The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-29 00:00:00

NAME OF RAILWAY.

Week
ending

Dec. 20

Arbroath and Forfar. • .. • • • . • • . • .• . •
Bristol and Birmitaam •• • . ......
Chester and Birkenliead .............
Dublin and Drogheda. • .• • • .. • • • • • • • •
Dublin and Kingstown • • • • • •
Dundee and Arbroath ...............
Durham and Sunderland .•• •• . •.. •• •
Edinburgh and Glasgow ........
Eastern Counties and North Eastern • •
Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr .... ••
Glogow and Greesock• • •......
Grand Junction • .
Gravesend and R0che5ter............
Great North of England .... • • ......
Great Western . • • ..........
Hartlepool
London and Birmingham, &c......
London and 81ackwa11..............
London and Brighton . • .........
London and Croyddn . • ....... ..
London and Greehwich .. • •
London and South Western
Manchester, Bolton, and Bury
Manchester and Birmingham
Manchester, Leeds, and Hull Assoc
Midland Counties. •.
Newcastle and Darlington
Newcastle and Carlisle
Newcastle and North Shields
North Union and Bolton and Preston
Paris, Corbeil, and Orleans
Paris and Rouen . ..........
Preston and Wyre . • • • ....
Sheffield and Manchester. ............
South Eastern • .......... • • • • • • • .• • •
Ulster . ....... . . ..... ........
Yarmouth and Narvrich ............
York and North Midland. ........

Last
week.

456
2,201
7,036
1,784
680

112

17,355

979
32,651

643
4,186
1,072

5,M6
844

6,018
16,231
2,454
1,717

391
508
626
218
336
1,798
4,233
1,325
669

16,703

30,631
597
3,639
934

410
1,031
1,444
5,788
4,626

948
8,451
1,162

5,672
780
3,286
4,858
13,526
1,014
1,572
333
220
1,471

3,929
343
562
4,518
827
655

4,757

4,965

REPRESENTATION 'OF BRADFORD.—AIready the
requisition to Mr. Busfield and Colonel Thompson has re-
ceived about 500 signatures.—Leeds Mercury.
SUICIDE ox CHRISTMAS-DAT.— On Wednesday
evening, about seven o'clock, a young man of respectable ap-
pearance called at the Gloucester Coffee-house, Aldersgate-
street, and inquired if he could be provided with a bed, ob-
serving that he was very much fatigued. He went imme-
diately to his room. The next morning he got up about
eleven o'clock, when, on entering the coffee-room, he asked
the proprietor, Mr. Smith, to let him have a tumbler. On
receiving it he returned to his room, but in about two mi-
nutes after lie was again in the coffee. room ; upon entering
which he instantly tell .On the floor. Mr. Smith, thinking
that he was in a fit, bathed his face with vinegar, but he
could not be revived. Mr. Lowe, a surgeon, found a phial
which had contained prussic acid in the pocket of the de-
ceased. Ile had on a black dress coat, ablack silk waistcoat
with red spots, black dress trousers, Wellington boots of
chamois leather, a dress top coat, and a black silk scarf with
very small red spots round his neck. Ile was about five feet
four inches in height, of fair complexion, and 22 years of age,
with light brown hair, and no whiskers. There was in his
pocket only a tavern bill.
A BOLD STROKE FOR A CHRISTMAS DINNER.—
At the Lambeth Police-court, on Friday, John Edwards
was committed to take his trial at the next Surrey
Sessions, on a charge of stealing a piece of ribs of beef.
It appeared that on Wednesday evening, a lad, in the
service of a butcher. iu Harper-street, Old lii.ut-road,
was taking the piece or, beef home to a customer, when
the prisoner, with much dexterity, snatched it out of the
tray and ran away with it. He was, however, followed
and secured. The prisoner, in defence, said he had
nothing for his supper on Christmas eve, or his dinner
on Christmas-day, and had made up his mind to have
Bomotthing for both.

,--'

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF SATURDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The Times seems to be just now
under the twofold influence of the genius loci and of the
genius temporis—of Printing house-square and of the
season of pantomimic transformations. The last feat of
our flexible Contemporary is a remarkable tour de force,
even fur the practised skill of that literary harlequin.
On Monday last the public were informed of the imme-
diate cause of Lord John Russell's failure in his attempt
to form an Administration. The cause, as the Times
states, was this:—" Lord Grey most 'Strongly objected
to the appointment of Illbrd Palmerston to the Foreign-
office, and for his own part positively refused to serve
with that Noble Lord as Foreign Minister." Lord John
Russell, " considei ing that he could not dispense with
either cf their Lordships," resolved "to return his
commission into her Majesty's bands." Yesterday the
Times statec that amongst Lord John Russell's
friends a conviction prevailed that Lord Palmerston
" stood condemned by the public opinion of Europe as a
man unfit to conduct the foreign affairs of England "
that " this conviction " was " fatal to the formation of
Lord John Russell's Cabinet "—that it had led to " the
secession of some of his colleagues," and thus to the
failure of an attempt to form an Administration. Upon
the matter of fact with respect to the events of the last
week, we wish merely to say that the first statement of
the Times is strictly correct, the other the reverse. Un-
willing to provoke any controversy upon the subject, we
confined ourselves to the simple announcement that Lord
John Russell had been obliged to abandon his task,
not in consequence of any difference amongst his col-
leagues, either upon the question which had led to the
break-up of Sir Robert Peel's Ministry, or as to
the individuals who should have composed the
new Cabinet. The difference related merely to the
distribution of offices, and was confined to Lord Grey's
refusal to act with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secre-
tary. We are now merely stating a matter of fact, about
which, for the present, we are not called upon to offer
an opinion. Whether the more recent statement of the
Times is ene of those distortions of truth produced by
the habit of bending and twisting facts to make them fit
particular views, or is the malignant suggestion of some
unscrupulous intriguer, we feel equally bound to tell the
public that it is altogether disentitled to credit. There
is a very wide difference indeed, though we care not just
now to dwell upon this, between the refusal of such a
man as Lord Grey to co-operate with Lord Palmerston
as Foreign Secretary, and " the secession of some of
his colleagues upon the important ground" that he
" was an object of general suspicion and alarm." It
is a stale artifice of those a ho, from various
and conflicting motives from factious hostility,
from larger party views, from personal pique or am-
bition, or, as some do, from the mere love of mischief
—aim at breaking any political combination, to assume
the existence of some difference, and then to enter as
auxiliaries and partizans of imaginary dissentients. " The
Whigs," it is said, "have acquiesced, for the most part,
against their own conscientious convictions in the foreign
policy of Lord Palmerston." Here is, if we may so say,
the trick of the Artful Dodger in politics. Our Contem-
porary would make it appear that the Whigs have one
policy and Lord Palmerston another, and he benevolently
interferes to protect the great body of his party from the
contamination of his principles. Now, whatever may
have been the merits or the faults of the foriegn policy
of England from 1830 to 1842, they belong not to Lord
Palmerston or to the Whig Cabinet, but to the people
who placed and sustained these men in office.
This we claim in justice to the Liberals of
England. It was the force of opinion in this coun-
try that enabled the Government of the day, and
would have compelled any other Government,
to recognise and heartily to support the throne and the
new institutions of France, then menaced by Powers
not even yet fully reconciled to the principles out of
which they sprung. In Belgium, in Spain, in Portugal.
in Italy, in Greece, the allied Governments of France
and England brought to pacific solution questions of
the greatest complexity—questions that had within them
the seeds of that calamity foretold by one of the most
gifted of our statesmen—a war of opinion in Europe,
and which seemed so inevisable as to draw from an Op-
position leader the memorable declaration, that " if an
angel were to descend from Heaven to write our dis-
patches, it would be still impossible to preserve
peace." Peace was preserved though, and the
basis of its preservation was the alliance of France
and England. It is fresh in all men's minds
how that alliance was assailed—how the men who
stood by it were thwarted by every factious artifice
within reach of the most unscrupulous Opposition of
which the history of party gives record. Day after day
the columns of the very journal that is now treating us
to hypocritical homilies upon the blessings of peace and
good will amongst nations, teemed with incendiary ap-
peals to the vilest passions and the old anti-Gallican
bigotry of our people. Our Parliamentary records are
full of debates and divisions—so many pitched battles—
the hardly concealed object of which was to dislodge our
Government from the position they had taken by the side
of France. This spirit pervaded all ranks of the Tory party,
and such was its virulence that not the most respectable
of their organs could restrain its exhibition even upon an
occasion that lays all ordinary animosities at rest. A
DUD of European fame, come to do honour to a great
event in our history, was elaborately insulted, be-
cause he was a Frenchman—the representative of a
popular Government. And indeed so little has the
spirit of this hostility abated, that as in 1838 the
Quartelly Review insulted Marshal Soult, so in 1845 it
insults M. Tillers, who, whatever may be our quarrel
with him as a politician, was not here as a politician, but
as the guest of our country, the representative of the
literature and the civilization of his own. If there be
then in England any feeling at variance with the inte-
rests of peace, lay it not at the door of the Whig Go-
vernment, of Lord Palmerston, or of the Liberal press.
They who sow the svirlwind in opposition must not
expect to reap sunshine and tranquillity in office.
There is not a public man in France, no matter
what may be his party or his personal predilections,
who can entertain the slightest suspicion, that, up
to 1840 at all events, there prevailed in the Liberal
Cabinet any other than the most friendly feeling
towards that country. Does France complain of the
thing in 1840, or merely of the manner in which it was
dune ? If of the thing itself—of the treaty of 1840, and
of the arrangement of the Eastern question which re-
sulted from it, then, at all events, it is but common jus-
tice to the Government of Lord Melbourne, and to the
Foreign Secretary of that Government, that the people
and the public men of Franco should know that the
policy of 1840 and 1841 was essentially the policy of the
British nation, sanctioned at the time by the opinion of
the most distinguished men of all parties, supported by
newspapers of all shades of opinion (the Times amongst
the most strenuous), and since then more than once
adopted by the Tory leaders—the Duke of Wellington
declaring, with characteristic love of justice, that "he
saw nothing in the whole proceedings to blame."
ADYERTISER.—The American Minister has, it is
said, submitted the following propositions to the Mexi-
can Government :—l. The Rio del Norte to be the
boundary between Texas and Mexico. 2. An indem-
.

nity of 5,000,000 dollars to be paid by Mexico. 3.
Upper California to be ceded to the United States, as
far down as the head of the Gulf; the river Gila,
which empties itself into the Colorado of the west, to
be the boundary. If this arrangement should be car-
ried out, New California, embracing the splendid bar-
hours of San Francisco, and Monte Rey on the Pa•
cific coast, would become part and parcel of the Ame-
rican Union. A glance at the map will show, that
the Americans would gain thereby an accession of
territory, including Texas, equal to more than one-
third of their present extent of conntry on the Western
Continent. The River Gila, one of the affluents of the
great river Colorado, runs from east to west, a little
northwards of the head of the Gulf of California ; and
if the Mexicans should cede the Rio Bravo del Norte,
which no doubt they will do, on the side of the Gulf of
Mexico, a: the boundary line of Texas ; and after-
wards, which appears to us incredible, consent to run
the line along that river, till it reaches the parallel of
the River Gila, taking a westerly direction to the Colo.
rado, and thence to the Pacific Ocean—we say, unhe-
sitatingly, that modern history furnishes no example
of such aggrandisement, brought about by the influ-
ence of giant overwhelming strength, against pitiable
unresisting weakness. If the Mexican Congress should
vote away this vast tract of country, it appears to us
that a more suicidal act could not be perpetrated. To
conceal from themselves for one moment the inevit-
_

able consequence, that Mexico Proper must speedily
afterwards be absorbed in the vast Anglo-American
Republic, would be the height of the blindest fatuity.
But the grave consideration which forces itself upon our
reluctant minds, and none can be better disposed than
we are to view favourably the acts of the United States
Government ; is it possible that France and England,
especially the latter, will remain quiet spectators of such
a vast acquisition of territory by the United States
people P—without a murmur, without a serious
resistance ! The aggressive spirit of the Ameri
can policy, ♦eiled under the pretence of ex-
tending the sphere of their free institutions, now
manifests itself in a manner which cannot but inspire
anxiety, if not alarm, for the consequences. Whatever
Mr. Polk may say, if France has already turned her atten-
tion to that quarter, and has lately, with great propriety,
broached the doctrine of a "balance of power" in America,
it is not the President's rain threat that " the United

States cannot in silence permit any European interference
on the North American Continent; and should any
such interference be attempted, will be ready to resist it
at any and all hazards,"—it is not such mere declama-
tory protests that will deter France and England from
exercising their equally undoubted privilege of acting
as they may deem wise, and politic, and just ; nor from
extending protection over the weak and the oppressed
amongst the distant nations of the world, in the same
way as at this moment they are achieving real perma-
nent honour and glory by succouring and supporting a
much-wronged State in the southern part of the Ame-
rican hemisphere. To suppose that England would
yield the whole of Oregon, and allow, at the same time,
the United States to seize upon Upper California—after
having annexed Texas, by which the area of the
American territory would be at one mighty struke
of policy actually doubled in extent --is something so
utterly beyond the bounds of imagination to conceive
or for us to submit to, that we Cannot regard thesemonstrous pretensions and aggressive acts, without
feeling the deepest anxiety for the result. The self-
praise and egotism, the affectation of humility and for-
bearance towards the neighbouring states, sanctimo-
niously seasoned with grave appeals to Heaven—which
prevail throughout the whole of the speech of Mr. Folk
—contrast but too painfully with the settled determined
resolution, which, step by step, gains ground upon all the
countries conterminous with the republic, compels conces-
sion by overwhelming force—extorts vast territories under
the plea of compensation—and usurps the vast empire of
the North American continent, under the hppocritical
ple of advancing the happiness of mankind. Whilst
Mexico stands indebted many millions to England, we
shall never look on supinely, and see the territory which