The Sun.
London, England, 1827-07-07 00:00:00

MEETING AT MANCHESTER.

On Wednesday, at 11 o'clock, pursuant to a re-
quisition signed by 260 gentlemen of the first res-
pectability, a public meeting was held in the Town-
hall, Manchester, " to consider of the propriety of
expressing, by address to his Majesty, or in such
other or further manner as might be deemed ad-
visable, their sentiments on the present state of the
corn laws, and on the circumstances which led to the
abandonment in the House of Lords of the Bill in-
tended to amend them."

The Meeting was very numerously and respect-
ably attended : George Neden, Esq., the Borough-
reeve of Manchester, was in the Chair.
After the Chairman had read the requisition call-
ing the Meeting,
Mr. G. W. WooD said, that the attention of the
people of Great Britain had been often called to the
st,.ate of the corn laws, and they had hitherto had to
addres7 the Legislature under somewhat unfavourable
circumstansnes; but those under which they were
now assemblea were materially different. On for-
mer occasions they had to contend against his Ma-
jestv's Government, a:7d against both Houses of
his Aqiesty's Government and
Parliament ;but now
the House of Commons were with them, and all
that they had to contend with was the .douse of Lords.
—(Hear.)—And they might now hope that their
exertions would be of some benefit to the interest
of the country. The corn law passed in 1815, was
the first which acknowledged the principle of a total
prohibition of the importation of corn from foreign
countries : previously to that time, there was, indeed
a duty exacted, but that was the first time that the
principle of a total prohibition bad been acknow-
ledged. That law was passed at the earnest request
of the landholders, at a time when the price of grain
was low. Since that period the corn law had been
much discussed, and was allowed by all to be defec-
tive. The law as it now stood prohibited the im-
portation of corn until the price should rise to 80s.
per quarter, and then the ports were thrown open,
and any quantity of corn might be imported. The
consequence was, as had been well described by
Lord Liverpool, that grain was excluded until it
rose to a famishing prise--until our people were
starving; and then it was admitted without any re-
striction, there was a glut in the market, prices fell,
and our agriculturists were completely ruined. This
was the effect of the present corn law. But they
were told that it was necessary for the farmers to
have remunerating prices, and he was one of those
who desired that every individual in this country
should have remunerating prices for his skill and
labour; but believing it to be beyond the power
of any legislative body to secure that, he (lid not see
711 y the landed interest should besso well provided for,
while' therest of the community were left to shift for
themselces. He had endeavoured to ascertain what had
beenheldtotz.aremuneratingprice at differentperiods.
In 1774, 48s. pe; quarter was assumed a remune-
rating price, after wte'ch a free importation of foreign
corn might take place. There was, indeed, a duty
beyond that, but it was merely a nominal duty_of
on. per quarter. In n-ut the remunerating price
was stretched to 545. In 1804 the matter was
again discussed, and again an advance was made to
665. In 1815 it was raised to 80s., where it now
stood. Thus it had been raised from 48s. to 80s.
during the period between 1774 and the present
time. He had been curious enough to inquire the
prices obtained for cotton twist during the same
period. He could not ascertain the price so far
back as 1774, but in 1804 he found that the price
of 40's mule twist had been 3s. 5d.; in 1815,
3s. 4d. ; in 1822, Is. Bd.; and at the present time,
Is. 3d. So that whilst the remunerating price to
the agriculturist for his corn had risen from 48s. to
80s., the price of cotton twist had fallen from 3s. sd.
to ls. 3d.—(Hear, hear.)—It seemed, from what
he had stated, that the remunerating price was
capable of indefinite extension. In bad seasons and
bad harvests, there was an enormous rise of prices,
an immediate rush of importation, and then the prices
WA, and the farmer, who in times of high prices had
at a considerable expense made much of his land
arable, could not obtain remunerating prices; the
landownerscould not obtain their rents; they applied
to the Parliament, and Parliament advanced the re-
munerating pricee---(Hear.)—ln a country whose
population was still on the increase, while the extent
of country was limited, as the people increased,
there would be an increased demand for corn
and they must either send for it from abroad,
or grow it on still poorer and poorer soils, till
a remunerating price would be asked for grow-
ing corn on Blackstone Edge, after being
covered with soil carried ap from the neigh-
bourhood of Manchester.--(Loud laughter.)--
The great question was, shall there be high rents or
low rents ? It was a question between the land-
owners and the people at large.—(Applause.)—He
would not be understood to underrate the country
gentlemen ; for many of them he had a great respect,
but he could not approve of their increasing theirin7
comes at the expense of the body of the people.
These arguments which lied been made use of by the
landowners had not been satisfactory to his Majesty's
Government, nor had they ever been so to him.
That law which had been first proposed to the Ca-
binet by Lord Liverpool, and brought forward by his
Majesty's Ministers, and defeated in the House of
Lords, was somewhat different from the old law; it
substituted for an entire prohibition, turning on the
pivot of 80s. per quarter, a scale of duties as the price
fluctuated, and turning on the pivot of 60s. It pro-
ceeded on a calculation made by Lord Liverpool,
and proposed that a duty of 20s. should be paid
when corn was at 605., being 30 per cent. over and
above the expenses of importation. He was of opi-
nion that the price fixed was too high, and the flue-
tuation in the amount of duty too great; but, view-
ing it as a change from the old law, he was happy
when he saw it brought forward, and wished to see it
passed. This pleasure had, however, been denied; the
measure had been defeated in the House of Lords, and
he thought it the duty of the people to come forward
in support of the Ministers.—(Applause,)-e-It was on
these grounds that he put his name to the requisition
for calling the present meeting. He was unwilling
to reflect on the conduct of individuals, but there
were circumstances which, unless they closed their
eyes, or were deaf to the signs of the times, could
not fail to strike every person as peculiar in the
defeat of the late measure. It had been expressly
stated by the Prime Minister, in bringing forward
the measure, that it had been drawn up by Lord
Liverpool; and Mr. Canning, when bringing it
forward, held in his hand a brief, which contained
that Noblemans views of the subject. The measure
had been by Lord Liverpool submitted to the Cabi-
net, and was to have been brought forward as a
Cabinet measure, and they knew that no measure
could be brought forward as such unless it had the
support of a majority in the Cabinet. They were
told this measure was approved of ; and then came
the extraordinary fact of five of those Ministers join-
ing the opposers of the measure, and being institi-
mental in its defeat.---(Hear.)—With motives he

' had nothing :to do, but the fact was certain very
extraordinary. Then, as to the mode; it was done
by an amendment, moved by one of the ex-Minis-
ters, who said, that in doing so, he had the appro-
bation of a distinguished member of the House of
Commons, and also one of his Majesty's Ministers.
He (the ex-Minister) had submitted to that gentle-
man a clause, which showed that he was entirely igno-
rant of the measure, and that from him no good could
he expected. The purpose of the clause was, that corn
should be brought out of bond only in the order in which
it had been brought into the warehouses,—that B
should not be:allowed to dispose'of his corn and take
it out of bond, until A had disposed of his. This
was found to be ridiculous, and it was abandoned;
and instead of it, it was proposed, that an importer
of foreign corn ,should be allowed to bring his corn
out of bond, having first obtained the permission in
writing of all those who had imported before him.
To the gentlemen who surrounded him, and who
were acquainted with commercial transactions, he
(Mr. Wood) thought this would seem ridiculous
enough. It would he equally judicious to enact,
that no manufacturer who comes to our market
should be allowed to sell his calicoes until all the
calicoes which had passed the toll-bar before his,
shonld be disposed of, or until he had obtained the
signatures of the owners of them to a permit, allow-
ing him to dispose of his.—(Loud laughter.) This
proposition was found not to be practicable, and
was therefore abandoned. But another was substi-
tuted, which had for its object the cutting up of the
warehousing system. He hoped his Majesty's Mi-
nisters would be more successful in their exertions
at the next meeting of Parliament; but it was the
duty of the people to come forward and declare
their sentiments. He had expressed an opinion of
his Majesty's Ministers, and begged also to express
his approbation of the hoice which his Majesty had
made of a Prime Minister. The men now in office
were men eminently qualified to direct measures
which would be beneficial to the country at large.—
We had seen the Prime Minister, as Secretary of
State, relieve us from the trammels of the Holy
Alliance,—give the sanction of the British Govern-
ment to the independence of the South American
States,—shield with the powerful arms of Britain
our ally Portugal,—enter into negociations with
France, for the evacuation of Spain by her armies,
—and we had seen him zealous in the cause of hu-
manity, negotiating with Portugal and Brazil with
a view to putting an end to the disgraceful traffic
in slaves.—(Applause.) It was the duty of the
people to support such a Government as this. It
had been, of late, fashionable to throw out sneers
against the Prime Minister, more particularly in
meetings, miscalled Pitt Clubs ; but let it not be
supposed that the opinions of a few Cheshire
`Squires were the opinions of the people of England.
—(Hear, hear.) His Majesty's Ministers had the
whole body of the people along with them. Mr.
Wood concluded by proposing the first resolution,
which was seconded by Mr. Taylor.
Mr. SHUTTLEWORTH said, though the new sys-
tem of corn-laws, which has been defeated in the
House of Lords, is not calculated in my opinion, nor
in the opinion, I believe, of any disinterested and in-
telligent person, to benefit the consumers of corn,
yet it was probably the best measure which the Mi-
nisters, in the circumstances of their situation, had
any chance of carrying into effect. If the public
had manifested an earnestness and intensity of feel-
ing upon this subject in any degree proportioned to
the greatness of the interests it involved, then, pro-
bably, a better measure than that which has now
failed would have been proposed and carried. We
might then have seen a system of corn-laws esta-
blished, which, however objectionable, would have
been more consistent with justice, and the necessities
of the country, than that whose highest recommen-
dation is the rhetorical, and, with submission I will
say, the senseless panegyric which Mr. Canning has
pronounced upon it—" That it cast the balance of
principle in favour of trade, and the balance of price
in favour of agrieulture."—(Cheers.)—ln what
manner trade is to receive an advantage by having a
" balance of principle" in its favour, I am unable to
comprehend, though I have heard that there are
some neonle who know how to turn nrincinles to:
profitable account. Those sane and sober congre-
gations to which my friend Mr. Wood has alluded,
and which assemble, in this neighbourhood particu-
larly, under the denomination of Pitt-clubs, say
that Mr. Canning can do this—(Laughter)—they
say that he has made a trade of his principle.—
(Laughter.)—This important fact so creditable to
the talents of that gentleman as a man of business
—(Laughter),—is vouched for, I believe, by all the
Pitt-clubs of the kingdom, in number amounting, I
understand, to not less than three or four.—(Great
laughter.)—We who have the supreme felicity of
knowing the constitution of these clubs—who know
that they are under the high and dignified manage-
ment, not only of the Cheshire Squires, Mr. Wood
has mentioned—(Laughter),—but of the political
parsons of the same county—(Continued laughter),
and of another Squire from that most civilized of
all places, Hulton-lane-ends.—(Great laughter and
cheers.)—We who know these things, do not hesi-
tate to give to all the statements that proceed from
them the most boundless credence.--(Continued
laughter.)—We believe, therefore,—most powerfully
and potently believe,—on their grave and weighty
authority—(Laughter),—that Mr. Canning, for-
sooth, can trade in principle—(Laughter); and on
this belief I expect we shall soon be prepared to re-
quest that Right Hon. Gentleman to let us into the
he
secret of the business, in order that, as under
tondo
corn laws it seems we are to have something
with principle, we may be, as he is said to be, quite
up to the best mode of disposing of it. (Laughter.)
—lf a system of corn laws is to be persevered
which compensates for a balance of price to a,gricu
"
ture, by giving a " balance of principle to
to have
it will be Duite necessary that we, who are
the trade share of this most equitable partition,
should know what to do with this surplus principle
—(Cheers);—for, unless we receive with it direc
rade,
tions how to make it profitable, 1 fear that we are
so deficient in refinement that we shall be apt
to underrate its value, and to think that it would be
just as wise to give, "caviare to the vulgar''---t°
those who would much prefer to that delicacy a mess
of frumenty, or even what is called stif dick—(Great
laughter),—as it is to bestow upon us this prizeless
and be-praised principle.—(Great cheers.)—The loss
of a measure, the essence of which Illr. Canning
thus described, is not in itself calculated to produce
any feeling of regret. It is the cause of that loss,
and not the loss itself, which renders the subject irn-
portant.—(Much cheering.)—That any amendment
of the system will be permitted, unless the public
come forward to demand it, no observer of the re-
cent conduct of that body to which I have alluded
can for one moment believe. It must be now ob-
vious to all, that it is vain to expect from that body
any spontaneous movement in favour of the people.
—(Cheers.)—Lord Chesterfield, somewhere in his
letters, earnestly advises his son never to walk
quick, for to be in a hurry, he tells him, is the habit
of tradesmen and low people of that description
(Laughter), quite derogatory, therefore, to a person
of rank. Persons of rank have taken his Lordship's
e good reason
advice, and are never in a hurry, except, indeed,
when, like tradesmen and low people of that descrip-
tion, they happen to be in pursuit of their own in-
terest (Laughter), and then, we hay
to know that they can be in quite as vulgar a hurry
as others.—(Cheers and laughter.)---B-
ut these oc-
casions of personal interest excepted,—no matter
what may be the emergency, no matter how pressing
the necessity
forun a hour ago,
speed,—they can preserve the most
genteel l
ftoldreoudom fromfe haste—
“
,
Your Lordship's heel was on my toe--
And now ! your stick is in ray eye :
Sir ! remove them—by and by.
There may be some among those whom I have now
the honour to address, as we know there are many
such in the country, who are so deadened in their
feelings, and who are so blinded by their fondness
for lords and gentility, that to them the heel and
stick of a lord in such situations would be neither
an obstruction nor annoyance.-.-(Laughter.) Such,

; •;,k

however, is not my temperament. I have the mig-
fortune to be less happily constituted than are these
my blind, passive, and satisfied brethren ;—(laugh-
ter)—to me, therefore, a " by-and-by " removal of
a grievance--a genteel absence of all haste in the
process—does not appear quite the perfect mode of
treating it.—(Applause.)—lf, therefore, the ques-
tion now at issue in this country, instead of being
what it is, related to a purpose of universal and un-
mixed good to all of every class and station in life,—
if there were no partial interests opposed to its ac-
complishment, it would still be desirable that the
public should meet and exert themselves to quicken
and impel its course, and not leave its consummation
to those alone who, like the legislating aristocracy of
this country, have the means and a station in society
which effectually removes them from all immediate
dependence on the public prosperity,—(Applause.)
Every town, village, and hamlet should meet, and
declare itself on the subject, and thus give effect to
those measures which the Government contemplates
in their behalf. (Cheers.)—Mr. Canning has called
for public discussion and support on this question,
and the public interests require that when the pro-
per time arrives that call should be powerfully an-
swered.—( Great cheering.)—With respect to the
system of Corn Laws which has been proposed, I
for one have witnessed its abandonment, as far as its
own merits were concerned, without disappointment
or mortification. If the public had done its duty,
that scheme, I am persuaded, would never have been
proposed. The fate which has attended this project,
such as it is, shows, however, more decisively than
the loss of a stronger and better measure would, the
necessity there is for increasing the influence and
power of those by whom it has been urged, by the
fullest and strongest demonstrations of popular sup-
port.—(Cheers.)—Let that important sanction be
given by the people, with a spirit, seriousness, and
energy, becoming the occasion, and then we may
hope that the efforts of the Government for the
public good will be rendered irresistible (cheers);
then may we hope that other interests than that
" order' to which Lord Grey belongs, and for the
privileges of which he tells us with the ridiculous
pompousness of cockered vanity and self-conceit he
" will lay down his life" (cheers), will be recognised
by the State; then may we hope that all which is
injurious to the pretensions of this and every other
" order" will gradually give way to the just claims
and rights, and interests of an honest, laborious, and
high-minded, enlightened, and determined popular
tion.—(Much cheering.)
J. C. DYER, Esq. proposed the second resolution.
Mr. FREDERICK LILLY proposed the third reso-
lution, and spoke at some length in favour of free
importation, at a moderate duty.
Mr. THOMAS HOPKINS contended, that it was
impossible to secure to the farmer a higher rate of
profit than capital afforded in other employments;
and he thought that they who contended that it
could, knew that it was impassible, and that they
brought it forward merely to keep the real cause of
agricultural distress out of view. That cause was
the necessity of fulfilling contracts made when com-
modities were of a higher nominal value. Mr. Hop-
kins then went on to show, that it was impossible
for the landlords and farmers, or for any other class,
to fulfil their engagements, unless prices were high ;
and that a reduction in the price of corn would only
aggravate the pressure of distress.
This doctrine was not very favourably received
by the meeting, and called up
Mr. JOHN LEES, who, in a speech of some length,
combated Mr. Hopkins's opinions.
Mr. JOHN E. TAYLOR would not stop to combat
Mr. Hopkins's very peculiar views, though he would
have no objection to discuss them with that gentle-
man over a bottle of wine. But there was a popu-
lar view of the restrictive system, which he would
briefly state. If by corn laws we could obtain only
one quarter of wheat for six pieces of calicoes, and
if some other country was willing to give us the
same quantity for four pieces, he could not see why
we should lose by accepting it. We should obtain
the same quantity of wheat, and have two pieces of
cloth to exchange for something else. But the
landowners did not permit elie imperreeetimx of mac
necessary in exchange for another. They imported
their own food, their own drink, their own furniture,
and their own clothing; and to be enabled to do
this, they required of the people to purchase every
part of their produce at a high rate.
Mr. RICHARD POTTER rose to oppose the 4th
resolution. The preceding speaker (Mr. Hopkins)
had endeavoured to prove that high prices were
essentially necessary. He (Mr. Potter) could not
reply to his arguments, because he did not understand
them ; but he would say, with a venerable friend in
the body of the room, if the annual expences are so
high, " reduce them." In order that you may judge
as to whether what has been said of the proceedings
in Parliament is justifiable or not, and whether there
has been any just ground of complaint, it is necessary
to lay before you a few extracts from those proceed-
ings, for which purpose I have written them out from
' a paper remarkable for its accuracy in giving debates;
the papers are in my pocket, and any one desirous of
seeing them is at perfect liberty so to do. In June
1822, five years ago, a Peer of Parliament, a Minis-
ter of State, said, "he knew, and he declared it
plainly, that the only immediate remedy for agricul-
tural distress would be found in a large increase of
the public expenditure." We were then expending
about 60,000,000/. a year. At this time over-pro-
duction and abundance were, by the same Lord and
others, assigned as the cause of the distress. In this
idea the late King of France joined, and stated
the same in an address to the Chambers, thus im-
piously making the bounties and blessings of Provi-
dence an evil.—(Hear, hear.)--In February 27,
1827, Lord Teynham, on presenting some peti-
tion from Kent, (exclusively an agricultural eounty,)
" observed, that they were sent in because Mi-
nisters said they wished to collect the sense of the
country; and it was now evident that the sense of
the country was decidedly opposed to any alteration."
" The French revolution (continued this sapient)
commenced by the introduction of a free trade in
corn,: by which it was hoped to overturn the altar,
and to annihilate the throne, and he called upon their
Lordships to resist a doctrine which had been hatch-
ed in that school." When his Lordship speaks of
the sense of the country, &c., he must have forgot
there is such a county as Lancaster, containing towns
like Manchester, Liverpool, Bolton, Burry, &c. &c.,
and the West Riding of Yorkshire, containing Leeds,
Sheffield, Huddersfield, &c. &c., Birmine:Lzsm end
such kinds of towns, aye, even London itself. As
other members of that Right Hon. House, have got
the idea into their heads about cheap corn produc-
ing discontent, treason, and sedition, it may be as
well to bear what they say. On the 22d March,
Lord Redesdale, on presenting a petition respecting
the corn question, said " That it was only wonder-
ful that corn should be sold at'its present reduced
price in this country, which was only because the
farmer was satisfied with a less profit than the ma-
nufacturer. The whole system of commerce was
now changed, unlike the merchants of former days,
who,habited in their velvet caps and square-toed shoes,
dwelt with their clerks at the counting-house in the
city, our modern merchants resided in Portland-
place and Portman-square; and such were the mul-
tiplicity of their engagenients, that it was with
difficulty they could get to their counting-houses
in time to sign their letters, of which they could
know nothing, as they were prepared by their con-
fidential clerks. It was this extreme way of carry-
ing on business, that required tin extreme profit be-
yond that which in former times sufficed." (Laughter.)
May 15, the same Peer (Lord Redesdale) proposed
a series of resolutions; in introducing them he spoke
for near three hours, and of course must or ought to
have said a good deal. Amongst other observationsl
ic Much of the increase of the price of grain was
caused by the increase of great cities, and the luxu-
rious habits in which the present generation indulged.
It was very unjust that their Lordships should be
called upon to injure the agriculturists, because the
manufacturers, by the introduction of machinery, had
been enabled to dispense with many of their work-
men, or at least to reduce their wages, and thus put
it out of the power of those poor people to purchase

•
,

for the produce of their labour the tame quantity of
corn as formerly." Now it has generally been con-
sidered, .that the increase of great cities, as his Lord-
ship terms them, is a national benefit, for instance,
Manchester and Liverpool. If Lord Redesdale knew
this, how he would lament the great increase which
has since taken place of coaches and horses on that
road, and the luxurious habits of the inhabitants of the
two towns. On the 24th of May the House of Lords
went into a committee on the foreign corn bill; "the
Earl of Resslyn opposed the bill, not less from its direct
tendency to injure the agriculture of the country,than
from its indirect tendency:to injure the manufacturers."
In the same debate Lord Redesdale opposed the bill,
1" as one made on a vicious principle--that of equa-
lity of prices ; and as one based on a false sys-
tem—that of free trade." If the Earl of Rosslyn's
statement is correct, how dull must the commercial
interest be not to perceive it ?:Now, when the prin-
ciple of free trade was applied to manufactured
goods, such as silks, &c., it was thought a good one;
but the moment corn is mentioned, an alarm is taken,
and it is condemned. I agree with these Peers that
Ministers have gone too far, unless they will go
further, by making the principle more general. We
now come again to the revolutionary idea. On the
7th of June, " Lord Redesdale contended, that the
effect of the bill would be, year after year, to de-
grade agriculture, until it was finally ruined. After
denying that the price of provisions had the slightest
influence upon the manufacturers, he complained of
a voice which had gone forth in another place, al-
though yet unnoticed by any body, that the landed
interest must be put:down. This wasu frightful threat,
and it could only be carried into execution by a dread-
ful conspiracy. Such an attempt would be revolution-
ary, and the language was that of the London Corres-
ponding Society." His Lordship was very properly
called to order, but soon resumed in the same strain,
and continued by expressing his hope, " that the Noble
Lord (Holland) would not call him to order merely
because he stated his disapprobation of the language
of the London Corresponding Society. Liberty,
equality, and no corn laws,', was its motto; and such
were the terms repeated and re-echoed by the enemies
of the landed interest. The whole plan, indeed, was
ridiculous and wrong. It was impossible to conquer
nature ; and if it were attempted so to do, " the
winds and the rain would laugh them to scorn, and
the frosts and the snows would hold them in deri-
sion." I assure you this is a correct copy of his
speech, and those who understand it have a quick
conception. Ido not say he uttered these words;
but this newspaper so reports them, and of its correct-
ness I have no doubt. On the subject of prohibi-
tions, some of their Lordships speak out for in-
stance, in a debate on the 12th of June, Lord
Colchester " expressed satisfaction at the amend-
ment (the Duke of Wellington's) which had been
adopted by the House, and which, in consequence of
the apprehensions entertained of great importations of
bonded corn, expressly prohibited the admission of
bonded corn under a certain price. In that instance the
House had acted fairly and plainly. They gave the agri-
culturists the only protection they could have, that of a
prohibition. The present Bill allowed the importa-
tion of more or less corn, on the supposition that the
manufacturers could not obtain more favourable terms
in this country for their produce. This was barter-
ing away the corn grower for the mere advantage of
the manufacturer." Lord Redesdale must again be
brought before you, but you will be relieved by being
informed it is the last time, at least to-day. On the
same debate he says, "he supported the amend-
ment, not because it was a sufficient protection for
the landed interest, but because it approached nearer
the prohibition they were entitled to." I have no
doubt, gentlemen, some of you are now mentally
uttering what was loudly exclaimed in the House
when the Duke of Wellington's amendment was first
carried, "Bravo, my Lords." Lords Redesdale and
Colchester say that the landowners are entitled to a
prohibition. On this a simple question arises—
Why are they so entitled ? Can any one answer
me ? June 22.—The proceedings on this day in
the Lords are somewhat curious; most of the gen-
tlemen now present, no doubt, are aware a bill
Wwn before them Corr Vierrabghtillg -.mode or

taking the average price of corn; they rejected a
clause to include " England and Wales," then
one to include " Great Britain and Ireland,"
actually leaving the Bill a nullity. Any one
looking over the proceedings of Parliament might
easily furnish a number of similar sentiments, but
you have heard enough to convince you of the justice
of Lord Milton's remark the other day in the House
of Commons, who " alluded pointedly to the un-
fortunate event " that had occurred in another
place, " where extreme ignorance of commercial
principles and little sympathy with thelpeople pre-
vailed." Sir J. Newport says, on the same day (18th
June), and I think you will agree with him, " that
the amendment to the Corn Bill (which caused its
loss) originated in, and was supported by, factious
motives, and tended to exasperate the people."
I put it to you, whether the late proceedings
and speeches in Parliament have been for the
public good. If you think, after what has been
stated, they have not, then I contend that what
has been written and spoken of them has not ex-
ceeded the bounds of free inquiry, fair discussion,
and manly remonstrance. Lord Grey,—and I re-
gret, and you must all regret, that such language
should have been used by such a man,—Lord Grey
has hinted, that a repetition of language calculated
to bring the order, as he terms it, to which he be-
longs into disrepute, might subject the parties to
banishment, but such a threat will be treated by the
country with the contempt it deserves, and have
no effect upon you. If, however, his Lordship, and
the order by which he says he will stand or fall,
should proceed to extremities, those of us who are
fixed upon, will at least have the consolation of
knowing they will travel in good company,—to wit,
Lord Milton, Sir J. Newport, and even the Right
Hon. George Canning himself. And, said Mr.
Potter, emphatically, he had no doubt, there were
Englishmen—aye, and in that room too—who were
prepared to make any sacrifice for their country's
good.—(lmmense applause.)

Mr. WANKLYN (who was one of the constables
last year) although desirous that the corn laws
should be modified, disapproved very much of the
language that had been used when speaking of the
Lords. The country was at this moment the envy
and admiration of the world.—(Loud laughter.)—
The Pitt Clubs had been calumniated by Mr. Wond.

man in the crowd—Speak to Mr. W0c,,..4in
private about that, over a bottle of wine.—(Loud
laughter.)

Mr. WANKLYN—The Pitt Clubs did not support
one part of the Constitution against another. They
united together to support the whole Constitution.
He exhorted the meeting to reject with horror lan-
guage which could only tend to uproot the whole
Constitution.—(Loud hisses and peals of laughter.)
—Mr, Shuttleworth had said—

Mr. WOOD—Mr. Shut tlevvorth has left the meeting.

Mr. WANKLYN—Then I hope you or Mr. Potter
will tell him what I say.—(A laugh.)—Mr. Shuttle-
worth had basely said=
Mr. PRENTICE—BaseIy I Basely ! No, Mr. Chair-
man, I cannot allow such language to pass unnoticed,
particularly when applied to one who is absent.
Mr. WANKLYN-4 did not mean to aptly the term
to any thing in Mr. Shuttleworth's conduct,
meant nothing personal,
Mr. BROOKS then stood forward, and said he had
been at meetings of the working classes six times
more numerous than this, and was surprised that
greater decorum existed amongst the poor workmen
than here.

Mr. DAVID HOLT moved the sth Resolution, and
Mr. 3. E. Taylor, the 6th.
Mr. R. H. GREGG, in moving the 7th resolution,
made an excellent and manly speech, hut to which
our Reporter could not do justice, as he was com-
pelled to send off his dispatches. Mr. Gregg sat
down amidst immense applause.

Mr. SMITH, of Strangewarthall, subsequently
Addressed the meetini,,and deserbed the miseries of

. „

I,

the poor, occasioned by the high price of food, in most
pathetic terms.
The address to the King having been read, and
ordered to be signed by the borougbreeve and con-
stables, the meeting broke up. The proceedings
occupied four hours.