The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-14 00:00:00

great importance on that (the Opposition) side of the House ;
for it involved not merely the quiet of Ireland, but also the
quiet and well-being of England ; and perhaps, without ex-
aggeration, he might say, the quiet of the world at large.—
( Hear, hear.) It was because he viewed the question in this
light, and because the country generally, and his constituents
in particular, were deeply stirred by conscientious scruples in
connexion with it, that he approached it with such feelings of
doubt and anxiety. If the question came before them now,
for the first time, it would assume a very different aspect.
But, however easy it might be to laugh at the word " cir-
cumstances," he could not shut out from his view the present
condition of Ireland and of this country when he came to con-
sider the course he should take on this measure. " Circum-
stances" might be cited often, as indeed might " principles,"
without much care being felt for either one or the other. But
when he looked at the state of Ireland, and at the circum-
stances under which they were called upon to vote on this
question, he must shy that it behoved them to place themselves
above the agitation around them, to set an example to those
whom they represented—( Hear, hear)—to do their duty boldly,
and, whatever might be the result, to act up to their view of
what was right and proper, end likely to conduce to the wel-
fare of this great community.—( Loud cheers.) Now, looking
at the grant then proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman at
the head of the Government, he had no hesitation in saying
that he, for one, was prepared to suppert it. He would go
one step further, and declare that if the Right Hon. Gentle-
man had come down to the House to propose a grant, arid
they were for the moment excluding all recollection of any
money having been formerly granted for the same purpose,
he (Mr. Rol buck) would at once close with the offer. But
he would take the case as it was first presented to them. A
purely Protestant Parliament in Ireland endowed, as it was
termed, though he objected to the word, the Roman Catholic
College of Ma,nooth. An annual grant was made by a Par-
liament exclusively Protestant and composed wholly of the
rich, and that grant was continued up to the time of the union.
At the period of the union a purely Protestant Parliament re-
peated the vote. Various Ministers came into power ; political
parties of various descriptions took office; and under all this
grant was continued. He wanted the House, however, to re-
mark particularly the circumstances under which a grant was
first made to the College of Maynooth. This took place in
1795, at a time when the Protestant feared the Catholic less
than he feared the principles of France, when he would rather
see in every parish in Ireland a Catholic priest, a follower of the
religion of Christ, than an emissary of the Jacobin Club in
Paris, or a follower of Robespierre. During the existence of the
Reign of Terror, they applied themselves to the task of con-
ciliating the Catholics, and to secure their assistance in the
battle which they were fighting, this grant was made. As time
went on the parties in the contest changed. Napoleon, it
it is true, established Catholicity in France, but it was sup-
posed that he aimed at universal dominion, and Ireland was re-
quired to send forth thousands of gallant soldiers to tight the
great battle that was then going on between France and Eng-
land. In the year 180 e the principle of the grant was again
mooted, and again discussed, and they added to the grant that
was originally made. They found a purely Protestant Parlia-
ment acting in this way, for its own purposes, under all Mi-
nistries, up to the year 1829. In that year the Roman Catho-
lics were, as it was termed, emancipated, and entered into the
composition both of that and the other House of Parliament.
The grant to Maynooth was again renewed, and was continued
up to the time of the Reform Act. Now, it might, and proba-
bly would, be said that the doings of an aristocratic Govern-
ment were net those with which they could have much sympa-
thy, it being notorious that an aristocracy consulted only its
own convenience and its own selfish interests. But after the
year 1832 the Parliament was one which represented the great
body of Dissenters in this country ; and from that time to the
present had the grant been continued.—( Hear, hear.) What
he had to say on this subject he wished to address to his consti-
tuents and to the people out of doors. They had for
the last twelve years sanctioned this grant—they had sanc-
tioned the principle of it up to the present hour; and they
could not, therefore, now turn round and tell their represen-
tatives, whilst they suddenly startled their ears with a sort of
ecclesiastical trumpet—(Laughter)—that Protestantism was
in daily and hourly peril on account of this grant.—
(Cheers.) They had seen the former grant made, not only
without remonstrance, but with applause; and if the grant
had been made for t welve years by four successive Parliaments,
with different Administrations in power, the principle being
the same as regarded the religious question whether the grant
were 8,0001. or 26,0001., they could not be suddenly called
upon to recede from the principle on which the grant had hi-
therto been made.—( Hear, hear.) Some complaint had been
made against the Right lion. Gentleman ( Sir R. Peel) on ac-
count of his stating that there were but three courses open. It
would not be denied that it was exceedingly useful to look at
the real position in which they were placed. That matters
should remain in their present position every one acknow-
ledged to be impossible. It was admitted that the present
position of Maynooth could not continue, first, by the lion,
Member for the University of Oxford, who had always con-
sistently been opposed to the grant ; and secondly, by those
who had had a new light brought into their minds by the
proposed extension of it. Hon. Members on that side of the
House who supported the policy of the Government con-
tended, that the providing for the proper education of
the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland was of the highest
moment, as being calculated to make them feel that they were
not aliens from the country of their birth. They felt that it
was desirable to do all in their power to create in the minds of
the Irish priesthood feelings of affection for the Government,
and associations of pleasure In connexion with the place in
which they were educated, instead of associations of insult and
indignity.—( Hear, hear.) It must be recollected that the in-
stitutions of this country were not in any case paltry or mean,
because they were unable to make them otherwise. They
were in fact, for the most part, distinguished by magnificence
and liberality ; and if Maynooth were treated in a different
manner it would be attributed not to an inability, but to un-
willinguess to provide proper support. The Roman Catholic
clergy had in many cases endured poverty arid privation in car-
rying what they believed to be the truth from one end of the
globe to the other ; and if it were necessary, he btlieved they
would at all times cheerfully assist in bearing public burdens.
But when they found all the appliances of wealth exerted in
other cases and withheld in their own, they naturally felt that
\
they did not enjoy their due share of the sympathy of England.
What course, then, could the House pursue? Why, they
must either get rid of the grant altogether, or accede to the
motion of the Right Hon. Gentleman. His only objection to
that motion was, that it did not go far enough.—( Hear,
hear.) He had hoped that the Right Honourable Gentle-
man would have proposed a broad scheme of academical edu-
cation, making Maynooth a Roman Catholic University, simi-
lar to Oxford and Cambridge, with the power of conferring de-
grees, so that the clergy and the gentry might equally
have availed themselves of its benefits. Had that course
been pursued, he believed no more hostility would have been
exhibited to that proposal than the present.—( Hear, hear.)
Now, there were two classes of objectors to this measure. The
first class, with whom he deeply sympathised, opposed the
grant on the voluntary principle, objecting to the endowment
of any religion by the State. They said, that at the present
moment the Established Church was the monster grievance of
Ireland, and they objected to what they caked the setting up
of a Roman Catholic Church establishment as equally objec-
tionable. But he contended that this was not the setting up
cf another establishment, but a contribution towards the educe- '
tion of Ireland—a contribution in the best form towards the
t. aching of the only teachers of the Irish people.—( Hear, hear.)
He regretted that the measure of the Right lion. Gentleman '
was so inadequate to that object ; but he supported it as an
approach towards national education ; and he would do se if, in
place of being intended for the benefit of their fellow Christians
in Ireland, it were designed for Jews or Alahomedans.—k Hear,
hear.) Did they not contribute towards the teaching of the
Brahmin priests in India, and of the Roman Catholic priests in
Canada?—(Hear, hear.) In Canada there was a priesthood
endowed by Act of Parliament, and not one word, had been
said on the score of a violation of conscience. In fact, an Hon.
Member had that evening admitted, that without this it would
be impossible to maintain their colonial dominion. The gums-
mbeenart: 1 He did not
On for it, and thought
tion of prieciple, it appeared, had no influenceaswihtewnasinoiaeir,eedst,
pldplbye shown that there were
was concerned.— ( Hear, hear.) Then they put the principle
ii: eh,fif nintgoctotuhaat they would conciliate the
argument to
and increasing this grant.
ooi in their
jtethheetei pocketstriolutmh this, he
hanti
Catholic sanctionedre
acknowledgedii
gireligion.—(Hear,
h_teh(oeHnredeaoarws
the
same
opposition of persons who could
ili t.,
r,
ee a
Irelandn Ireland
sufficient_
—(Hear,
reasonsl oneea. r
,;
hear.)
butoera
rb.
people, that they would very much contribute to the harmony
for the purposes vi colonial religion ?
oc of obowc theeeda
concede
hteooiltteh people
principle
c hadi bpyl o
the continuingopp
The truth was, that there was not a single hour of any one of
their legislative days that they did not break a principle. He
supported the grant on the ground that we were of necessity
obliged, so far as the religious teaching of the people was con-
cerned, to be for the moment passive. We must contribute
ar,
fawos
was,
es w:-
gewlloeiranesg they
fw:.in
ecgoouoonlddeactloeiltni4dt that
ehneosf?dt the
State
eh(,hear.) And, there-
ced Heu‘rtlion to inquireoftthheepotheo intoeprl—eitn
education
hadd to other—to
the faith which they held, and in which we had not a
right to interfere ;
Canada, to India, to Malta, to the West Indies —in
fact, through the whole of our foreign possessions, we found
that this was the system pursued; but, on turning to Ireland,
h
he supported the measure on the ground of conciliation. He
once heard an observation made by a Right Hon. Gentle-
man opposite, " that we had come to the end of conciliation."
Ile was not going to quarrel with any change of opinion which
experience might have wrought on the minds of Right Hon.
Gentlemen opposite, but he considered that within the last
two years a gi eat change had taken place wi,li regard to the
government of Ireland. We had adopted,a different system to
that which had prevailed almost during the recollection of every
man in that Hou.e ; and he considered this, the last proposed
act of the Right Hon. Gentleman, a most marked step in the
progress of this system of concession—a conquest over every
successive 'Ministry that had governed Ireland since the passing
of the Reform Bill. It had sealed u; on it the doctrine of con-
cession, and both the great parties of this courtry were
row endeavouring to make all necessary concessions to
Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) He took this measure as one
great step in that concession, not because (as had
been asked) they expected all these great conse-
quences from this paltry concession—from the difference
between 9,0001. and 28,0001. a year—for he did not expect
this. He might be asked, did he expect the priestood of ire-
land to be bribed to our service by such means ? His answer
was, he did not want to do that ; but he wanted to make the
people feel that the system was changed,—that we were endea-
vouring to do justice to that unfortunate people. Though he did
not expect great results—though he die, not hope that the priests
might he established in that country immediately, yet he did
hope that when this great meaure was communicated in all
its circumstances, the very opposition to it marking how strong
was the necessity on the Right Hon. Gen
leman's mind of such
a proposition, this concession would convince the leaders of
the Irish people, and address itself to their calm and thinking
minds and generous feelings, and that their leaders and those
who wished to excite themfor purposes of personal ambition
would not have them, as they now had,
so thoroughly at
command and beck. He took this as the greatest boon that
had been conferred, not upon the people of Ireland, but upon
the people of England ; for we might depend upon it, that if
assailed to-morrow from abroad, and we were to refuse
this grant, the insulted people of Ireland would recollect
the insult. They had been told by
many ardent persons
that the religion of the Irish was a supestitution and im-
moral, and parts of their books had been brought forward to
prove it ; and that to endow this college was to endow a col-
lege to teach immorality and superstition. The insulted
people of Ireland would recollect this ; and we should find our
danger came not so much from abroad as it was at home. Our
chief enemies would be at home, and we should be weak, and
open to the insults of the world, because we had been unjust
to one-third of our countr •
that he maintained the grant proposed by the Right Hon.
Gentleman. Look at the condition of Ireland at the present
moment. Suppose that at the present moment England was
men. It was un this great ground
on
iti the same situation, arid Ireland in a situation totally at
variance with its present condition of great depression. Sup-
pose they could find some Saxon demagogue—some William
Long-beard to appeal to the oppressed Saxon and point to his
Norman spoliator, and appeal to what was in the memory of
many living men, and speak of the desolation which was spread
' through the land, of cabins burnt, of fields laid waste, and of
thousands of people turned out to starve; suppose, then,
' he could point to the scene of the patient and deserving
priest, careless of danger, and wealth, and P°wer,
going to these p;sople thus beaten down and trodden
to- the earth, and ministering to them courageously
and bravely all the religious comforts which their condition
demanded—suppose a demagogue in England could say these
thinp-s, would England be quiet under such circumstances?
would she not rise up as one man and put down the op-
,
pressor ?—(Hear, hear.) And bail not the Irish people