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TRENCH v. M'DONNELL.—The Court of
King's Bench was occupied during a great part of the week
in this cause, connected with an election. Mr. Sheil in a
very able and brilliant speech, after reading upwards of
thirty-four affidavits, showed cause why the rule should not
be made absolute. Mr. Bennett replied in an argumenta-
tive speech. He was followed by Mr. North, on the same
side, who sustained his high forensic character. Mi.
O'Connell replied with great force, and with more than
usual eloquence and effect. Judgment is not yet pro-
nounced, the Chief Justice having intimated his wish that
all the affidavits on both sides should be handed up to the
Court.--Dublin Evening Poet.

The Marquis of BUTE presented similar petitions
from several Parishes in the county of Buckingham.
Lord DIGBY presented a similar one from the county
of Dorset.

The Earl of WINCHELSEA presented a petition from
Ashford in Kent, against the importation of foreign wool.

MISS TURNER'S MARRIAGE.

Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from/ Wm.
Turner, Esq., praying that leave might be given to bring
in a Bill to annul and declare void the alleged marriage be-
tweet], Edward Gibbon Wakefield and Ellen Turner, and
to grant such other relief in the premises as their Lord-
ships thought fit. The Noble Earl said that no similar case
had occurred since 1691, when it appeared that a Miss Whar-
ton had been taken off by force, and prevailed on to marry a
person by whom she had been abdticed. The Noble Lord
thought that the best course would be to refer the petition
to a Committee of the whole House.
Lord LAUDERDALE thought that before the Bill was
brought in it should be ascertained by judicial decision in a
court of law whether or no the marriage was valid.

Lord REDESDALE was understood to say that ques-
tion had been settled at the trial.

I Lord ELDON said, that no judicial opinion had been
j pronounced as to the validity of the marriage; but the
Learned Judge in summing up, put it to the Jury whether
supposing the marriage to be valid or invalid, force
had been used. The Noble Lord understood, that the
great difficulty in the way of trying the validity in the Eccle-
siastical Courts was the evidence of the young lady could
nor be received there, whilst on the other hand their Lord..
might think it admissable. In the case of Miss Wharton,
which had been alluded to, it was decided on the construction
of a statute of Henry VII. that though the marriage might in
itself be valid, yet that the consent of the lady was legally
removed by the antecedent force and persuasion, and in
fact her subsequent acquiescence did not quash the force.
The Noble Lord did not care to express a decided opinion
upon the present case, but thought that all the circumstances
connected with it should be well weighed before the House
adopted any proceedings upon it. •
Lord LAUDERDALE was of opinion that their Lord-
ships should consider the expediency of passing a general
Act of Parliament, for the purpose of legalising the evidence
of females circumstanced as Miss Turner was. In cases of
this sort, where the marriage was produced either by
fraud or force, it would be advisable to leave the question
with the Ecclesia' tical. Court. It would he, indeed, a
dangerous proceeding in their Lordships to assume the
jurisdiction of deciding upon f oiniC -of law.
Lord REDESDALE thought that the best way to dis-
cuss the entire question would be in a Committee, and he
therefOre moved that the Petition be referred to a Commit-
tee of the whole House at four o'clock on Thursday next.
The motion was agreed to.
CORN LAWS.

The Order of the Day for taking into consideration the
Resolutions offered to the House by Lord Redesdale, having
been read—

Lord REDESDALE proceeded to state the grounds on
which he rested them. He began by referring to the Re-
solutions which had passed the other House of Parliament,
and which had excited so much alarm, as to occasion in-
numerable Petitions front all parts of the kingdom. The
presentation of these Petitions led to inconvenient desul-
tory debates, and it was suggested that the best remedy for
this evil was to bring forward certain Resolutions, that
the sense of the House might be taken at once upon the
whole subject. His principal guide in framing them had
been, a speech made by the Earl of Liverpool in the year
1820, on a motion of a Noble Ararquis (Lansdown) on
the Foreign Trade of the country. The First Lord of the
Treasury, on that occasion, objected to the discussion of
the subject, and repeatedly stated that the foundation of
the wealth and strength of Great Britain—of her trade
and manufactures—was the cultivation of the soil. Upon
that broad basis, he (Lord Redesdale) had framed his Re-
solutions. The Earl of Liverpool, on that occasion, had
deprecated repeated discussions, and had observed, that if
the law were considered fixed, all classes would know hove
to act, and to what to trust; but if it were continually
subject to change, that vacillation would derange the rela
tions between landlord and tenant, and the one would not
know on what terms be ought to let his farm, nor the
other what rent he could afford to give. He was aware

hlittthlee
interven-
tionf
rothe
ft
abramt e tr h
de r
et~supplyiy
y
of the mealman and the corn dealer ; and even to4thethcsoneseuimmetrry, bwuatsthvreoruyg
cot-
tagers bad now very much ceased to bake their own
bread, and were dependent upon the bakers. Hence it
was most reasonable to object to changes, and to wish
for a permanent law. There was, in fact, so much wis-
dom in this opinion of the Noble Earl, that he (Lord Redes-
dale) had been surprised that the Noble Earl in 1822,
was prevailed upon to advocate an alteration. As to the
measure of last year on this subject, he (Lord Redesdale)
had contended, and still maintained, that it was a law of
wrong and robbery.—(Hear, hear.)—What was it? Upon
the statement of a fact, that there were, perhaps, 100,000
manufacturers in a starving condition, it was proposed as
a remedy, that a quantity of foreign corn should be intro-
duced into the market to reduce the price of grain. If
there were British Corn in the country, this measure
excluded it from the market to the injury of the British
grower, for the purpose of giving bread to distressed ma-
nufacturers so much cheaper, as it would be rendered,
by distributing four or 500,000 quarters among a popu-
lation of eleven millions and a half. All classes parti-
cipated in the plunder, even their Lordships—and the
public revenue was a considerable gainer by the payment
of the duty. This Bill he (Lord Redesdale) had felt
bound to oppose to the utmost of his power, and to use to-
wards it the strongest language he was capable of using;
it was a measure of spoliation and robbery.—(Hear, hear.)
—Although the opinions of the Earl of Liverpool had un-
dergone an extraordinary change between 1820 and 1822,
he (Lord Redesdale) had founded his Resolution upon the
older and the sounder doctrine, that the Agriculture of the
country was the basis of its power and wealth. It was not
to he denied that the manufacturer had added to the popu-
lation, and had encouraged the agriculturist to cultivate
land to the extent to which cultivation is now carried ;
but where would manufactures have been if the soil had
not been cultivated ? In the establishment of a new
country the soil was first tilled, and manufactures gradually
introduced as the population increased, and became too
large for the purposes of agriculture. In trade, too, there
must be some commodity to be disposed of, before trade
could be established, and those who produced articles for
foreign trade must be maintained:by the cultivators of the
soil. When he made use of the word " Wealth," in his
first Resolution, he employed it in the sense of the political
economists of the old school, who included in the term
every thing constituting the well-being of a state. If the
soil of Great Britain had been untilled, what would have
been the number of its inhabitants, and what would have
been their employments ? Would they have been hunters,
like the savages in the wilds of North America, or drivers
of cattle like the Patriarchs of old? The soil, like the sandy
deserts of Africa, would have been unproductive and with-
out inhabitants, because without productions. Even the
solitary and dreary caravan which passed those deserts was

so far as to assert,-that in New Holland no such thing as
rent would he heard of until all the fertile soil was culti-
vated, and resort was had to the inferior lands. Just about
the time when Mr. M'Culloch's book came out, he (Lord
R.) had seen an advertisement of the sale of a farm in New
South Wales, • ..nt of which was 700/. a year. How
happpened this, Mr. M'Culloch's notion were correct ?
The farm was valuable, for the goodness of the soil, and
barns, outhouses, stables, and above all, for the excellence
of the road to a large town, where the produce might be
sold. What then created the rent ? If by Fortunatus's wish-
ing-cap, this farm could be removed into a situation where
there was no town, and no road, though the soil might be as
productive as ever, i t would beworthless, as far as regarded rent.
It was perfectly clear that rent was derived from improve-
ment, and that improvement, in fact, constituted rent.
But the political economists, and Mr. Ricardo, for one,
took it into their heads to compare land to a machine used
by a manufacturer ; it was just as much like a machine as
an oak was like a machine, because timber for its beams

was obtained from the trunk. Land, in a wild state, was
like the oak ; and the machine was the complicated farm
with all its accompaniments, and not the land merely.
Half the reasoning of these gentry was founded upon a mis-
conception of the subject. Another striking circumstance
was, that the modern political economists imagine that the
whole operation of producing grain is scratching up the
ground and throwing in the seed. Formerly something of
that kind might be true ; and he remembered that many

years ago, in some parts of Northumberland, farmers year
after year, brought twenty or thirty acres into cultivation,
and grew corn upon them until the soil was impoverished,
and then abandoned them until by lying fallow they had
recovered. The Act of the 15th Charles 11. was meant
to encourage the growth of corn on soils that were not
considered so fertile as those already in tillage ; and it was
concluded that the employment of new ground would not
only improve that, but the better soil, from which grain
had been raised for a series of years. Now, he knew an
instance in which that encouragement was acted upon, and
a gentleman possessed of a large tract of land, which at
one time did not produce enough to feed even rabbits, had
taken such pains to improve it, that it ultimately produced
crops which raised it to the value of 40s. per acre. That
was a strong case, and yet the political economists of the
present day, would say he was a great fool for his pains—
yes, a great fool, for that was - the very expression which
had been used in some of their pamphlets. The same gen-
tleman having made his land so valuable, then proceeded
to build a house in the immediate vicinity of this improved
property ; and a very fine and noble house it was. The
political economists would come to a different conclusion.
upon this part of his conduct, and would say, that it
was excellent that he should lay out a large sum of money
in erecting buildings, but to lay it out in the improvement
of his land was nothing better than folly. The gentle-'
man having thus improved the value of his land and
erected a splendid house upon it, his next care was to orna-
ment it; and he therefore planted to a great extent,
making, in fact, his plantations equal the magnificence
of his house. All this seemed to him (Lord Redesdale),
as a positive increase of the wealth of the country; but'
it seemed that the wealth of the country was not now
to be considered, but its strength. There was a strong
man armed that kept-his house in peace, but a stronger
than he came and took away his goods. It was, there-
fore, necessary to have strength as well as wealth. Now
the strength of the country appeared to him to consist of
two parts. The first of these was to be found in the num-
bers and power of the agricultural population for the pur-
' pose of defending by arms what they had obtained by in-
dustry; while the second part was to be found in the sys-
tem established by the Navigation Laws, that gave us
strength at sea, which, without them, we should not
have. He said, that one part of that which consti-
tuted
the strength of the country was to be found in the
Navigation Laws, for what else was their object? The
first portion of the Reign of Edward the Third was one of
prosperity and brilliancy, which, however, were purchased
by efforts that afterwards left the country in a state of ex-
haustion in consequence of its wars with France. After
the peace which followed his victories in that country, he
fell into a sort of decrepitude. Every thing became weak
and defective ; and that navy, which had been the defence
of the country, and the terror of the enemy, had fallen into
decay. In the youth of Richard 11. this was made a sub-
ject of complaint, and an Act of Parliament was passed to
remedy the evil. That statute enacted, that all ships
bringing merchandise to this country, and all ships carry-
ing it from this country, should he British ships. The
words of the Act expressed for what purpose this regula-
tion was made, declaring that it was intended for the pur-
pose of give strength to the empire, and of creating a
navy; and the consequence was, that the plains of the
country, which before then had been infested by the in-
cusions of the enemy, were protected, and the French
naval power was extinguished. The French had at that
time planned the invasion of this country in the same man-
ner as that in which they recently intended to attempt it
—namely, in flat-bottomed boats. What were the militia
of the country—what was it that maintained the strength of
the country in the time of peace, and preserved the proper
relations between man and man ? What but the resi-
dence of the country Magistrates, and their assistants, and
the ready concurrence of an orderly population. In these
consisted the advantages of which he had spoken. There
were other advantages to which he had not yet alluded.—
We had coal, and tin, and iron mines, which gave employ-
ment to our vessels. Now, suppose we could import these
articles at a cheaper rate than we could raise them in oar
own country, he asked Noble Lords whether they would
shut tip their valuable mines ? If they were to proceed on
the principles of modern political economists, they would
cease altogether to carry on trade. The cultivation of the
land was se far a trade and manufacture, that it employed
the capital and industry of the country, and was in that re-
spect most vale., ;.le. What was the art of producing corn
but a manufactbr,,, in which the great article of raw pro-
duce was the land. Would they no longer avail themselves
of that article in the way of manufacture ? Besides the
production of corn, there were other circumstances that
rendered the cultivation of land important—he alluded to
the wool trade, the manufacture of which was a most im-
portant branch of the commerce of this country. All these
circumstances should be combined together, when they
were talking of the Agricultural Interest. They hardly
knew to what extent they might injure the cultivation of
the country, by allowing the importation of foreign
wool. Was there a scarcity of wool in this country ?
Certainly not. On the contrary, there was hardly a grower
of wool that had not one, if not two years' produce now ly-
ing on his hands. What, therefore, coal the country gain
by importation ? Literally nothing. Indeed, they must in-
jure their own growers of wool, by letting British wool rot
in the warehouses. The amount of the claims made upon
the farmer now required that he should be protected, in or-
der to be able to pay them. The taxes now took 20 bushels
of corn, where they had only taken one when he (Lord
Redesdale) was young. When, therefore, every thing
which the farmer now paid was higher than it had been
at that time, how was it possible to expect that corn
should now be sold at the same price as formerly ?
The rents were not the cause of this difference. He did
not think that the rents had been raised as much as some
people imagined. The land had been improved, and the
increased rents had been the result of that improvement....

The principles stated in the Ilith Charles 11., which were
founded on those previously declared in a Statute of Edw.
IV., were those on which he should recommend the House
to proceed. The Noble Lord here read the preamble of
that Statute, which was entirely in favour of a system of
prohibition, and then observed, that he believed it contained
more of the science of true political economy than any of
the works of the present day. By the authority of those
Acts, and others passed upon similar principles, land had
been much improved in value, and the Legislature were
pledged to those persons who had laid out large sums on
its improvement that they should he remunerated. Theii
labours and their money thus employed had increased the
wealth of the country, and it was but just that they should
receive the benefit of what they had done. He maintained
that the Corn Laws had been eminently useful to this coun-
try. If they looked to the price of corn, they would find
that it had been less than before those laws were passed
The increased cultivation of the land increased the amount
of its production, and consequently diminished its price.—
His Lordship, in proof of this assertion, referred to Sweden
• where (the country having previously suffered from a want
of corn) the duty on foreign corn had been increased,
and the consequence was, that so much greater was
the amount of the production of corn in the country
that the price fell to one-half what it was when the
duty was first imposed. The next consideration was,
whether the price of corn in this country was really
at this moment so high as it was imagined. He thought
not, especially if the increased luxury of the country was
considered. It was said there was much distress.
That might be true, and he believed it was. But what
was the cause ? Lord Liverpool had answered that ques-
tion in a speech which he delivered in 1820, when he said
that it was owing to excess of manufactures, to excessive '
speculations in trade, and the excessive desire to become
suddenly rich. He believed this to be a true explanation.
Why, then, was the agricultural interest to be injured merely
because the manufacturers had been enabled, by the use of
machinery, to dispense with so many of their labourers ;
because they had chosen to exceed the advantages they thus
enjoyed, and had sent adventurous, wild-goose expeditions
to South America, attempting to become merchants as well
as manufacturers, and thus to secure a greater increase of
their profits ? The next question was, whether there must
not be a great variation in the price of corn, in order to
remunerate the agriculturalists for the money expended in
its production. That price would necessarily differ with
the difference of the seasons ; and if they looked to the
average price of corn in this country and in others, they
would find that here the variations were lees than in those
of other countries. The effects of climate, soil, season, &c.
were as great there as here. What, then, was it which
made the difference? What but the skill of our agricul-
turists, which counteracted these causes of variation.--
Therefore it was that prices were more steady here than
abroad. The great mischief of the present plan was,
that it attempted to do what could never be done—
namely, to render those prices invariable. His Lord-
ship next proceeded to the 9th Resolution. He took it
to be a manifest proposition, that whenever the season
raised the average price of corn above 60s. all the
foreign corn that was warehoused here would be brought
into circulation here. Now, if their Lordships looked at
the Returns which had been furnished, there they would
find that at certain times all the markets of different
countries varied according to circumstances he had before
alluded to. The corn warehoused in this country would
come into circulation here whenever, either by accident or
it might be by contrivance, the price of English corn war
raised to 60s. At that moment foreign corn would be
poured into our markets, at a duty of 20e., and after it
once came in, there would be no means of stopping its in-
troduction ; and thus, whether the English farmer had a
„pod or a bad season, it would be impossible that the pro-
duce of his land could ever rise above 60s. but would be
kept, by foreign importation, just about that sum. The far-
mer must, in this way, be a loser by both seasons,
and in such a situation it was impossible he could
go on. How, he asked, was the agriculture of the
country generally carried on, except by the regular
sale of the crop, and the expenditure of a portion
of the produce of that sale upon the future cultivation
of the farm ? Formerly the farmer sold his produce imme-
diately to the consumer, but now he sold his produce to &
dealer, who, of course, had his profit upon the resale. He
himself knew, that in one small market town alone no less
than sixty-four dealers had grown up in his own time.
The fact was, that the country swarmed with dealers, and
the price paid by them for what they bought from the
farmer was very different from that paid by the consumer.
He would ask, when the present price rose to sixty shillings,
what was the sum likely to be paid to the farmer? He
would not receive sixty shillings, nor more, perhaps, than
fifty-five shillings at most. If this was the case in small
towns, what was to he expected in London and other large
cities, where the dealers acted to a so much greater extent?
This increase of dealers, too, had gone hand in hand with
the increase of population. Now he remembered many
towns that had more than doubled their population since
he first knew them. Cheltenham, which he once remem-
bered a little village, containing about 1,800 inhabitants,
was now a large and flourishing town, having 22,000 in-
habitants. Yet Cheltenham, it should be remembered,
was merely a place of amusement, to which people re-
sorted to dance and drink the waters, and so on—(A
laugh.)—All this increase in the size of the towns had
the effect of increasing the waste and extravagance—
the locomotive disposition of the people, who now went
about in a kind of perpetual motion, although such ex-
cursions were, in former times, considered long and
painful journies. It was a mistake to compare the al-
teration in the price of corn with that in the price of
other articles. If Noble Lords would look around them
they would find that Corn was the cheapest article. The
Noble Lord, after reading over the preamble to the pre-
sent Bill, went on to observe, that in the event of the
introduction of Foreign Corn, under a tax of any kind, that
tax must be paid by the growers, and therefore that tax
would be to all intents and purposes, equivalent to a new
land tax. What, he asked, was the condition of Ireland,
and what effect was this measure likely to produce upon
her ?—lreland had never found a market in this country
into which she could send her grain without the payment
of duty.—ln thisway her exportations to this country had
gone on (Lord Lauderdale. " It has gone on increasing from
year to year.") He agreed with his Noble Friend in think-
ing that the importations of grain from Ireland had been
on the increase, and therefore this Bill, allowing the impor-
tation of foreign grain upon certain terms, would give to
Ireland a new rival in that article. Every portion of foreign
grain introduced to supply the deficiency of the produce of
this country—should there be any—must so far prevent the
consumption of the produce of Ireland. And yet they
were told, and he concurred in the observation, that Ireland
was to be governed by measures of amelioration. Ireland,
it should be considered, was not divided into large farms
like England, but was partitioned out into email divisions,
where the occupant was at once the farmer and the labourer.
Whereas, in England, a farmer undertaking the occupation
of a farm of 300/. a-year, must in the outset be possessed
of a capital of 12001., and therefore he is a man of pro-
perty before he commences business. Such ainan could em-
ploy labourers, because their labour contributed to his pro-
fit; but in Ireland the small farmer (himself a labourer)
could ill afford to pay a shilling for assistance, unless when
driven to it in harvest time. The enormous Church
establishment, and the Government establishments gene-
rally, had the effect of increasing the price of every article
of consumption throughout the country. The Noble Lord.
after going into numerous details, moved, that their Lord-
ships do resolve themselves into a Committee of the whole
House, to arrange a Basis of Restrictions with reference
to the Importation of Foreign Corn.
Lord GODERICH thought it probable that their Lord-
ships would agree with him in thinking, that it would be
more convenint to abstain from discussing, on that occa-
sion, either the general principle or the particular details
of the Bill which stood for a second reading on Friday
next ; because, although it was true that many of the
topics contained in the resolutions presented by the Noble
and Learned Lord were more or less directly connected
with the subject of that Bill, yet it was quite clear that
if he attempted now to enter into a full exposition of
his views on the subject (as he intended to do on Friday),
he should undertake a task infinitely beyond his strength
and competency at that moment, and more than the patience
of their Lordships would endure. The resolutions of the
Noble Lord embraced not only the Bill before the House
in its principle and details, but likewise the largest
questions of Government—of internal policy, and every
possible topic connected with the intercourse of this
country with foreign nations. All those subjects were
of the greatest importance, and, for ought he knew,
it was very reasonable they should, at a fitting time, be
taken into consideration ; but to have them thus mixed j

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O •''''' . ..
cr/ i.
UP together. lll illig . an voted id- „man, would
be inconsisfeklltwithli4.4praakigeN)f a 'le :.ative aseem-
bly.—The Bill, tv i'hO•ectoulif. move the second reading
of on Friday, w4Nrilacticill lillatitOre upon which their
Lordships would sbe called upon to pronounce " aye or
" no ;" but the resolutions were, in fact, a series of ways
on political economy; and it would be an out of the way
course for their Lordships to express their approbation of
the opinions contained in them by a formal vote. It
would, indeed, he thought, be highly impolitic in their
Lordships to establish by their vote all the dissertations
contained in the resolutions to be matter of fact. There
was one circumstance, too, which would render it impos-
sible for their Lordships to adopt any one or more of the
resolutions unless they adopted them altogether—namely,
that each successive resolution was founded upon the rea-
sonings of the one which preceded it. They must, there-
fore, take them in the lump, or not at all. If they adopted
some and rejected others, there would appear only a ske-
leton of what was originally proposed. The resolutions
must, necessarily, appear on the journals of the House ; and
he hoped that that would satisfy the Noble Lord, and that
he would not press the matter farther. He would proceed
to state very briefly his reasons for not concurring with do
resolutions. In the general bearing of the first resolution,
namely, that agriculture was the basis of the prosperity of
this country—he certainly was disposed to agree, though
he thought some allusion ought to We been. made to the
other sources
durcecesiatedof
thatour agricultureweahh.Twhaes
tt a trade and second resolution,
b
ma-
nufacture, and is so far the most important trade and ma-
nufacture in every country, as every other trade and ma-
nufacture must depend on it." Now he could not admit,
as an historical matter of fact, that agriculture wag the
most important trade in every country. That it vat
not the fact was indeed proved by the example of
many states (small ones, be admitted, but once
exercising an important influence in the affairs
of the world), and amongst others of Genoa,
Venice, and the United States of Holland. The power
anti greatness of those States by no means depended
on agriculture, and therefore, if their Lordships
should pass that resolution, they would affirm what wa. not
matter of fact. The third resolution appeared to contain
an error in reasoning. It stated that the profitable culti-
vation of the land depended on other objects of production,
and particularly on the production of anitnth and the food
of animals ; but it is well known that in eountrivt whkk
were most celebrated for the production of corn, those
other productions were little regarded and of little value.—
If, therefore, they agreed to this resolution, they would in a
second instance affirm that which the state of the world con-
tradicted. The 4th resolution declared that the laws now

in force regulating the importation of foreign corn were
founded on the principles expressed in the foregoing resolu-
tions. That was not an accurate statement. The laws at
present in force on that subject had no reference what-
ever to those other articles of production upon which the
Noble Lord had placed so much emphatic stress in the
third resolution. With respect to wool, the act of Charles
11., from which the Noble Lord dated the system of which
he was so fond, not only imposed no duty on the importa-
tion of foreign wool, but even sonfined the consumption
of English wool to this country alone. It was therefore
impossible to say that the old law was founded on the
principle of the resolutions, which was to extend protec-
tion to agricultural produce of every description. The 15th
of Charles 11., the preamble of which was quoted in the
Noble Lord's resolutions, did not proceed upon the prin-
,_.iple of those resolutions. It never allowed of a free
,:xport of corn. When the price reached 485., ex-
port was prohibited. Under the same act, foreign corn
was admitted upon payment of a duty of ss. 4d., until
the price arrived at 485., after which it was admitted Ilion
payment of only Bd. duty. The act in question, amon„st
other things, imposed a duty of 20s. per head on all lean
rattle imported from Scotland between the months of
August and December. The Noble Lord opposite (Lord
Lauderdale) must doubtless consider that as a barbarous
piece of cruelty towards his countrymen. He only men-
tioned it to show that the enactments of the law which had
been referred to did not bear out the theory of the Noble
Lord. The Noble Lord had quoted from the Spectator,
snd had contrasted the opinions of Sir Richard Steele and
M'Culloch. It was to him (Lord Goderich) a matter
of perfect indifference which of those two persons was eon-
iidered the most eminent political economist. He had
never subscribed to all the doctrines of Mr. Al`Culloch,
nor any other teacher of that school

" Nullius audictus jurare in verbs magistri."
He might, perhaps, occasionally puzzle himself with the
essays of the political economists, which he believed, like-
wise puzzled their authors ; but he was not, therefore,
wedded to their opinions. About the time, however, to
which the Noble Lord had referred as presenting a contrast
_with the present period, which was favourable to the state
of agricultute, namely, the reign of George 1., it happened
that the most woful complaints were made of the de-
graded state of the agriculturists. The publications of that
day stated, as the Noble Lord now did, that agriculture
would be ruined, and that the constitution of the country
would be involved in its destruction. During a consider-
able portion of the 18th century, agriculture was sta-
tionary ; but other things connected with agriculture
were not. The population continued to increase, and
the greatest possible distress prevailed in this country, on
account of the high price of cern. This was the case
between 1763 and 1773. What, then, led to the change
of the law in 1773 ? Why that change was made be-
cause, in the 10 years preceding, it had been found neces-
sary to pass 18 or 20 acts of Parliament to meet the contin-
gencies occasioned by the old system. Was, then, that eye-
so all-wise, so beneficial, so favourable to the interests
of agriculture, as it had been represented ? In 1773,
change was effected ; and the plan then introduced
continuedprinciple o
tfo be
thea clatewd
of
fn
1773
3il
that
tlsfh;eyanwd
were
wooalsv
et on
dtehae_
rouring to return. Between 1773 and 1815 the progress
of trade, of manufactures—in short, of every thing con-
nected with the welfare of the country—was as great as
the most anxious mind could wish. That extension of
industry, that accumulation of wealth, was effected under
the very system of laws, the return to which was now con-
sidered by some individuals as a dangerous innovation.—
(Hear.)—lt was for the Noble Lord who had introduced
the motion to controvert that fact if he could. The cor-
rectness of his statement was shown by the vast number
of En4osure Bills which bad been passed during the period
he had mentioned. Therefore, he contended, that this re-
solution of the Noble and Learned Lord led to a most er-
roneous conclusion; because it went to establish this pro-
position—that the system which.had been set en foot in
the time of Charles IL, and ached on down to the year
1773, was the cause of all the strength, power, and pro-
sperity at which this country had arrived. He had made
these detailed remarks on the resolutions of the Noble
and Learned Lord, although he thought that the objection
which he had first stated was sufficient to prevent their
Lordships from voting for this series of resolutions,
which constituted a sort of politic .economico-thermo-
meter, if he might be allowed to use that expression.
He certainly could not, on the grounds the Noble and
Learned Lord bad stated, bring himself to acquiesce
in the propositions which had been brought forward.
He wished to advert to one or two other points con-
nected with those resolutions, which also involved prin-
ciples that it was impossible for him to agree with.
In the 13th resolution, the Noble and Learned Lord had
dwelt much on the assumed feet, that the payment of
foreign corn had been, and would be, made in coin. He
(Lori Goderich) apprehended that this resolution, if it had
any object at all, was intended to lead their Lordships to
believe, that the trade in corn was (not an immoderate but
any trade in corn), likely to operate prejudicially t a the
interests of the country, by inducing a large export of coin.
He should not combat this proposition, on theory, lest he
might be considered a political economist, and thus excite
the displeasure of the Noble and Learned Lord. He should
confidently appeal to the evidence which their Lordships
had lately received on this subject, by which it was clearly
shown that corn was not to be paid for in gold, or if so
paid for, that that gold was to leave the country altogether ;
and he must say it was a most unreasonable fear to suppose
that they could not have a trade in foreign cons, without
causing a drain of gold out of the country. Last year
2,000,000 of quarters of foreign corn were imported,
the cost of which would be upwards of 1,000,0001.
sterling. Now, if the Noble and Learned Lord's pro-
position were true, that corn must have been paid for in
gold. But how stood the fact ? Why, during the whole
of that year, the exchange was so much in favour of this
country as to make the export of gold, in return for corn, the
very worst speculation that could have been entertained by
any mercantile man. During that time bullion was im-
ported into the mint, and coined, to the amount of no less
than 6,000,000 of sovereigns. The rate of exchange had
been such, that it was not worth any body's while to buy
corn with gold. What occurred in 1824 and 1826 ?
The exchanges were then unfavourable from various causes,
and the exportation of gold was considerable ; but yet he
eotr egtneo s twoany
exportedoytehaei
inp
anlr otst2o4af
singleths
world, would
sovereign undertake
for v
went
corn. toe
aEt°yv'e nDt thehana tt
oii env'
and 1825 in casks, and which were placed in the Bank of
France, came back to this country in the same casks, which
had never been opened.—(Hear.)—He therefore, with
these facts in view, could not affirm a resolution which im-
plied that a more open importation of corn would draw all
the gold out of the country. This he had alluded to as
general proposition, which, if the subject were at all con-

alcered, could not be dfirtneil. fle begged. save to say One
word on the topic to which the Noble and Learned Lord
had last adverted. He alluded to the question of free trade.
Those resolutions were manifestly directed against free trade;
but they did not explain, .neither did he third( the speech of
the Noble and Learned Lord had explained, what was there
meant by free trade. If. the Noble and Learned Lord un
derstood by free trade that all.foreiges articles were to be ad-
mitted into this cowary, without, paying any duty, then he:
must say that !Awl was not his,(Lord: Goderich's) idea of
free trade. • Its idea ,was, that this' country should not
allow any prohibition. And why? , Because, experience
Prcrita, that prohibitions . With regard to manufactures,
was the veriest illusion that ever, entered the mind of
nun.—(Hear, hear.).—There was no effectual mode of
establishing a prohibitory system, so long as money was in
existence. Money would defeat all prohibitions. He was
a friend to that. free, trade which encouraged the honest
dealer, but he wasenquestionably an enemy to the free trade
of the smuggler.—(Hear, hear.)—lle conceived it was a
most praise-worthy object tp aim at the destruction of that
pestilent free, rade ; .the greatest evil, moral and political,
by which any country could be tillicted.—(Hear.)—Such
was his, feeling, and,if their Lordships looked into the evils
which were the result of the old system, they would parti-
cipate with.hirn in that feeling. If Noble Lords had, as
was his cases hten connected for 15 years with situations
having referance to the trade and commerce of the country,
it woukt,be impossible for them not to feel, in the first in-
stance, the ill effects produced by this monstrous system of
smuggling ; and, in the second, that the only remedy for
those evils was to give fair and free acesss to every descrip-
tion of foreign manufacture. He therefore felt, that they
Aught even to endure some degree of inconvenience, if by so
doing they could put art end to this system of fraud,—to this
system of perjury ; nay, he would say, to the system of
murder which had been too long continued.—(Hear.)—At
present they were obliged to surround their whole coasts
with armies and fleets, to check the smuggler in his illi-
cit career,—a proceedingwhich he contended was as in-
consistent with the principles of a free constitution
as it was contrary to the'best interests of the country.—
(Hear.)--He had raised his voice against that system.
and, in opposition to it, he had advocated the principles
free trade. He thought, however, their Lordships had
already gives pretty unequivocal proofs that they sincerely
approved of those principles ; because they had supported
and carried laws that were emphatically founded on those
liberal principles and no other. In 1825 his Majesty had
recommended, in a speech from the Throne, the adoption of
those principles; and what was their Lordships' answer:
In the address to the Throne they stated that they would
give all. the assistance in their power.to any measures that
would tend to remove those inconvenient and mischievous
restrictions. Now, having in 1825 given that pledge, it
was utterly impossible for them to vote for the resolutions
of the Noble and Learned Lord, unless they were prepared
to unsay and to undo what they had already solemnly said
and done. -He owned that he felt warmly on this part of
the subject, because if there were any portion of his public
conduct in which he took a pleasure and a pride, it was in
the support which he bad given to the establishment of
liberal principles, in opposition to those that were now
brought forward by the Noble and Learned Lord. He
might take one of two courses on this occasion.—either to
move the adjournment, or to propose the previous ques-
tion. But as the motion was for going into a Committee,
he conceived the best thing he could do, was to move that
this House do now adjourn.

The Earl of LAUDERDALE could not suffer this di,
cuesion to terminate without thanking his Noble :ind
Learned Friend for the tale.nta which he had displayed, and
the great pains which he taken, and the extensive know-
ledge he had _shown in drawing up those resolutions, which
whatever might be their fate that night, must produce a
strong effect on the minds of their Lordships and of the
country at large. Since those resolutions had been laid
ea the table, they had not been assailed with that list of
calumnies and lies directed against the landed interest,
which the House had been in the daily habit of hearing
for some time before. Those resolutions being placed or'
their Lordships' journals, containing as they did the sound=
est political doctrines, would go down to posterity and would
be read with admiration by future generations. He would
have said little more on this occasion, but for the manner
in which the Noble Lord opposite had treated some of the
propositions before their Lordships. The Noble Earl
(Lauderdale) then proceeded to argue in favour of the reso-
lutions. He denied the assertions of the Noble Lord op-
posite, with respect to the argument contained in the sixth
resolution. That resolution set forth that the act of
Charles H. was efficient for the preservation of the aoTieul-
ture of this country. The Noble Lord opposite'denied
this; and he asserted, that there never was a time when
agriculture was in a state of greater distress than in the
reign of George 1., when the law of Charles 11. was in full
force. The Noble Lord had alluded to the publications of
that day as a proof of the fact. Now few men had read
more of the publications of that period than he (Lord L.)
had ; and yet he could not charge. his memory with the
recollection of any work which stated such a fact. On
the contrary, there was a fall of price, and no importa-
tion of corn. Therefore, he should conclude that there
was at that period a sufficient production, and a suffi-
cient market.—(Hear.)—He here begged leave to read to
the Noble Lord a passage from a pamphlet written by a
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Huskisson) whole authority,
especially as he was a colleague of the Noble Lord, would
he believed, carry some weight with it. What that Right
Hon. Gentleman stated was, as he declared, the result of
a consideration of this subject for 80 years. He said, that
for 170 years, the cheapness produced by importation was a
proof of sterility, occasioned by want ofcultivation ; and he
went on to observe, that a steady home supply was the proper
means of ensuring a moderate price. " For 100 years,
up to 1765, (the Right Hon. Gentleman asked), what wag
the state of the country with respect to corn ? It was
this—that, under ordinary circumstances, their own
ground supplied a stock of corn sufficient for home con-
sumption, and in some seasons they even exported." At
that period, the p: ice of grain seldom varied more than a
few shillings. Allusion bad been made to the period be-
tween 1766 and 1773. Did corn at that time fall in eon-
eequence of importation ? Did the manufacturers then
find that they had cheaper corn? No : for although that
foreign importation was held out to the manufacturers as a
great boon, their Lordships would find, that from 1766 to
1773 the price of corn was raised, though the ports were
open for the importation of grain. The Noble Lord had
argued against the proposition that foreign grain would be
paid for with gold. But if he examined the documents ow
this subject, he would find that in the first years of the
late war no less than 60,000/. sterling were sent out of
England for corn ; and yet the manufacturers derived
no benefit from it. The Noble Lord bad said, that
the year 1826 afforded art extraordinary instance, which
contradicted the resolution of his Honourable and Learned
Friend. The Noble Lord stated that more corn was im-
ported in the year 1826 than in the year 182 t, and yet
that there was in the former year a great influx of gold
into the country, instead of the money being drained out
of it. He believed that there had been a large importa-
tion in that year ; but did that circumstance invalidate
in the smallest degree, the facts stated in his Noble and
Learned Friend's resolution ? Very plain reasons could be
given for the circumstances to which the Noble Lord had
alluded. The Noble Lord must recollect, that, in the
commencement of the year 18i6, the effect of those va-
rious joint stock companies and schemes, which had been
called into action in the preceding year, was still power-
fully felt. It was to this, as he should presently show,
that the influx of gold was to be traced. He remembered
publishing, in 1804, a treatise, in which he stated that if
the sinking fund were continued on the footing on which
Mr. Pitt had placed it, capital would be rendered so abun-
dant at home, that at length individuals, for the purpose of
procuring a higher rate of interest, would employ it abroad.
A man whom it was his misfortune to have lost--a man
of the most extensive capacity he had ever met with—he
meant the late Mr. Fox—read the proof-sheets of that
Treatise ; and he had a letter from that great statesman,
in which he asked—" Do you think it possible that an
Englishman would trust his capital in the foreign funds?"
Now, the Noble Lord opposite and himself had lived long
enough to see that there was not a fend in Eu-
rope that did not contain a large quantity of British capi-
tal. If the Noble Lord asked the Bank itself, or those who
supplied it with the money to which he had alluded, he
would find that that money would not have been forth-
coming bat for the demand which had been suddenly
created in this country, on account of the speculations he
had referred to, and the extensive sale of foreign stock.
The influx of that 6,000,000 of gold, then, did not sur-
prise him, considering all the circumstances. The Noble
lord had alluded to the subject of free trade ; and now, to
his (Lord Lauderdale's) astonishment, after having read
the high enloginms that were pronounced on free com-
merce by the Noble Lord when in the other House, he
found that the Noble Lord only meant to make a few re-
gnlatiens to protect tho trade of the country against
smugglers. A system of free trade was, perhaps, better
than a system of restrictions; but the continuance of such
a system depended on universal peace and general brother-
hood. He did not think it would be advisable to proceed
farther with this discussion, as a Bill would be shortly de-
bated which would let in the whole question. Therefore,
he hoped his Learned and Noble Friend would be satisfied
with the good which he had done by the publication of his
resolutions, and that he would not press the subject farther.
Lord BEXLEY contended, from a comparison of the