The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON. WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 3, 1845..

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
LIVERPOOL, DEC.'2.
STOCK EXCHANGE. —The sales are—Bolton, Wigan, and
Liverpool, 14 p.—Cambridge and Lincoln, 13 p.—Chester
and Birkenhead, 45—Ditto, New 201. Shares, par—Clydes-
dale Junction, 12 p.—Derby and Crewe, 2% p.—Eastern
Counties, 18%—Grand Junction, 2261/2—Ditto' 401. Shares
M.), 491,1 p.—Grand Union, % dis.—Great Grimsby and
Quarter Shares, 1% p.—Grcat Western, 61—Hud-
dersfield Canal and Railway, 3 p.—Leicester and Bedford,
par—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 1 p.—London and
Birmingham, 210—Ditto, Fifth Shares, 19—Manchester and
Birmingham, 70 ex n.—Ditto, Quarter Shares, 65A p.—Man-
chester, Midland, and Great Grimsby, 14s. p.—Manchester
and Leeds, Fifth Shares, 10 p.—Midland, 140—Ditto, 401.
Shares, 12 p.—Northumberland and Lancashire, 17s. dis.—
North Union (A), 205—North Staffordshire, 3% p.—Sheffield
and Manchester, :Quarter Shares, No. 2, 5 p.—Ditto, Quarter
Shares, No. 3 (scrip), 2314—South-Eastern and Dover, Con-
solidated Thirds, Half Shares, 1 p.—West Riding Union, 3%
p.—York and Carlisle, 7s. 6d. p.—Dutch Rhenish, p.
MANCHESTER, DEc. 2.
STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are—Birkenhead, Lanca-
shire, and Cheshire, 51,4—Blackbum, Chorley, and Liverpool,
21—Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton, 814—Clitheroe Junc-
tion, 4%—Edinburgh and Glasgow, 65—Goole, Doncaster,
Sheffield, &c., 445. 6d.—Huddersfield and Manchester Rail-
way and Canal, 53/4—Lancashire and North Yorkshire, 495.
6d.—Leicester and Tamworth, 42s.—Liverpool and Bury,
25 c. n.—Liverpool and Leeds Direct, 2—Liverpool, Orms-
kirk, and Preston, 41/2—London and Windsor, 16s. 3d.—Lynn
and Dereh am, s—Manchester and Birmingham, Quarters, 11—
Dit to, ditto, 8 4—Manchester and Birmingham Continuation
and Welsh Junction, 114—Manchester and Bury Atmos-
pheric, 21s.—North Staffordshire, 5/. 7s.—Nottingham and
Mansfield, 2%—Nottingham, Boston, and Grantham, 3%—
Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton, 15—Sheffield and
Manchester, Quarters, No. 3, 5%—Shrewsbury and Binning-
ham, 3—West Lancashire Coast, 225. —West Riding Union, 6.

LEEDS, DEC. 2.
STOCK EXCHANGE. —The sales are—Great Grimsby and
Sheffield, B—Ditto, Quarter Shares, 3—Ditto, Docks, 5
Huddersfield and Sh
effield, 19 c. n.—Leeds and Bradford Ex-
tensions, 12%—Leeds and Thirsk, 9—Newcastle and Ber-
wick, 81/ c.—Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton, 14—
Wilts, Somerset, and Weymouth, par—Sheffield and Lin-
coln, 2%—London and York (Bawtry), 2—West Riding
Union, 53/4—Grand Union, 3s. 6d. dis.—Great Eastern and
Western, 10 dis.—Leicester and Bedford, 3s. 6d. p.—Liver-
pool, Manchester, and Newcastle Junction, 15s. p.—Man-
chester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 2% p.—Northum-
berland and Lancashire Junction, 3s. dis.—North Western,
2 %—Nottingham and Boston, ss. p,—Wakefield and Harro-
gate, 3s. 6d. p.—Welsh Midlands, ss. dis.
lIU LL, DEC. 2.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Hull and Selby, Half
Shares, 1714—Cambridge and Lincoln, 2%—Coventry, Nun-
eaton, &c., 11/—South Midland, 41. 2s.

HUDDERSFIELD, DEc. 2.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Huddersfield and Man-
chester, 6A—Sheffield and Lincolnshire, 21.8s.—West Riding
Union, 5!! Grand Union, 255. 6d.—North Western, 2.

SHEFFIELD, DEC. 2.
STOCK EXCH./4 NGE.—The sales are—Manchester and Leeds,
1401/2—Sheffield and Manchester, Quarter Shares, No, 3., 5143
—Grand Union (Nottingham to Lynn), 11,4—London and
York, 3 IA—Sheffield and Lincolnshire, 21. 14s.—South Mid-
land, 31/2—Wakefield and Harrogate, 3s. 6d. p.
YORK, DEC. 2.
STOCK EXCIIINGE.—The sales are—Newcastle and Dar-
lington, 49—Ditto, Brandling, 3e, —York and North Mid-
land Extension, 23—Newcastle and Berwick, 91/2—Lanca-
shire and North Yorkshire, 21. 2s.—Leicester and Bedford,
114—Manchester, Buxton, Matlock, and Midland, 41. 185.9 d.
—North Kent and Direct Dover, 21/2—North Western, 214—
Welsh Midland, .2.
BRISTOL, DEC. 2. _ _

STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Bristol and Exeter,
79—Ditto, New, 41. 18s. 9d.—Caledonian, 1214—Midland,
New, 181,4—South Devon, 27%.
GLASGOW, DEC. 1.
STOCIe EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Airdrie and Bathgate,
451.—British and Irish Union, 60s. —Caledonian Extension,
495.—Caledonian and Ayrshire Junction, 34s.—Caledonian
and Dumbartonshire Junction, 45s.—Dundee and Forfar
Junction, 475. 6d.—East of Fife, 42s.—Edinburgh, Glasgow,
and Dumbarton, 18s.—Glasgow and Belfast Union, 408.
Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, New, 17.—Glasgow, Kil
marnock, and Ardrossan, 525. 6d.—Lanark and Lothians, 50s.
—Lanarkshire and Galloway Junction, 495. 6d.—Lesmaha-
gaw, 50s.—Paisley, Barrhead, and Hurlet, 3—Scottish Cen-
tral and Caledonian Junction, 34s.—South Midland, 80s.—
Wishaw and Coltness, 50s.

IRELAND.
THE POTATO DISEASE.

DUBLIN, DEC. I.—The accounts brought by the latest pro-
vincial journals are, in the aggregate, by far the most favour-
able that have been received since the first appearance of the
distemper, and the opinion is daily gaining ground " that the
injury sustained will prove to be very short of what was ap-
prehended, and the great alarm and excitement created con-
siderably exaggerated, and in many instances for interested
purposes." Such is the view now entertained of the
subject by a Repeal paper (the Cork Reporter), and having
made the candid admission that the panic was kept
up, if not created, for an "interested purpose," it will
scarcely answer hereafter to charge those who, from
the outset, were inclined to take a less gloomy view
of the prospect, with being actuated by factious motives
in their opposition to the reiterated cry of impend-
ing famine. There is a wide difference between actual star-
vation and temporary scarcity—the latter being of itself an
evil of sufficient magnitude to justify the precaution of any
Government sincerely disposed to take measures for avert-
ing what, in Ireland, must be regarded as a national ca-
lamity. The reports from Cork, Kerry, Wexford, and some
districts of the north, all speak of the gradual subsidence of
the disease which, from whatever cause, appears to have re-
ceived a decided check ; and there is every hope that from
the great abundance of the crop, and admitting that the
average loss all over the kingdom would amount to one-
fourth of the whole, enough will remain to preclude the pos-
sibility of an actual dearth of this essential article of food.
Several other provincial papers have given less favourable
accounts.

REPEAL ASSOCIATION.
The usual weekly meeting of the members of this body
was held to day at one o'clock, in the Conciliation-hall, and
was rather thinly attended. Mr. O'Connell, who was at a
meeting of the Corporation at an early hour, made his ap-
pearance in his aldermanic robes and cocked hat, and was
accompanied by Mr. O'Brien, M.P., Mr. J. O'Connell, M.P.,
and several of the less prominent members of the Committee.
Upon the motion of the Learned Gentlemun, the chair was
taken by Mr. Richard A. Fitzgerald, M.P. for the county
of Tipperary.
The CHAIRMAN briefly addressed the meeting, and handed
in 21. as his own subscription and that of his infant son, for
the present year. He said, that since he last had the
honour of attending in his place in that Hall, he had
travelled over a great part of Europe, and he was
happy at being enabled to state that there was a strong
feeling in favour of the struggle Irishmen were making to
restore to their country her Parliament; while, at the game
time, he never heard anything urged which did not fully
bear out the doctrine preached by their great leader—" peace
and perseverance."—(Hear, hear.) The Learned Gentleman
having in very warm language expressed the indignation he
felt, as a Roman Catholic, at being obliged to take the oaths
put to Members of his religion upon taking their seats in the
British Senate, went on to say, that he felt some difficulty on
his way home to decide as to whether he should remain in
London and watch the proceedings of the Legislature upon
Irish affairs, without meddling in anything English, or come
home and take his place in the Conciliation-hall, the repre-
sentative assembly of Ireland.—(Choers.) His decision was,
however, in favour of Ireland. He was a peaceful agitator;
yet, if the necessity arose for it, his arm would not be want-
ing to protect his fellow-countrymen from unjust oppression
and tyranny.—(Cheers.)
Mr. O'CONNELL said, he was deeply affected at being
obliged, in the discharge of his duty, to announce the death
of his Hon. Friend Mr. Hutchinson, whose last subscription
was acknowledged on the previous day they met. It was at
all times a melancholy task to make such an announcement,
but particularly so when it referred to a patriot, who was an
influential member of a bigoted Conservative family.—(Hear.)
Mr. O'BRIEN also expressed his deep regret at the loss
which Ireland had sustained by the Hon. Gentleman's death,
and took the opportunity of noticing a subject he had re-
ferred to on the previous Monday. He had stated that an
eminent barrister was obliged to cease from practising in the
Court of Chancery, owing to, the overbearing impudence of
Sir Edward Sugden, and he had mentioned the cause and
other particulars concerning the cessation. Now, he (Mr.
O'Brien) had since heard that his information was incorrect,
and in justice to his Lordship he felt bound to state it pub-
licly ; at the same time he could not but still give expression
to the general feeling of the Bar upon the subject generally.
As far as he (Mr. O'Brien) was personally concerned, he
always found Sir Edward Sugden most polite, and he would
be most happy to see him on the English Chancery Bench,
which he had heard was likely to be vacant by the retire-
ment of Lord Lyndhurst, and they would place in his stead a
member of the Irish bar, of Conservative politics, whose ap-
pointment would give universal satisfaction.—(Cheers.)
Mr. O'CONNELL added his testimony in favour of the
gentleman alluded to by Mr. O'Brien, as being qualified to
fill the office of Chancellor in Ireland, observing that the pre-
sent Chancellor was not less impudent, because he bad failed
to oblige him to give up practising in his Court; and then
proceeded to apologise for appearing in his corporate robes,
alleging, as his excuse, that he had been at the meeting of
the Corporation, to propose Alderman Keshan as the Repeal
Lord Mayor for the ensuing year, which appointment was
seconded by Alderman Kinahama, Conservative member of
the Council, whom he said he was ready to propose himself next
year' if he only declared for a domestic Legislature.—(Hear.)
The Learned Gentleman then went on to allude to the letter
of the Times Commissioner, dated from Kerry, and said he
knew no one to whom he should feel under greater obliga-
tions, for his fabrications had shown him (Mr. O'Connell)
that he was mistaken as to his opinion of the Irish Tory
press ; and from what that press had in justice, done for
him, during the last fortnight, he would beat them out in
kindness, and for the future—no matter what they said of
him—no matter how much they abused him—he would
never say a word against them ; and amongst those papers
to which he felt most particularly obliged were—the Evening
Mail and Evening Packet.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. O'Con-
nell) was now done for ever with the " gutter" Commissioner,
whose rascally paper had not the common honesty to publish
his defence in full, after publishing a grossly libellous attack ;
but the secret of it was, that the Irish Conservative gentle.
man was a man of honour, while the writers of the English I,
Conservative journals were the most calumnious liars that
ever lived.—(Cheers).
Mr. O'BRIEN next addressed the meeting, in bringing up
a report OR the grand jury law from the committee; and in
doing so took occasion to allude to the present state of Ire-
land. He first referred to the failure of the potato crop, and
again, for the last time, called on the Government to
come forward and provide against the starvation of the Irish
people, suggesting as the only remedy that the ports should
be thrown open, and rice, fish, corn, and other provisions
purchased, and stores for the poor, who should be provided
with employment, to enable them to pay for their own sup-
port, and be under no compliment to England for anything.
—(Hear, hear.) To purchase provision without calling
on the English people he would suggest an absentee-tax
of 25 per cent., and a property-tax, to include all those
whose property was rated above 50/. per annum under the
poor-law valuation.—(Cheers.) Something it was plain,
should be done, for the people would not starve; and that
" something" should be, in the first instance, to open the
ports. The question had been agitated in England, and the
corn-law question was also engrossing much attention, for
within the past week Lord John Russell had joined with the
members of the Anti-Corn-law League, and on most import-
ant terms.—(Hear.) Mr. Cobden, Mr. Villiers, and other
leading members of that body, had publicly announced that
they would support no party that did not act with them on
the corn-law question ; and inconformity with that announce-
ment his Lordship had joined them,—and they would, no
doubt, endeavour to merge the question of repeal in the
corn-law question.
Mr. O'CONNELL.—Never.—(Loud cries of " Never, never.")
Mr. O'CONNELL then read an article from the Morning
Chronicle, in which the propriety of erecting a statue to
Cromwell in the new Houses of Parliament was vindicated,
and went over the old farce which has been re-enacted
each week for some months past, of the Wexford slaughter,
&c., to show that he was a man of the most bloodthirsty and
profligate character, and thus unfitted to be preserved in the
recollection of the English people.—(Hear.) In conclusion,
he gave notice that on the next day of meeting he would
go fully into the foreign and domestic state of Ireland, and
lay before the Association an Act of Parliament, to enable
her Majesty to summon her Irish Parliament.
The rent was then announced to be 262/. 7s. 3d., and the
meeting, at four o'clock, adjourned till Monday next.

EARL STANHOPE AND THE
CAMBRIDGESHIRE FARMERS.

The following is a copy of a letter addressed by the Right
Hon. Earl Stanhope to Mr. Twiss, Secretary to the Cam-
bridgeshire Farmers' Association, in reply to an invitation
sent to his Lordship :
" Chevening, near Sevenoaks, Nov. 26.
" Sir,—Tam favoured to-day with your letter, inviting me to
attend the dinner of the Cambridgeshire farmers on the 16th
of January next, and I need not assure you that I have
always been most anxious to co-operate with'my countrymen
in defending their rights and interests ; but I received from
them so little support that my exertions in Parliament were
utterly useless and 1 have therefore retired for the present
from public life. The circumstances which induced me to
form that determination are fully explained in my letter to
Mr. Wing, of Aylesbury, which was published in the Morn-
ing Post of the 21st of April last, and it would be unneces-
sary to repeat them. It would also be superfluous for me to
advert to the opinions which I have so frequently expressed,
both in and out of Parliament, on the necessity of securing
full and effectual protection to British industry in all its
various branches ; for those opinions ought to be well
known, and I have reason to believe that they are approved
by the great majority of my countrymen.
It does notlappear from your letter that the Cambridge-
shire farmers require my advice, which could be of no ser-
vice to them unless it was followed, and this was not the case
on former occasions, or my assistance, which would be alto-
gether unavailing unless they propose to act in concert with
other counties in a combined plan of operations, and to co-
operate with other classes of the community in order to
obtain that redress of their grievances which they have an
undoubted right to demand. I think, therefore, that my
presence at the dinner would not. be useful, and I must beg
to decline the invitation with which they-hare honoured me.
" It is the duty, not only of the farmers in Cambridgeshire,
but also of all those who are interested in agriculture, whe-
ther as landlords, as tenants, or as labourers, in every part
of the United Kingdom, to consider what is their present si-
tuation, and what are their future prospects.
" The free-trade policy of the present Ministers, who would
never have been restored to power if their new corn-laws and
their new tariff had been expected by those who sup-
ported them at the last general election—the base and
treacherous and unprincipled conduct of so many of their
adherents, who, by an utter disregard of their promises and
professions, have covered themselves with indelible dis-
grace, and justly incurred the hatred or contempt of their
fellow-citizens—the indefatigable exertions and reckless at-
tempts which are made by some enemies of the corn-laws,
and the culpable supineness of the agricultural community,
which seems at present to be quite benumbed and paralyzed,
—all these circumstances concur in placing this country in a
state of the utmost danger, from which it could be rescued
only by that which I have so often, but so ineffectually, re-
commended,—by energy and union. Patriotism and public
spirit appear to be almost extinct, and those who are, unable to
see the perils with which they are surrounded on all sides,
or who are unwilling to adopt adequate measures to avert
them, may at last be instructed by experience and the evi-
dence of facts.
" I am aware that in some parts of the country there are
farmers who, without being misled by the misrepresentations
and falsehoods of their enemies, begin to view with indiffer-
ence a repeal of the corn-laws, as they suppose that it is in-
evitable, and that it would be less injurious to them if it were
immediate than it would be after their capital had been en-
tirely exhausted. If, indeed, that measure is to be considered
as inevitable, from the zeal and perseverance of those who op-
pose the corn-laws, and from the lamentable torpor of those
who ought to support thern.:l do not, like Lord Ashley, wish or
seek any compromise, in order, as he expresses it, to break
the force of an inevitable blow.' On the contrary, if free
trade is to be applied with respect to corn, the same principle
must also be applied with respect to all other articles of ge-
neral consumption, and to all the other products of British
industry, and in such a case let the repeal of all protective
duties be immediate and entire. Under such circumstances
I say again, as I did in the House of Lords, I throw down
the gauntlet, and dare you to the attempt.' The effect would
be so violent and so sudden, that even those who are the
most supine would be compelled to act, that even
these who are the most prejudiced would be convinced, and

there would probably be produced a pressure from with-
out' which no Government would be able to resist. Those
who have proposed or supported measures which are in their
nature destructive to the interests of British industry, or
who, disapproving of those measures, had not the courage to
oppose them, will bear the entire and exclusive respgusibility
of the result. The intense and intolerable misery wRSch all
the productive classes would suffer under a general applica-
tiou of free trade might, as a natural, If not a necessary con-
sequence, produce a social revolution, and the rights of pri-
vate !property in land, which already are openly assailed,
might then be openly attacked, and property of every de-
scription might afterwards become the object of spoliation.
" I am, Sir, your faithful servant,
STANHOPE."

POSITION OF THE CORN-LA -W
QUESTION.
(From the Eclectic Review for December.)
Another heave has been given to the progress of tter,
corn-law question, by circumstances which .man cannot
regulate, but on the occurrence of which or something
similar, he was as much bound to calculate, as sea-going
man is to be provided with the means of reefing hie.
sails, in the knowledge that though none can foretel the
precise period of a gale, a gale at some time is in the
first class of certainties. A failuge has been announced
in the potato crop ; thus reducing the numerous class
who in the language of ecclesiastical dignitaries " rejoice
in potatoes," to try what they can make of mortifying'
upon wheaten flour, after the counsels of that celebrated
French princess, who said, that sooner than die like the
people who starved for want of bread, she would live on
macaroons. And this is backed up by continually ac- -
cumulating reports, that the wheat harvest in most parts
of the country is defective either in quantity or quality,
and that the other countries of Europe, with the unim-
portant exception of Denmark, are suffering under at
least a jealousy of short supply.
And here it is that our quarter-deck people have con-
trived to move a step towards the solution of the ques-
tion. A belief is clearly among the crew, that a gale of
wind is coming on, and a winter's night in prospect
makes it doubly important to prepare. Of the officers
some take one side and some the other ; but there is
shrewdly surmised to be an interest among them in
keeping things as they are. In some way or other the
sensibility of their breeches' pockets is suspected to be
involved in denying the danger, and carrying sail
through all, though at the risk of sending the masts
over the side, when they are supposed to count upon
having the boats at their disposal, and escaping the de-
struction which is to fall on the ignoble herd. In this
state of things the chief mate—(for the captain is too
great a personage to have anything personally to say to
it, nor would much difference be made by the fact if it
took place)—the chief mate holds a council—half a
dozen councils—hour after hour of precious time
expended on each. By this he recognises to the fullest,
extent, that there is a popular belief—a creed among
the unaccounted vulgar, who are to go the bottom in the
event of ill success, without a boat to help them—that a
gale is close at hand. Knots of the crew are seen col-
lected here and there, handling the ropes which lead to
reefing sails, and the word from time to time passes
among them that the chief mate is only waiting to hear
what this and another gentleman has to say against it,
and then he is going to the captain to say it must be ,
done.

In this position of things, what does our Palinurus,
chief of all with the exception of the seed of the gods
that tenants the state cabin, finally decide on? He de-
cides, that though the growling of the coming storm is
not reduced but heightened, and without a shadow of
reason to show except that the gentlemen do not like it,
he will say we will go on as we are, and if the gale comes
and all effort at taking in a reef is too late, we will read
the Prayer for Fair Weather as by law established, and
put the officers into the boats when the rest must clearly
go down.
In this state of being " doubly armed," and with the
certainty that the abolition of restrictions on the provi-
vision of food must come hereafter, because it, does not
come now, it is time for those to be looking about them,
who are the enemies not only of the evil principle ina-
mediately concerned, but of other evil principles which
hang by it and own a common origin. In public ques-
tions, which can only be settled by the gradual prepon-
derance of opinion under whatever disadvantages ex-
pressed, there is very little use in the concealment which-
may be prudence in more limited concerns. The adver-
sary " knows his strength, and we know ours." Lord
Ashley's declaration is decisive on this point. Instead
of being an indication of personal weakness, as in some
quarters unwisely intimated, it was the cool declaration
of a good officer, taking a leader's view of the field, and
counselling the taking up of the inferior position, be-
cause the higher was no longer tenable. Such a moment
was no time for discussing the principles of a cause ;
all men are supposed to have made up their minds on
these before they present themselves to a contest. A
good leader does not request his followers to throw
themselves into a gulph because their cause is good; he
does what is much more likely to be of use, desires
them to take up a contracted position which he points
out. The time then seems come, when, as Mause Head-
rigg invited the Life Guards under Claverbouse in their
retreat, the enemy may be called upon to " tarry," and
be in no hurry to get away from the consequences of
his defeat. There is more to be done with hint, before
he is quit ; why will he not stand like a man, and de-
fend his grand position, or else quietly give up the
others which will be found to hang by it? The corn-
laws were not merely enactments for finding portions
for the ruling classes' daughters ; they were the ban-
ner, the cockade, the representative by concentration, of
their general right of wrong. If it is once discovered
that the ruling classes cannot keep their corn-laws, a
a host of questions they "may not look upon," will be
gathering fast about them, each grimmer and more ab-
horrent to them than its predecessor. Nothing is more
certain than that the maintenance of wrongs at large
depends on the invulnerability of each particular one.
The boy who would not say A because he knew he
should be asked to say B, is the true and only type for
the policy of wrong-doers. Why not hold out a little
longer? Is it not plain that the corn-laws are in the
fact of being surrendered, and legions of strange aspect,
leaving no hope to the claimants of the marriage por-
tions but from their quarrelling with one another, are
standing on the slip for the first entry at the breach that
shall be made? If the monopoly of the bread that
perishes cannot maintain itself, what sanctuary can be
depended on, where the suffering genius of wrong may
hide the sorrows of her pocket and her heart ?
The League, with vast resources in possession and
almost boundless ones behind, has made at: inroad into
the fortress of misrule, and as regards the county regis-
tration, may be said to have recovered the Constitution.
Not a man who has an honest purpose but may take
advantage of the expensive machinery here established
to his hand, and march in to take his own share of the
recovered power, if he can only stomach cheap bread as
an accompaniment. It is, therefore, for all that con-
ceive themselves wronged, to make a part in the move-
ment ; and if they do not, they are not men who know
how to shut their mouth when a good thing is put into
it. There may be battles after the battle of Armaged-
don ; but a man will not be the worse for having been
there. and on the right side. Of course, when the League
has gained its point, there will be a great breaking-up
into a multiplicity of directions ; Ptolemies of all kinds,
parcelling out the empire of the defunct Alexander. But
nothing is clearer than that they will have gained by the
previous union, and not lost. Darius, then, must settle
his affairs with the Macedonian as he can ; and when
that scene of the play is played, his successors may count
on finding the Ptolemies in positions of their own.

HORTICULTURAL SOCIETY.—The last meeting for
the year was held yesterday afternoon, at the rooms of thee
society, in Regent-street, when, notwithstanding the advanced
period of the season, there was a very superior show of both
fruits and flowers. The chair was taken by R. W. Barchard,
Esq., and the company was numerous. Apongst the fruit
were some tine specimens of black Hambro' grapes grown in
a house without heat by Mr. Crawshay, of Colney Hatch ;
Queen pine-apples, of good cultivation and large size, from
Mr. Birsby, and peaches from Mr. Ware. The fruit
from the gardens of the society were, of pears, Glout
Morceau, Ne Plus Meures, 'Winter Nelis, Bergamotte Ca-
dette, which ripens in succession all throughout the
winter ; and Beurre d'Aremberg, a fruit which differs much
in character and properties, according as it is cultivated ;
and the apples were Golden Reinette, Claygate, Pear-
main, Sam Young, Mere de Menage, and Ducumelon's Seed-
ling. Amongst the flowers was a collection of orchidacea,
amongst which was one of a delicate and powerful odour, the
flowers of which are used by the females of Brazil to adorn
and scent the hair. There were also three collections of
several varieties of chrysanthemums, showing the great im-
provement which cultivation has made in the appearance of
this favourite winter flower. The prizes awarded were silver
Knightian medals to Mr. Crawshay for grape,s, and Mr.
Plumley for heaths; and silver Banksian medals to Mr.
Lawrence for orchidaceous plants, and Mr. Moore for a spe-
cimen plant. The extract from the meteorological register
kept at the gardens, Nov. 4th to Dec. 2d, gave, barometer,
highest, Nov. 4th, 30,268 inches ; lowest, Nov. 19th, 29,077
inches ; thermometer, highest, Nov. Bth, 60 deg. F. ; lowest,
Nov. 4th, 22 deg. F. ; and quantity of rain, 2.11 inches. The
meeting adjourned to 20th of January, 1846.
ACCIDENT ON THE EDINBURGH AMD GLASGOW
RAILWAY.—On Satntds.y evening last, about seven o'clock,
an accident occurred on the Edinburgh and Glasgow Rail-
way, near the station at Kirkintifloch. On the arrival at
that station of the train, which leaves Glasgow at six o'clock,
the five o'clock train being behind time, the engine which
generally returns singly was sent to, its assistance. It had
not gone four or five hundred yards beyond the station, when
the engineman gave the signal that all was not right ; when
the officers at the station proceeded to the spot they found
that a weaver belonging to Waterside, about a mile distant,
had been lying on the line, and the engine had passed over
hii-right leg about the ankle. He was immediately brought
to the station, and medical aid sent for, but the train arriving
from Edinburgh in the interim it was thought advisable to
bring him to the infirmary, where, after having his leg ampu-
tated a little below the knee joint, we understand he is doing
well. No blame can be attached to the railway company, as
the man had been brought back and previously warned.
He was quite insensible with liquor, and seemed quite un-
conscious of the damage he had sustained. The engineman
saw him only a few yards distant, and brought his engine
up, but not until about 100 yards past.— Glasgow Herald.
His Imperial Highness the Grand Duke Constantine
of Russia, as we have already stated, embarked on board the
Ingermanland, Russian frigate, on Wednesday last, with the
intention of proceeding direct to Italy, but his Imperial
Highness has been hitherto prevented from proceeding on
his voyage by the prevalence of contrary winds. At the
date of the last accounts the Ingermanland had not left the
Sound.
LADY VILLIERS.—We are exceedingly happy to
state that the accounts received daily in town from Upton

House continue very favourable. Ifer Ladyship has nearly
recovered from her late serious attack of illness.
The Bath Corporation has, by a majority of 23
to 14, rejected a proposition for raising the Mayor's salary
from 200/. to 3001. per annum. '
The Duke and Duchess of Richmond and the
Ladies Gordon Lennox have arrived in town, from Gordon
Castle, North Britain.
THE TIDES.—The only place on thegarth were the
solar tide is greater than the lunar tide, is at Courtown Har-
bour, south of Dublin. In all other places the lunar influence
predominates to the extent of about 4 timelNaccording to
Newtown).

RENEWAL OF NEGOTIATIONS
WITH BRAZIL' FOR THE MORE EFFECTUAL
'SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE.
(FROM 0 CORIESPONDENT.)

The ../ornal do Commercio of Rio de Janeiro, of the
11th October, announces to the public that M. Galvao
and Mr. Hamilton had been appointed plenipotentiaries
on the part of Great Britain and Brazil to conclude a
convention which might promote the suppression of the
slave-trade without injuring the lawful commerce of the
empire. On the next day, the 12th, the following
leader appeared in the same paper:—

" On the 20th of July last, when we endeavoured to
refute a leading article in the Times of the 15th of May
preceding, which 'sought to impugn the declaration
made by the Imperial Government that the convention
of 1817 had expired, we stated it as our opinion that
the Times, in the article referred to, had no other object
in view than to induce the Brazilian Government, by
holding out a threat, to accede to the renewal of stipu-
lations which should revive the conventions whose ex-
istence had just terminated.
The right which England pretended to arrogate to it-
self by virtue of the first article of the treaty of 1826
appeared to us so extravagant and extraordinary, we
looked upon it as impossible that the statesmen at the
head of the affairs of Great Britain should wish to ap-
pear Before the civilised world as sanctioning the putting
the threat held out by the Times in force.
When Brazil entered into the convention of 1826,
now under consideration, England bad already decreed,
by, an Act of Parliament, that trading in slaves (by
British subjects) should be deemed piracy, and, conse-
quently, the first article of the convention referred to
does not contain a reciprocal or mutual, but a one-sided
or partial stipulation. By that article Brazil engaged to
declare, likewise, the trading in slaves piracy by her
municipal laws ; but England came under no new obli-
gation, because, as we have already stated, she had
previously promulgated such a law. This circumstance
is of itself a sufficient proof that it was never intended
at that time to declare the slave-trade piracy " by the
law of nations."
If such had been the intention, the Brazilian negotia-
tors most certainly would not have agreed to an ar-
ticle imposing a one-sided obligation, that is, on Brazil
alone, inasmuch as the slave-trade not being deemed
piracy in England by the law of nations, but merely by
the law of the land, it would have been necessary, to
have rendered it piracy by the former, that the obli- '
gation should be the same on both the contracting
parties.
It is unnecessary to extend our arguments on this
point; we shall, therefore, confine ourselves to asserting,
for the second time, that if the first article of the con-
vention of 1826 gaves England the right, as the Times
terms it, exceeding that of a belligerent, the second and
third articles of that convention would have been wholly
unnecessary which put in force the convention entered
into with Portugal in 1817, establishing the right of
visit, search, and detention, and creating the mixed

Commissions for deciding the cases of vessels so de-
tained for a definite period.
As an irrefragable proof that England does not pos-
sess the right she arrogates to herself, we need only
refer to the very reasoning the Times itself resorts to
in insisting on such right.
Proposition—" The first article of the treaty of 1826
gives her Majesty the right to order all Brazilians found
on the high seas, engaged in the slave-trade, to be seized
and punished as pirates, and to dispose of the vessels on
board which they were taken as bona piratorum."
Proof—" This is the interpretation which the states-
men and legal authorities of England give to the first
article of the convention, and nobody can dispute its
correctness."

Let the English statutes (canons) speak for them-
selves, and the English jurisconsults supply the reason.
Notwithstanding the conclusiveness of this line of
argument of the Times, it nevertheless seeks a justifica-
don for the violent measure the British Government was
about to adopt, by alleging that nothing but an imperious
necessity could induce that Government to avail itself of
so rigorous a measure; and asserts that such necessity
arises from—

Ist. The negligence of the Brazilian Government in
fulfilling the obligations it incurred.
2d. The . eagerness it evinced to avail itself of the
first pretence it had for considering the stipulations of
1817 null and void.

3d. The having rejected systematically all the propo-
sitibiis made by the English Government for the more
effectual suppression of the slave-trade.
If there are any grounds for the first imputation,
all the blame rests with the " English" Government.
The acts of violence to which alone it has had recourse
for the suppression of the trade, have irritated the Bra-
zilian population to such a degree, that the Imperial
Government has found its impracticable to adopt those
efficacious measures which alone can put a stop to the
trade in the interior. The Times and the English legal
authorities are well aware that a sincere and efficient co-
operation on the Tart of this country would be more
conducive to the putting down the trade, than all the
virulent means practised by the British cruisers; but
the habits of force and coereion which England cannot
divest herself of, preclude her from recurring to those
means by which only she can obtain such necessary co-
operation.
As to the second allegation, namely, that Brazil
eagerly seized the first opportunity which offered to get
rid of the stipulations of 1817, we assert that Brazil did
ao more than she had a right to do. She acted agree-
able to the stipulations then in force, if, under the
colour of those stipulations, so much violence was exer-
cised, not only against the illicit, but likewise against the
lawful, commerce of this country; if it was always im-
possible to obtain redress on any occasion for the acts
of piracy committed by the English cruisers, not only
on vessels engagenn lawful foreign commerce, but like-
wise on coasting craft; if the sentences of the mixed
Commissioners, adjudging indemnification for damages
and losses sustained, were never carried into execution
by the English Government; if, latterly, the British
. Commissary-Judges have taken no notice of the instruc-
tions contained in the convention of 1817, but have
acted on instructions received from their own Govern-
ment without their having been communicated to the
Brazilian Cabinet, it is, indeed, most extraordinary
that the endeavours of the Brazilian authorities to get
rid of a system so prejudicial to its commerce should, by
any possibility, serve as a pretext for acts of increased
violence.

The third allegation, that is, of the Brazilian Govern-
ment having systematically rejected all the overtures
made it by the English Government for the more effec-
tual suppression of the slave-trade, is absolutely false.
On the 27th of July, 1835, some additional articles to
the convention adopted by the treaty of 1826 were
signed by M. Alves Branco and Mr. Fox, the which
were laid before the Chamber of Deputies, because they
could not be ratified by the Regency without the appro-
bation of the legislative body. The first ""Majority
Ministry " examined those " additional articles," and
came to a conclusion, that they could not be
ratified as tbey were then drawn up, since they
would tend to the complete annihilation of the
lawful commerce of the empire, for they would have
established such, cases as would have been considered
prima, facie ground for the condemnation of any Bra-
zilian vessel whatever. The Imperial Government, in
consequence, proposed to Mr. Ouseley a modification of
those "additional articles" in such manner that they
should put an end to the slave-trade, without, however,
oppressing or ruining the lawful trade. Mr. Ouseley
declared himself ready to acquiesce in such a modifica-
tion, but, on the Senator Senhor Lopes Gama having
been nominated plenipotentiary on the part of Brazil
to treat with Mr. Ouseley in order to arrive at a defini-
tive settlement, Mr. Ouseley, after a treat many ter-
giversations, confessed that he was not furnished with
the requisite " full powers " to enter into such a nego-
tiation. On this occasion Senhor Lopes Gama had
drawn up the rough draft of a treaty to serve as a basis
for such negotiation, which rough draft was commu-
nicated to Mr. Ouseley—a substantial proof to all the
world of the good faith of the Imperial Government.
Things remained in this state till 1842, when Mr.
Hamilton presented a new proposition, which he
asserted was based on the draft made by Senhor Lopes
Gama ; but, in fact, the proposition of Mr. Hamilton
diverged, in the most essential points, from that of
Senhor Lopes Game, and these divergencies would have
given a death-blow to our licit trade: consequently it
was inadmissible.
, Taking this very succinct but most faithful exposition
into due consideration, the civilised world will be able to
decide whether it was the Imperial Government which
systematically resigned the offers made by that of Eng-
land for the more efficacious suppression of the slave-
trade, or if it was not the English Government that
systematically sought to sacrifice the lawful commerce of
a nation (its friend) to its projects with respect to the
slave-trade.
We believe we have now replied to all the points in
the article of the Times alluded to deserving of notice.

The rest consists of a declaration very common-place, on
the inhumanity of the slave-trade, but which comes with
a bad grace from those who, for many years, carried it
on with the most atrocious cruelty—from those who
forced such an infamous traffic on their own colonies—
from those who; not long ago, under pretence of pro-
moting the prosperity of its Asiatic agriculturists, com-
pelled the Chinese to receive, at the point of the bayonet,
a poison that brutalises and kills them.
The English authorities, so long as the slave-trade
was useful to the nation, permitted it, without reference
to those principles of humanity which now agitate their
bosoms. The same zeal which they then displayed to
supply other countries with slaves, they now exercise in
suppressing the trade in them ; but their motive is evi-
dently more of a commercial and political character than
of a humane one.
In fine, we are free to acknowledge that humanity
would be greatly benefited if England could carry her
point, and that Brazil ought to assist her by the stipula-
tions of the first article of the convention of 1826, and
by all the means in her power endeavour to extinguish
the demand for slaves in the interior of the empire, which
no doubt feeds the trade. But as Englaad recurs solely
to force and violence, thus, under pretext of suppressing
a trade the municipal law of Brazil should consider to
be piracy, she herself commits an act of piracy (that is,
the right which the Times calls " exceeding that of a bel-
ligerent"). We are led to believe that, so long as those
acts of violence shall continue, it does not behove the
Brazilian Government to use the least exertion in ren-
dering assistance.
Such exertions, which would expose t h
Government to great unpopularity, and, perheaps, Ti
an
Government
to resistance In the interior, can only take place on a
mutual good understanding ; but as England, instead of
trharmony, has .substituted
ao violencheßrazilianian Govern
e, and relies entirely
mthereon,
disrepute would
mote the object it feigns to
have in view, we are of opinion that the Imperial Govern-
ment, protesting against the proceedings of the British
...Govgnment, ought to consider the treaty of 1826 broken
witijeaat Government, being undeceived, shall find that
wtobualtd pp g
lrcin

force is insufficient to stop the progress of trade—conse-
quently, that it is not violent measures only which they
ought to have recourse to."
[We have published this article from the Brazilian
paper in order to give the slaveholders a hearing, while
we disapprove of the tone in which it is written, and
deny many of the statements.—En. Sun.]

LITERATURE.
POEMS. By Oliver Wendell Holmes. 1 Vol.
This volume of Poems has much disappointed us. Dr.
Holmes is an American, and we have repeatedly been
,toi.d that he was " a second Tom Hood." We have read
this volume of his poems, collected by a London pub-
lisher, and find that although it contains many humour-
ous poems, by far the best are those gravely written
upon serious subjects. We looked for a mere humourist,
—a man who could be funny, and play upon words—a
writer who carried on a Pun-ic war against gravity,
and, lo! we find that, though he does all this (and does
it well, too), he does far better things. In fact, with the
exception of Bryant, Longfellow, and Mrs. Sigourney, we
find that America has not a 'better poet than this
Oliver Wendell Holmes. He has much disappointed us
—very agreeably.
We have done very little more, as yet, than glance
through the book. Poetry, to be fully enjoyed, must be
read again and again, to bring out the hidden meaning,
to show the music of the rhythm, to develope the balanced
adaptation of the words to the expression of the thought.
The first perusal of fine poetry, . such as fills the volume
before us, is unsatisfying: it fills us with pleasure, but it
disarms criticism. Nor when we have drank in the
beauties when the heart expands with the noble
thoughts which Genius has poured out upon the page—
can we coolly sit down to weigh the charm in the nicely-
adjusted balances of Criticism ; but, even if we did sub-
ject these poems to such a trial, few faults could be
detected. Dr. Holmes is a writer of whom America has
every reason to be proud.
The first and longest piece, entitled " Poetry," was
written, we believe, before its author had reached the
age of three-and-twenty. Thus, in that piece, does Dr.
Holmes tell us how general is the power which he at
once possesses and illustrates:—
" There breathes no being but has some pretence
To that fine instinct called poetic sense :
The rudest savage, roaming through the wild;
The simplest rustic, bending o'er his child ;
The infant, list'ning to the warbling bird,
The mother, smiling at its half-formed word;
The boy uncaged, who tracks the fields at large;
The girl, turned matron to her babe-like charge;
The freeman, casting with unpurchased hand
The vote that shakes the turrets of the land ;
The slave, who, slumbering on his rusted chain,
Dreams of the palm-trees, on his burning plain ;
The hot .checked reveller, tossing down the wine,
To join the chorus pealing Auld lang syne ;'
The gentle maid, whose azure eye grows dim,
While Heaven is listening to' her evening hymn ;
The jewell'd beauty, when her steps draw near
The circling dance and dazzling chandelier;
E'en trembling age, when spring's renewing air
Waves the thin ringlets of his silver'd hair p--
All, all are glowing with the inward flame,
Whose wider halo wreathes the poet's name,
'While, unembalmed, the silent dreamer dies,
llis memory passing with his smiles and sighs.
If glorious visions, born for all mankind,
The bright auroras of our twilight mind ;
If fancies, varying as the shapes that lie
Stained on the windows of the sunset sky;
If hopes, that beckon with delusive gleams,
Till the eye dances in the void of dreams ;
If passions, following with the winds that urge
Earth's wildest wanderer to her farthest verge;
If these on all some transient hours bestow
Of rapture tingling with its hectic glow,
Then all are poets; and if earth bad rolled
Her myriad centuries, and her doom were told,
Each moaning billow of her shoreless wave,
Would wail its requiem o'er a poet's grave
" If to embody in a breathing word
Tones that the spirit trembled when it heard;
To fix the image all unveiled and warm,
And carve in language its ethereal form,
So pure, so perfect, that the lines express
No meagre shrinking, no unlaced excess;
To feel that Art, in living truth, has taught
Ourselves, reflected in the sculptur'd thought;
If this alone bestows the right to claim
The deathless garland and the sacred name,
Then none are poets, save the saints on high,
Whose harps can murmur all that words deny."

If this be not poetry, and of a high order, we know
nothing of our art, and can only wonder where, how, and
by whom it can easily be surpassed.

COURT CIRCULAR.

The Queen and Prince Albert walked in the planta-
tions of Osborne House on Monday afternoon.
Their Roy al Highnesses the Prince of Wales, the
Princess Royal, and the Princess Alice, were taken a
carriage airing on Monday afternoon.
Colonel Buckley arrived at Osborne House on Mon-
day, and has succeeded Lord Charles Wellesley (Clerk
Marshal), in the duties of Equerry in Waiting to the
Queen. Major-General Sir Edward Bowater also
arrived at Osborne House on Monday, and has suc-
ceeded Lieutenant-Colonel Wylde in the duties of
Equerry in Waiting on Prince Albert.
Lord Charles Wellesley and Lieut.-Colonel Wylde
left Osborne House on Monday afternoon, and were
conveyed in the Fairy yacht to Southampton.
Yesterday morning her Majesty and her Royal Con-
sort took their usual early walk in the pleasure groands
of Osborne House.

The Prince of Wales, the Princess Royal, and the
Princess Alice were taken their usual exercise on the sea
beach yesterday morning.

WINDSOR, TUESDAY.—His Royal Highness Prince
Alfred was taken a carriage airing yesterday afternoon,
accompanied by the Dowager Lady Lyttelton.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended
by Baroness de Speth, left her residence, Frogmore
House, about eight o'clock this morning, to proceed by
the Great Western Railway to town, en roe to Witley
Court, Worcestershire, on a visit to her Majesty the
Queen Dowager.
Prince Alfred was taken out on his poney this
morning.

Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Kent, and the
Duke of Cambridge left the Euston. square terminus of the
London and Birmingham Railway yesterday morning
for the Droitwich station of the Birmingham and Glou-
cester Railway, en route to Witley Court, Worcestershire,
on a visit to her Majesty the Queen Dowager. The
Royal Duchess was attended by Baroness de Speth and
Colonel Sir George Couper, Bart., and the Duke of
Cambridge was attended by Baron Knesebeck.
A Cabinet Council was held yesterday afternoon, at
three o'clock, at the Foreign-office. The Duke of Buc-
cleuch arrived in the forenoon in town from the north, to
attend the meeting.
The Ministers present were Sir Robert Peel, the
Duke of Wellington, Lord Wharncliffe, the Duke of
Buccleuch, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Stanley, Sir
James Graham, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the
Earl of Haddington, the Earl of Ripon, Lord Granville
Somerset, the Earl of Lincoln, and the Right Honourable
Sidney Herbert.
The Council sat three hours and a half.

The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a
Committee-meeting yesterday. There were present the
Bishops of London, Ely, and Oxford.
Mr. J. Strettell Brickwood, Public Works Loan-office,
South-Sea House, had an interview with the Chancellor
of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in
Downing-street. Mr. Higham, Secretary and Comp-
troller-General to the Commissioners for the Reduction
of the National Debt, had also an interview with the
Right Hon. Gentleman.
Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening from the
Colonial-office for the Lord High Commissioner of the
lonian Islands.