The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1845.

Gentleman (Mr. Aglionby) that it was for the general con-
venience of the House he had appointed Friday.
SIR J. GRAHAM'S RAILWAY SPECULATION.
Sir J. GRAHAM said that as the House was on the subject
of railways he thought he:might be allowed to correct an error in
fact into which he had fallen when he last addressed the House
on the subject of railways. On that occasion he stated that he
had never had any connexion with railroads in his life. The
general statement was perfectly true, but it was made in forget-
fulness of the fact that when he had the honour of representing
Carlisle a railroad was projected, which, it was supposed, would
be of advantage to that city. On that account he purchased a
share of 1001.—(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh ")—which he
need not assure the House he sold without any view to profit.
Mr. MONCKTON MILNES said that he wished to ask the
Right Hon. Gentleman a question of which he had given notice
the other night, and in putting that question he wished to do it
with all deliberation. When last he had named this matter in
the House he had deemed it better to give notice to the
Right Honourable Gentleman of his intention to put this
question, and to ask what instructions had been sent
out to the agent of this country abroad, with respect
to the matter on, which he intended to speak, and this he did
because he believed it to he a matter of much interest in that
House. The question, then, which he wished to ask was whe-
ther. at the time that representations were made to the
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the insurrection which was
likely to ensue in the Italian States against the Government
of Austria, any instruction had been sent out by Lord Aber-
deen to the Governor or other authorities in the Island of
Corfu, that the British Government were in
possession of information respecting such insurrectionary
movement, and whether any information or other intimatien
had been given to the persons at that time in the places under
the dominion of the British Government, who were likely to
engage in such insurrectionary movement, of their designs
being known, and of its having been communicated to the
Austrian and Italian Governments the movements that were
likely to take place, and the persons of the parties who were
likely to be engaged in them.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said he was happy to give an
an ample, and I think a sufficient answer to this question.
As the Hon. Member has given notice of the nature of his
question, proper attention has been paid to the subject. The
Hon. Member has said that a deep interest was felt in this
question, and I believe he is perfectly correct in that statement;
and he should, therefore, feel it his duty to give a full reply to
that question. But lam sorry to say that 1 cannot do so, Sir,
without entering fully into the question.—(Hear, hear.) I
hope the House will excuse this, and 1 will give
the information we possess as briefly and suc-
cinctly as I can.--(Hear, hear.) When the British Go-
vernment last year received information that an insurrec-
tionary movement was contemplated in the Italian States, they
felt it their duty to put the Austrian and Italian
Governments on their guard, and particularly as this
movement was organised by individuals residing at that
time in possessions under the protection of the British Go-
vernment. In reply to this, they had been informed that some
parties engaged in that movement were resident in this coun-
try. His Noble Friend had also been informed that the Aus-
trian Government had given instructions to the General at
that time in command of their forces at Milan, to the effect,
that if any attempt was made to trespass on the Austrian ter-
ritories by insurrectionists from the Papal states, in which
it was believed the insurrection was chiefly organised,
to resist and destroy the rebels to the utmost of his
power, without any further reference to his Government.
There were certain intimations conveyed to us which led us
to apprehend great danger to the public tranquillity in the
shape of an insurrectionary movement in Italy. My Noble
Friend did convey to the Austrian Government, front time to
time, the general purport of any information which he re-
ceived in respect to the proceedings of those who had
designs against the tranquillity of Italy.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.) He communicated no letter which he had received
or extracts from any letter, neither did he state the name of
any individual within the power of the Austrian Government.
But as it is sated in the report of the Select Committee, he
did from time to time communicate to the represen-
tatives of the Austrian Government in this country, the
general purport of any information connected with the
designs of those who resided within the dominions
of her Majesty—particularly in the Mediterranean—calculated
to disturb the public tranquillity. The parts with respect to
which apprehensions were chit fly entertained were in the Papal
States. My Noble Friend has not a very perfect recollection
of the circumstances, having destroyed such letters as he re-
ceived, except those of a public nature. He has not now
a distinct recollection of the purport of them ; but, as far as
his recollection serves him, he never saw any communication
of a public or private nature which led him to apprehend that
a particular attack was to be made from Corfu. Atany rate, be
never took any steps whatever on such communications; he
never communicated either to the Austrian Government, the
Neapolitan Government, or to the authorities at Rome ; he
never made any communication to them respecting any par-
ticular designs meditated in Corfu. Consequently, the
impression which some gentlemen appeared to entertain, that
these individuals were led into a trap by an act of the British
Government is entirely without foundation. So little reason
had he to apprehend that any particular attempt would
be made from Corfu, that no communication whatever
on the subject was made to Lord Seaton, the Gover-
nor of the lonian Islands. The fact is, that the at-
tempt. toak every party by surprise—it took Lord Seaton by
surprise, and it took the Consul completely by surprise. With-
out referring to the dispatches, he would state to the House
what were the facts. It appears that there were residing in
Malta, in the lonian Islands, several persons refugees from their
own country, on account of political disturbances. They were
permitted to reside there without molestation. The two sons
of Admiral Bandiera resided at Corfu. They conducted them-
selves very quietly without exciting suspicion on the part
of the Government of the lonian Islands. It ap-
pears that on the night of the 12th of June
twenty-two individuals, and twenty-two individuals only, left
Corfu in two small boats, without arms, and no preparation
whatever was made for directing a foreign attack. It was not
until after that expedition—if it could be called an expedition
which consisted of twenty-two unarmed individuals, who
sailed from Corfu—that the Austrian Consul for the
Papal States, and the Russian Consul, made strong
representations to Lord Seaton on the subject. They
remonstrated strongly against it. Lord Seaton said he
had been taken by surprise, or he would have made previous
communication. The Austrian Consul requested that the
British war-steamer there should be sent after the boats con-
taining the twenty-two individuals. Lord Seaton said he de-
clined sending an armed steamer in order to arrest them ;
that he was not authorised to do so ; and that
he thought the reports were exaggerated. Lord
Seaton said that he felt confident no invasion could be
contemplated on the coast of Calabria, but he would send a small
boat as quietly as possible to Otranto, in order to ascertain the
nature of the project. That boat had not sailed to
Otranto till after the 12th, on the night of which the
twenty-two individuals had set sail. Intelligence of
this was given to the authorities there that it might be
conveyed to Naples; but no information upon this subject had
been received by the British Government until July, when
they received a letter from Sir Robert Gordon, our
Ambassador at Vienna, stating the facts of the case. The Aus-
trian Government strongly remonstrated with the British Go-
vernment for permitting the boat containing these 22 indivi-
duals to sail, which clearly showed that there had been no collu-
sion between the two Governments. These 22 individuals did
land; the only account the British Government had received
was conveyed to them in a letter from Mr. Temple, the British
Minister at Naples. The British Government made no
communication whatever to Mr. Temple, because his Noble
Friend never suspected that 22 individuals, unarmed,
and seemingly defenceless, would direct a project against the
coast of Calabria. On the 26th of June Mr. Temple in-
formed the Government of what occurred on the landing of
these individuals. He said that a party landed, twenty-two in
number, thus confirming the previous report; and, on the
night of the 19th of June, they fell in with a small force, con•
sisting of a few civic officers and three gcns-d'armes. An
engagement took place, in which one of the twenty-two was
killed. St. Giovanni, the judge of the town, collected a num-
ber of the inhabitants, by which the project was entirely de-
feated, and the result proved highly satisfactory to the Nea-
politan Government, inasmuch as the defeat of the party was
oning to the courage and fidelity of the natives themselves.
This answer to his Noble Friend was : that as they never
suspected that 22 individuals, who had up to the present mo-
ment resided quietly in Corfu, would attempt to in-
vade the Italian shores from boats, they had never
made any communication with them warning them
from it, at the same time they had never made any
communication to the Austrian, Neapolitan, or the Roman
Governments, and the reasons why they had not done so was,
that they never suspected any such attempt was contemplated.
He had now givers the only answer he could give. Any im-
pression that the Government had allured these individuals
to destruction was erroneous, and totally without foundation.
THE IMAUM OF MUSCAT.
Mr. HUME wished to know whether there would be any
objection to the production of the correspondence between the
Imaum of Muscat and the present Government relative to the
affairs of that country.
Sir R. PEEL hoped the Hon,. Gentleman would put the
question to-morrow.

Mr. ESCOTT wished to know from the Chancellor of th
Exchequer, whet her any time would be allowed to those who
had paid the duty to clear off their stocks.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it.)
was not the intention of the Government to allow any time.
Mr. HUME wished to know whether, as the duty on sperm
oil was to be taken off, the duty on common whale oil would

also be taken off.
Sir R. PEEL said it was the intention of the Government
to take off the duty on whale oil, and at an earlier period than
that at which it was to be taken off of sperm oil, because the
same reasons did not exist in the case of whale oil for continuing

the duty for so long a period.
Mr. R. BLEWITT, before the Speaker left the chair,
wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of
the Exchequer respecting a paper that had been put into his
hands this morning. He referred to the copy of the Naval
Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending the 24th
of March, 1844. It was a paper laid on the table
of the House, in accordance with the provisions of an
Act passed in the fourth year of the reign of William the
Fourth, cap. 40, sec. 30. A certificate was attached to the
paper in the following terms :—" We, the Commissioners for
auditing the public accounts, hereby certify that this account has
been audited by the officers under our employ, and we declare the
statements made therein to be correct and satisfactory, subject
to the notes and remarks by the Commissioners made thereon."
This certificate was signed by three Commissioners, and he
wished to call the attention of the Right Honourable
Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the
terms in which it was written. It is stated to be
examined not by the Commissioners themselves, but by
officers under their direction, and notwithstanding they had
not done it themselves they certified that it was correct.
This was the most extraordinary document that he had
ever seen submitted to Parliament.—( Great laughter.) If
these gentlemen are to be paid for this work, and do not
perform the duty themselves, he should consider it necessary
for him to move that the office be abolished altogether.—
( Hear, near.) Now, what he wanted to ask the Hon. Gentle-
man the Chancellor of the Exchequer was, what were the
salaries paid to these three gentlemen ? He wished the Right
Hon. Gentleman to explain to this House and the country
what he considered to be the value of their certificates.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said those

accounts were audited the same as of any other public accounts.
The Hon. Gentleman must be aware that if the Com-
missioners were to examine every account themselves
it would be impossible to_ get through the public service

The SPEAKER then leftS UttePLchYair, and the House resolved
;self into a Committee of Supply.
INCOME-TAX.
Mr. ROEBUCK rose to propose his amendment. He said,
as it was understood, that he would this evening move
the addition to the Right Hon. Baronet's resolution in
reference to the income-tax, of which he had given
notice, he would now at once proceed to do so.
In the statement be was about to make, he would apply himself
to the principles and to the declarations of the Right Hon.
Baronet, and upon those he could call upon him for his sup-
port. He would next address himself to the majority of the
Right Hon. Baronet, or, in other words, to the agricultural
aristocracy on the Opposition benches; he would apply his
arguments to their principles and declarations, and call upon
them for their support. He would then apply his arguments
to the Irish Members in this House, except such of them as
represented the landed interest of that country ; he would re-
mind them of their principles and declarations, and then call
upon them for their votes—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear ")
and therefore he would say that, whatever his explanations
might be, he ought have an ample majority on his motion.
Now in the first place he would ask, what were the principles
of the Right Hon. Baronet? The Hon. Baronet said that he
had a difficulty to encounter, and he proposed to remedy it by the
continuation of the income-tax. But he went one step far-
ther, and said he would make such alterations in the tariff as
would give an additional impuke to trade.—( Here the Hon.
Member was rendered almost inaudible by the noise created
by conversations going on in all parts of the House.)
The Honourable Member was understood to say he
would give a further impulse to trade by re-
moving certain taxes, and their vacancy he would fill
up by continuing the income-tax upon England, Scotland,
and Wales, but made an except ion in regard to
Ireland. But if the tax was to be applied by
a rule, he would ask, why make this exception ?
chHe
Ireland.
oerierneewouldhis reasons
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ght tthehthtoaeotnHEenwuxoonshentaccording
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exemption.
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03hrd sauftricitdollooenit
ohleteanthanx.,hed,
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their Kingdom—it
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should
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met Greatb by
their united means—which meant their united income and pro-
perty. On that principle the Right Hon. Gentleman taxed the
property of England and Scotland. Now he (Mr. R.) would
ask him to go one step further, and to tax the realised
capital of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He did not ask him
to tax professions, trade, and even office. —(Hear. ) But he
asked why should the realised property of Ireland be ex-
empted, when it did not differ one iota from the other capital
of this portion of the United Kingdom?—(Hear, hear.) He
would now approach another part of the question ; and he
would ask the agriculturis s how it was that they supported the
Right Hon. Gentleman in this exemption ?—( Hear.) They
came in tones of mingled hope and despair to, demand relief ;
but the Right Hon. Baronet left them as they were ; and
when he asked them why they complained of him, they answer
like the puny child who has fallen over a stool, " because
you did not kiss the place that was hurt."—(Laughter.)
He found means, however, to extricate himself from this exi-
gency which the Right Hon. Gentleman went himself to
create or promote. The Hon. Member for Somersetshire
was complaining of distress. In the most touching strains he
spoke of the touching distress of the classes to which he was
attached, and of the touching conduct of the Minister by whom
they had been thus so grievoutly touched. He hoped that, on this
occasion at least, he should have the vote of the Hon. Member
for Somersetshire. What were his plans ? He could not tell;
but in this measure he had some intimation of the protection
of him whom he had created. "Had they received any favour
at his hands? Had their interests been in any. way pro-
moted? No. But of this they did not complain. They
felt that they could get no relief from their burdens ;
they felt that the exigencies of the State left them
without relief, when relief was afforded to every
other class. Yet of this they did not complain. No; but
they did feel it a grievance that the Right Hon. Baronet had
not expressed even sorrow for their griefs. They had created
him—they had brought, him into existence—they hail breathed
into his nostrils the breath of life—and what was the return
they met with ? Why, the creature, who had life only by
their means, turned round upon them, and was ready to
strangle his creators. By this time they found that
the Right Hon. Baronet had an opinion of his own.
and those who had placed him in his present position found
that that opinion did not tend to their advantage. He did
then appeal to them, and on this occasion he did hope that they
would no longer crawl on their bellies. They wanted a leader,
they had found one, and they might find another if they would
try. And what did the Irish Members expect in this matter?
How could they expect to be freed from this tax ? He did, there-
fore, appeal to gentlemen opposite to extend this tax to Ireland.
The agriculture of the country could not be relieved but by
extending the tax to the realised capital of Ireland. The land
in Ireland was as fruitful and as valuable as any acres in the
county of Somerset. What did the manufacturers say to
this ? Why they were delighted with the scheme
of the Right Honourable Baronet. It was said he
relieved the springs of industry—why, what was the fact?
Manchester was bribed—Glasgow was bribed—and so were
Newcastle and Sunderland. They said they could not compete
with foreign countries unless their labourers worked certain
hours. It manufacturers were honest in their measures to aid
the labouring population, they would vote with him in endea-
vouring to put this tax upon the rich landlords of Ireland.
They were beyond any appeal he could make; if he were a
money lender he might be able to appeal to them, but not
dealing in that commodity he could not reach their
understandings. But he was about to appeal to those
professed to represent the Irish people. What, did
not the Right Honourable Baronet say all his phrases
were significant, and he watched him always, not to find, like
the Hon. Baronet, that he was a difficult bird on whose tail
to put salt.—(Laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet had put
a stamp duty on Ireland, but he asked him to tax the land of
Ireland. The Right Hon. Baronet taxed the capital engaged
in the employment of labour in Ireland. The stamp duty was a
tax on the transfer of all sorts of property, and was almost
entirely paid by the middle class of that country, and a large
portion of it bell on both the middling and labouring population.
Now the Hon. and Learned Member for Dungarvon had hinted
to hint the other evening that he should take advantage of the
adjournment of this debate to read Burke's speech on the con-
ciliation of America. Now, what was in the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman's mind when. he remiuded him of America? Why,
revolution ! that the English Government might be fright-
ened into an unjust tax, because the people of Ireland were in
such a turbulent state that they could not put a just tax upon their.
That was the intrepretation of considering the speech of Mr.
Burke, but he was sure the Right Hon. Gentleman could not
have had this notion in his mind. The grand argument of
that speech was, that America was not politically represented.
Did the Right Hon. Gentleman mean to say that Ireland was
not politically represented?
An HoN. MEMEER—Not fully.
Mr. ROEBUCK—Wait a minute! They had given Ire-
land some Members. Where were they now ?—(Cheers.)
What was the use of giving them any more if those
they had already given them were of no use to them ?
they ran from their posts—they deserted them like a sentinel
placed in a dangerous situation, who could not keep his heart
up to the difficulty of his position, threw down his muiket,
turned tale and ran away.—(Hear, hear.) They had de-
serted, on which the battle of the people of Ireland must be
fought.—(Cheers.) He did not accuse the leading
Irish Member upon that occasion—he did not mean
him individually, but the whole of his followers, who,
like him, had ran away. They had done so because in that
House they felt they were unable, from their own personal in-
significance, to gain the attention of Honourable Members.
That he took to be the rationale of Conciliation-hall. He hoped
the Hon. Member wouldabstain, after that night, from plead-
ing the unequal representation of Ireland as any justification
for the existence of unequal taxation between the two coun-
tries. He would not impose any injustice upon any one. He
would be the last person to sanction an act of injustice, but he
wanted the Irish Members to show to him the injustice of his
proposal.—( Hear, hear.) If they pointed to the stamp duty,
he would say change it, because it was a tax which fell upon
the retail capital of the country.
[LEFT SPEAKING.]

would be returned to represent that noble county—the
county Louth ; and if Mr. Bellew showed his face, ugly as
it was, it would be handsomer going there than it would be
going away.
Mr. O'CONNELL again rose, and said he had to hand in
521. Ils. from Washington, in the district of Colombia, and
250/. from Baltimore.—(Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned
Gentleman expressed his deep gratitude, and that of the
Association, to their :American friends. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman concluded by moving that it be referred
to a Committee to prepare suitable replies to the American
correspondence.
Mr. SOME,RS seconded the motion, which passed.
Mr. O'CONNELL wished to make an observation or two, in
reference to the increased grant to May nooth. Ile had been
informed that Peel intende4 making the grant 26,0001. per
annum, besides which, the buildings were to be repaired,
under the superintendence and at the expense of the Board
of Public Works. He had been reproached with neglecting
to oppose this grant, and reminded of his oft-repeated prin-
ciple—that every religion should pay its own clergymen.
That, certainly, was his principle, and he should like very
much to see it carried out ; but, while the Established Church
took money from the Catholics and Dissenters, for which it
gave no value, he would take all lie could get tbr Maynooth.
Mr. R. D. BROWNE, having expressed his full concurrence
in the Liberator's observations respecting American sym-
pathy, referred to the recent speech of Mr. WAley, in which
that hon. Gentleman alluded to the absence of Irish Members
from Parliament, and invited them to come forward and
expose the grievances of their country, if any existed.
Mr. O'CONNELL proceeded to comment upon the speeches
recently delivered by Mr. Wakley in the debates on the Ad-
dress and the Budget. Mr. Wakley had been made a mouth-
piece of, to insinuate charges against Irish Members, which
were totally without foundation ; and he (Mr. O'Connell)
charged him with the grossest ignorance regarding Irish
affairs. This ignorance was so " crass," that it seemed to
be pretended, and Mr. Wakley was in the position of
" Abegoil, who went to hell without sin." In reply to the
demand made by Mr. Wakley, that Irish Members should
make a distinct declaration of the measures they required
and would be contented with, Mr. O'C. read a number of do-
cuments published by himself, and other members of the
Repeal Association, when the Precursor Society existed,
in which the required list of grievances and their remedies,
were put forward. Mr. Wakley's ignorance, pretended or
real, of these public documents, proved him unfit to legislate
for the country, and _lreland could put no confidence in a Par-
liament composed of such persons. The Hon. Gentleman
concluded his speech, which was a comparatively short
address, by moving that copies of the reports, and other do-
cuments, to which he had alluded, should be forwarded to
Mr. Wakley by the Secretary of the Association.
Mr. E. B. ROCIIE seconded the motion.
Mr. O'CONNELL mentioned, that on the next day of meet-
, ing he would give notice of a resolution to the effect, that a
petition to Parliament should be prepared, praying for a re-
f peal of those clauses in the Emancipation Act which affected
the Jesuits and other regular clergy.—(Cheers.)
The rent for the week was announced to be 751/.los. sd.

the 'case would be somewhat analogous to that of
an unequal income-tax protracted to similar periods.
If, therefore, it is impossible to impose any other in-
come-tax than the present, it is impossible to de-
fend its imposition by any other plea than necessity.
That plea abandoned, the ground is cut from under
its continuation. It behoved Sir Robert Peel, who
was pre-determined, it seems, to continue it, to have
overthrown this position, which not only strikes every
reflecting mind, but which is irrefragably deduced from
that which he himself assumed in laying on this im-
post. It was on the plea of necessity that the objec-
tions against it were met. It was on that plea—on the
case of urgency for suppporting the public credit—fur
filling up the deficit which for one or two years had
existed, after indirect taxation was said to have reached
its limits that this war tax—this income impress-
ment—was alone defended. It cannot he defended so
now. It must be fairly admitted that the public allowed
the plea—so far as silence gives consent. It was an
honourable feeling that prompted them to take the word
of the responsible Minister both for the necessity he
alleged, and for the concurrent duration of this forced
requisition with that necessity. Ilis " supplemental
noses" should have sympathised (like Tallaeotius's)
with that which they first were cut from ; his grand
excision was justified by necessity; and with that neces-
sity its product was bound to drop. Even then, it
is true, certain Whigs declared there was no
necessity in the matter. They were not listened to :
we are not sure that they should have been listened to
on so vital a point. The great advantage which Sir
Robert Peel had, at that time, over his opponents,
was, that while their propounded resources were hypo-
thetical, and discovered very suddenly—his were direct.
perhaps vulgar, but there was nothing untried, nothing
experimental about the in. Had the Whigs been in force
to propose a property-tax, along with their other changes
—as an interim measure awaiting their full effects—they
would have pre-occupied that strong ground which a
Minister holds in England (long may it be so) who
confronts boldly the worst emergency. This ad-
vantage Sir Robert Peel took at starting ; but how
can lie claim it now ? The strength of his case
then was the exceptional nature alike of the crisis,
and of his provision for it. That the one would pass
away, and the other would vanish along with it—that
the extraordinary effort would cease with the extraordi-
nary occasion--was the fair prospect held out. Well—
the occasion has past ; and woat has become of the pros-
pect, anu of the promise ? If the income-tax is to be
permanent, it must be on grounds opposite to those of its
imposition. The arguments en which the one was justi-
fied will so far from "coldly furnish forth" the other—
that they must actually be reversed. We were then told
that it was a measure of last resort, to meet an exigency
of instant peril. Such measures in their own nature
must be bad. The more complete the Premier endea-
voured to make his demonstration of the urgency—the
more evident is it that a measure of urgency belongs not to
a season of no urgency. He has had time for setting his house
in order. If this direct tax was to be perpetuated, he has had
time for turning it into something else than a perpetuation
of injustice. It is alleged that all taxation must press un-
equally. Yes—but taxes upon expenditure have this
element. of equality in them—that expenditure generally
will be proportioned to means. In proportion as taxes
strike objects of more luxurious expenditure, they be-
come fairer in their incidence ; though, unfortunately, a
large taxation cannot be levied mainly on such objects.
But, more or less, a man can limit his expenditure, in
proportion as prudence demands, and deny himself such
taxed enjoyments as would curtail due provision for the
future. He is not left this refuge in the case of direct
taxation on gross income ; and therefore it is the snore
imperative to graduate such taxation with some approach
to equity. There is no such approach even pretended in
the impost now sought to be prolonged.

Alexander Stewart, Esq., father of the Irish bar,
and the oldest magistrate in Downshire, died at his seat,
Ballyedmond, Rostrevor, in his 93d year, last week.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN T.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 18.
EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN IN FACTORIES.
Lord ASHLEY, in continuation, proceeded to say—
It had been at first stated that such children might be
safely left to the affectionate solicitude of parents and
masters, but the Legislature thought and enacted other-
wise. The measure of 1832, though an imperfect mea-
sure, had been productive of relief to thousands. Per-
petual attempts had been made to drive them from their
purpose, but no taunts would drive him from his purpose.
He had been told that there had been far worse evils
than those he had brought under the notice of the House.
In the first introduction of the Factories Bill, when he
had invaded the collieries, he had been referred to the
printing-house, and thence they wished to drive him to
the corn-laws. Let it be so ; but he would ask the ad-
vocates of abolition of the corn-laws, what more that
abolition would do than perpetuate the present state of
commercial prosperity. They had cheap provisions and
abundant employment; and yet in these favourable cir-
cumstances what was the actual condition of the chil-
dren ? The repeal of the corn-laws would leave those
children as it found them. Whatever good it might do
to other classes, it would do no good to them. But here
he would most solemnly declare, that if he believed the
repeal of the corn-laws would place these many thousands
in a condition of comfort, and keep them so, he solemnly
declared that, in spite of every difficulty, he would vote
at once for the entire abolition of the corn-laws. He
had been asked where he would stop. In reply, he had
no hesitation in saying, Nowhere, so long as any portion
of this great evil remained to be abated. He confessed
that his desire and ambition was to give the labouring'
children of this empire the opportunity of education.
He would continue to labour in this work while he had
the slightest hope of success. Would any man deny
that this was a subject well worthy of the deliberation of
that House ? Let the House look at the increasing
facilities which had taken place for mischief. What was
called the march of intellect had facilitated the means of
mischief. He would only just refer to those valuable
tables which had been prepared at the Home-office on this
subject. In 1843, 13 persons were hung for murder.
There were three females who had murdered their hus-
bands, two males who had murdered their wives, one
person who had murdered a child, and one who had
murdered her father. In a summary of this state of
things, published in a magazine in 1844, and written by
Mr. Symonds, a barrister, it was stated that murder and
rape had increased 38 per cent. on the average of the
last four years, rapes 57 per cent., other horrid offences
53 per cent., arson, which exhibited malice in its
worst shape, 28 per cent. The newspapers con-
stantly detailed crimes which iu novelty and
atrociousness exceeded the imagination of mankind.
He would not dwell on the subject, but there were two
cases so gross that the records of sin in England pre-
sented few instances of similar wickedness. One mother
had poisoned four of her children in succession, merely
for the sake of the burial fees ; another had held her
daughter over the fire till it was burned to death. If
they would not, as a nation, undertake the task of re-
moving such crimes, let them not, by the continuance of
the present system, render it impossible 'to re-
move them. Means had been taken of late years,
schools were multiplied, and qualified persons, both
within and without the Established Church. were
ready to devote their energies to this work. But the
entire absorption of the children, by almost unceasing
toil in so many departments of industry, had defeated all
their efforts. Time was when men maintained that
utter ignorance and exclusive labour were the best gua-
rantees for the tranquillity of a people—a most aweful delu-
sion. The people in the ale-houses listened to composi-
tions in prose and vere, written with great force and power,
and embellished with all the attractions of modern art,
compositions so seductively written that in them they found
vice and violence dignified into heroism. The guilt was
the guilt of the Legislature, who encouraged that guilt by
conniving at it. The Legislature could not disguise from
themselves that they were standing on a very rotten
foundation. They might augment their revenue, they
might increase their navy, and extend their commerce.
These were all very good things, but they were very
little in themselves, and afforded but a very weak
foundation, whilst they neglected the moral and physical
welfare of the great mass of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
All might appear very well and prosperous; but the
hour of difficulty would discover that the Government
of this country had done nothing to secure external
liberty or internal peace.—(Hear.) But sti.l they were
left without hope, nor, perhaps, had they anything to
fear but from indifference and neglect.—(Hear.) He
trusted still in Providence.—(Hear, hear.) There were
great and increasing means of good.—(Hear, hear.)
The vast progress of human ingenuity and power, as de-
veloped in the increase:and improvement of steam-boats,
railways, and machinery of every kind, might be con-
verted into instruments of mighty benefit. Let the State
direct its efforts to these ends, and the Almighty would
prosper their endeavours, and its children would rise and
bless it.—(The Noble Lord sat down amidst cheers.)
Sir J. GRAHAM said that although he had the mis-
fortune often to differ from the Noble Lord in the views
of the questions which he brought before the House, yet
he recognised the purity of motive—(Hear)—the single-
ness of purpose, and the honesty of means with which
the Noble Lord endeavoured to attain the great
objects which he had at heart, and also the
touching eloquence with which he enforced his views.
The Noble Lord regretted that he should be obliged to
bring this subject under the consideration of the House,
but he was sure that there was no Hon. Member in
that House but gave the Noble Lord credit for the
purity of motive which influenced him in this matter.
The Noble Lord had introduced many other topics to
the notice of the House, which were well worthy of
their attention. He (Sir James Graham) was happy
to observe that the Noble Lord did not overlook, in
addition to the moral condition to which reference had
been made in such choice language, the physical con-
dition of the working classes of this country. And,
without undervaluing in any degree the moral tuition
necessary to the bettering of their condition, he could
not, at the same time, concede that the physical training
should be less neglected. The observations made by
the Noble Lord upon the subject were of a most im-
portant character. The Noble Lord had informed the
House that a very largo number of the master-manu-
facturers took a paternal interest in the condition of
their workers. They tried to insure their health and
comfort, and he stated that, in consequence,
the condition of the children was materially
improved—greatly improved as compared with that of
children employed in other branches of our manufac-
tures.—He (Sir J. Graham) thought that, if they were
to go on regulating for the labour of children in fac-
tories, they could not have a measure more moderate and
better in principle than that propounded by the Noble Lord.
It now became his duty 'to call the attention of the
House to the step which his Noble Friend asked him to
take. There were several marked and strong distinc-
tions between the labour with respect to which his
Noble Friend asked him to interfere, and factory la-
bour. In the first place, it could not be denied that
those particular processes of tnanufactures-- namely,

prints and dye-works—were, speaking generally,
healthy occupations. Many of the processes took
place in the open air. Some of the processes must
be carried on in a high state of temperature,
but, speaking generally, the children employed in
these works were healthy, and the operation could not
be said to be unhealthy. The marked feature of fac-
tory labour, with which they dealt last year, was labour
conducted by machinery. Now, what were the facts
with respect to it ? Why, that it was easily regulated
with respect to time,and the labour might be stopped with-
out injury. All these circumstances were wanting with
respect to calico-printing, because, when once the process
began, it must be continuously carried on without inter-
ruption until completed, otherwise the work runs a risk
of being destroyed or irrevocably injured. With respect
to the work there were months in the year when they
were deemed to be slack, and there were other
periods when the works must be continuous
Now, with regard to the employment of young children,
it would not be possible for the manufacturers to avoid
employing them; and fur this reason, that unless the
manufacturers were satisfied to sacrifice a large amount
of profit, the employment of children would be indis-
pensably necessary. His Noble Friend had mentioned
another branch of manufacturing employment, that
which was called block-printing. Now this was a branch
of trade to which the profits would not admit the appli-
cation of manual labour, as it would not pay, and
therefore it was that children were employed in that
department; they did the work as well as adults, and
therefore their services were required to carry it on. If,
then, the Legislature were to raise the wages of children
to the amount of that of adults, the result would be,
either the total suspension of that branch of manufac-
tures, or the wages would be so much increased that
the article, the produce of block-printing, would be so in-
creased in price as to materially retard the consumption.
He had mentioned those circumstances in order that the

House might see the necessity of drawing a line of dis-
tinction between the different departments of labour in
manufactories. But now permit him to mention a few
of the peculiar and increasing difficulties that exist to
prevent legislation upon this subject. He believed it
had been stated that in France the legislative regula-

Lions with regard to the mode of employing children were
very satisfactory. But in France the machinery used
was not the steam power, and the labour was not so con-
centrated ; and the consequence was, that, according
to the reports of the medical men, it was not so easy to
deal with disease as in the English factories ; that eva-
sion was practical to a great extent, and th result of
that evasion was, that while the idle and dishonest man
benefited by it, the honest labourer was placed under the
most cruel disadvantages. Now, he begged to observe,
that in the particular trade to which the Noble Lord had
directly alluded, the hours of labour were comparatively
short, and in many instances there was no night- work
at all. If the system of inspection advocated by the
Noble Lord were carried out, the honest manufacturer
would be placed in an unfavourable position, while op-
portunities would be afforded to the dishonest employer to
evade the law. He was bound to state that late hour
work had existed, but not to the serious extent stated by
the Noble Lord. Late hour work was disadvantageous to
the manufacturers, and it s as to their interest to repress it.
WI .en late hour work did occur, it was occasioned by
competition, and the House ought to be cautious how
they legislated with the interests of the labourer. He
did not object to the introduction of the measure, but he
was bound to give his consent to it with considerable
reluctance, because the Noble Lord appeared to proceed
further with this system of legislation. The question,
then, was, how far were they go, and where ought they
to stop ? If they went too far in interfering with the re-
gulations of the working population of the country, there
was no doubt it would be attended with serious results.
At the same time, he could not refuse to consent to the
introduction of the Bill, but he must reserve for himself
and the Government the most perfect discretion with
respect to the mode in which the details of the Bill were
to be carried cut.
Mr. WALLACE was happy to find the Government

gave their consent to the ititVOuction of this measure.
From the cautious manner in which the Right Hon.
Baronet had allowed the Bill to be introduced, it would
be necessary for all parties to make out an extremely
good case before they could be admitted to partake of
its exemptions. The Right Hon. Baronet had distinctly

stated there were three classes of persons who might be
said to be included in the proposal of the Noble Lord.
Now he did think the dyeing and bleaching
departments ought to be considered as coming under the
category of the Noble Lord, and he would take leave to
intimate that it was his intention to make an effort to
prevail upon the House to include these branches in the
Bill. It would be his duty to bring their case under the
consideration of the House when the Bill arrived at the
proper stage for his doing so, and he trusted be should
succeed in prevailing upon the House to include them in
the Bill.
Mr. HUME was glad to hear the statement of the
Right Hon. Baronet, and the conclusion he had come to.
He agreed with the Noble Lord in lamenting the pre-
sent condition of the labouring classes, but he must, at
the same time, remind the Noble Lord that the manu-
facturing population was not the only suffering
part of the community. Distress existed as well
in the agricultural as in the manufacturing dis-
tricts. He only differed from the Noble Lord in
the remedy he proposed. The Noble Lord was taking
a wrong course to effect his object ; and although the
Government had yielded last year—reluctantly, no doubt
—to some of his proposals, thinking them to be of a
beneficial tendency, still they might unconsciously carry
this system of interference too far. He warned
the Government of this, and cautioned Honour-
able Members to watch the progress of the
Bill when it should be again brought before them.
Every act of legislation on such a subject was an act
of useless interference in the affairs of manufacturers—an
unjust interference between masters and labourers which
could not but be mischievous. If this were a country
where persons were obliged to labour—if this were a
country of slaves, then, indeed, legislative interference
might be necessary. But the English artisan was at
liberty to work where he liked—he might make what
agreement ho pleased, he might work as he liked. There
were some who thought the Legislature ought to stand
in the place of a parent, and to interfere to protect
women and children. He was not one of those.
He admitted that isolated acts of oppression might take
place, but he never would admit that any stranger could
step in effectually to supply the place of a parent. Doubt-
less in some cases, under existing circumstances, parents
might be found who would urge their children to undue
labour, but where food was cheap and labour abundant,
where, in fact, society was properly constituted, he could
not believe that such a state of things could exist. He did
not believe that such a state of things existed generally,at
present. He believed that the Noble Lora had been told
of certain extraordinary cases, and he must protest
against any legislative interference in the matter, which,
in his opinion, would do more evil than good. If the
rule were laid down, it should be made applicable to all
parents and all children. He was at a loss to know why
the Noble Lord should select one class of the commu •
nity for legislative protection, while he left the others
destitute. It was contrary to nature to interfere in this
manner,—it was bad—it was erroneous—children ought
to be left to the management of their parents. If so-
ciety was in that state which the Noble Lord had stated,
let him direct his exertions towards removing the root of
the evil. Why was it that in England, which was reck-
oned the most enlightened country in the world, there
were so many monsters who disgraced the human form,
and why was it that parents, in order to obtain a liveli-
hood, were obliged to place their tender offspring in
situations of difficulty and danger ? If the Noble Lord
would visit the dwellings of the poor in the Metro-
polis—(Hear, hear)—he would find there misery
equal to that which he had depicted as existing in the
manufacturing districts. Before he sat down he would
call the attention of the Noble Lord to a pamphlet upon
the working classes, addressed to the Right Rev. the
Bishop of Exeter. The Hon. Member proceeded to read
extracts from the pamphlet, one of which said that phi-
lanthropy was a good thing, when under the guidance of
wisdom and prudence ; but highly mischievous and pro-
ductive of great evil when used by meddling persons.
The extract quoted went further to speak of the acts of
certain persons high in station, and to say that all busy-
bodies were dangerous, but the worst of all a Govern-
ment busy-body, for the one interfered only with the
welfare of units, the other with the existence of mil-
lions. The Legislature, continued the Hon. Gentleman,
should give the people an opportunity of making the
most of their labour, and should remove those fetters
which monopoly and class interests had placed upon in-
dustry. The working classes, so far from asking pro-
tection, desired to have protection abolished—they want
a fair day's wages for a fair day's work, full employ-
ment, and an opportunity of sending their labour to the
best market.—(Hear.)
Mr. COBDEN did not altogether coincide in the ob-
servations of the Right Hon. Baronet regarding calico-
printers, but would offer a few observations on the speech
of the Noble Lord. He gave the Noble Lord great cre-
dit for his motives, but he must say that he did not see
what reference the numerous instances of great demora-
lisation had on the question before the House. He did not
pretend to say that people employed in calico-printing
were treated worse than other people. But surely it
was not necessary, in speaking of calico-printing, to relate
how many people had been sentenced to death for mur-
der, arson, and other great crimes ; nor could he, for
the life of him, see what the burnin4 of a child to death
by its own mother had to do with the subject under the
consideration of the House. These things led the public
mind to suppose that calico-printing was necessarily of
a demoralising nature; and he left the House to say
whether it was fair to encourage such a belief. The
Noble Lord had said a great deal about the duration of
the employment of children in this branch of manufac-
ture, but the fact was, where children were employed in
an apartment where the temperament was mild, and not
hurtful to their constitutions, and where they were shel-
tered from the inclemency of the weather—they had 3s.
a week, whilst the children in agricultural employments
were exposed to the severity of the weather, and had to
work hard for Is. 6d. a week. The Noble Lord said that
children engaged in calico-printing were addicted to
lying, stealing, and quarrelling. He confessed he could
see no reason why children in this department should be
more vicious than others; nor had the Noble Lord shown
any reason. In one or two matters the Noble Lord had cer-
tainly exaggerated—for instance, in stating that children
of three and four years of age had been employed in
calico-printing. The Noble Lord had not given his
authority, but surely he should know that it was morally
and physically impossible that children of such tender
age could labour.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
quoted cases in which children worked for long periods
without any intermission ; but he, Mr. Cobden, could
only say he had never heard of such cases. The Noble
Lord had attempted to give a tone and bearing to this
subject which did not naturally belong to it. In calico-
printing, and other trades of the same kind, the time of
labour was not fixed or compulsory ; they did not begin
and cease with the steam-engine, as in other branches—
it -was the wish of their parents that children should be
employed—they worked iu the lime room with them,

under their eye, and might leave off when they tlicargn!
proper. It was not here as in the cotton initls;
theft
time was free ,and if they overworked themselves it nal
their own or their patents' fault. The Noble Lord
sought to bring them under the Chinese system of lee
'
gislation ; he would have inspectors go into every 1100,
and prescribe the hours of toil. He thought the N )bie
Lord meant well, on the whole, but was sometimes led
away by misstatements ; he, Mr. Cobden, would b.?
very happy, as a practical man, to give the Noble Lord
any information which he might apply for.—(Hear.)
Mr. WAKLEY said that the Right Hon. Gentleman,
had, as an act of civility towards the Noble Lord, allowed
him to bring in his Bill ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman_
had determined to give the Bill the most strenuous
opposition in his power.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM—I studiously avoided making
any
M such declaration.
r. WAKLEY—And I as studiously inferred it• llj
hinted the Government had determined to give th
all the opposition in their power. If the Noble Lord
proceeded, and the friends of humanity were nn
,
in the matter, he anticipated for the Noble Lord a vi'''
—a splendid victory, and he called upon the Noble Ler)
not to be dismayed when he obtained it.—Wear' he ,
He should press on his forces after triumph, NU"' -or
same ardour as before, until the object was fully acco°
plished. Ile could not forget 14 bat occurred last seasi
The Noble Lord did not expect success on a forme,
occasion, and seemed dismayed when lie obtaise.al
it. The Honourable Member for Stockport Olt,
that it was impossible that children of three ('n
four years of age could be enll3l°Y('d he
the manner stated by the Noble Lord, and in this a
agreed with him ; but the Hon. Member had not stat.es,
at what ages they were employed, whether at five, of Vie,
or seven years, and he refrained from denying the: for
gations which the Noble Lord had made in movie,' •°,O
leave to bring in the Bill. A truly painful descriPitrelto
had been given of the toil to which these poor chilanuid
were devoted ; and was it possible that the House wi"not
evince so keen a sympathy for foreign slaves, on(' The
protect their own infant slaves ?—(Hear, hear.) o.
Noble Lord had stated that 25,000 children were 60 e,to
played, and from what lie could learn, he was inthlcee's a
think the system denounced by the Noble Lord gas a
system of infant slavery, and, notwithstanding throne,
servations servstions of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Montr
not
he thought the benevolence of the Legislature could loss
be better employed than in rescuing those heilldis,
creatures from such cruelty and thraldom. It Was teal
grace to Parliament that they had not striven W r 011
this evil, and he wished the Noble LeSital.
the success which his efforts so well 027.shea
The Noble Lord should, however, extend his reser' be
and inquiries into the agricultural districts, "here, as
had found quite as much destitution and sufferiZot
elsewhere, and, until he did so, his exertions vv°ll:,ould
be divested of suspicion and oness'cledne:s. Ileiota
be very anxious to vote for a Committee to inqinr'l the
the condition of the rural districts. He considereuwo
question, as the Right Hon. Baronet had statedlinos
one of profit; but was profit to be put in cowrie/fetes
with the lives of thousands of poor children?-it tir io
hear.) In Ireland, men performed the smile lab sish
calica-printing which was done here by childian,
5 that
showed that their services were not essential, ati`'
they were employed became their wages was 10'3'00vie
garding the question of education, he thought tlhei
greatly to blame for neglecting it so grossly.
Friend (Mr. Hume) said, educate the men ; but be
Friend
Wakley) said, educate the children, for you ne'siti°l/
make a bad man a good boy.—(Laughter.) The colls.olo'
of the poor of this country, in point of education, `,eisio
mentable. He entreated the Noble Lord to Perseipefits
his labours, which would produce the greatest hil:o to
to society; and he hoped the Noble Lord
see the fruits of his benevolent exertions. Batstibeitoelf
not be dismayed or discouraged when he fount' sail°
unsuccessful, but must go steadily onwards in Ptir
of
the great object he had in view. matter a
Mr. MARK PHILLIPS thought it was o osebe„
great importance that this question should beaPPrdeo
in a candid spirit, and stripped of all exagg4.siied
prejudice. The term "slaves" had been Woe!) °
25,000 children employed in a particular hr the Or
would 001
manufactures. He entered his protest again't oliable
tbs
plication of such a word, which was wholly InePrsto
The greater part of the children were brought 1;,,r
factory by their own parents, and worked no ions" roof,
their parents pleased. The parents were inec,oie'eilre
concerned in their labour than their masters to hs'a
not bound to work for any specified period, noria tiol7:c
a certain quantity of work performed by cep
No such thing— their time was free, and 50 '4-iiot,T.s
hands, and if they worked long the master dv-`
them. The parent sought to perform a great (/,,
of work, and if the energies of the child wetro-c's, b."
taxed, the fault was not, he repeated, the Ines' bed
the parent's. '
Lord ASHLEY, in replying, said that he mar the fl Fes
to thank lion. Members on both sides of tors s'iti
for the kindness extended to him. His great itifig fie
to ameliorate the condition of the children "r°_„l who
the different branches of their manufactures, "'n6 9,°00,
preserving his own principles inviolate, he °dor
ready to receive any suggestions advanced by °„ to c°o,
Members upon the subject. He was quite re ever
cede anything short of the principles he had ev „3
cated upon this subject.
Mr. LABOUCHERE hoped that the l''"otia
would fix an early day fur the second retr l'l9f
bf
his measure, as the House and the cone tape
singularly situated, in consequence of the line 'e sl,e,,
by the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for she
Department and the Government upon this que-ctlyolfli-ri
was surprised that on a question of this nature'', be,f'ill
principles which had been brought so frequeettli'e
the House, and considering the ample means '0614
Hon. Baronet possessed of inquiring into its olif
considering the liability that lay upon him °cs
the Factory Commissioners with his advice titc sO). s 0
ment, he (Mr. Labouchere) thought it strange' pot not goof
least of it, that the Right Hon. Baronet Il.gu,ceti°l3sSo
the House and the country some clue to the in'afcee'r
her Majesty's Ministers. Whatever difference Ito; col
might exist upon that question, one thing was: n,..0r
taro, that any postponement of the ques4(,); 00,,yesr,
mystery as to the intentions of her MolestYcentboloie
ment, would create and keep alive a feeling bet" op SI
ployera and the employed, which would be Mest„Ps Old to
to both their interests.—(Hear, hear.) It vvs-tion':',,gs
intention to enter into the merits of the clee'dorct'aot
argue as to the necessity for this resolution ecoal3
regulation of the hours of labour, but held renillote
avoid giving his concurrence to the
made by the Hon. Member for Stockport, t° bar/
151e°3
servations made by the Noble Lord the 0301),or
Dorsetshire as to the amount of crime i 0
turing districts, was rather overcharged. "` were °s'a,eo3
lions would seem to infer that those crimes (.451 s);"tiot
the result of evils peculiarly attending the s°„
in the manufacturing districts, and that dies pat,fi
be found at all in the agricultural counties; to ost
all these faults, he (Mr. Labouchere) wand
member of his rank and character stain' tomm' 134'
House, endeavouring to relieve misery', e'rl o bieot
crimes, which they all acknowledge to
the
so per,
while admiring the spirit in whiellih.ht bessiors°
excelle,,t for
was brought before them, he toa;ha Ins.s„ios'
mitted to doubt the utility of 'feet in 'OO
itself, as a preventative to crime. His obit that_citea
however, was simply to express his reg:bieh
question of this importance—a question _ asestt°ol°
such intense interest among all classes—,a.nitiee soore
volving in such a degree the principles oitidiven
humanity, the Right Hon. Baronet had n°,:ent.
decided opinion on the part of the Gov Xll. 0'
Leave was then given to bring in the -11)„1 TOE
COMMITTEE TO INQUIRE INTuirs, eso.ober
NAGEMENT OF LIGHTHOOOO,I4SOert"
Sir GEORGE CLERK requested the;ise rt°s:Sfi
for Montrose to postpone for a time hissing ligh,,yo
ing the management of lighthouses, flos_l4, it Ivo
It would be exceedingly inconvenient to rogues
that evening, and therefore it was that n',0,0, noe)
Hon. Member to postpone it for a day or 04013., 50
Mr. HUME had no objection to it301')11
He had nothing to son a Baronetsubject so In. ton4_,
therefore if the Hon would allo,o'iciat 0:000,1
duce it, on some Government night, he 's ae
cede to the Right Hon. Baronet's retitle:dr-ay vree''e'onfeif ift
in the meantime, postpone it till Ther_antiase,4
the Right Hon. Baronet might, in the mine) low
with his colleagues, and let him (gr.
could be brought forward on that day.
The motironowsaTsmthFennpcoEstp;serdiosAGot
thenifosttoi°llo
Mr. DUNCOMBE, in rising to bri,°A tssatt_oitt_f
of which he had given notice, name)", w'ret CA)l,'
.se see . 0
and evasive nature of the report of ino.
and deu, ale ti bo
appointed to inquire into the oPeein'ficuse,eoo of t,be
letters, said that he had promised h
t lthe ett"nterof
day of the session, that he should eo,.ye charac.,tce
House to the unsatisfactory and evar3et Cori well tetjecl
report emanating from the see, _ might
refit as
pointed to inquire into what he a he
the iniquity of the Post-office, 0,15 painifegretVio
much that it should then heranud regret at
to fulfil the promise he had then the stivi the fs •
more that he could not have brougns
was, that _ late. ,
anwa
was
earlierno h period,s.
Thebut
re report
toad n o 1 ahteieo:ll:l,ol,:ii:cli
period of the last session, thateit `vasHouse.t° it the sheep
him to call the atten:lon of the ea to ca t bad
boo
It was not his fault that he was f that relWrviculd sto
tion of the House to it now, for, a course 050 as to
satisfactory, the necessity for remind the. troal tbe,
been avoided. He needed not ton
was first in ,e ha
what occurred when the clueswa‘Zre,. th„r IdilipAtzter3
the House. They were
all
tidal their be
honour of presenting a P7ainius. that , ,ea to
itt
Or°e' t a
and another gentleman
had been opened. Thatc°PwefPtistit°ante latest was
she ttiinrriacregl°tstiv4st;
his place to give the House eXPlaria ortail3
that anted hcraot
printed, and the Secretary oszed,
the matter. He had then s
warrant gr saft.
by virtue thee_aeatesfst,earrev;_reincis,are:visceer,
bbuadt hbeeerenfoupseednetdo
was issued. A very shortt: her petition sfri..oo
buncombe) presented ano th r°.• had „';',ht
letters a P'c
that his also t •ster,
occasion the r 4
opened and read, and on.t
Captainwhohad
stheeiltdrh
anti high
h'inself hind hoelt. teat
Hon. Baronet had screened
en_inpod
tris in tieica
in which he had originally " warren nope)„eitset
refused to say when
he eogr. paneLci to tifd to
case were issued, and he bo role°. was -eslsestir
moved that that petition ski U.
objectionse ho asra 00.
Committee of the House: of the o°ll oisinglfee;
by ci wit th3t
ed "i 00:0 prop'
he House, andlet°
pthoarttemdobtyionl
6;4 bauntdonorapdoiPsve?isqii.
appointed
her
jcoormitymoitftees6bieninhgis favour.
lice of that department o
Charaber, t° los conch t
„i
the Government influenceeddr:vtiess6osa. tiencisitirceeitlitttoortivi;
manly called the Secret. which
na WI? ifisbe`e
workings and the authoritycoy the lax'' bin oltti
and report on the expedient y flap'ie 3: the C,°olibjeCr
delay in the delivery of t too- sshes
..ever®
d. mbeet a bseyereain
oname:ll:o(ll...,ar' pa/W.,