The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-06 00:00:00

''' b trb -W *Won

SUN-OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES)
BRITISH FUNDS
Bank Stock .1701 India Stock 2491 pm
3 per Cent. Red. .. ...... 921 Ditto Bonds ....... -... 35 pm
3 per Cent. C0n5.......... 914 Ditto Old Annuities ... ,
3/ per Cent. Red......... 1016 Ditto New Annuities...
New 31 per Cent... ...... 100 i Ex. Bills, 1,000/....2d. 51 pm
New 5 per Cen' — Ditto 5001... .. .50 pm
Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small —pm
Jan. 1860 ... l2l Bank Stock for Acct
Oct. 1859
Jan. 1860 . Consols for Acct.
FOREIGN FUNDS.
Austrian, 5 per cent.... 1101 Portuguese, 5 per cent.
Belgian, 5 per cent — IDitto, New Ditto —
Brazilian 80nd5.......... !Prussian, 5 per cent.
BuenosAyres6 per cent I Russian, 5 pet cent ll4l
Chilian, 6 per cent !Ditto, Metallic ...... . ....
Colombian, 6 per cent — ;Spanish, 5 per cent.. 2O
Ditto, 1624 — Ditto, Deferred.... . 9g
Danish, 3 per cent French, 5 per cent.ll7f. 50c.
Greek, 1825, 5 per cent — Exchange —f. —c,
Mexican, 5 per cent 351 French, 3 percent. 77f. 50c.
Ditto, 6 per cent. 1837 Dutch, 21 per cent. 5ll
Peruvian,lB2s,6 per et. Ditto, 5 per cent. .. ... 1014
SHARES.
Eastern Counties Railway (23 paid) ... ..... 91
Ditto New Shares ( paid) ...
Edinburgh and Glasgow (50 paid) ...... ... 471
Great Western It ailway (65 paid)
London and Brighton (50 paid) • 34
London and Blackwall ( paid) ..... 9
London and Birmingham (90)
London and South Western (411 6s 10d pd) b 2
Paris and Rouen (18 paid)
South Eastern and Dover (50 paid) 24
Ditto Scrip. (10 paid)

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM TOE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

GL OBE . —The character of a Government may be
ascertained from two sources--its acts and its agents.
We have had frequent occasion to comment on the
acts of the Irish Government ; for it must be confes-
sed that it has not been chary of material
suited to our purpose. With very brief in-
tervals, from the day it was constituted to the
time present, either by its appointments, its
policy, or the dissensions of its members, we have
had no lack of provocation for serious reprehension
or well-merited ridicule. By its solemn promises
and pledges of strict impartiality 'of administration,
it raised hopes in the minds of the people which it
quickly dashed to the ground by the exclusive
and strongly-marked party character of its appoint-
ments. Its policy—from a constant war between desire
to keep up a show of moderation, and efforts to gratify
the rampant claims of its Orange supporters—has been
weak, vacillating, and consequently unsatisfactory to
and denounced by all parties—while the ill-sup-
pressed jealousies and occasionally open disagreements
between the members of the Government, have
betrayed the absence of that most important element
in the constitution of an Administration—with-
out which its character will fail to command
respect, or its policy confidence, with the
people—the union which constitutes strength
in council and energy in act. Another, and
no less intelligible exhibition of the character of a
Government, is found in the kind of agents who
find employment in the subordinate departments of
its service. Judged by this rule—the validity of
which will not admit of controversy, even though
the truth of our application of it may be denied—we
affirm that the Irish Government is consigned to
obloquy and shame. The debate in the House of
Commons last night on the motion of Mr. O'Connell,
for the production of the correspondence between
the Irish Government, the Magistrates, and the
police, relative to the employment of a fellow
named Hagan, who was produced by the Government
prosecutor as a witness to support the charge of Rib-
bcnism against four nea indicted for that offence,
will explain and justify our opinion of the weakness
(implying something worse) of the Government, for
its refusal to produce the correspondence. It is little
short of equivocation and evasion to pretend, as Lord
Eliot did last night, that though the local authorities
might be cognizant of that double-dyed villain's pro-
ceedings, the Government was not to blame.
STANDARD.—In referenceto the debate on Mr.
O'Connell's motion, it may be useful to remind the
public of the manner in which the Ribbon conspiracy
is recruited. Seven years ago we gave very full par-
ticulars of the organisation of the conspiracy, but at
that time it was the policy of the Whig-Radical jour-
nals to deny utterly the existence of any such conspi-
racy,while Conservative statesmen and our Conservative
Contemporaries—we say it more in sorrow than in
anger—left us to denounce alone the confederacy
that has since caused so much calamity and blood-
shed. We had then quite enough to do to main-
tain our own veracity and character for common
sense against a tempest of contradiction, ridicule,
and sneers ; and we can scarcely hope that the
details of the conspiracy which we made known
seven years since, live in the memory of any reader.
The conspiracy is, however, admitted to exist ; and
the evidence which extorts this admission will, if
fairly examined, prove that it has existed in Ire-
land, under one name or another, for at' least a cen-
tury. How it has been for so long a time able to
defy the law will be explained by its exquisite
machinery. " When they talked to me of Ribbon-
men," said Sir Frederick Stovin, when examined
before the Parliamentary Committee, "I required
them to show me a Ribbon lodge." Now Sir Frede-
rick's has been the error of all who have been called
to consider the subject. There are no Ribbon lodges ;
the only occasions upon which Ribbonmen ever
formally assemble are a few rare meetings of
the local or superior leaders—and these have some-
times been detected—and musters for the exe-
cution of some villainy, which musters are
too frequent and notorious. If the Executive
wait, with Sir F. Stovin, until Ribbon lodges
are of easy detection, they will wait long
enough. The manner in which the conspiracy is
recruited is this : a Ribbonman pitches upon a
party whom he believes willing to co-operate in the
designs of the conspiracy, engages him in private
discourse, and, if the man is prepared , to enlist, admi-
nisters to him the oaths, usually in some retired
place, but always "solos cum solo." The recruit then
receives the sign and pass-words, which are changed
every month, or at farthest every three months,
rnd soon after his enlistment he is invited to a
meeting, usually at a public-house, at which some
experienced members of the conspiracy have an
opportunity of considering his person and conduct,
but nothing having any appearance of business is
transacted at this meeting. Upon the decision of
the scrutineers at the meeting depends his receiv-
ing the new pass-words, that is, his continuance as
a member of the conspiracy. The central authority
from which this organization proceeds is, and ever has
remained, a secret even from the Ribbonmen them-
selves. It must be some authority which has the
opportunity of secret communication with the whole
body of Roman Catholics—for to that sect the conspi-
racy is strictly confined—as its primary object, appa-
rent from the Ribbonman's oath, proved more than a
hundred times in Courts of Justice—is the extirpa-
tion of the Protestant religion.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(THIS DAY.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
MINES AND COLLIERIES BILL.

Sir R. PEEL, in continuation front our Afternoon
Edition, said, under the circumstances he referred
to, he thought it would be a hardship to prevent the
wife from entering the collieries to visit the husband ; but
it may be necessary to prevent abuses. He agreed with
whai had been said as to the credit which was due to his
Noble Friend for his exertions in this cause ; but he
was sure the satisfaction which he must feel in his own
mind would be greater than what he could derive from
any other source. He protested against the doctrine
that the House of Lords had not a right to make any
amendments which it deemed advisable in the Bill.
—(Hear, hear.) By whom had this, as it was
called, fatal blow been struck at the Bill ? It
was the proposition of a Noble Lord who had been much
in the confidence of the late Government, and who had
been only a few weeks before the resignation of that
Ministry made Lord Chancellor of Ireland.—(Hear.)
An HON. MEMBER—It was Lord Hatherton.

Sir R. PEEL—Lord Hatherton made the suggestion,
but the words, " for the purpose of being employed
therein," were proposed by Lord Campbell.—(Hear,
hear.) And as that fatal blow was struck by that Noble
Lord, he thought his Noble Friend ought to have called
upon him some morning, and, telling him that the Bill
was of the utmost importance, have used his influence to
prevent his Noble Friend from originating such a propo-
sition.—(Laughter.)
Mr. BROTHEIITON regretted that the discussion
assumed so much of a personal character. The Noble
Lord, he thought, exercised a wise discretion in ac-
ceding to the amendments. He could confirm the state-
ment of the Noble Lord with regard to what took place
at the conference respecting this Bill. lie should cor-
dially support the Bill, though he regretted that females
would be allowed to go down into the pits.
Mr. HAWES thought that an unfair charge had been
made against his side of the House by the Right Hum
Baronet. What he complained of was, that a Minister
of the Crowh in that House gave his support to the
Bill, while in another House another Minister of the
Crown said he was perfectly free with regard to it.—
(Hear, hear.) He thought one Minister might pledge
himself as to the course another Minister would pursue
with regard to a particular Bill.
Mr. B. WOOD said he was acquainted with several
facts which he ought to lay before the House. He was
not a mine-owner himself, but he knew that throughout
the whole of the county of Cornwall women were not
allowed to go under ground ; it would be considered an
act of disgrace, and would not be tolerated. With re-
spect to the woman taking her husband's dinner to him,
was it likely that a woman would take his dinner two or
three hundred fathoms below the surface of the earth? It
was never done. The man took his dinner himself.
fie (Mr. Wood) never in his life knew a woman go under

ground on account of her husband being wounded. He
thought the Noble Lord was entitled to the support of
the. House and the Government.

Mr. VILLIERS said, with respect to what had fallen
from the:Hon. Membeefor Liskeard, he believed that
these people felt as much for their children as he, or any
other person in the higher rank of life. It was only by
distress that they were driven to do that which was im-
puted to them by the Hon. Member for Liskeard.
After a few words from Mr. DIVETT,
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL thought that the
amendments were salutary, rs many of the clauses Were
extremely stringent in their operation.
Mr. M. PHILIPS thought the provision was too
stringent, in saying that no female should be admitted
to the mines on any account whatever, either to carry
provisions or to see their friends.
The amendments were then agreed to.
BOROUGHS INCORPORATION BILL.