. He was unwilling to take up the time of
the Conference during that sitting, because he was
quite satisfied that it was of the utmost importance
that the details of the distress of the country should
be brought fairly before the Conference, and by
that means before the Governnment. For several days
they had been occupied in hearing the details
of suffering and distress. There was no tribe, however
uncivilised, where there was so much distress and suffer-
ing as was to be found in Stockport, Colne Leeds,
Sheffield, and other places he could mention. What was
the reason of all this ? In coming up from Lancashire
to London, it struck him that nature was smiling, and
that Providence smiled on the country, every thing
seemed to be smiling kindness ; but there was another
picture, and that was man oppressing his fellow-man.
Lord Stanley, the other night, said that the distress was
entirely beyond the control of himan legislation. There
never was a man more ignorant of the distress ; and he
was sure that every one who perused the speeches of the
Delegates in that room, must feel that it required the
immediate attention of the Government. He supposed
it was not possible to point to a country on earth, in
which a state of things existed equal to that now in this
land of civilisation, commerce, and all the appliances by
which human life was rendered happy and prosperous.
It had been shown that the Est-Tering was not confined
to any one point of the country, but was spread over the
whole country; and he was sure there was not so much suf-
fering and calamity in any other nation of the earth. It was
said bad harvests were beyond human control. Why they
knew that very well; but they knew perfectly well that
when Providence affliCted is with a bad harvest, the
same benevolent Providence‘iad given us other places
to go to, if the law allowed use to remedy the evils a bad
• harvest inflicted. There was no doubt but they suffered

from bad harvests ; and thos* evils would be almost en

had before since he was one of the petty secretaries of
my Lord Castlereagh, now that he had all the aristocracy
and the registration, and the weakness of the other fac •
tion, and a great part of the democracy on his side, now
that Providence had thrown into his hands a fine occa-

tirely removed, certainly grettly alleviated, by the esta.
blishment of a perfectly free trade in the country.—
(cheers.) People said there were 27 millions of inha-
bitants in Great Britain. Over population was an evil,
and emigration was the remedy. He (Mr. Bright) never
could discover why 27 millions should not be as com-
fortable as 15 millions were. He thought all the burdens
of the taxes would be more easily borne if the people
Were not so wealthy as they were formerly. The 15
millions of inhabitants were engaged in ministering to
each others wants, and every man was maintained ;
therefore 27 millions were just as likely to keep them-
selves in comfort and prosperity as the 15 millions. But
it would be seen that the action of the Corn-laws pre-
cluded our obtaining a supply from neighbouring countries.
When they had a pcpulation of twenty-five millions,
and a supply of food only adequate to the subsistence of
seven millions, there mist be a complete scramble amongst
the people to obtain it, in which the weakest must go
to the wall. The mai of inferior strength and of un-
skilled labour must iut up with a shorter supply. At
this moment this was tie condition of the people, though
they worked harder tian ever they worked before—ten,
twelve, fourteen, ark sixteen hours a-day, and some
.almost day and night, and yet with doing all this they
!were not able to obtaii food. The only result of their
;increase of population was, that the same supply of food
'had to be spread wer a larger number of people,
when there was nc corresponding increase in the
supply of food.—(llar, hear.) If they looked into
this state of things they would at once see the re-
medy they must come to, and his object would be to
show that there we: but one, and how its operation
would be certain. -Ht would take Stockport as a proof
that in the present ditressed state of the country, cir-
cumstances rendered it absolutely imperative for a Go-
vernment to do something; it was necessary that every
individual who felt for the very existence of the country,
should at this time do everything in his power to bring
these statements before the public. In Stockport' the
mills and machinery were unoccupied, the workmen
were discharged, property greatly fallen in value,
and the streets &populated. What was the re-
sult? The populatioi must live, if not upon wages,
upon the poor-rate;, and the effect of this was
to impoverish those who were not yet reduced to
the lowest stage of poverty. These persons were gra-
dually coming down b the condition of those in less
favourable circumstances. No one now would occupy
mills in Stockport ; the poor-rates were enormous—
whole streets of houses in Stockport might be bought
by only guaranteeingthe chief rent, but even then, as
it would be impossibb to let the houses, the purchaser
would probably be out of pocket. Thus it would be
seen that there was m hope for Stockport in any of the
measures of the Government, or tho stupid fallacies
propounded by Sir Ibbert Peel, and those who followed
him.—(Cheers.) If machinery were destroyed in Stock-
port, as Sir • Robert Peel had wickedly insinuated
would be a beiefit to the working classes
they would destroy he little means of support that re-
mained. The whole of the mills that were being em-
ployed unproductiv(ty must stop ; they could not give.
them up to the poo as they could with land, in which
they might grow pttatoes and keep body end soul to-
gether. However mmerous paupers might be they could
not live upon ,bricls and mortar, and iron and wood.
Thus they would love the whole of the capital of tne
present employers dissipated without the smallest re-
source being given ;o the working people. This was not
a disease that couldbe expected to work its own cure ;
they might just as Yell expect that a building filled with
the most inflamniablE materials, if on fire, would go out of
itself. It would go outcertainly, but not till everything was
consume. The disease was going on in other towns as in
'Stockport, and the mare it accumulated the more it ap-
peared likely to sNeEp the towns with desolation, the
more imperative itvras on a Government that made any
claim to patriotism, or even any regard for its own exist-
ence and safety, to come forward with some radical cure
for the state of things. It must be something that
could stay he plague; it could be no palliative; it could
not be done by sending down money from the Treasury,
or by begging sibseriptions by a Queen's Letter.
This was the most foolish thing of all, for as the distress
was universal, the, funds migt as well be distributed
where they were collected. Colne and Leeds, and the other
maufacturing towns of England were declining into pre-
cisely the same stale ; and notwithstanding the deadness
and apathy of the poor, he did not believe that the people
could starve off without some unpleasant circumstances
arising, especially where they were convinced that the
Government had the power of applying a remedy. Of
the twenty-five millions of Great Britain, twenty mil-
lions lived on wages received every week or fortnight, and
when these were diminished by the high price of food, there
was less to expend on other articles. The effect of this
was felt through every branch of trade, the warehousemen
and wholesale dealers partaking of the same depression.
The only permanent remedy was in obtaining a reduc-
tion in the price of food, and even then the improve-
ment would be gradual, and it would take at least ten
years to put the country into the same circumstances in
hich it was five or six years ago. No law which did
not diminish the price of food could alleviate the gene-
ral depression of our trade. And he would further say,
that if the remedy did not come soon, the evil would be
irremediable. He knew of many who had flattered
themselves that the accession to office of a Conserva-
tive Ministry would be immediately followed by
a wonderful revival of commercial prosperity ;
but these very. men were now ready to admit
that that expectation had been a complete delusion. It
was not a change of men that was wanted, but a change
of principles—(Hear, hear)—and there was no magic in
a name to relieve our condition. The only remedy pro-
posed by the present Government was a series of mea-
sures which could only be looked upon as a mockery of
the demands of the country. But the trickery had been
unmasked ; the thimbles of the new Corn-law and the
Tariff had been examined, and it was ascertained that,
though they might conceal a pea, it was one of very little
value.—(Hear, hear.) He had closely watched the con-
duct of Sir R. Peel, and he believed him to be one of the
most ambitious, the most self seeking, and heartless men
that ever presided over the destinies of a great country.
He should not complain of a lofty ambition to serve one's
country; but the only ambition of Sir Robert Peel
seemed to be to serve an aristocracy at the expense of
, his country.—(Cheers.) Things could not, however,
long continue in their present condition ; and Sir R.
Peel must either go out of office or repeal the Corn-
laws.—(Cheers.) He was happy to be able to inform
the meeting that the interest in their cause had not de-
clined in the country ; they would soon have fresh depu-
ties from Manchester and various districts ; and among
those persons professing Conservative priciples, who felt
that unless some relief were afforded for our present ca-
lamities, they could not themselves escape the general
ruin. There was another subject to which he felt ex-
ceedingly sorry to be obliged to allude. He had been
told that a number of Whigs were leaving town, in con-
sequence, perhaps, of the heat of the weather, and
among them. Lord John Russell.—(Hear.) It ap-
peared that his Lordship was on his way to Scotland,
and he wished the Delegates should mark their disap-
proval of such a course, and their conviction that at a
crisis like the present no public man had a right to de-
sert his post and abandon his duty to his country. Mr.
Bright concluded by moving the following_ resolution:—
" That this Conference consider it their duty to repre-
sent to those Members of the Legislature who support
free-trade principles, the great responsibility which the
present momentous crisis devolves upon them; and that
the nation expects them to remain at their post, and to
lose no opportunity of again enforcing the claims of the
community to immediate relief from the deep and intole-
rable distress they are at present suffering."
Mr. RAWSON seconded the resolution.
Mr. G. THOMPSON called the attention of the meeting
to the fact that the Bill for the better protection of her
Majesty's person was introduced, had gone through the
several stages, and been passed in the course of two
nights ; and observed that, concurring as he did in the
sentiments expressed by Sir R. Peel when introducing
that measure in the House of Commons, and in the
propriety of adopting the most efficacious measures for
protecting the person of her Majesty from injury or
annoyance, and happy as he was to find the general
unanimity that was manifested in the House on the
matter, he could not help observing that the same
Ministers, the same House of Commons, that so laudably
suspended all their rules for promoting the better pro-
tection of the Sovereign, abandoned the subjects of that
Sovereign to their fate without pity or hope of redress.
He trusted that when those gentlemen went to the
country-to enjoy their shooting, that at every place they
would be met by groups of the starving poor.
Dr. BOWRING next addressed the assemblage. He
said though he was out-wearied, like the public patience,
and almost as the voice of truth in high places, yet the
pleasure.* felt at finding himself surrounded by those
present was such, that he could not lose the opportunity
of addressing them for a few moments. He felt as if
connected with the public desperation. He *willingly
took part with an exceedingly mall, and he feared'

sion for the elucidation of his power and for the applica.
tion of his remedy—what did he do ? Why he came
forward and said to the people of England, " La-
dies and gentlemen, you shall have nutmegs and
silk stockings cheaper."—(Hear, and great laughter.)
Aye, let them keep Sir Robert Peel to his bargain. He
had undertaken to govern the country, and to conduct it
safely through its present distresses. He had asked
for power, he had clamoured for power, he had
crept for power—(Hear, hear)—and though they
slid not know how much money had been spent
in its acquisition, they knew that he had stooped to
meaner things, and things of meaner purport than Anti-
Corn-law lectures.—(Hear, hear.) They knew that by
the help of these things he had risen to power ; that he
had been the giant upon the shoulders of the people, the
idol of a particular mob, and that one pledge, at least
that with respect to the Poor-law, he and his party had
basely falsified since they came into office.—(Cheers.)
Let them keep Sir Robert J?eel to the question.—(Hear,
hear.) They knew that the sophist was a man who
strayed through the universe from the question.—(Hear,•
hear.) Let them get deputations to demand an interview
with Sir R. Peel daily.—(Hoar.) Let their voices daily
reach the public mind through the reporters.—(Hear.)
Let them send out their lecturers into all parts of the
country to enlighten the ignorant and to beard the
monopolist in his own land.—(Hear, hear.) There was
another thing which he would advise them to do—sum-
mon their reverend brethren of all denominations to join
in the cause. —(Hear, hear.) He was well aware that he
might be told that he had no businesss in a meeting like
that.—(Cries of " No, no.") He was well aware that'
there were some who pretended to feel the touch of
something polluting, or at least disloyal, something;
of degradation in contact with a body like that.—(Hear,.
hear.) He wished that the reverend clergy of an
denominations could always carry their hands as sweetly
odorous in the cause of virtue through the world as they
did wh ?n attending an Anti-Corn-law Conference.
(Hear, hear.) This was straining at a gna;
and swallowing a camel. Though comparatively a young
man, he had often seen the world roused by the reve-
rend clergy of all denominations on petty questions or
faction ; but now, now that the masses of suffering man-
kind, now that the thousands of supperless and bedless
families were entreating to be supplied with bread, the
clergy remained quiescent. He knew what would be the
effect of making these remarks. But he took his ;stand
upon this—Jesus had compassion on the multittide when
they had only been with him three days, and wanted
something to eat. Jesus had not the power to help
them naturally, but He wrought a miracle—He shook
heaven and earth—He_ changed the laws of the
universe for the time being—He wrought won-
ders which would never be forgotten. And for
what purpose ? Why was that miracle wrought ? Net
merely to appease the gnawings of hunger felt by the
multitude, but to teach his disciples, to the end of the
world, that the hungry and the poor should be the fleet
, objects of their care.—(Hear, hear.) Talk of clergy-
men being afraid of coming in contact with the multi-
tude ! Why, they were the men of the multitude.
They had not come down from the aristocracy, they had
risen out of the multitude. The multitude had fed them,
had clothed them, had protected them from the aristo-
cracy ; and was it compatible with the honour and
honesty of pious men to be ashamed of the multitude,
who were their best friends ?—(Hear, hear.) No, no,
there was no disgrace in being the man of the
multitude ; there was far more disgrace in a clergyman
being the pet of the parlour, who could only distinguish
ladies and gentlemen, who was only ambitious to knOw
his supporters ; there was far more dishonour in Tat
than in moving amongst the ten of thousands of he
street, or in gathering hundreds upon the common,
to deal out to them the bread of life, or to help then{ in
their worldly concerns. Time was, when the Chqrch
had the multitude in its own bands ; time was whenithe
mass of Englishmen were in the strings of the Church ;
when the Church had only to utter her command,
and the multitude went on their pilgrimage ;
or embarked in the crusade ; but now the Church had
lost the multitude, and, as in the days of Jesus, they were
like sheep, scattered without a shepherd ; and as that
was the cause of Christ's compassion, so also was it the
best justification of their own.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. WOOLLEY said—l am anxious to correct some
serious errors in the report of what I said yesterday, and
which, if left as printed, will make my argument ri lieu-
lous. What 1 stated was, that from the .report of, Mr.
Horner, as printed by command of her Majesty, there
were, on the 31st Dec., 1841, in his district, 1,164 cotton
mills.of all descriptions, employing, when in full work,
199,190 persons. Of the 1,164 mills, 130 were working
short time, and 133 were not at work ; and the total
number of persons working full time, at that date, was
only 142.063, and the number of mills was 887. I stated
that in the above 1,164 mills, the proportion of mule-
spinners, to the other workers, could not exceed 3
per cent. ; and, if so, that there were not more
than 4,260 persons so employed on the 31st of December
last ; and taking it for granted. that one-third of These
had been thrown out of work from improvements, there
were only 1,420 immediate sufferers from the adop-
tion
of those improvements.—(Hear, hear.) I do
not trouble the meeting with the calculatiOn by
which I arrive at the conclusion I do, but those
who are practically acquainted with cotton-mills, will
see, by the following statement that, in assuming 3 per
cent. as the proportion of mule-spinners to all other
workers, lam allowing the extreme quantity. Of the
mills in full work on the 31st December last, 444 are
spinning-mills only; 267 spinning and weaving mills ;.
70 weaving mills without spinning ; 27 doubling mills ;
18 small ware mills ; 61 spin and weave waste cotton;
total 887. It will be seen I speak only of Mr. Horner's -
district; but as his district contains about two-thirds of
all the cotton mills in the kingdom, I feel satisfied in
allowing 7.000 persons to have been employed as mule-
spinners in the United Kingdom ; in the most prosperous
times, I exceed the mark.—(Hear.) It is in mule spin-
ning that the great improvements of which Sir Robert
Peel speaks, have taken place •, and supposing 3,000
spinners have been thrown out of work, will this account
for the destitution existing in the cotton districts ?
In the preparation departments, however, of cotton
Bpinning mills, considerable improvements have also been
made, and I have not sufficient data to show the number
of persons who may have been deprived of employment
from them, but judging from the mill with which I am
connected, and in which a great part of the recent changes
to economise labour have been adopted, I should say that
10,000 persons (and those chiefly young women and
boys) would be a most extravagant estimate, as the
number so deprived of employment. Ido not believe,
however, that one-half that number of persons have
been dismissed from the improvements of which Sir
Robert Peel makes so much parade, particularly as,
according to Mr. Horner's report, 91 new or
enlarged cotton mills had been set to work since Ist
January, 1839, which were capable of employing 16,000
persons. From what I have stated you will see the fal-
lacy of the argument that improvements in machinery
have reduced the means of employment. You will see
another cause, and if I mistake not, Sir Robert
Peel sees it also, if he had the honesty
or the courage to proclaim it. What does
Mr. Horner say ? That on the 31st of Decem-
ber last, in 1,164 cotton mills, capable of employing
199,190 persons, 142,063 people only were employed full
time, showing that 57,127 were either idle entirely, or
working short time. Since that period the unemployed
bare daily increased, and we may safely assume that
' there are, at this moment, 80,000 mill hands in Mr.
Berner's district alone without wages, and without any
Means of existence, save from the parish, or from
charity. Look at the number of persons dependent
upon the labour, directly or indirectly, of the above
80,003 individuals—their wives, their children, mecha-
nics, dyers, printers, &c. &c. Look at the withdrawal of
40,0001. per week of wages from circulation, or
2,080,0001. per annum from the mill hands alone in one
Inspector's district; at the like sum withheld from the
dyers, printers, mechanics, &c. &c., indirectly dependent,
and you will not be surprised if the shopkeepers'_ eceipts
are diminished, and the masters themselves deeply embar-
rassed. These effects will shortly reach the landowners,
when they will find to their cost, that they have killed
the goose which laid the golden eggs. lam represented
as haying said cottage-rents had fallen 600 or 700 per
cent.. What I did say, was, that they had nominally
been reduced 20 or 30 per cent., but that really they had,

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 15, 1842.

diminishing
.body of men itt the House of Commons,
who at any personal risk would have endeavoured
to stop the supplies, in order to obtain a remedy for the
deplorable condition of the people. Looking, hoetsreer,
at all they had done, at all they were now doing, he was
obliged to come to the conclusion that with a House of
Commons constituted as the present, they reasoned,
they appealed in vain. Yet that House of Commons
represented in a very great degree the electoral body.
But it was not the electoral body that was suffering—it
was the non-electoral body, the excluded, who had no
representation, that suffered most. He was exceedingly
desirous that those who expected something from the
House of Commons, as now constituted, should do every- j
thing that human power could do, in order to ascertain whe-
ther, with such materials, they had any hope for the future.
He believed there was none.—(Cheers.) He felt over-
whelmed with sorrow when he looked to the extension
of suffering that existed, and that a remedy only was to
be found in the excess of the evil—(Cheers)—and the
information he received from other countries strenght-
ened his alarm. He had received a communication from
the representative of one of the continental kingdoms ;
he told him that the friends of free trade were engaged
in a desperate struggle, and doubts were entertained whe-
ther they would be able to maintain it, with the domestic
manufactures, and if such was the result the consequence
would be to place in peril some of the most important
mauufactures of the country. Another gentleman had
stated to him the willingness of the Americans to keep
up friendly relations with this country; but unfortunately
the pernicious example of this had gone to other coun-
tries, and they were returning the poisoned chalice.—
(Cheers.) He had yesterday received a letter from an
intelligent Member of the Chamber of Deputies, who
wrote in a hopeless and despairing spirit, and stated that
even with the modification of the tariff, while the Corn-
law remained it would be impossible but that the ex-
ample of England would act injuriously on other coun-
tries.—(Cheers.) The history of England was summed
up in a few words ; the dominant few had created re-
strictions and monopolies for the pillage of the many.—
(Hear, hear.) What then remained for them to do, but
to put an end to what had been done, and put an end to
Acts of Parliament that restricted labour and the exer-
cise of capital and mind ?—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman concluded an eloquent speech, by stating that he
gloried in the cause of the present Conference ; that he
was happy to come among them ; as to him, it was
leaving the atmosphere of usurpation for the more
healthy one of pubhc opinion.—(Cheers.)
The motion was then put by the CHAIRMAN, and de-
clared by him to be unanimously agreed to.
Mr. A. R. SHAW, the Chairman of the St. Luke's
Anti-Corn-law Association, here announced the death
of the Duke of Orleans, which he stated appeared in a
third edition of one of the Morning Papers.
Mr. G. THOMPSON again pressed upon the meeting
the great value of their exertions, and exhorted them to
continue in their good work, believing that the breaking
up of the Conference would convey hope to the parties
on the other side of the way.—(Cheers.) He begged
most cordially to second tne resolution of thanks.
Mr. RA.wsort wished to say a few words respecting
the members and the character of the Deputation, on
which certain reflections had been made. It should be
recollected that the members of the Deputation were
coming and going every day. The Deputation from
Manchester was composed, with the exception of himself,
of Common Councilmen, Aldermen, and Magistrates,
both of the borough and the county of Lancashire.
From that of Yorkshire, the deputation was composed
both of borough and county Magistrates. In Stockport,
among the deputation would be found the present Mayor
and the three last ex-Mayors. These gentlemen might
be called a rabble and a mob, but he believed that they
belonged not only to the most respectable class of her
Majesty's subjects—(Cheers)—but that they represented
larger masses of her Majesty's subjects than those who
sat in the House of Commons on the other side of the
way.—(Cheers.) So much as to the question of
respectability ; and as to number, if they were to reckon
those who had attended the Conference, and those who
were coming, their number would likewise be found to
exceed the number of the House of Commons.
The CHAIRMAN announced that at the meeting to-
morrow morning, at which they would be enabled to
commence business at an earlier hour, several letters
would be read, which had been received, in connection
with the memorial which had been presented by the
Duke of Sussex to our beloved Queen.—(Hear, hear.)
The letter of the Duko of Sussex, which was a most in-
teresting document, would be brought-before the meeting
to-morrow. He had likewise to announce that Mr. G.
Thompson would lecture this evening at the Mechanics'
Institution, Southampton-buildings, at half-past eight
o'clock, to which members of the Conference would ob-
tain admission at a shilling the ticket.
Mr. Duce, Delegate from West Hackney, said that
complaints had been made of the apathy of London.
That complaint did not apply to the district from which
he came. About eight months ago, himself and half-a-
dozen others had exerted themselves to agitate the sub-
ject ; they held meetings, and they had since had up-
wards of 600 to join them.—(Cheers.) He would sue.-
gest that the Delegates should go into the dif-
ferent districts of the metropolis and hold public
meetings in the different localities. A speech from
the eloquent and soul-stirring George Thompson, at such
meetings, would soon rouse the people from their apathy.
—(Cheers.) A speech of that description would pro-
duce an electrical effect upon an audience.—(Cheers.)
Their proceedings were well reported, and those reports
did a great deal of good, but still that did not produce
the effect that a speech did.—(Cheers.) Their cause
was making progress. He knew a gentleman in Mark-
lane, who had profited by the Corn-laws, and lvhe, after
reading the result of the interview of the Delegates with
Sir R. Peel, said that he saw now it was useless support-
ing the Corn-laws any longer, that they had little left
now but to surrender. He himself profited by the Corn-
laws, but believing them to be bad, he should be un-
worthy the name of a man, if he supported them merely
for his own profit. The Hon. Delegate again urged upon
the Conference the necessity of holding meetings in the
different localities of London, and stated, that, in all the
meetings he had attended, he had never experienced any
interruptions, either from Chartists or other persons.
The vote of thanks to the Chairman was then agreed
to, and the meeting adjourned till to-day at Eleven.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. 1
i
HOUSE OF LORDS, July 14, 1
Their Lordships met at Five o'Clocx.
DEAN FOREST ECCLESIASTICAL BILL.
On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON,
the Dean Forest Ecclesiastical Bill was read a second
time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow.
The British Possessions Abroad Bill passed through
Committee. •
Several petitions were presented for and against the
Mines and Collieries Bill.
RAILWAYS BILL.
The House then went into Committee on the Rail-
ways Bill.
The Earl of RIPON moved the insertion of a
clause to repeal that which restricted the use of car-
riages exceeding four tons in weight, including pas-
sengers. The effect of this would, he said, be to pre-
vent the most important improvements in railway
travelling.
The clause was agreed to.
Lord CAMPBELL moved the insertion of a clause,
forbidding the locking the doors of railway carriages
against the consent of the passengers.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said the clause
was quite unnecessary, as the Railway Companies
had discontinued the practice, to the great annoyance
of many of the passengers.
Lord CAMPBELL contended for the necessity, of
the clause. When the controlling power of Parlia-
ment was withdrawn the Directors might revert to
the practice, and it was necessary to forbid it.
The Earl of RIPON opposed the clause. It was
not desirable that any part of the Executive Govern-
ment should assume over the railways more power
and control than necessary. There was not the
slightest reason to apprehend that the railways would
revert to the practice as soon as the active control of
the Government was withdrawn, and the session of
Parliament over. In every instance the Railway
Directors had shown every disposition to comply with
the suggestions of the Government.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE supported the
clause ; there had not been perfect sincerity in the
matter. As the Railway Directors did not lock the
carriages, there was no necessity for the clause ; but
if it should sometimes be necessary to lock them the
clause would be vexatious to them.
Lord CAMPBELL said he must press his clause to
a division.
The Earl of WICKLOW said that the Railway
Companies knew their own interests as well as any
other body of men, and if they found that the public
disapproved of locking the carriages, they would
abandon the practice.
Lord COTTENHAM said that the argument of
the Noble Earl opposite (Wicklow) would go
the length of showing that the Railway Directors
ought not to be interfered with at all—that they
ought to be left to themselves, and to do as they
liked ; but the object of the Bill was to regulate their
practices, and he thought it was absurd to leave it to
the discretion of the Directors whether or not they
should return to so dangerous and unnecessary a practice.
It was monstrous that people, in travelling by the
only public conveyance that could be had, must
be imprisoned all the way.—(Hear, hear.) It was
not enough that they should have but one mode of
conveyance, but they must also be kept under lock
and key, at the peril of their lives.
The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL could not agree
with the Noble Earl (Wicklow) in his opposition to
the clause. He thought it was absolutely necessary
for the public safety, after the shocking sacrifice of
life which happened lately in France, to put down
the practice by law.
The Earl of RADNOR would oppose the clause,
because he thought the locking of the carriages was
not dangerous, and he did not know but it might
under some circumstances be necessary. The outcry
against the practice originated in a prejudice
arising from the erroneous rumour that the
carriages were locked on the Versailles Rail-
way when the terrible accident occurred ; but
that was not the case ; the carriages were not locked,
and if they had been it would have made no difference.
The carriages were all smashed to pieces, and in a
heap in an instant, and they were burnt m a heap, so
that if the doors had been open, it would have availed
nothing.
The Earl of CLANCARTY opposed the clause.
The Earl of RIPON ridiculed the clause, on ac.