The Sun.
London, England, 1829-03-25 00:00:00

INNKEEPERS' BILL.

On the Motion of Mr. G. DAWSON, the Innkeepers'
Bill was reported, the Amendments agreed to, and the
Bill ordered to be readA third time to-morrow.

ROMAN CATHOLIC BELIEF BILL.

Mr. Secretary PEEL said, he had been requested to
present a petition from the Secular Clergy of the Roman
Catholic persuasion in the city of Dublin. They stated
that they approached the House with feelings of gratitude
for the measures of relief which were passing through it.
To all the restrictions imposed on the secular Clergy they
had no objection ; but they expressed their earnest hope,
and confident expectation, that the result of those measures
would be the establishment of religious peace, the diffusion
of charity, the revival of confidence, and the concentration
of the resources of the country, so as greatly to promote
the strength, proSperity, and glory of the empire. They
bore their testimony to the loyalty, general good conduct,
and useful exertions of that part of the Roman Catholic
Clergy, against whom certain provisions in the Bill might
be passel without any restrictions affecting the monastic
orders.

Lord ALTIIORP could not support the prayer of the
petition. •

Mr. S. RICE bore testimony to the uniform good con-
duct of that pert of the Roman Catholic Clergy to which
this petition referred, where the Secular Clergy were not
able to perform their duties. The Bill, he was aware, was
not intended to inflict pain or throw any discredit on the
monastic orders. But he was more anxious to call the
Right Hon. Gentleman's attention to another class of per-
sons, who would be placed in a difficult situation, though
altogether of a different character from the monastic orders;
he meant those who were bound by vows, but ant of a
religious nature, and who devoted themselves to give
education to the poor gratuitously. They were com-
monly known as lay brothers, and he could speak from
his own observation as to the utility and benefit of their
exertions in the South of Ireland, where they had esta-
bli,hed many schools for the poor. They had no superior
at Rome, nor did they act under any foreign orders ;
they were not, in fact, ecclesiastics, but civil subjects of
the King ; and were bound together by vows fur the dis-
charge of a civil duty. The provisions of the Bill, be
trusted, would not, therefore, affect them, though there
was a question whether it ought to be so construed.
After a few words from Mr. THANT and Mr. Secretary
PEEL, the petition was ordered to be printed.
On the motion of Mr. Secretary PEEL the Order of the
Day was read, for the Committee cf the whole House on
the Roman Catholic Relief Bill.

The Marquis of CHANDOS had no intention to op-
pose the motion for the Speaker's leaving the Chair, but
with regard to what had taken place last night in the
Committee, he could not fail to express his hope, and he
believed also the feelings of that House and of the country,
that neither himself nor those with whom be was con-
nected in opposing this Bill, might, in the discharge ti
their duty to themselves and the country at large, be
allowed that privilege of being fairly heard without in-
terruption or prejudice, which, he was sorry to say, they
had not enjoyed last night so fully as they ought.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that his Noble Friend might
be assured it was his opinion that those who were opposed
to the policy of the me,sure, rendered essential service to
the Bill before the House, by moving amendmen's calcu-
lated to perfect it ; and so far was he from considering
that course objectionable, or proceeding from a hostile
spirit, that he felt it nothing but an obligation for Hoe.
Gentlemen to offer suggestions to make it perfect for the
purposes intended.

The House then went into a Committee of the whole
Tottse.

Mr. Secretary PEEL called the attention of the Com-
mittee to the first clause, relating to the right of Roman
Catholics to vote at elections, and to be elected as Mem-
bers of Parliament, on taking the oath prescribed by the
Bill. His object was, to make some verbal amendments,
with a view to render the law more explicit, and provide
for the case of Scotland. Th.y would not affect the prin-
ciple of the Bill, but only the details.
' The Amendments having been read,

Mr. ROBERT DUNDAS said this Bill, should it
pass into a law, would in some degree render the interests
of one country subservient to those of the other, and would
violate the sacred principle of the Union. De Foe, in his
History of the Union between England and Scotland, the
best authority on the subject, related the proceedings of
the Scottish Parliament before the Union was agreed to.—
They found the twenty-five Articles of the Union already
drawn up and agreed to ; but a difficulty was introduced
by a learned and eloquent opponent of the Union, who was
highly exasperated against the twenty-five Articles of the
Union, which had all been framed without any security
for the Presbyterian Established Church of Scotland, be-
cause in Scotland the religion was different from that of
England. They objected to the Scottish Church submit-
ting to the Episcopal jurisdiction of the Church of Eng-
land, or to the votes and suffrages of the Bishops in the Bri-
tish Parliament. The result was, that an Act of Security
for the Church of Scotland was passed, and being agreed to
by the English Parliament, was annexed to the Act of
Union, and made an essential part of it. The Hon. Gent.
then read extracts from the Act to show how it was incor-
:sarated as an integral part of the Act of Union. He
would not consent that, on any argument of temporary ex-
pediency, the most important Articles of the Union should
be violated ; and this Act of security declared, in regard to
the election of Members of Parliament for Scotland that
" none shall be capable to elect or be elected for any of the
said estates but such as are of 21 years of age complete,
and Protestant, excluding all Papists, or such who, being
suspected of Popery and required, refuse to swear and sub-
scribe the formula contained in the third Act made in the
eighth and ninth Sessions of King William's Parliament,
intituled, Act for preventing the growth of Popery,' and
also declaring that none shall be capable to represent a
Shire or Burgh in the Parliament of Great Britain for this
part of the United Kingdom, except such as are now ca-
pable by the laws of this kingdom to elect and be elected
as Commissioners for Shires and Burghs to the Parliament
of Scotland." As long as he was a Member of that House
he was determined that his fellow-countrymen of Scotland
should not be deprived of the whole benefit of the most im-
portant articles of the Union.
The LORD ADVOCATE said that when his Right
Hon. Friend brought forward this Bill, he had stated, that
one of the difficulties which entered into the proposal
he had to make was, that it did touch the Act of Union.
But it did not appear that this objection was sufficient to
overbalance any consideration arising from that principle.
This was a Bill of a general and comprehensive nature, and
it was not wise or expedient to exclude one part of the
country from its operation. He was quite certain that
there was no feeling of any kind on this subject existing
in Scotland, as to that country being excluded from the
Bill. It would affect that country very little, as there
were only two Roman Catholic Peers of Scotland, and he
was sure it would not add ten to the whole list of the free-
holders of Scotland. There could be no doubt as . to the
legislative power of Parliament to alter and repeal the
Articles of Union. Only one of them was declared to be
unalterable, and that implied that all the others might be
altered, on cause being shown. He, for one, would stand
up on all occasions, and with his utmost exertions, in de-
fence of tae Articles of the Union, when any attempt
should be made by the strong and great power of England
to invade the rights of the weaker country. That was the
fair and legitimate use of the Union, and that was no new
language to be held with regard to Scotland. If any
measure was meant to affect that country, the Ar-
ticles of the Union would bear him out in resisting it;
but when it applied to the whole kingdom, there was
no pretence for calling in the Articles of Union.—
Looking at the great question of Catholic emancipation it-
self, he should say that the advantages likely to arise from
it were considerable, and were so calculated to extend their
influence over the whole kingdom, that they would war-
rant the introduction of any step that was not an actual in-
vasion of the Union ; and he trusted that he had said
enough to show that such was not the case in the present
L initance.—(Hear, hear.)—And he was sure that his

friends on the north of the Tweed need not entertain any
fears for the safety of the Presbyterian religion, or for the
permanency of the Established Church in Scotland : he
could assure them that they were not in any peril or dan-
ger.—(Hear, hear.)—Let them always remember that the
security of the Chinch of Scotland rested on the wisdom,
information, and good senee of the people of Scotland.--
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. G. BANKES wished to refer the Committee to the
21st Article of the Union, which was for the preservation
of the integrity of the Royal Burghs; that article con-
rained a test which all persons might be required to take
when about to hold any office in the burghs ; the test was
of the strongest Protestant description, and required the
test taker to abjure all the tenets of the Popish doctrine.
If any portion of the Act of linion was to be repealed, he
could, at least, wish that it should be specifically named,
and not placed under the general title of Acts repealed.
Sir GEORGE CLERK said, it appeared to him im-
possible that any article of the Act of Union could really
apply to the question now before the Committee ; neither
if such were the case, did he see why any one in Scot-
land should feel uneasy about it, for whatever apprehen-
sions they might have as to the Church of Ireland, there
was not the slightest danger as to that of Scotland.
Sir R. ING LIS bad that night presented petitions from
Scotland, and in the course of the Session had presented a
great number ; and he would venture to state, that there
had not been one of them in which it was not stated that
one of the things which the petitioners feared was a viola-
tion of the Act of Union ; indeed, he had no doubt that
such an apprehension was very general in Scotland, and
that it would be still further expressed.
Mr. TRANT also defended the propriety of preserving
the Act of Union with Scotland in its original terms ; and
hoped the House would pause before it invaded a compact
so solemn. For his part, he was happy that the objec-
tion bad been taken. He felt, indeed, so strong a desire
to oppose the Bill for the Relief of the Roman Catholics,
that he was determined to take advantage of every argu-
ment which could be urged against it.—(Hear.).

Sir GEORGE MURRAY said, no man had more
respect than he had for the principles upon which the
Union between this country and Scotland was founded, and
he trusted that no man would be found more ready to
defend them, or to resist any attempt to infringe upon the
honour and interests of his native country.—( Ilear.)—The
very reverse of anything of that kind was, however, the
foundation of the present measure. That measure was in-
tended to remove a blemish flow the Legislation of Eng-
land and of Ireland, and be conceived it would not be for
the honour of Scotland if the same blemish was not re-
moved from the Legislation of that country. It would
appear that those who framed the Act of Union with Scot-
!awl had almost foreseen the alterations which were now
about to take place, because by that Act they had ex-
pressly retained a power of altering all laws connected
with their rights and privileges, according to' the
policy of civil government. This was the result of a
wisdom which 1 ooked to suit the spirit of the times in
which they might happen to live, and not in order to find
a pretext for persevering in laws of exclusion after they
are found to be unnecessary and even detrimental.—
In considering the necessity of that repeal, they ought
to look at the spirit of the times in which these laws
were enacted, and at the spirit which prevailed at the time
when it was thought expedient they should be altered.
Upon these considerations, he felt that if lie was to oppose
this clause, he should not be consulting the interests, or re-
garding the honour of Scotland.—(Hear, hear.)—One
word more. It had been said that those who were about to
grant Catholic Emancipation were influenced by feelings of
intimidation. Now if it was so, with regard to Ireland,
where the Catholics were numerous and united, they
surely could not be accused of the same feeling with re-
gard to Scotland, where the Catholics are few and widely
separated. —(Hear, hear.)
Mr. LINDSAY having briefly observed, that he thought,
in any measure of emancipation, it would be wrong to ex-
clude Scotland from the operation of the Act, and having
at the Fume time expressed his confidence in Ministers—
The Gallery was cleared for a division. We under-
steod, howeve,, that before it took place, Sir Its. MACK-
INTOSH made a few observations in justification of the
clause. As it was agreed by Mr. R. DUNDAS that the
division should take place upon the whole clause, in order
to avoid a number of divisions, upon particular words, the
House divided upon the Question, that the whole clause
be left out.
Ayes 45
Noes

Majority in favour of the Clause... 113
On our return, we found Sir EDWARD KNATCH-
BULL complaining of the number of verbal alterations
introduced into the Bill, and begging to know whether it
was the intention 'of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Peel) to have it reprinted with the Amendments?
Mr. Secretary PEEL replied, that it was intended to
reprint the Bill with the alterations, many of which were
quite unimportant. Wherever there was any alteration of
sulystancei proposed, be should take care to direct to it the
attention of the House. _ _ .

Mr. CRIPPS had supported the Bill on its first intro-
duction; but there was one point on which he should
feel it to be his duty to offer his opposition. We under-
stood the Hon. Member to refer to the clause which ad-
mitted Roman Catholics to hold, exercise, and enjoy all
civil and military offices and places of trust under his Ma-
jesty, and to express his wish that seats in Parliament
should be among the expected offices.
Mr. W. HORTON saw no danger in the admission of
Members to seats in that House. Indeed the Hon. Mem,
ber did not undertake to specify any danger.
Sir E. KNATCHI3ULL would specify the danger which
he apprehended. The Roman Catholics were known to be
under the influence of their Priests, and by obtaining seats
in that House, they would be the better enabled to promote
the designs and objects of that Priesthood by being admitted
to Parliament. He would take this opportunity of asking
the Right Hon. Gentleman, if it was his intention to re-
commit the Bill, or what was the course which he intended
to pursue ?
Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that it was not his intention
to recommit the Bill ; hut, between the Bill passing through
the Committee and the bringing up of the Report, he in-
tended it should be printed. The clause was agreed to
without a division. The Right Hon. Gent. then moved
an amendment to the next clause, to the effect of pro-
hibiting any Roman Catholic to hold the office of Guardian
Justice of any Regent, or to exercise the office of Regent of
this United Kingdom.—The amendment was agreed to
without a division.
The Marquis of CHANDOS moved an amendment to
the effect that the office of the First Lord of the Treasury
should be added to the office of Lord Chancellor of England
and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, which are not to be held
or enjoyed by any persons otherwise than they are now by
law enabled to hold or enjoy the said offices. The Noble
Lord thought there was much stronger reason for the Prime
Minister not being a Catholic than either the Lord Chan-
cellor or Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, considering the large
share of ecclesiastical patronage which he possessed.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that with respect to the
office of First Lord of the Treasury being the Prime
Minister, it was not necessary that the First Lord, or
Commissioner of the Treasury, and that of Prime Minis-
ter, should he united. It was frequently the case, cer-
tainly, that these offices were united ; but the office of
Prime Minister was also often united with that of some
other Minister of the Government. There was a much
better security against the abuse of the Church patronage,
than that suggested by his Noble Friend, by the exclusion
of Roman Catholics from the office of First Commissioner
of the Treasury ; that security would be found in the
clause of the Bill which made it penal far any Roman
Catholic to advise his Majesty respecting the conferring of
ecclesiastical appointments. In the possible event, there-
fore, of a Roman Catholic being the Prime Minister, he
would find himself shorn of all that patronage now sup-
posed to be the principal appendage of that station ; a cir-
cusnstanee which, of itself, rendered it highly improbable
that be should be called to that station. If provision was
made against the abuse of the office, in the event of a
Roman Catholic filling it, be thought it unadvisable to
infringe upon the principle of the measure, which was
equality of civil rights. The Right Hon. Gentleman pro-
ceeded to remark upon the inconvenience of excluding the
Prime Minister from being a Roman Catholic, as that was
not a separate office of itself, but was sometimes the
Minister of one department and sometimes of another.
Lord Chatham had been Prime Ministtr whilst hold.
ing the office of Lord Privy Seal; and he had
known that his late Right Honourable Friend (Mr.
Canning) intended to bold the office of Secretary for
Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister. Mr. Canning bad
assured him of this, which showed that there was nothing
in the office of Prime Minister which made it necessary
that it should be held by the First Commissioner of the
Treasury more than by any other Minister. The Right
Hon. Gent. further said, that the signature of the Secre-
tary for the Home Department was the one affixed to all
the warrants of ecclesiastical appointments, and might be
more regarded as connected with ecclesiastical
preferments
than any other ministerial office. He conclu-led by stating,
that it was, in his opinion, unnecessary to provide for the
danger by a better security than by disqualification, which
had been done by the clause prohibiting Roman Catholics to
I advise his Majesty upon that subject.
Mr. SADLER said, that if they were disposed to in-

....-A,`

fringe upon the Constitution, by throwing open offices
which Roman Catholics were hitherto prohibited from
filling, they might as well throw open all offices at once
.—the Regal Office as well as others.—(Cries of Oh, oh.)
In consistency, he thought this should be done.
Mr. DUNCOMBE quoted an opinion of Lord Castle
reagh's, to the effect, that it was more important and in-
dispensible that the First Lord of the Treasury should not
be a Roman C.itholic than even the Lord Chancellor.

Mr. Secretary PEEL said that the difference between
the Church patronage exercised by the Prime Minister and
that exercised by the Lord High Chancellor and the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland was, that in the former case the pa-
tronage was exercised by the influence of his station and
of his advice—in the litter instances, the Church patron-
age of the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Lieutenant was
inherent to the offices. They possessed the absolute right
of certain ecclesiastical appointments, and were not obliged,
like the Prime Minister, to advise his Majesty.—(Hear.)
Mr. MOORE did not see how the punishment of a
Prime Minister for giving advice on ecclesiastical appoint-
ments could ever reach him, if he were to give proper ad-
vice to his Majesty ; for he (Mr. M.) was at a loss to
know how the evidence of that advice could be obtained.
Sir E. KNATCHBULL thought, to render the amend-
ment effectual and satisfactory, it would be necessary to
extend it to the Privy Council, and to exclude Roman Ca-
tholics from being Members of the Council.

Mr. HUSKISSON said that if Roman Catholics were
to be excluded from the Privy Council, it would be neces-
sary in consistency to go a step farther, *id to exclude
them from Parliament; and if they were excluded from
both, he would think it inexpedient for him to give any
further support to the Bill, for it would be quite unsatis-
factory and unfit to be passed into a law. He could not
consent to the admission of Roman Catholics into that
House, and when they were admitted into it, turn round
and say to them that they were unfit to be the servants of
the Crown..—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. SUGDEN said, that the Hon. Member (Mr.
Sadler) said that all offices, including the Regal office,
might be thrown open to the Catholics, if they were to be
admitted to any civil privileges. But the Hon. Member
mu,t know that the Regal office was the only one ex-
cepted at the Revolution, as a principle of the Constitu-
tion. On the general question Lie would not then enter.
He could nut, however, avoid expressing his astonish-
ment at the doctrine which bad on a recent occasion been
maintained by an Hon. Gent., namely, that although the
legal right of the Crown might remain, the moral right
to it would be affected as soon as the present Bill should
pass into a law.—(Cries of " no, no.")—He had heard
the Hon. Gentleman make that statement, and a more
dangerous doctrine had never been promulgated.
Mr. G. BANKES would abstain from entering on the
general question, and would confine himself to the argu-
ments which had grown out of his Noble Friend's propo-
sition. It had been urged that the office of Prime Mi-
nister was unknown to the Constitution. That might he
true. But they were to look at the way in which public
affairs were practically conducted, and to consider what
were the actual powers of the Prime Minister. In that
view he thought his Noble Friend's proposition highly
reasonable. The Right Hon. Gent. had said that the Bill
contained provisions which would operate sufficiently as a
security against the apprehended evil ; and that a Roman
Catholic Prime Minister would be so hampered by those
provisions that he could not retain the office. If so, what
was the objection to his Noble Friend's Amendment ?
He admitted that what had been stated by the Right Hon.
Gent. was a security ; but he should like to have both
securities. Whether the officers in question were de-
fined, as the Prime Minister, as the First Lord of the
Treasury, or as (to follow the phraseology used in the cor-
respondence between Mr. Canning and the Duke of Wel-
lington) the individual having his Majesty's commands to
form a Cabinet, he cared not. He should be perfectly
satisfied if some specific proposition were adopted on the
subject.
Mr. BRIGHT said, that the question for the Commit-
tee to consider was, whether the Prime Minister ought to
be allowed to be a Roman Catholic or not ? To him it
appeared that he ought not to be so. His object, and that
of those who were of his opinion, was to have in the Ca-
binet some man of whom they might be assured that he
was a Protestant. The Noble Lord's amendment might
perhaps be differently expressed. Instead of the First Lord
of the Treasury, it might be more proper to insert the Se-
cretary of State for the Home Department. The Presi-
dent of the Council or the Lord of the Privy Seal was also
a most influential Member of the Cabinet. He merely
threw out these suggestions, to be ated upon or not, as the
Committee might think fit.
Mr. Secretary PEEL conceived the clause in the Bill,
that no one should give ativii:e to his Majesty on questions
of Church patronage, afforded a complete security against
the danger alluded to by the Hon. Gentleman. For in-
stance, it was impossible that the Secretary of State for
the Home Department could be a Catholic ; fur to coun-
tersign Royal warrants for the appointment. of Bishops,
ikc., was to give advice to the Crown with respect to
Church patronage, and the signature of the Secretary of
State to such warrants would be prima facie evidence
sufficient fur the purpose contemplated by the Hon. Gent.
Mr. S. WORTLEY observed, that by the Bill the Ca-
tholics were excluded from offices to which Church pa-
tronage was annexed, or were virtually excluded, by the
appointment of a Commission to dispense that patronage,
That, in his opinion, was a sufficient security.
General GASCOYNE said that the opposers of his
Noble Friend's amendment contended that it would be im-
possible exactly to reach the office of Prime Minister ;
that they did not know where it was to be met with. Let
it be stated, that whoever had formed the Government
should be so considered ; and let a clause be drawn up,
prohibiting any Roman Catholic from holding the office of
such an individual. He hoped that his Noble Friend
would persist in his motion either now or on the Report ;
and he trusted the Right Hon. Gentleman, if he resisted
this motion, would not persevere in his determination to
hurry the Bill through the House.
Mr. PEEL would not resist any fair proposition. With
respect to the sill, the course which it was his intention
to pursue was to propose, that after it had gone through
the Committee, the Report should be brought up and
prieted, before any further proceeding.
Mr. TRANT remonstrated against the delusion practised
upon the Catholics, of giving them reason to suppose they
might be Ministers of State, when, at the same time, it
was impossible that they could even be Privy Councillors—
(No, no.).—Did not the Right Him. Gentleman say that
it would be monstrous and disgraceful that they should be
so 2—(No, no.)—lf not, his ear had cruelly deceived him.
Mr. PEEL said, that according to the established usages,
the Minister who filled the situation of Prime Minister
must have the patronage of the Church. He must advise
the Crown with respect to the appointment of Bishops,
and so forth. But here was a provision in the Bill, which
declared, that no Roman Catholic should so advise the
Crown ; and, therefore, although there was no distinct
prohibition of a Catholic being Prime Minister, yet the in-
conveniences which must attend such an appointment ren-
dered it little probable that the Crown would have a Prime
Minister who was a Roman Catholic. As to the terms
monstrous and disgraceful, those were little effusions of the
Hon. Member for Dover.
Mr. TRANT maintained that he had understood the
Right lion. Gentleman to use the words that he had
mentioned.—(No, no.)—lt appeared to him that the wkole
was a mockery.

Lord CHAN DOS intimated his intention of persevering
in his amendment.

Col. DALRYMPLE observed, that as the Secretary of
State must countersign the warrant respecting the Church
patronage, that was a security that he must be a l'rotestant.
Mr. PEEL said, that it was well known that the office
of Secretary of State was, as it were, in commission. The
division of it among three distinct officers was arbitrary
and conventional. The signature of his Right Hon. Friend
the Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, or the
signature of his Noble Friend the Secretary of State for
War, would he just as valid to any of the instruments which
had been adverted to as his own. The security which the
Bill gave was, that the Secretary of State who counter-
signed the warrants respecting the Church patronage of the
Crown must he a Protestant.

Mr. BRIGHT complained that the Right Hon. Gent.
had not before stated that it was competent to any of the
Secretaries of State so to countersign. He wished the
country to have the security of a distinct provision on the
subject.
Mr. PEEL said, that if he had not before entered into
the details in question, it was because he had too much
respect for the Hon. Gent, to suppose that he was ignorant
of them. What he contended was this, that if a Roman
Catholic were to attach his signature to any warrant re-
specting Church patronage, he would, by the Bill, be guilty
of a high misdemeanour.
The Committee then divided,
For the Amendment 9B
Against it 2lB
Majority l2O
Upon the CHAIRMAN putting the
----
question, " that
nothing in the Bill contained do extend to enable any per-
son professing the Roman Catholic religion to exercise the
office of Regent of the United Kingdom, or to hold the
office of Lord High Chancellor, Lord Keeper, or Lord
Commissioner of the Great Seal, or Lord Lieutenant, or
Lord Deputy, or other Chief Governor of Ireland,"

Sir E. lOATCHBUL-7: thought it absolutely neces-

sary to add an exclusion from the office of Meinher of the
Privy Council.—(Cries of " No, no," and " Question.")
Mr. MOORE supported the amendment.
Sir C. COLE felt himself obliged to support the amend-
ment, though he would never give up his opinion in favour
of the general principle of the Bill.
The amendment was negatived without a division.
On the CHAIRMAN putting the clause excluding Ca-
tholics from the office of High Commissioner of the Church
of Scotland,

Mr. MOORE proposed, by way of amendment, the
exclusion of Catholics from the office of Governor, or De-
puty Governor of Colonies.
Mr. TRANT supported the amendment, but amidst so
much coughing, that he was inaudible in the gallery.

Lord I%IORPETH lamented that he was unable to
concur with the Hon. Member for Dover upon this point
more than upon every other, but he could not refrain from
congratulating him on the extent of his patriotic cares, and
the far-sightedness of his religious alarms; for, not con-
tent with endeavouring to secure the Protestantism of Ire-
land—not satisfied with guarding against the Popery of
Europe, the Hon. Member finds food for his jealousy of
the encroachments and errors of the Church of Rome in
the extreme coasts of Asia, and emulating the example of
Cmsar—
Imbellem avertit Romanis arcibus

Really among the many apprehensions which may consci-
entiously fill the minds of his Majesty's subjects, it would
not have been supposed that any were directed to the ce-
lebration of the mass in Hindoo places of worship, or the
possible elevation of a Brahmin to the college of Cardinals;
and it did seem not quite becoming, and hardly just, to
manifest this excessive repugnance to the Catholic Church,
on the very soil where, whatever may have been her errors in
the times and in the places of her temporal domination, she
first planted the Christian cross, and proclaimed the truths
of the Gospel. But he (Lord Morpeth) could venture to
assure the Hon. Member with the utmost confidence, that
the Church of England, whose affectionate disciple uo less
than the Hon. Member lie professed himself, need not fear
in any part of the world a rival, if she would send forth
a few more men like the late Bishop Heber, who while we
claim for hies a firm faith and more simple doctrine, was
not surpassed in zeal and self-devotion by the most cele-
brated missionaries of that church, from which, through
life, he differed, but which he never sought to oppress.
Mr. HUSKISSON could net agree with the amend-
ment. The appointments in the Colonies were on the
same footing as those at home. The Church appoint-
ments in the Colonies were not made by the Civil Gover-
nors, but by the Bishops, or by the Secretary of State, in
conceit with the Bishops or Archbishops at home. By
the present state of the law, the governing of the colonies
was made so difficult and inconvenient, that had the pre-
sent Bill not been brought in, it would have been neces-
sary to make some alteration in the law. Three of our
colonies contained a population entirely Catholic, and it
was absolutely necessary that Catholics in these colonies
should be admitted to the Councils of the Government.

Mr. C. W. W. WYNN wished to inform the Hon.
Member for Dover (Mr. Trant) that the provision which
his amendment contained was already included in one of
the clauses of the Bill.

Lord F. L. GOWER was more unwilling to carry the
principle of exclusion into the Colonial Department than
into any other. The Hon. Member's amendment was
unnecessary, as ecclesiastical appointments in the colonies
were not in the gift of the Governors, who, moreover,
were appoiated, generally, in reward for former civil
services.

Mr. TRANT said that Christianity. had been preached
in India lung before a Pope had been thought of.
Mr. STANLEY said that the Bill did not extend to
India, as appointments in that country were not in the
gift of the Government but of the Company.

Lord ASTLEY said, that to carry his views into execu-
tion, the lion. Member for Dover must go much further,
and exclude Catholics from the Indian Directory.
Mr. TRANT explained. _ _

After which the original Clause was carried.
The CHAIRMAN then put the Clause admitting
Roman Catholics to he Members of Lay Bodies Corporate,
which, after a few observations from Colonel SIBTHORrE,
was carried without a division.

The next Clause was put ; and, after a few words from
the SOLICITOR-GENERAL, Mr. G. Moons, and Mr. Secre-
tary PEEL, agreed to.
Colonel SIBTHORPE said a few words which were
altogether inaudible in the gallery.
Mr. Secretary PEEL objected to the Hon. Member's
suggestion.
Mr. JEPHSON made a few observations which were
inaudible in the gallery.

Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that some Hon. Members
appeared anxious to have securities against the Ecclesiasti-
cal Patronage which the Roman Catholics might acquire
when hold:ng offic,, ; now he proposed, that in such cases
the patronage should devolve upon the Archbishop of Can-
terbury.—(Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Mr. ESTCOURT, the motion
was put end carried.
Mr. G. MOORE objected to Roman Catholics being
permitted to advise his Majesty in certain cases.
Mr. TRANT addressed the House amidst cries of " Oh !
oh ! Spoke, spoke."
After a few words from Mr. Secretary PEEL and Sir R.
Ixo Lis, the clause was agreed to.
Several clauses were read and agreed to without dis-
cussion.
On the clause prohibiting the Roman Catholic Clergy
from assuming the name of any Province, See, or Deanery,
under the penalty of 1001.
Sir R. INGLIS wished to know whether the penalty
was to become due for every day that the title was as-
sumed ?

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said, that every time
the title was assumed, its assumption would be a distinct
offence. _ _ _

Mr. PEEL, in answer to a question whether the Clause
extended to Scotland, said that the Catholics never affected
to assume clerical titles in that country, where the Catholic
Clergy were only Vicars Apostolic, having Bishoprics in
other places.
The Marquis of CHANDOS proposed that the clause
should be altogether omitted, as useless, after political power
was conceded.
Mr. TRANT supported the proposition.
Mr. PEEL observed, that its omission would he thought
a great scandal, and the clause was then agreed to.
On the clause that the Roman Catholic Clergy should be
prevented, under a penalty of 50/., from wearing their eccle-
siastical dress, except in their chapels or in private houses,
Colonel SIBTHORPE wished the word private omitted.
Mr. PEEL said, the law was proposed to be the same
as in 1791, and the clause, besides being a satisfaction to
the religious feeling of the Protestants, was introduced with
the full assent and concurrence, and, indeed, at the desire
of the Catholic Prelates. The only exception permitted
the Clergy to wear their dress at the burial service.
The Clause was agreed to.

Mr. HOULDS WORT H wished to know, whether there
was any provision against the appointment of a Catholic
Chaplain by a Catholic Speaker of the House of Com-
mons ? And whether there was any to prevent the ap-
pointment of Catholic Chaplains to men-of-war? This
was a matter of great importance.
Mr. PEEL said, that this Act made no alteration in
the present law with respect to Captains and Chaplains of
men-of-war. By the law as it now stood a Catholic
might command a 71. As to appointing a Roman Ca-
tholic Chaplain to the Speaker of the House of Commons,
it would be time enough to attend to that when it was
proposed to elect a Roman Catholic Speaker. He could
assure the House, that should it recommend a Catholic
Speaker, the Crown would not attend to the recommend-
ation. As to Chaplains of men-of-war, the law made no
alteration in this circumstance. The Admiralty might
now appoint a Roman Catholic Chaplain, but the rule was
to appoint neither Roman Catholics nor Presbyterians.
After a few words from the SOLICITOR-GZNEAAL and
Sir E. KNATCHBULL, the Clause was agreed to.
The next Clause relating to burials in Ireland was agreed
to without remark.
On reading the Clause relating to the Jesuits and other
Societies bound by religious vows,
Mr. MONCK objected to it, as more severe than the
Act of Elizabeth.. He wished also to ask, if this clause
were to apply to the Knights of Malta? He would like
also to be informed if members of religious societies in-
tended only for charitable purposes, were to be included
in this clause ? He would suggest to the Right Hon.
Gentleman some words, excepting religions charitable
societies.

Mr. S. RICE regretted that a Bill for granting relief
should contain new disabilities and new penalties. He
denied that the monastic clergy could do any injury to the
Constitution of this country, and he should rather see the
clause omitted altogether. In Ireland, also, there were
societies bound by a religious vow fur conducting educa-
tion. Such societies educated several thousand children.
Ile should propose to insert the words " not being lay
persons." He thought the dangers imaginary, the pe-
nalty severe; and that a republication of the letters of
Pascal would be more effectual than the clause, to beat
down the Jesuits.
Lord STANLEY would not recommend an amend-
ment of the clause, but he could not allow the clause to
pats without protesting against it, end bearing his testi-

molly to the good conduct of the Jesuits of a religioui este'
blishment in the county he was connected with.' •
Mr. W. WYNN regretted, like his Hon. Friend, thei,
necessity for a clause of this kind. There was one- part 05
the clause to which he particularly objected—tbat which
related to members of religious societies coming into tbie
country. He saw no power given by the Bill to suspend
the operation of this Bill ; and let the House suppose that
one of the Members of the Order of Benedictines, who had
done so much for the study of antiquities, or inch a mss
as Angelo Mai, wanted to come to this country for literof
purposes, would it not be hard that such a man should be
debarred from coming into this country? He thought the
Secretary of State should be entrusted with a power to dir
pense with this clause.
Mr. P. THOMPSON did not concur with his Hop'
Friends in their opinions ; and he thought that nothing
but good would result from suppressing the Jesuits and the
Societies for educating the people of Ireland.
Mr. LABOUCHERE disliked the Jesuits as much as
the Member for Dover; but he thought as long as British
subjects conducted themselves legally, the principle of not
meddling with their freedom ought not to be violated. 0
objected strongly to the clause, and nothing could sewn'
cile him to it. There was not, he thought a single Mew,
bar of that House who would not blush to tell a karma
Monk that he could not come to England. In particalse
he had tasted of the hospitality of the Monks of St. Tier
nard, and he hoped that, at least, they would not be ir
eluded in the clause ; and he should approve of giving 0
the Secretary of State a power to suspend its operation. 11
would be discreditable to the character of the country, °
only those who professed religious views were to be es'
eluded from living in this country.
Mr. PEEL hoped the House wonid bear in mind tbe
necessity of giving satisfaction to the people of England,
who were opposed to the Catholics. Monastic orders bee
never been allowed to possess the same privileges in tide
country as the secular Clergy. Other countries weft
equally jealous of admitting the Jesuits into their dorni'
Mons. The struggles in France to which the Hon. Melo'
ber referred, were also occasioned by the Jesuits trying t°
monopolize the education of the people. If the Jeetli°
banished from other countries found a refuge here, 06
sliould be exposed to much worse consequences than FOP,
man Catholic countries. He knew that some Jesuits had
lately come to this country, provided with funds to ests'
'dish seminaries here, for education, which had excited °
deep feeling of distrust. There was a necessity, therefore,
of giving the power to prevent such things, and this wee
given by the clause. The Jesuits' establishment, Si
Stoneyhurat, was contrary to the policy of this country.-"
The Act of 1791 ;prohibited the establishment of fuel'
seminaries with large funds ; and if, by the interve°'
tion of secret trusts, the present law had been set aside,
there was a necessity for some new provision. The exist'
ence of Monastic Orders was not necessary for the put'
poses of the Roman Catholic Church. Moreover, the lad
permitted those who were now here to remain on regir
tering themselves within six months. There were objet'
tuns to secret obligations in civil society, and he did not
know why religious vows should not be regarded wio
equal jealousy. He did not deny that it was unwise 01
interfere with a man's religion ; but it had always bee°
the policy of the law to be jealous of Monastic Orders?
and it would be better that the authorities should meet
the Legislature half way, and consent to the restriction to
be placed on these societies. He supported the clause a°
necessary.
Lord SANDON knew of no instance but that of the
despotism of Russia, where an individual under such!
circumstances, would be excluded from the protection °
the State.

Mr. li. GRATTAN contended that the Jesuits were
the friends and not the enemies of social order.

Mr. LESLIE FOSTER approved of the clause as tl
stood, and thought that every proper degree of forbearance
had been shewn by the framers of the Bill towards Mem'
hers of Monastic Institutions.

Sir R. WILSON suggested that g power of Haase
ought to be given to the Secretary of State, that lit
might under special circumstances enable members 0,
Monastic Orders to reside temporarily in this country,
they were driven to it by shipwreck or other unaccount,
able circumstances, or if any other good reason could be
assigned.
Mr. HUSKISSON entirely agreed in the principle ei
endeavouring to suppress Monastic Institutions, and esr
chilly the Jesuits, and he therefore rejoiced that such a pre;
vision as that now under consideration had been introduce°,
into the Bill. No society, like that of the Jesuits, bone°
by secret engagements, and paying implicit obedience to e
foreign power, could be sanctioned by the policy of AM,
country, and if allowed, lie believed that they would exteria,
very rapidly. He did not object that individuals boon('
themselves by vows, but that they formed themselves jute
communities and endeavoured to increase and multiply.
(Laughter.)—He was not afraid of one or two individuals
residing temporarily in this country, and for that reason be
wished that the Secretary of State should have the power
under special circumstances to give permission to person,
of that description to reside in the country for a limited
time.
Mr. TRANT said that this part of the Bill was the
only one that offered any thing like security. A !Meg
deal might be said upon the point, and in order to give en
opportunity for argument, he would move an adjournment.
.loicE)nottLtlitlnrioio,b,
suwsiget lruwivweoi
dtinht,.ho
itutihaeeftmaßtbi
tineigelruleto-night. Lord UXBRIDGE thought that it would be mace
—bme CommonsottrNeinbetter
o.n:PogaEg
began
ai lnas wfiltoouenrbeotrhyeefirgriweri
by midnight, although, perhaps, they had not arrived ttn,..
nine o'clock. For the first two hours after the busi"""
upon this Bill began there were not more than 60 or 10
Members present, and, of course, those who only took Po'
in the proceeding after nine o'clock could hardly be swore
of what had or had not been done in the interval. It won't',
he thought, be much more satisfactory to ge through the
Committee, even if it occupied until two or three in the.
morning. Already the Committee upon it had occupied
two days : and as to the clause before the House, the Prin-
ciple of it was not objected to even by the Hon. Member
for Dover. Throughout he (Mr. Peel) had been anzioll
to listen attentively to all that that Hon. Gentleman, atut
his friends who thought with him, could advance against
the further progress of the Bill.
Mr. TRANT added, that be was not dtsirous of throw..
ing in the way of the measure any needless impediment.
Sir E. KN.ATCHBULL asked the Right Hon. Gentle'
man what course of proceeding he recommended as Ito the
future stages of the measure?
Mr. PEEL replied, that he hoped there would be to
objection to bringing up the Report pro
in order that the Bill, as amended, might be printed ;
he should propose that that Report be taken into further
.
consideration on Friday, and that the third reading should
fixed for Monday, leaving the interval of Saturday sod
Sunday. forma to-night,
Mr. BANKES very much wished that Tuesday ehould
be named for the third reading. He knew that there were
many who thought that the Bill did not go far enough witb
reference to the Jesuits and Monastic orders, but he .had
no intention of taking part in the discussion to-night:
Personally to himself, and to some others, Tuesday would
be more convenient for the third reading.—(Why? WitY
—Monday was a supply day, and he had to bring forwar.,
the grant for the British Museum.—(Laughter.)--He did
not wish to be pertinacious on the subject, and, perhaps'
the vote for the Museum might be brought on on Friday,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that
no doubt the grant for the British Museum was a matter
of importance, but not of moment. He thought that it
might be proposed on Friday, in the Committee of Supply'
and he saw no reason why it should occupy more than five
minutes at the utmost, even with the speech of the How
Member for Dorset.
Colonel SIBTHORPE deprecated haste, and wished for
an opportunity to present further petitions, which he knelt/
would be sent up from the country:
Lord MILTON hoped that the Hon. Member for Dorset
would be content to bring in the Vote for the Museetti
prior to the further consideration of the Report on 02'
Roman Catholic Relief Bill.

!

i!

-
Mr. S. RICE, in order not to delay the Committee,
withdrew the Amendment of which he bad given notice'
until a future stage.
The question was then put and the clause was carried
Mr. W. HORTON inquired whether it was likely •thar
Ministers would consent to any modification of the ciao°
on bringing up the Report.
• Mr. PEEL could not promise more than to consider
the proposition, without at all pledging himself to add' 1;
it. He could not, without :the greatest reluctance, 2,
interfere with the existing regulations in the Bill relatiP)
to Monastic Societies. If a power of license were given t°
the Sccrenry of State, it ought to be placed under stroll
restrictions ; and Parliament ought to have cognizance Ot
every instance of the kind. First of all, the power' ottO
only to be confided in a Protestant Member of the GoverP,'
went ; next, the license ought to be only for a very Emile('
period, and in cases of emergency, or where the puree
was merely literary or scientific. The most effectual guard°
ought to accompany such a power, and One of those goer
&
must be the cognisance of the Act by Parliament.
Lord NUGENT wished the general rule to rettutin )r
now stood in the Bill ; the exception might be 'the :pow'

I

of license possessed by a Protestant and responsible
Minister.

The CHAIRMAN proceeded to, read the other clauses
of the Bill.
Mr. TRANT complained that he did not know in what
Way the clauses were passed over.
The CHAIRMAN accordingly read the last clause
again.

Mr. Secretary PEEL moved the insertion of two
Clauses---one relative to the taking of the Oath by Ro-
lolto Catholic Members of Parliament; and the other pro-
viding that no person in Holy Orders of the Church of
Rome, though otherwise duly qualified, should be capable
of being elected a Member of the House of Commons ; and
that if any Member should take or receive Holy Orders
from the Church of Rome, his seat should become void ;
AO if he should presume to sit and vote, he should be sub-
ject to the penalties of the Act of 41st of Geo. 111.
The new Clauses were agreed to ; and some verbal
Amendments made in the other Clauses.
The House then resumed, and the Report was brought
"P, and ordered to be taken into further consideration on
Friday next.

IRISH ELECTIVE FRANCHISE REGULATION

BILL.
On the motion of Mr. Secretary PEEL, the re-commit-
Merit of this Bill Was postponed till Thursday neat.

IRISH ESTIMATES.
Sir R. INGLIS asked at what period it was intended
to bring the Irish Estimates forward ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said it
would be hardly possible, considering the state of the busi-
ness of the House, to bring them forward before Friday
se'nnight.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and
the Hbuse adjourned at Half-past One o'clock.

LIS
Ox xi. icilUai's SE(
A.rchdall, M.
Ashurst,
Astell, W.
Astley, Sir J D.
Banker, H.
Banker, G.
Baztard, E. P.
Bastard, John
Batley, C. H.
klandford, Marquis
Bright, H.
Porraciaile R.
Zrydges, Sir J.
Capel, John
Chichester, Sir A.
Cole, Hon. Arthur
Cooper, R. B.
Cooper, E. 8.
Cotterell, Sir J.
Curteis, E. J.
Curt, Hon. E.
baikins, H.
Sir C.
Dgdale, D. S.
Dun', B. A.ncombe Hon.W.
X3teourt, T. G.
S. B.
ellowes,, W. H.
PYler
etherstßon Sir G.
,T. .
Gascoyne Zen.
Gooch, Sir
Gordon, John
Greene T. G.
Gye, F.

OF THE MINOR
'ION TO PREVENT ROl

IN PA RLI All ENT.-...M.

Handcock, Richard
Hastings, Sir C.
dson, J.
Hotham, Lord
Houldsworth, A. H.
Inglis, Sir R. H.
Keck, G. A. Legh
King, Sir J. D.
King, Hon. H.
Knatchbull, Sir E.
Lott, H. B.
Mackinnon, C.
M'Leod, J. R.
Manners, Lord R.
Moore, G.
Miles, P. J.
Mundy, F.
Mundy, G.
Nicholl, Right Hon.
Sir John
O'Neil, Hon. J.
O'Neill, Augustus
Palk, Sir L.
Pallmer, C. N.
Peach, N.
Peachy, General
Pelham, J. C.
Pennant, G. D.
Petit, L H.
Powell, Alexander
Powell, W.
Price, R.
Rickford, W.
Rochford, G.
Rose, Itt. Hi.. Sir G.
Rose, G.

PARLIAMENTARY

lITY
MAN CATHOLICS FROII
♦RCH 23.

Scott, Samuel
Sibthorpc, C. D.
Sadler, M. T.
Shirley, E. J.
Smyth, Sir G.
Sotheron, Admiral
Taylor, G. Watson
Trant, W. H.
Tudway, J. P.
Tullamore, Lord
Vyvyan, Sir R.
Wetherell, Sir C.
Williams, Robert
Wilson, R. F.
Wilson, Colonel
Wynne, 0.
TELLE R.
Chandos, Marquis of

PAIRED OM
Arkwright, F.
Belfast, Earl of
Bell, M.
Cecil, Lord T.
Davenport, D.
Dick, Quintin
Evans, Admiral
Harvey, Sir E.
Houldsworth, T.
Lowther, Hon. IL C.
Manners, Lord C.
Meynell, H.
Peel, J.
Trevor, Hon. G.
Towns hend, Lord J.
West, F.

'APER.

STEAM VESSELS.
Abstract of a Return of all Ships or V
Steam belonging to cr registered in
Great Britain.
London 57 Liverpool 47
Itenuntaris 2 Newcastle 53
Bristol
Carlisle I i Plymouth
Chepstow 3lPortsmouth .... 4. %we(' 3 Southampton .. 2
over
2ritrisby
~null
IPswich 3 Whitehaven .... 2
Lancaster
Total... 310 Vessels-26,374.
vessels belonging to Government are not included in this
Account.

ressels navigated by
the several Ports of

Aberdeen . 4
Camplivltown 2
Dundee 2
Glasgow
Grangemouth 3
Greenock 2
Irvine
Kirkaldy
Leith
Port Glasgow 5

A Return of the Number of Ships or Vessels now Build-
ing at any Port of Great Britain calculated to be navi-
gated by Steam.
~_

Ports.

Number of Ships,

Tons.

london
Bristol
Run
Liverpool

not specified
not specified
about 60 each
210
70
70
not specified
12
not specified
not specified

• Newcastle
Sunderland
Aberdeen
Port Glasgow

DUBLIN, MARCH 22.

The following letters have been received from the
Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel, in answer to
communications from Mr. Conway, Secretary of the
late Aggregate Meeting held in this city, conveying
to the Noble Duke and the Right Hon. Secretary a
ItesolutiOn of Thanks adopted at that Meeting :
" London, March 20, 1529.
" Sir—l have had the honour of receiving your letter,
dated the 17th instant, for which I beg leave to return
Thy thanks. It is always gratifying to learn, that the per-
formance of my duty to his Majesty has been satisfactory
t° any portion of my fellow-subjects.
" I have the honour to be, Sir,

" Your obedient humble servant,
"P. W. Conway, Esq., &c. " WELLINGTON.'

Whitehall, March 20, 1829.
" Sir—l beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter, transmitting to me a Copy of a Resolution un-
4airnously agreed to by a Public Meeting held in Dublin
all the 16th March.
" I am gratified by the assurances conveyed in that
solution with respect to the course to be pursued by his
441jesty's Government ; but I am still more gratified on
Public grounds, by learning that there exists a strong dis-
Position to promote the objects of his Majesty's Govern-
kent, by the manifestation of a moderate and conciliatory
spirit, thus encouraging and confirming the hopes that the
result of the present measures will he the peace mad con-
eord of Ireland.
" To
aF. w
I am. Sir, your most obedient servant,
• Conway, Esq. " ROBERT PEEL.'

SURREY NEW ROADS.—By a Return pre-
sented to the House of Commons it appears that the
aggregate amount of tolls collected on the New Surrey
toads during the last six years and seven months was
18,5751. ISs. 4d.; and the aggregate amount expended
by the trustees in lighting and watching the same during
years and four months, 21,578/. 14s. 6d.
On Friday, the carriage of Lord CLoN-
qlitity, drawn by four horses, and in which was his Lord-
ih„ll, and Lady CLONCURRY, in proceeding up Parliament-
„'‘reet towards the Castle, was met by the military on
their return from relieving guard. The horses, affrighted
tt the sound of the music, suddenly turned, and wheeling
,e vehicle- round, dashed back again through the street,
'al down the Coal-quay, where, earning in contact with
,tsa, al-dray, the carriage was partially upset on one side,
the spirited animals were themselves tumbled on the
tree'. Prompt assistance having been, however, ren-
l!!d, we are glad to state that both his Lordship and his
Y fortunately escaped unhurt. The coachman, how-
:Ler, who had exerted himself most strenuously, and done
Athat could be possibly expected to prevent the accident,
hurled from his seat on the pavement, and received
ii.levere contusion in one of the temples. He was imme-
ilklely removed to an apothecary's shop in the neighbour-
where he was shortly after attended by a surgeon,
subsequently removed to where he might receive
tither medical assistance. This, with some slight injury
to the carriage and harness, was, we understand, the
*altiole of the damage sustained on the occasion.—Dublars
°Ning Post.
1, On Saturday last the celebrated great cattle
4eket, established nearly a century since, was held at
eal Torrington, in this county. Notwithstanding its
4:11 reputation throughout the kingdom, for the exhibi-
of the much-admired North Devon breed, the public
ere never before presented with any like there ap-
Tired on the present occasion. Graziers and dealers,
'}sist.a every part of the kingdom, were, very early in the
wing,
perceived, eager to possess themselves of those
th:famed animals ; and although the number shewn was
cIY double what had usually been the case, such was
14411urement, from the great beauty and purity of the
that nearly the whole of the vast collection had
14111 ed hands before noon.—Exeter Alfred.