The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-12 00:00:00

AfARYLEBONE VESTRY.

Sir B. HALL asked several questions relating to the
Marylebone Vestry Bill, but from the impatience of the
House, the greater part of what fell from the Right Hon.
Gentleman was inaudible. We understood him to ask
whether it was the intention of the proinoters of the Bill
to carry it on so as to repeal a Public Act by a Private
Bill, and whether the Poor-law Commissioners had re-
ported a certain clause which had been submitted to them.
Colonel THOMAS WOOD said he would rather
answer the questions on Monday.

FIN AN C lAL ST ATE MEN:T.

The Order of the Day for the House resolving itself
into a Committee of Ways and Means having been
read, and the Speaker having left the Chair,

Sir ROBERT PEEL rose, and addressed the House
as follows :—Sir,—As the House has consented to vote
those estimates which her Majesty's Government have
considered it their duty to propose for the chief military
establishments of the country, I rise for the purpose
of redeeming the pledge which I gave, that I would avail
myself of the earliest possible opportunity, consist-
ently with Parliamentary usage and public interest,
to develop the views of her Majesty's Government in
reference to the financial and commercial policy of the
country. Sir, no man can feel more deeply than Ido
the magnitude and extent of the duties which thus
have devolved upon me. No man can feel more
conscientiously than I do how disproportionate are
my intellectual powers to the proper performance
of that duty. But I should be unworthy of
the trust committed to my charge, I should
be unfit to stand in this place, where so
many Ministers of the British Crown have stood,
if I felt in the least disheartened or discouraged—if I
abated anything of that composure and contentedness of
mind ; nay, if I did not feel the buoyancy and alacrity
of spirit which ought to sustain every public man
who endeavours fully and faithfully to discharge a great
public duty--(ltears, hear)—who feels conscious that
he is actuated by no motives that are not honourable
and, worthy-,--(Loud cheers)—and who feels a deep
and intimate. conviction that he is acting accord-
ing to the best conclusions that, in his weak
and fallible judgment he could come to—(Hear)—
and that that which he was about to do was conducive
to the welfare—l might say, essential to the welfare,
of thousands.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, lam free from
some of the embarrassments with which financial state-
ments are usually attended. It is sometimes necessary
to maintain great reserve—to speak with great caution.
A due regard to public interest may impose upon you
the duty of making partial disclosures on important
matters, but I am hampered by no such difficulty. I
am going to lay before you the truth, the unexaggerated
truth ; and I do this because I think that in great finan-
cial difficulties the first step towards improvement is to
look them boldly in the face.—(Hear, hear.) What is
true of individuals, is true of nations.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) There is no hope of improvement or
recovery if once you consent to conceal from yourself
the real difficulties with which you have to
contend. Sir, I have another motive for making a ful
and unreserved disclosure. It is my intention, on . the

part of her Majesty's Government, to undertake the re-
sponsibility of proposing that which we think essential to
the country. With you will rest the responsibility of
adopting or rejecting the measures which we propose ;
and it is therefore fitting, in order that you may be able
to discharge that duty, that you should have before you
every information—every element which is necessary
to enable you to form a full and impartial judgment. Sir, I
have two requests to make to the House. The
first is, that you will bear in mind that from the
period when I bring forward this statement I am
left under comparative disadvantages.—(llear.) I
speak particularly with reference to the estimates
which I have formed from the probable revenue of the
country. I have deemed it my duty not to delay the
voting of the supplies until the financial accounts
of the year shall be closed. If, after my estimates
have been formed, with every desire that they should
be just and accurate, I should prove to be
mistaken, I trust the House will bear in mind that I.
labour under disadvantages with which others have not
had to contend. The other request I have to chin
to the House is, that you will have the goodness to
postpone your judgment until I have laid before you my
whole plan, and that you will not judge hastily by a
partial development of my views, nor denounce me as pro-
posing something unreasonable and insulting to the people.
I earnestly hope that every man giving to the conside-
ration of this question a full sense of* the real, but not
insuperable difficulties, will postpone his judgment until
he has before him the whole of the plans of the Govern-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) I shall now proceed, Sir, in the
ordinary manner, to state the facts with respect
to the finances and expenditure of the country, and
I will, in the first instance, refer to the esti-
mate which was formed by the the Right Hon. Gentleman,
the late Cbancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the
probable revenue and expenditure of the country, on the
sth of April, 1841. Events have proved that that Right
Hon. Gentleman's estimate was as nearly correct as it
is possible for an estimate to be.—(Hear, hear.) I think
the Right Hon. Gentleman calculated that the income of
the country might be expected to realise the sum of
48,310,0001. He Calculated the expenditure for the same
period, that is, for the year ending the sth of April,
1842, at 50,731,0001. There were some slight
variations in the votes which, of course, the Right
Hon. Gentleman could not foresee at the time when he
was speaking. There was, I think, a vote for the Or-
dinance estimates, which was made in the first session
of the present Parliament, and another for the Caledo-
nian Canal, which were omitted in his calculation, but
the amount was so small, that it was hardly
worth mentioning. The amount of deficit was 2,467,000/.
Of course it is impossible to say now whether the Right
Hon. Gentleman's estimate were perfectly acccurate or
not, because the proportion for one quarter is not given.
The actual produce, however, of the Revenue, from the
sth April, 1841, to the 26th of February, 1842
• was 43,730,000/. If you estimate that the receipt

on the sth - of April to 48,053,0001., being- less
than the amount estimated by the Right Honourable
Gentleman by 160,000/. On the other hand, the
expenditure will not probably be so great as he es-
timated. The actual amount of deficit may pro-
bably be taken at 2,324,0001. As I said before,
however, I speak to the estimates independent of the
last quarter. lam giving the best estimate which I can
form. -I now proceed to estimate the income for
the year ending the sth of April, 1843.
The Customs for the ensuing year I estimate at
22,500,000/. The Excise, on account of the unfavour-
able season for malting, I calculate at 13,450,000/. Of
course as a favourable harvest has a tendency to
increase the excise revenue, it also has a . ten-
dency to diminish the amount of revenue from the im-
portation of foreign corn. On the other hand,
if there be an unfavourable harvest, and your Ex-
cise revenue is in consequence diminished in amount
then there • iii some compensation to be expected
from the revenue which is derived from the im-
port of foreign corn. I shall then take the Customs
for the year, ending the sth of April, 1843, at
22,500,0001. ; Excise, 13,450,000/. ; Stamps, 9,100,000/.;
Post-office, 500,0001. ; Crown Lands, 150,0001. ;
Miscellaneous items-of revenue 250,0001.-, making a total
estimated revenue for the year ending the sth
April, 1843, of 48,350,000/.—(Hear.) The ex-
penditure, now that the House has sanctioned the
votes for the Army and Navy, can be estimated with
greater accuracy.' The interest on the debt will be
24,627,0001.; terminable annuities, 4,076,000/. ; interest
on Exchequer bills 722,0001., making the total
charge on account of the debt 29,427,000/.
The charges on the Consolidated Fund, including the
Civil List, I take at 390,000/. The items under this head
are so numerous that, I suppose, the House will
net require me to go through them all. I
shall then take the whole of them at 2,368,000/.,
making a total charge .on the Consolidated
Fund of 31,795,000/. The votes for the Army

if ultimately sanctioned, will not amount to a
higher sum than 6,617,0001.; Navy, 6,639,0001.; Ord-
nance, 2,084,0001. ; Miscellanies chargeable upon
the annual grant of Parliament, 2,800,000/. ;

the vote for Canada, including clothing for volunteers,
and other particulars, 108,0001 It was formerly under-
stood that a corresponding amount would be expended on
fortifications in that country. The expenditure for
China I take at 675,0001. for the present year. The
vote for China consists of two parts-175,0001
to defray the arrears of expenditure for
the present year ; the other vote is 500,000/.,
to meet the charges which are necessary to
provide for the actual expense during the year end-
ing the sth of April, 1843. The total amount of the esti-
mated expenses of the country will thus be 50,819,000/.
The general expenditure of the country, for the year
ending the sth April, 1843, I take to be 50,819,0001.; the
income at 48,350,0001. ; the probable deficiency
2,569,0001. ; but this deficiency is on the vote
for the year, and the expenditure which it will be neces-
sary to provide within the year. To that deficiency
ought to be added the actual charge which
may be incurred on,gccount of Chinese hostilities.
I do not contemplate ffhy necessity to provide within
the year for more than 500,000/ ; but he would
form a very inadequate estimate, indeed, of
the probable cost of the expedition, who
should think that the whole expense would be limited to
500,000/—(Hear.) Sir, the expense of our expedition to
China stands thus :—The arrears of sums due to the East
India Company, to April3o, 1841, amounted to 708,0001
A grant was _ made in the session of 1840 of

172,000/. ; this left the arrears of former
years to be provided for in 1841, 535,0001.,
the estimate of the expenditure to the Ist April,
1842, was 658,000/., making the total charge
to April, 1842, nearly 1,200,0001., or exactly 1,119,000/.
There is to be applied to that charge a grant of Parlia-
ment in the Session of 1841, amounting to 400,0001.,
and there was also applied in India money
out of the ransom of Canton amounting to
618,000/. You therefore have to settle for the cost
of 1841 thus :—To be entered against the charge of
1,197,000/. a set-off of actual payment of the amount of
1,083,0001., and the arrears now amount to 175,000/.
Looking to the extent of the preparations which have
been made for the continuance, I trust for the com-
pletion, of the Chinese war, I think you can-
not safely estimate the cost for the year ending
sth April, 1843, at much less than 1,400,0001., or
1,500,000/. We make provision in the present year
for 500,000/., but let us take cost at 1,300,000/. which is
the lowest at which it can be fairly taken, there will be a
deficiency some time or other to be provided for of not
less than 800,0001. Therefore to my estimated defici-
ency on the vote of 2,570,000/., you must not lose sight
of a probable demandof 700,000/. or 800,000/. more.
There may be votes in addition to these—there may
be votes on account of Australia and other Colonies
which are not included in the sums I have already
stated. I. do not take into account a charge
which it will not probably be necessary for us to incur ;
it is not exactly a charge, but there are engagements
into which it is necessary we should 4 enter in aid
of the credit., of Canada for a loan to that
colony of 1,500,000/. But that, I apprehend,
will be independent of any actual charge, and the grant
will merely be passed on the part of this country in aid
of the credit of Canada ; at the same time it is fitting
that the whole state of our financial affairs should be
fairly brought before the House. Now, in addition
to all this, those facts of which we have recently become
cognizant which had taken place in Affghanistan,:may,
as far as I can form a judgment, impose upon her
Majesty's Government the necessity of calling upon Par-
liament to sanction perhaps a considerable increase
to the Army Estimates for the present year. I do not
think it advisable that we should come to any hasty
decision upon that subject in the absence of offi-
cial information ; but I have already received deci-
sive proofs that this House, the representative
of a great people, will be ready to make every effort
which can be shown to be necessary for the purpose
of repairing occasional or partial disasters, and vindi-
!abating the authority of her Majesty in India.—(Loud
cheers.) Bear in mind, that in addition to any
estimate of an actual deficiency of 2,570,000/., in addi-
tion to my estimate of the deficiency which must some
time or another be provided for on account of the possible
and probable expenses in China, you must add that proba-
ble demand which I may have to make for an increase of
the military or naval establishments of this country, in
consequence of the state of her affairs in India. Sir,
for the purpose, as I said before, of bringing before
the House a full and complete view of our financial
position, I feel it my duty to refer to a subject which has
of late occupied little of the attention of the House,
bit which, I think, might with great advan-
tage, have attracted more of their consi-
deration. I refer to the state of our Indian
finance, a subject which, in former days, used to
be thought not unworthy of the consideration of Parlia-
ment. Sir, lam quite aware that there may appear to be
no direct and immediate connection between the finances
of India and the finances of this country ; but that would
be a superficial view of the state of our relations with
India. Depend upon it, if the credit of India should be-
come disordered—if some great desertion should be-
come necessary on the part of the Indian Government
—then the credit of England must be brought to
suffer, and the collateral and indirect effect of disorder

in Indian finances would be instantly felt in this
country., I am sorry to say that the Indian
finances offer no favourable prospects at the
present moment for the state of the financies
of this country. I believe that the Indian accounts are
made up one month later than the accounts in this country.
With regard to the account, I have every reason to
look on it as a correct account of the position of the re-
♦enue of India. In this account there is an estimate of the
gross revenns of India. It gives an account
of the gross revenue in India, the charges
paid, and there are two columns containing
an account of the surplus. In the year ending May,
1536, there was a surplus amounting to 1,550,000/. In
the year ending sth April 1837 there was a surplus of
1,100,000/. On the sth of April, 1858, it was
reduced to 650,0001. On the sth of April, 1839, there
was a surplus of 280,0001., and on the sth April, 1840,
so far from there being any surplus, there was a defici-
ency of 2,414,000/. And if I calculate at the same rate,
I fear that the deficiency for May, 1841, will not be
much less than 2,320,000/. The House will bear in mini
that, in fulfilment of the duty which I have undertaken, I
was obliged to present to it a deficiency in this country for
the current year, to the amount of 2,350,000/., with a
certain prospect of a deficiency for the next year, to the
amount of 2,570,0001. So that independantly
of the decrease in our Indian empire, there will be a
deficiency of no less than 4,700,0001. Sir, this is the ac-
count of the deficiency which we have to make up. I am
peaking now of this country exclusively. But how
is that deficiency to be supplied ? (Hear, hear.)
We cannot escape the consideration of this question—
(Hear, hear)—end it is our duty, no doubt, before any
proposition shall be made, to consider and exhaust
the modes by which such a deficiency can be
supplied. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") Shall we
persevere in the system on which we have acted for the
last twenty-five years.—(Hear, hear.) Shall we, in time
of peace, continue to resort to loans ? Shall we try
an issue of Exchequer bills ? Shall we resort
1
to the savings' banks ? to any of those
expedients which, call them by what name you will, ate
neither more nor less tMhl a permanent addition to the

knowledge of the truth is the first step to improve-
ment—(Loud cheers)—and because I have that
confidence in the resources of the country,
and in the wisdom and energy of Parliament,
that I will not use the miserable subterfuge of withhold-
ing any knowledge of the financial condition of the
country. With these proofs before you, that this is not
an occasionalsand casual deficiency, will you have re-
oourse to thentherable system ofcontinued loans ? I cannot
suppose it, and it would be impossible for me to be
party to a proceeding which may be justifiable before
we can ascertain the proportion between our revenue
and our expenditure; but, with these facts before
my eyes, I should think I was disgracing the
situation which I hold if I were to have recourse
to that system.—(Hear, hear.) I can hardly think that
Parliament will adopt a different conclusion ; I &an
hardly think that you, who inherit the debt contracted
by your predecessors, when they reduced the charge of the
Post-office, and inserted in the preamble of the Bill a
pledge that the loss should be made good by Parlia-
ment, will consent to it That pledge is still unre-
deemed; no efforts have been made to redeem it. I ad-
vised you not to give that pledge. But if you regard that
pledge of your predecessors, it is now for you to choose.
If you are not bound by the pledge of your predecessors,
,you are bound by the engagements you have entered
into and contracted for.—(Hear.) Almost the first vote
you gave after the election of the present Parliament,
was the adoption of a resolution that it was impossible to
permit that state of things to continue which is at pre-
sent in existence, viz., a deficit of the revenue. Parliament
assures the Crown thaei it will without delay apply it-
self to the consideration of finance, and adopt some
measure for the purpose of equalizing the revenue,
with the expenditure of the country. I apprehend that
I may throw out of view at once the thought of supply-
ing the deficiency by the miserable device of fresh loans.
Shall I think of having resort for the purpose of raising
the revenue to the expenditure—shall I think, for the
purpose of doing that—of levying taxation upon the ar-
ticles of consumption; upon those articles which may
appear to some superfluous, but which are known to
constitute almost the necessaries of life? I cannot
consent to any prOposal of increasing taxation
on the great articles of consumption by the
labouring classes. (Loud cheering from the Op-
position.) I say, moreover, that I give you conclusive
proof that you have arrived at the limits of taxation.—
(Great cheering.) I am speaking of articles of luxury,
which might be supposed not to constitute the consump-
tion of the labouring classes, I advise you not to
attempt taxation on those articles, because depend
upon it, if you do, you will be defeated. The Right
Honourable Gentleman opposite in attempting to
redeem the pledge he had given to Parliament
to repair the deficiency caused by the defalcation
at the Post-office, he proposed in the year 1840 that
a 5 per cent. duty should be laid on the Customs and
Excise, and 10 per cent, additional on the assessed taxes.
I am much obliged to the House for the patience with
which they hear me.—(Hear, hear.) The net produce
of the Customs and Excise for the year ending sth
January, 1840, was 37,911,0001. I wish to carry the
judgment of the House with me, because I am now ex-
hausting the different means by which we have hitherto
obtained supplies by increase of taxation. The
estimated increase of the Customs and Excise, in
consequence of the additional 5 per cent., was
1,895,0001. for the year ending January sth,
1841. Now, for the purposes of comparison,
I think it better to take the year ending
January 5, 1840, and the year ending January
5, 1842, than the years 1840 and 1841. Now, according
to the estimate of the Right Honourable Gentle-
man, the year ending January 5, 1842 ought to
have produced 39,840,000, if the addition of the
Five per Cent. duty had answered his calculation;
but instead of 39,840,000/., the actual revenue received
amounted only to 38,118,0001., showing instead of an
actual increase 0f1,895,000/.. an increase only of 260,000/.,
being not an increase of 5 per cent., which it ought
to have been according to the additional duty imposed,
but an increase of only a little more than a half per cent.
realised by the attempt to raise the revenue five per
cent.—(Hear, hear, hear.) No doubt during that
time trade has been depressed, and there may
have been circumstances sufficient to explain why
some of the expectations of the Right Hon. Gentleman
have not been realized, but making every allowance that
can be made, it is impossible not to see that an increase
of 5 per cent. on the Customs and Excise, will not pro-
duce an increase of 5 per cent. in the amount of revenue
On the other hand, the Right Hon. Gentleman's esti-
mates respecting the increase in the Assessed Taxes have
been fully verified. I must admit that the full time
has not elapsed for giving notices for the discontinuance
of the use of certain articles liable to the assessed
taxes, but I think we may disregard that in our calcula-
tions. I do not think it probable that many of those
notices will be given, and making every allowance for
any diminution in consequence of such notices, I think
we• may be justified in saying that the Right Hon.
Gentleman's estimates, as regards the assessed taxes,
have been fully borne out. The amount of assessed
tales for the year ending sth January, 1840, was
2,758,000 L, to which, if we add 10 per cent. on that
amount, 275,0001., we shall have 3;334,000/. as the esti-
mated produce of the Assessed Taxes. Now the
actual produce of the assessed taxes, including
the additional 10 per cent. for the year eliding
the sth of January, 1842, was, instead of 3,342,000/., a
sum amounting to no less than 3,500,000/.; and that
3,500,0001. has been realised on the assessed taxes, where
the Right Honourable Gentleman only calculated on
3,334,0001.—(Hear, and Cheers.) I know I shall
be told that I must make an abatement on account of a
new survey of windows, but when I find that a sum of
430,0001. has been realised beyond the 10 per cent. as
regards the assessed taxes. I think I am justified in stating
that the estimates of the Right Hon. Gentleman have been
fully verified. The increase in Assessed Taxes, amount-
ing to 11 + per cent., instead of 10 per cent. as calculated
by the Right Hon. Gentleman. I compare these two
results of the failure of increased taxation on articles
of consumption, and of the complete verification
of the estimated increase in the assessed taxes—taxes
somewhat analogous in their nature to a tax
upon property (Cheers)— in order that the
House may perceive the different results arising
from these two different modes of taxation,
But, Sir, my immediate object was to adduce a proof
that you had arrived, for purposes of revenue, at
the minimum of taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I think no
man can resist the conclusion which I draw, that
to lay any taxation on Customs and Excise
will end in nothing bet failure and disappointment.
Well, then, I have now discarded the notion of
supplying the deficiency by incurring fresh taxes on
articles of consumption.—(Hear, hear.) I have at-
tempted to carry your conviction with me that I
cannot lay taxation on articles of consumption.—(Hear.)
Shall I resort to another plan Shall I revive old taxes
that have been abolished ? Shall I take the Post-office?
f—(or lltehaer,
dliisecahra,
rge ando
fa
this important
polrtatl:tink tbtilst necessaryiness
that
you should adhere to the contract which you
entered into, and that you should suspend your judgment
for a short time. I must deal with each of these questions
step by step, and what I ask is, that you will not con-
demn any individual proposition, until you can judge of
them as a whole.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I never doubted
the social advantages of the reduction of duty in
the Post-office. Thinking the duty as it existed,
was too high, and that it might clearly admit
of re-consideration and reduction,_ still I think
that in the then state of the taxes the reduction to Id.
on all letters was too low ; and I do believe, if necessary,
that I could show that from the post-office revenue you
don't receive one single farthing.--(Hear). If you add
the charge of the packets to the other charges of the Post-
office, the account which will be presented will show a
deficit.—(Hear, hear.) But when I state that Ido not
undervalue the importance of this reduction in a moral
and social point of view, I will not say—speaking with
that caution with which I am sometimes taunted— (Hear,
and laughter)—l will not say that the Post-office esta-
blishment should be a source of loss to the coun-
try. I will not say that that might not be de-
sirable, but I will say this, that I do not
think that the measure would be complete al-
though I am sensible of the many advan-
tages which would otherwise result from it. I
say again, notwithstanding all the taunts to which
I have been exposed during the last month, in conse-
quence of my proposal, in respect to the Corn-laws, that
this is my opinion ; and this I will say, that no man
can feel a more intimate conviction than I do, that
whatever are the financial difficulties in which we are
placed, you must so adapt this measure that you will
not bear upon the comforts of the labouring classes of
thd country.—(Cheers.) I think that it would not be
expedient with reference to the interest of property that
that should be done. Well, then, Sir, I must, with my
sense of public duty, abandon the idea of realizing
any revenue from the Post-office.—(Hear, hear.) What
shall Ido then ? Shall I revive the duties upon other
commodities ? Shall I revive the taxes upon salt ? for
instance. Shall I revive the duty upon leather ?
or shall I revive the duty upon wool ? Ido not
know that with respect to some of tho,s,,,',
articles, with respect to the reduction
erre
leather, that the benefit of that reduction was conr
entirely upon the consumer. I believe that you haveum,
omitted to adopt another reduction which
re7uction of
been a benefit to the consumer, namely,
duty upon foreign hides. But, Sir, the
but the ques-
whether we should reduce existing dutzl,eh
i have been
is whether we should revive is
"we,faich, as they at pre-
sent(vcstshtion is not now
abolished, and upon the faithts
stand, various colic , hear.) If I take the
t I merits have been that the consumption of
aarnd commercial agrees
by the. use of it in a vAriety of
► iunnerct asofedsalt being used in a variety ot
case of salt, for insttnatidnce.;trla(cfiin of
salt has aosubeicticico

measure is wise and necessary ; and those are
the main proofs of the conclusions to which
considerationl hare comewhich
subject jteo its
c variousafter the
details,
I
best
am sure that every Gentleman must feel the impossibi-
lity of my affording any estimae for drawing any safe
upoPcoul thed g
ior unerring conclusions upon the matter. But I feel it
my duty to give to the House the best estimates I can form,
and to state the grounds upon which I have come to the
conclusion at which I have arrived. In 1814, which is
the last year in which we have had income assessed
in Great Britain, the amount of property so as-
sessed was about 173,000,0001. The property taxed was
comprised in five different divisions or schedules. The
Schedule, which was entitled Schedule A, contained the
into three classes--the rent of land, the
Tax, which was derived- from land, and was
Pdirvoipedearty
rent of houses, and the rent derived from tithes,
mines, qnarries, canals, and other sources.
Assessed propertyjn respect to the rent of land was
39,400,0004 ; the rent of houses 19,260,000/ ; profits,
tithes, mines, and coals, 4,470,0001., making a total of
the property derived from land 60,135,0001. Schedule
B contained the rent of land in respect of what
was held by the occupying tenantry. 'The amount
of income in respect of this assessment was
38,596,000/. Schedule C contained an income de-
rived from the public funds and similar sources
amounting to 30,000,000/. Schedule D contained
an income derived from the profits of trade &c., amount-
ng to 38,310,0001.. Schedule E contained an income
from public offices amounting to 11,744,0001. Coming
to schedule A, the assessment on the rent of :land was
39,400,0001., but I cannot doubt that the assessment at
war prices must have had considerable effect in reducing
the price of land.—(Hear.) If to that be added the effect
produced by the restoration of the currency in respect to
which opinions greatly varied, I have no doubt that it
considerably increased the rental of land.—(Hear, hear.)"
But when I look to the progress of agricultural improve-
ments—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches)--
the effects of the application of science to land, I
cannot but entertain the opinion that the present
rental of the land must be equal to what it was in 1814 ;
and, upon the whole, it being difficult to form any esti-
mate, resting on a perfectly satisfactory basis, I will as-
sume 'the rental of land at present to be equal
in amount to the rental in 1814, viz., 39,400,000/.
I do not know that I am acting in ocOneur•
rence with the feelings of the House—(Cries of
" Hear, hear ")—in entering into these details, and
giving calculations with respect to the proposal I intend
to make.—(Hear„ hear.) The rent on houses in
1814 was 16,260,000/. The' estimate of property in
respect to to the rent of houses in 1814, was, as
is stated in schedule B, 16,260,000/. In order to
calculate the revenue which _I _can derive from
thme per cent. on the rent of houses, I find
hat, in 1814, the number of houses was 2,231,000.
In the present year I found the number of houses had
increased from the number in 1814, 3,460,000, and if
the value of the increase of rental, has been in proportion
to the increase in number, I shall be justified in esti-
mating the amount of the income from the rental of houses
at 25,000,0001. I can take the proportion of the rental
that was valued to the house-tax in 1814, and compare
it with the valuation made for the purpose of the pro-
perty-tax in the same year, and I find that a calculation
made on that proportion will give nearly the same
result. A calculation founded on the relation which the
charge to the house-tax will bear to the property--
tax, will. give the present amount of rental
25,000,0001 Taking, therefore, one estimation or the
other, I think I shall not far err in making the calcula-
tion of the present amount 2f rental from houses at
25,000,000/. It is, I think, the best estimate I can take.
Now, with respect to the increase from tithes, there can be
no doubt whatever, as far as I can form a calculation
from the information of the Tithe Commissioners, that the
annual amount of tithes is 3,500,0001. I find that the
dividends from Railroad Companies, from canals,
and other sources of income of a similar kind,
amount to about 3,429,000/. I do not think
that the annual profit arising from mines and
iron works, &c., amounts to more than a total of
1,500,000/. I will then recapitulate the amount esti-
mated in schedule A. First, The rental of laud,
39,400,0001. ; the rental of houses, 25,000,0001. ; tithes,
shares in railways, mines, and other sources, 8,400,0001.;
and thi - will give a grand total of income, in respect of
which the tax is to be assessed, subject to the reduction I
have referred to, of 72,800,000/. But then I propose to
exempt all incomes under 150/. a-year---(hear, hear)—
that will make an immense difference. And I must
deduct on that account not less than one-fourth of the
total of the assessment, deducting that one-fourth from
the produce of the tax which I have calculated
on, from the gross income of Schedule A:
I find it will amount to I,6oo,oool.—(Hear, hear.)
I deduct one-fourth in respect of inc sof 150/, and
I estimate the total at 1,600,000/. Schedule Bis the
rent of land in respect of occupation. The sum assessed
in that respect in 1814 was 38,396,000/ In that year
the value of the tenants' occupation was assumed
to be three-fourths of rent, and ' I take it
now at one-half. I assume, then, that the
rent of land that I can touch by my assessment
to be reduced to 26,000,0001., on account of the reduc-
tion of from three-fourths to one-half. Then, I may
apply, as cases of entire exemption, the income of all
tenants who derive profits of less than 1501. a year, and on
that account I must make a further reduction, so that upon
the whole I cannot calculate upon a greater amount of duty
than 150,000/. from the occupying tenants. Now see
what the effect of this will be, that as I calculate the
profit at only half the rent, I am sure that every teat*
who pays rent of less than three hundred pounds. a
year is exempt- altogether, sinless he has other
resources. I now come to Schedule Ct. Schedule
C comprises the income from public funds and securities.
The capital assessed in 1814 was 30,000,0001. The pay-
ment of interest and dividends in 1841 amounted to
29,400,000/. Now I think thCre cannot be a question
that I ought to deduct the whole amount of pay-
ments on account of Savings' Banks. 'I must,
therefore, on that account, make a deduction of
one million, which gives me a net income, assessible
to the property-tax in the public funds, of 28,400,000/.
To that I must add for the dividends on Bank Stock, and
Indian Stock, and Foreign Stock, the dividends of which
are payable'in this country, the amount of 1,500,0001.,
making the total amount for the year 30,000,000/,
.the amount in 1814. But again I must apply a deduction
on account of all incomes being less than 1501. I deduct
one-fourth on that account, and the amount which I esti-
mate as the produce of my tax upon the public
funds will be 646,0001. Schedule D, in the
year 1814, contained the incomes arising from
the profits- derived from trades and professions ;
and here I must confess that it will be a most
difficult thing for me to form any estimate under this
head, which shall at all approach to the truth;
but I find that the total amount of export and imports
in the year 1814, as compared with the total amount of
imports and exports in the year 1842, is as 86 is to 138,
and I find that the declared value of the exports in 1814
as compared to 1841, bears against the ratio of 45 to 51;
but on the other hand, of British shipping in the year
1814, there were employed only '1,990,000 tons, while in
1841 the amount was 3,292,000. I must form some es-
timate, although I admit that I have not sufficient
data, but I do not think that the income de-
rived from the profit of trades and professions
during the present year will be found to fall short of
6,000,000/. Here again I must' deduct one-fourth on
account of the exemption of all incomes under
150/. a year, which will give me a net amount of
1,225,0001. as the produce to be derived from the
proposed tax on the profits of trades and professions.
Schedule B includes the incomes of all public officers.
In 1814 the income of all the public officers amounted
to 11,744,0001. On account of the great reduc-
tions in our establishments which have since
taken place, a great -reduction must be made from
the income of public officers. I do not think
I can safely estimate the amount of income derived from
public officers at more than 7,000,000/. in the present
year, instead of 11,744,0004, which it was in 1814.
Now, if from that 7,000,000/, I deduct one-fourth
on account of the exemption for incomes under 15th
a-year,,l shall have available for. the purposes of taxa
tion a sum of 5,250,000/. This will give a tax of 155,000/
a year. I -vill now recapitulate the total amounts of m,
estimates, to explain to the House what I expect to de-
rive from my proposed duty on incomes. From schedule
A I estimate the amount of my receipts at 1,600,000/.
From schedule B 'estimate the amount of my receipts at
150,000/. From schedule Cat 646,0002 From schedule
D at- 1,220,000/. And from schedule Eat 155,000/.,
making a total aggregate estimated receipt of
3,771,000/.—(Clieers.) I Hill now state whit are the
views of her Majesty's Government with respect to the
duration of this impost, if it should meet with the sanc-
tion of the llouse.—(Cheers.) I trust that Parliament
will confirm this measure. In order to give the oppor-
tunity of a full experiment, I trust that Parliament
would not be unwilling, in case of necessity, to continue
the duration for a period of five years.—(jlear.)
But there may be, as there have been before,
and of which I do not despair, those revivals of
commercial property--(Hear)—which, coupled with the
measures I am about to propose, may make Parliament
naturally anxious to reconsider this subject at an earlier
period than I have mentioned ; they may wish to have
an opportunity of fixing the duration at an earlier
period than five years. And though I myself trust, in
case the experiment should not succeed, that
Parliament would not hesitate to prolong the duration,
I think it just, in the first instance, to limit it to three
years—(Hear, hear)—that is, to give Parliament the
opportunity of sanctioning it at the expiration of three
years.—(Hear, hear.) The sth of October will be the
first half year. Sir, I come now to consider a matter,
intimately connected with this, of great importance. 'the
position of Ireland in connection with finance. Sir, in
my opinion, if war shall arise, if there should be some
great contest which shorild call this country to come
forth and protect her own, I should not hesitate to ex-
py ress
would
opinion tceihirs
;loroeisliattinot d,
contributeoughtiv when
en Itao m contribute,he r full
proposing
share
and,earet
al:)xnI,
believe,tl 1 na
confined in the first instance to the period of three
jrtieraeres,
psselri ecneotth, el ammuosutnotf
coot'
re feexr ecne ecde
urtlsteateotnasxidedroewsitnho
to the public interest, whether it be desirable
that tax to Ireland. I must bear in mind that it is a tax
to which Ireland has not been hitherto subject ; that it
is a tax in respect to which, for the levy of it, no
macginery whatever exists in Ireland—that one advan-
tage here is, that I could raise it with less trouble than
any other, the machinery being complete. With respect
to Ireland, there being no assessed taxes, that machinery.
is defective • I should have to broach it for the first
time and I should have to apply a totally new machinery
I should have to apply to Ireland these taxes if the
public necessities should require it ; but there is in the
present state of society in Ireland something so peculiar
that
makes the devising of the machinery for
that country a matter of great and serious considera-
tion. At the same time, as no part of the empire
will be more benefited by the measure which I am
about to propose, than Ireland—as Ireland is united

Chemical operations. Salt now enters into a variety of
manufactures, the importance then of giving salt
to the working classes at as cheap a rate
as possible, is quite apparent ; and, therefore,
-my opinion is, that it would be unwise in you to revive
the duty upon salt on account of its extensive use in
manufactures, almost of every description. If you re-
vive the duty upon salt it would interfere materially
with the progress of those manufactures--it would aftbrd
opportunities ofcommitting frauds,and it would materially
check the increase of the revenue in other respects.
I do not think that I need argue much against a revival
of the &ties upon salt, and leather, and wool.—(Hear,
hear.) Well, shall I then resort to a tax upon locomo-
tion ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Shall I increase
the tax upon railways ?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)..
I confess that nothing but hard necessity would in-
duce me to derive a revenue from these sources.
—(Hear, hear.) In the present state of this coun-
try, it is of great importance to facilitate communi-
cation, and the transfer not only of commodities but of
labour.—(Hear, hear.) Seeing that immense social
advantages result from the freedom of communication
afforded ation
afforded by railways, which advantages are not_ 0
less important, because they are not immediately b
servahle—(Hear, hear)—l should with great reluctance
and regret see any proposition brought forward for an
increased taxation upon this mode ofconveyance.—(Hear.)
Shall I then propose a tax upongas ? (t aughter.)
I should be equally unwilling to impose a tax upon this
product of industry, which is as important nearly as the
other ; and I shall therefore place gas in the same cate-
gory with railways, with salt, leather, and wool ;
and I freely own, that seeing the difficulties
which I have to . supply, I should be very
unwilling to raise the necessary amount of revenue from
any of those sources.—(Hear, hear.) Well, Sir, shall I
look for any portion of This revenue to those miserable,
dribbling measures of taxation, which occupied
the attention of provincial Chancellors of
Exchequer ? or shall I resort to those
subjects which afford occupation and amusement to
persons in small communities, who, having found
that pianofortes and umbrellas were untaxed,
fancied that they had made a discovery equal
to that of Archimedes—communicate their Eureka
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and expect a per
centage for their services.—(Hear and laughter.) Sir,
shall I take this opportunity of discouraging -all those
financiers, and endeavour to show them that those
who devote eight or ten hours of study daily to finance,
must know as much of it as they? There is another ex-
pedient which was brought forward by my predecessor,
and to which I think it is my duty to refer. Shall I hope
for an increase of revenue from diminished taxation ?
But let me entreat you to remember the extent of the
deficiency, and the proof which I have offered that it is
not an occasional or casual difficulty for which yoti leave
to provide. Sir, no man has greater confidence
than I have in the ultimate tendency of
the reduction of taxation on great articles
of consumption, but after having given to this subject
the fullest consideration, I am come to the conviction
that it would be mere delusion to hope to supply the de-
ficiency by diminished taxation on articles of consumption.
1 have a firm confidence that there is such buoyancy in
the consumptive powers of this country that we may
hope ultimately to realise, perhaps, an increase of revenue
from diminished taxation, but it requires a long process
before that end can be accomplished, and as I said before,
I have the firmest belief that the adoption of any such
plan as that vv hich was proposed by the late Government,
or the adoption of any other plan for raising the revenue
by diminishing taxatiou will not afford any imme-
diate relief, or any resource upon which you can
count for the purpose of supplying your
deficiency. Sir, I have paid very considerable attention
to the effect which has been produced by the remission of
taxation on articles of great consumption. Ido find, in
many cases, that elasticity which gives you, after a lop: e
of time, an increased revenue, but I find in almost every
case, without exception, that the interval of time which
elapses before the same amount of revenue is received
is very considerable.—(Hear, hear.) Take the case of
wine. In 1825, the revenue derived from wine was
2,153,0001. You reduced the duty from ss. 9d. to 4s.
9d. the gallon. In the next year there was a fall-
ing cif of the revenue from 2,150,0001. to 1,400,0001;
in the Wtfxt year the revenue was 1,600,0001., it
was then 1,700,0001., and the following year
1,500,0001., It has never recovered. Of course,
I know that this may have been affected by other causes.
All I wish to show is, that. the decreased taxation did
not lead to increased revenue. Take the case of tobacco.
Previous to the reduction there was a revenue of
3,3V8,0001. The duty was reduced from 4s. to 3s. In
the following year the revenue fell to 2,600,0001.
In the next year it was 2,800,000/, it was then
2,900,0004, then 2,800,0004, then 2,700,0004 and again
2,900,000/. Take the case of coffee, and lam quite wil-
ling to admit it presents the most favourable case to
prove that diminished taxation will tend to increased re-
venue. You dimished the duty upon coffee from ls. to
6d. in the pound. You had then, in 1824, a revenue of
425,000/.; in the next year it was 326,0001; it was then
339,0001.; and in the second yearafter that the full amount
of revenue was realised, and it has increased ever since.
Coffce, which is the most favourable of the instances that
can be adduced, took three years before it could realise
the former amount of revenue. Hemp you reduced from
9s. 2d. to 4s. Bd. The consequence is, that hemp has
never paid one half the amount of duty which it did at
the former rate of taxation. Rum you reduced from
12s. 7d. to Bs. 6d. ; Silt the case of rum is a some-
what favourable instance, as upon it there was an increase.
Sugar you reduced from 275. to 245.. Tha revenue from
it had been under the former rate 4,896,0001. ; it -then
fell to 4,600,0004, then to 4,400,0004. ; it was after-
wards 4,500,0001. ; but has never since paid the same
amount as formerly. During six years after the reduc-
tion it did' not recover. But I need' not go through
the whole Of 'these articles in detail. Tobacco,
hemp, sugar`; glass, mart, soap, paper, and above all
newspaper duties, and the duties on advertisements--
in all these cases there has been a considerable reduction
of duty. toffee and Rum, on which there had been an
increase, did not, within a period of five or six years,
recover the full amount of duty. Therefore, Sir, I say
that upon that ground lam justified in coming to the
conclusion that in the' case of the present deficiency,
with which we have to deal, and which it is necessary to
supply, you cannot look for that supply to the mere
adoption of duty upon articles of consumption ; that if
you resort to that, as a means of supply, you must make
up your min& to continue that system which I thought
you were desirous to avoid, Viz., loans and other devices
for the 'purpose of supplying the revenue. Sir, I trust
—I won't say that I have convinced you that none
of these measures ought to be resorted to
Lut that I explain the ground upon which they could not
be brought to bear for the purposes of the revenue. Sir,
I will now state what is the measure which I shall pro-
pose--which I shall propose under a sense of public duty,
and a deep conviction that it is necessary for the public
welfare—a deep conviction that the present sacrifices
which I call upon you to make, will be amply com-
pensated, not only in a pecuniary point of view,
but much more by the effect which they will have in
maintaining public credit, and the ancient character of
this nation.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, it is my duty to pro-
pose that instead of looking for taxation of consumption
—instead of reviving the taxes upon salt and sugar—it
is my duty to make- an earnest appeal to the possessors
ofproperty—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches)
—for the purpose of repairing the deficit in
the revenue, which we have now to remedy.
I propose for a time—l make the proposition, as I have
said, that I have never had occasion to make a propo-
sition with a more thorough conviction that it was for
the best interests of the people of this country—(Hear,
hear)—l propose that for a time, to be limited, the in-
comes Of this country shall be called upon to
contribute a certain sum for the purpose of reme-
dying this mighty and crying evil.—(Hear, hear.)
I-propose- that the _INCOMES of THIS COUNTRY SHALL
BEAR A CHARGE NOT EXCEEDING SEVENPENCE IN
THE POUND—NOT AMOUNTING TO THREE PER CENT.
—being a charge of Two POUNDS EIGHTEEN Snit,
msos AND FOURPENCE, for the purpose not only of
supplying the deficiency of the revenue, but also for the
purpose of enabling me, with confidence and satisfaction,
to propose those great commercial reforms—(Cheers
from the Opposition, met by renewed cheers from the
Conservatives)— vith regard to the condition and changes
of this country, which afford the hope of reviving com-
merce, and of effecting those improvements in our
manufacturing interests which will react on every other
interest of the community, even in a narrow and
pecuniary point of view, by the diminished
prices of articles of consumption; will be a direct
compensation for the pecuniary charge imposed
on every individual, but which also, by relieving them
from the necessity of contemplating • and considering
those mighty evils to which I have alluded, will afford
more Than ample compensation.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers, during which some interruption took place from
an Hon. Member.) I do hope the Hon. Gentleman
will eive me his patience.—(llear, hear, and cheers.)
Looking . to former taxes on income, I find
that in the year 1798, when the prospects of this
country were most gloomy, the Minister had
the courage to propose, and the public had the
fortitude to adopt, an income tax amounting to 10 per
cent. In 1803, that income tax continued, and until the
close of the war. After the peace of Amiens
there was an income tax of 5 per cent. ; it was
raised in 1805 to 6 per cent. ; in 1806 it was raised
to 10 per cent., and so it remained until the
end of the war. Now, Sir, I propose that the duty
to be imposed on prop ertyshall not exceed three per cent.
I propose that the tax should amount to 7d. in the pound,
which is about the aum I have stated. On former occa-
sions incomes of 601. a year were exempt
from any tax ; and incomes of from 601. to
150/. were subject to a reduced rate Ishall
propose that any income under 1501.,,ahr yareaLeasha,ll
be exempt from the tax.—(Loud cries of
In former income taxes, in respect to tliat, potion
of of the charge which was derived from the oc-
cupying tenant, the occupation of land in Great Britain'
was estimated at three-fourths of the rent. It was
admitted,
I believe, that that estimate was too high—
(Hear, hear)—and that the raising of the profit to
three-fourths of the rent was an unreasonable increase.
I propose, therefore, that in respect to the occupying
tenant the occupation of land shall be estimated at one-
half, instead of three-fourths, of the rent. 1 believe
that reduction to be perfectly just—it is the redaction
which was contemplated in the year 1816, when Lord
Bexley proposed a renewal of the property tax. I believe
that was the proposal which Lord Bexley intended to
carry forward. I believe the reduction to be perfectly fair;
and that rent has increased in respect to the value ofland,
in the ratio which would render the reduction just. I
propose, and I see no grounds for taking a contrary
course, that all funded property, whether heAd by mer-
c, chants of this country or by foreigners, shculd •be si-
`l:" railarly charged to the extent—(Hear)—l propose in
'respect to other property. Such is the nature of the
*----cPT''Positl which it is my intention to bring forward, with
Fo„..the full and unanimous concurrence of my Colleagues,
-6et. and with}the deepest conviction, on their parts, that the

terial of manufactures that shall exceed 5 per cent.
That in many cases is merely nominal. In respect
to the duty on articles partially manufactured I
shall propose a considerable reduction.—(Hear, hear.)
Speaking generally, and not with regard to indi-
vidual articles, I propose that the duty on articles
partially manufactured shall not exceed 12 per cent.
With respect to the duty on manufactured articles, speak-
ing generally, I propose that the maximum Auty shall
not be more than twenty per cent. I do not mean
that this is to be applied to all. I am only speaking now
of the general principle, for there are particular articles
to which I shall call the attention of the House at
another time, and which may not be included in this
maximum duty. The course we have pursued
is this. We have arranged the whole of the tariff under
20 heads. For instance, under the first bead we have
included live animals and provision of all kinds.
In the second, we have included all -articles that be raised
under the name of spices. In the third class are included
all sorts of seeds. Under the 4th head, all sorts of
timber and Wood for fire. Under the sth, all ores,
minerals, masts, and all those articles which enter
into manufactures. But in order to relieve my-
self from the necessity of going through all the
immense details, I propose to lay before the House the
amended scale of the tariff.—(Hear, hear.) It is all
prepared. It is arranged as clearly as possible
under twenty different heads, classed as nearly
as could be done under articles of the same
kind.—(Hear, hear.) The schedule will contain
five columns, the first having. the name ; the second, the
present rate ; the third, the amount of duty actually
received during 1840, as contained in the Report of the
Import Duties Committee ; the fourth, the proposed rate
of duties to be levied on articles imported from foreign
countries ; the fifth, the proposed rate of duties on those
imported from the British colonies. It appears to me that
I cannot lay before the House in any clearer or more
comprehensive way what we intend to propose.—(Hear.)
I cannot now attempt to go through the whole in detail
hear.)—after the great labour which the dis-
charge of my duty this night required, and the fatigue
of the House—(Hear, hear.)—but here is the paper
arranged, here is the whole of the tariff arranged,
under twenty different heads ; and on Monday morning
all engaged in commerce and mannfactures will have an
opportunity of seeing what is the amount of the new
duties which her Majesty's Government have to propose.
Speaking generally, I may say that on 1,200 articles it
is proposed to reduce the duty on 750—upon all those
which enter into manufactured articles as their chief
constituents. There are 450 articles in respect of which,
on comparing the present rate of , duty with the cost
of the article it does not appear necessary
for the interests of commerce, and the interests of the
consumer, to make any difference ; but of 1,200 arti-
cles, on 450 it is proposed to make a reduction of duty,
and in many cases, a very material one. Now there are
some very material articles in respect of which
we do not propose to make any change,
partly from considerations of revenue exclusively, and
partly from this motive ; we found on entering office,
that there were negotiations pending with many
States respecting the fOrmation of commercial treaties.
We have done all in our power to continue those
negotiations which we found on foot, and
we have entered into negotiations and communications in
, respect to them, with many of those States. We have
I at this moment a Treaty pending, commenced under the
auspices of the Noble Lord opposite, with Portugal, and
had it not been for recent events that have.disturbed the re-
pose of that country, itwould by this time have been rati-
fied. We have pending communications with Spain, for the
purpose of forming a commercial treaty with
that country, and strongly urging on Spain
the policy of an increased international com-
merce. I cannot say more than that the proposition
has been favourably received. We have negotiations
also pending with Sardinia, and with Naples, and nego-
tiations for a commercial treaty are also pending with
some of the South American States. We have intimated
to France our earnest desire to resume negotiations for
the conclusion of a commercial treaty with that
country, founded on terms which I believe would
be reciprocally most beneficial, and would have a ten-
dency to strengthen our amicable relations. That treaty
was nearly concluded by the Noble Lord opposite, and I
wish it had been carried into effect at that time, for I do
believe that France, bath morally as well as commer-
',4ally, would have derived great benefit from it.—
(Loud cheers.). There is, all prejudices apart, an
opportunity to each country of benefiting their industry
by relaxation of the present system of commercial in-
tercourse. I know not which country would gain the
most, but this 1 am quite sure, that they would gain a
benefit ; I do not attempt to estimate what each country
would receive, but lam convinced that the benefit one
country would gain will re-act on the other to an extent
which will prove the value of just and sound legislation.
I say nothing with respect to any probable period at
which the treaty with France may be carried into effect,
but my conviction is that considerable benefit will be de-
rived from it, and I hope that the public mind will
support the Government in endeavouring to obtain such
a treaty. While th :se treaties are pending, there are
several articles which would enter into the discussion
connected with them, in respect to which. I advise
the House not at present to make any alteration.
With respect to brandy and wine—take the
case of brandy and wine—l won't discuss .the
question whether it would be wise or not to make a
remission of duty without reference to respective
benefits ; but when we make a remission of duty, we
ought to do our utmost to, procure from that country
remission, causing a corresponding advantage. it
would not be wise to diminish the whole of a
satisfactory negotiation, by refuting a remission of du-
ties on certain articles. I do not propose any reduction
on the amount of duty on brandy and wine, cherish-
ing the hope that that duty may be relaxed on
these articles, when a corresponding relaxation of
duty is made on our manufactures by foreign
Countries. So, again, with respect to various Fruits
which formed the subject of negotiation with foreign
Powers, I propose t o retain the duty upon them, not for
the purpose of facilitating negociations profitable to
British Commerce. I don't think that it is necessary
to specify the articles on which we propose to retain
• the duty, because those different articles appear in the
schedule. These various reductions—the removal of pro-
hibition—the relaxation of prohibitory duties—the
reduction of duties on articles such as ores, having
may,e buoyancy of trade. These
a tendency to remove the burdens upon commerce,
and
various to
reductions increase
the buoyancy
in my opinion, be made,
conferring great and far more than pro-
portionate advantages iii the manntactures of
this country, without increasing the risk of a
greater loss to the revenue than about 270,0001.
Sir, I have been now speaking of the reduction of duties
on articles which enter largely into our manufactures.
I now address myself to the question of the reduction of
duties on the great articles, of consumption. Sir, the
chief articles of' consumption to which those du-
ties apply are the articles of sugar, coffee, and
timber. (Cheers from the opposition.) With
respect to the article of sugar, I wish it were
in my power, consistently with truth to state to the
House that her Majesty's Government could
recommend an alteration in those duties.
Sir, I will not deity that if we were
not embarrassed with these questions, it might
be of great advantage to propose a reduction in
these duties—(Cheers from the Opposition)—not
a measure like thot proposed by the Right Honourable
Gen
fortleattihle reduction
drel io year,
bnut of to
the duty on sugar, the bring forward a mea-
surealso in a corresponding proportion on sugar, the pro-
duce of foreign possessions. If you did reduce
the duty on sugar, I trust you would endeavour to make
produce of British possessions, and a reduction
that reduction in such a manner as should lead to the
considerable ultimate increase of the consumption, with
a considerable diminution of the charge to the con-
sumer. I believe that when you do reduce duties on articles
of general consumption such as sugar, you should
do so in such a manner as to give the profit and be-
nefit of that reduction—not to the retail dealer--
but to the consumer.—(Cheers.) But I cannot consent
nor can those with whom I act consent, to permit the
importation into this country of sugar, the produce
of Brazil and Cuba, without making some stipulations
with respect to the state of slavery in those countries.
I am bound to say that I still retain the opinion
which I expressed last year, that it would 'not
be for the honour or character of this country,
considering the peculiar nature of the cultivation of
those countries, considering the peculiar con-
dition of slavery in sugar producing countries,
mere especially in Cuba.—(Cheers.) I do not think it
would be fur the honour and character of this country
to admit a competition :of slave produced sugar with
other sugar the propuce of the British possessions.
Again, I would ask, is it politic to admit a reduction of
the duty on sugar, the produce of British possessions,
without admitting foreign sugar into competition with it?
I greatly doubt the policy of such a measure.—(Hear.)
If the competition were free, then I think it would be
greatly to the advantage of the West India-Proprietor
to encourage the consumption of sugar by
a conderable reduction of duty.—(Hear, hear.)
But while the supply of sugar, whether from the East
Indies or the West Indies, does partake in any degree
of the character of monopoly, I run afraid of. the conse-
quences of reducing the duty on British Sugar.
1. am afraid that if the supply were limited
there would not be a reduction of cost price to the con-
sumer—(Hear)—but merely a compensatory bonus to the
West India producer. I therefore do not in the slightest
degree perceive the advantage of reducing the duty on
sugar, but after having given every consideration to the
subject, lam not able to communicate views differing
generally from those I expressed last year. There
aro some circumstances from which I find con-
solation in the adherence to these rules. I find
that in the year 1841 there had been a
material increase in the consumption of sugar
from British possessions ; the supply has been
much greater then that which was calculated
upon, The amount of sugar taken for home consump-
tion in the year 1840—ending sth of January, 1841—
which I call the year 1840, was 4,035,000 cwt. ; the
amount of sugar taken for home consumption in 184Y2
was 4,888,000 cwt. The quantity
of sugar which hr ,d
been calculated on for home consumption was, durit:g
the year 1840, 3,594,000 cwt., the amount calculated
for home consumption during the year 1841 iv:As
'4,058,000 cwt. The gross amount of duty -re-
ceived of sugar, in 1840, was 4,465,0001. The gl.•oss
amount of duty received in 1841 was 5,120,000/., sr.• that
without the admission of foreign sugar, the irscrease
of duty has nearly corresponded with that wh;.ch was
calculated on by the Right Hon. Gentleman. 'J.herc has
been a considerable increase of consumption. I think
I may say that the consumption of last year Leas greater
than that of any preceding year.
Mr. HAWES--Not calculating the popu ration.
Sir R. PEEL.—No; lam calculating the entire amount.
The amount of sugar for British consumption in die
total exceeds the consumption of any preced.`ng year.
sir, of course it is important to form the best .urinate

with this country, I think Ireland ought to bear a fair
proportion of that impoSt 'which I am about to levy on
this country.—(Hear, hear.) But if I find the means of
raising from Ireland anything of an equivalent to
the amount of that which Ireland might be expected
to contribute under the property tax, I should certainly
not be reluctant to raise that tax by other means. Now
I think I can suggest a mode by which Ireland can con-
tribute towards this impost, without any serious injury.
—(Laughter, and confusion at the Bar.) I can assure
Hon. Gentlemen that I still have a very extensive
field to travel over, and if they will permit me to pro-
ceed with as little interruption as possible, I shall tres-
pass upon the House for a much shorter period.—(Hear,
hear.) I can, as I already stated, raise a fund in Ireland
very nearly equivalent to the. property tax, perfectly
consistent with her interest, and without imposing
any, serious burthen upon that-country. What I pro-
pose to do is this proposelto levy a duty of ls. a
gallon upon spirits in Ireland ; and I do affirm, that to
the Irish people, and to Ireland itself, that will be of
great advantage, and that a considerable revenue
may be derived by that means, not only with-
out inflicting the slightest injury upon Ireland, but
that it will be a positive advantage. I must first
shortly call the attention of the House to the state of
Ireland as 'compared with England and. Scotland.
In England there is a duty of 7s. 10d. a gallon upon
spirits ; in Scotland there is a duty of 3s. 10d. a gallon
upon spirits ; in Ireland the duty is only 2s. Bd. a gallon.
Now if it was possible to equalise the spirit duties in the
three countries a great advantage would be
derived, particularly with respect to Ireland. It
would be of the utmost advantage to place all articles
of produce, of the three countries, which are the
constituent branches of this great empire upon pre-
cisely the same footing, and to do away with all
the system of duty and draivbacks which are
so prejudicial to immense establishments, and
great frauds in the three kingdoms ; and so far
from Ireland suffering any disadvantage from increasing
the duty upon spirits there, as I propose to do, the di-
minished rate of duty upon that article in Ireland, as com-
pared with England and Scotland,is a decided disadvantage.
Sir, as I said before the duty on spirits in Ire-
land is 2s. Bd. per gallon. In Scotland it is
3s. Bd. Now what is the consequence ? The Scotch
distiller, who exports spirits into Ireland in .bond,
pays 9s. Bd. duty when he chooses to take it out. The
Irish distiller has no such advantage, and the practical
result has been that Ireland receives a large supply
of spirits from Scotland, and sends no quantity
whatever to that country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I could
give no stronger proof of the evil that arises from
having different rates of duty in the three
countries. Ireland seems upon a superficial view
of the matter to have an advantage from
the drawback upon malt.. But it is no such thing. The
Scotch distiller has no drawback upon malt in England.
But when he sends to Ireland he has a drawback of Bd.
in the gallon. That again tells injuriously upon
Irish distillers, and he would himself derive a positive
advantage from the equalisation of the duty between
Ireland and Scotland. It is important, however,
to ascertain how much revenue we can expect
to obtain from this increase ? No one will deny that the
consumption of spirits is a fair subject for taxation,
and that a duty on spirits will encourage the
Consumption of other articles of Excise taxation. The
consumption of Irish spirits last year was 6,500,000
gallons. The consumption of
.spirits in that country
had decreased exceedingly from the sth of July, 1839.
to the sth of July, 1840, and the people, with a sur-
prising and extraordinary constancy, continued to ab-
stain according to their pledge.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) But Sir, I am' sorry to say, it appears
that the observance of the temperance pledge
is in some districts relaxing ; far from that or from some
other cause there has been an increase in the consump-
tion of spirits from the sth of July, 1841, to the present
time. I have inquired minutely as to the probable effect
of one shilling additional, and I am convinced that
it did not encourage illicit distillation, nor dis-
tress the Irish distiller, as it would only help
to bring him 'on a level with the Scotch
The other source, from which I wish to derive some income
from Ireland, making, with the former, an equivalent for
that which I might hope to raise from a property tax,
is a source perfectly legitimate, and in its operation will,
to a certain extent, fall upon property. I propose, in
respect to the great mass of articles, particularly in re-
spect to all those which are connected with property, to
equalise the stamp duties in Ireland with the stamp
duties in this country. At present they are the same in
each country upon newspapers, upon marine insurances,
upon protests, and upon foreign bills of exchange. I pro-
pose, however, not in all cases to increase the stamp
duties,'--(Hear.) I propose -to Ariake no addition to
the rate of duty in Ireland upon advertisements, or upon
leases which are just falling tn. I propose to reduce the
duty upon charter parties in every part of the United
Kingdom from 355. to ss. I propose to reduce the du-
ties upon bills of lading in Great Britain and Ireland
from 3s. to 6d. I propose to increase in Ireland to the
English level those stamp duties which affect property,
and which may be considered a contribution from Ireland
equivalent to a contribution on account; of property. I
calculate the produce in Ireland on account of the equali-
sation of the stamp duties, at 160,000/ Adding 160,0001.
for the stamp duties to 250,0001. to be derived from
spirits, you have the increased revenue from Ireland
amounting to 410,000/. ; and I have the firmest convic-
tion that I shall thus be imposing a wiser and better im-
post under present circumstances, than if I attempted to
devise a new duty, or to impose a property tax.
At the same time with respect to absentees from Ire•
land—(Hear, hear)—l propose they shall be subject to
the property tax payable in England. Whilst living in
their native country, these persons may avail themselves
of the state of the law in this respect in that country
but whilst residing in thii country without any call of
public duty, I think their income ought to be subject to
the tax levied in this country. Sir, there is one other
duty which I mean to impose. At present there is a duty
imposed by the law of 4s. per ton upon coal exported in
foreign ships. At the time that duty was imposed the
policy of the law was, of course, to obtain revenue. But
there is no duty imposed on coal exported in British
ships. Now the operation of the reciprocity treaty has
been to exempt foreign ships from payment of duties which
it was originally contemplated should be paid on the
export of coal. I must say I cannot conceive there is
any more legitimate article on which to impose a duty
than upon coal exported from this country—(l speak of
a reasonabie and just tax)—on an article produced in this
country—an article which is a necessary element of menu-
factures, contributing by its export to increase the
competition with our own manufactures ; on such an
article I think it is just to raise a reasonable amount
of duty. It is important to consider the rapid in-
crease in the quantity of coal exported from this
country. In the year 1831, the quantity of coal ex-
ported amounted to 356,000 tons; and the duty received
was 50,000 L In 1833 the quantity exported was
448,000 tons ; the duty received was 64,710/.
In 1839, the quantity of coal exported amounted
to no. less than 1,192,000 tons. In 1840, the
quantity was . 1,307,000 tons, but instead of
realising an income of 64,0001. from the tax, as in the
year.lB33, the total amount received was only 6,900/.
I don't propose to increase the duty. I will not attempt
to prohibit the export of coal, but I propose that the duty
which it was intended to levy on foreign ships, shall be
really levied—that the duty of 4s. per ton, the original
amount of duty shall be levied on coal exported from
this country, whether in British or foreign ships.
If the duty shall be paid on the same number of tons, I
shall have an income from this, I think, perfectly legi-
timate source, of 200,000/.—(Hear, hear)—not an incon-
siderable increase or revenue, and operating, too, as very
few tuxes do, as an encouragemet t to native industry
and domestic comforts.—(Hear.) Now here, Sir, having
stated to the house all the new taxes I mean to impose,
it may be convenient that I should re, iew the aggregate
amount.—(Hear, hear.) Of course lam speaking of
what I propose for the year ending the sth of April,
1843, for I propose the new taxes shall operate from the
sth of April, 1842. I calculate (but there is one.exemp-
tion which I must make, and to which it is necessary that
the House should give its sanction at the earliest possible
period in a Committee of Ways and Means), I cal-
culate that I shall have from the income tax
3,700,000/. ;—I am dealing only with aggregates—
from the stamp duties in Ireland 160,000/. ; froin
spirits in Ireland 250,000/. ; from the duty on
the exports of coal 200.000/—making on the
whole an amount of revenue receivable from new im-
posts, of 4,380,000/. From this increase of revenue, from
this aggregate 0f4,380,000/. Ihave to deduct the estimated
deficiency of expenditure for which I must provide by
actual vote in the House, and which amount is
2,570,0001., leaving a surplus, in round numbers,
of about 1,800,000/. But the House will bear in
mind that this deficiency arises in the vote for the
year, and that I have to add to it .an excess of
expenditure on account of the expedition to
China, and which cannot be less than 800,000/.
Whatever addition the position of affairs in India may
require us to adopt during the present year will also
operate as a deduction from that estimate ; but
for the present, with these reservations anti
snbject to these deductions, I think I can calcu-
late upon a surplus of 1,800,0001., after allowing for
the excess of expense on account of the actual votes.
But having that excess, in what manner do
we propose to apply it ? I propose to apply it—or at
least a considerable portion of it—in the manner which
I coaceive.would be most conducive to the general inter-
est of the country, and most consistent with the
public feeling and opinion, by making a great im-
provement in the commercial regulation of the coun-
try,--(Hear, hear.) I propose, in addition to that im-
provement in our commercial regulations, to make an
abatement of the duty on some of the great articles of
consumption. Sir, I look at the tariff, and I find
that it comprises not less than one thousand two
hundred different articles subject to a vary-
ing rate of duty. Sir, during that interval
which I have required for inquiring into the condition
of the country, I can say that each individual article of
the national tariff has been the subject of careful conside-
ration. In the case of each article we have attempted
as well as we could to determine what is the proportion
of the duty in each case to the average price of the ar.
tide, for the purpose of ascertaining to what extent
it might be desirable to make reduction in any par-
ticular duty. Sir, the measure which we . shall
propose will include, in its general principle, a complete
review of those various articles, and a general alteration
in the duty on them. The measure will proceed upon
two principles—observe, I am speaking now of general
results,
will and
of nd not of particular details—the measure
proceed in its general principle, upon the ground,
firstall of altering prohibition in every case, and relaxing
pnodlisetcho:dilawa
material
ltoryt
an a tvuerrey—
tent. In some cases, I_
3', upon the ground of reducing' the duty
x-
merely nominal du%),alfior the purposeconsiderable(neoarf
shall propose to retain a
litnifornmoaticoanse,rathocr: hstatisticale a r
e)
scarcely in any, case, shall I
with any view to revenue.
propose to. Juaiutaiu a duty
upon the raw ma-

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 12, 1842

we can of the probable supply of sugar for the future ;
aad in this respect, too, I would say that the prospect
of our success is great. I find by the returns that there
was in London on the sth of March, of British
Plantation and Mauritius sugars in warehouse,
410,000 cwt., and I find there was, in the outports, 48,000
cwt. of sugar, being a total of 890,000 cwt., the expected
import of sugar in the year ending April, 1842, has
been estimated by those, on whose judgment I am
disposed to rely, are 2,400,000 cwt. ; 800,000 cwt.
from the Mauritius ; 700,000 cwt. from the East
Indies ; add to that the 500,000 cwt, that were
in the warehouses, which make a total for
consumption for 184.3 of 5,490,000 cwt. Now the quan-
tity of sugar taken out was 440,000 cwt., and that
would leave a large surplus above the largest consump-
tion. I do not say that that is in itself a conclusive,
argument against the competition with foreign
sugar ; but, at any rate, it appears to me that it is fit
for her Majesty's Government to retain' the opinion
which I had expressed last year, and by anticipating
that, by a reduction of prices, an increase of the reve-
nue would be the result, without resorting to fur-
ther duties. These were the grounds on which I brought
forward this measure. There have been questions raised in
respect to the, application of the measure which I
propose. Efforts were made to lay the foundation for
the gradual abolition of slavery. On the success
of which the Noble Lord opposite calculated, but
unhappily has been disappointed. There has been im-
putations, then, upon the humanity and good I:fait's
of England, and the continued efforts which she made
for the abolition of slavery. With a view there-
fore to thoseobjects—by the admission of foreign
sugar, I must say that I am unwilling, to en-
courage cultivation or encouragement of slave labour.
These are the grounds upon which I adhere to the opi-
nion which I expressed last year. Unwilling to reduce
the duty, her Majesty's Government propose not to dis-
turb the existing rates. With respect to two other
articles of great consumption, coffee, and timber,
he thought that reductions in those would not be more
aaceptable than those which he bad laid down. He was sorry
to say, that in the consumption of coffee there had been a
a great decrease. Tne quantity of "coffee en-
tered for home consumption. in die year 1840,.was
28,780,000 lbs. In 1841, it was but 28,421,000 lbs.
In 1840 the amount of duty paid was 920,000/. In 1841
it was 808,000/. It is scarcely necessary to remind
the House that the duty upon coffee directly imported
from foreign ports is ls. 3d. per pound, imported
direct from British posseSsions; it was said 6d.
per pound; imported from British possessions,
within the limits' of the East India Company's Charter,
it is 9d. ; the effect of this is that a considerable quan-
tity of foreign coffee is exempted from the duty, as it is
sent from Brail and Hayti to the East Indies, from
whence it is imported to this country as East
Indian, and subject to a duty only of 9d. • Now, Sir,
I think that if we make a reduction of the duty upon
this article, instead of spreading the reduction over three
different classes, we should place it on a simple and
intelligent basis, and make the reduction such as to
benefit the consumer ; it is my intention, therefore,
to propose that there shall be but two duties,
I propose to reduce the duty on coffee, the produce of
British possessions, to 4d. per pound, and the
duty upon the produce of all foreign countries to
Bd. per pound. Now I proceed to calculate the
probable amount of loss of revenue on acccount of
that reduction. The revenue received in 1841
from coffee, the produce of British possessions,
at sixpence in the pound, was 483,0001., vary-
ing duties of one shilling and twopence, 427,0001.,
making a total amount of revenue of 891,0001.
I think it hardly necessary for me to go
through all the calculations.—(Hear, hear.) Assum-
ing, however, that the loss of revenue would in the first
instance be 237,000/., but that there would be an increase
of consumption to the amount of ten per cent. The
probable loss of revenue -upon coffee will in fact be
171,0001. Now I come to another article, the article
of timber. lam now considering in what way,
with the greatest advantage to commerce and to manu-
factures, I can apply the amount of surplus re-
venue to timber. Sir, in determining what shall be
the duty on timber, we are embarrassed with the consi-
deration of the proteetion and interests of our
Canadian possessions.—(Hear, hear.) The present
rate of duty on foreign timber is 555. per load,
But the duty upon timber at present is levied in a
very complicated and unfair mode. If you look
to the average. amount of duty upon foreign timber,
uniting the duty upon deals, .staves, and lark-wood, I
apprehend the aggregate amount of duty, upon
the average, would not exceed 41s. per load.
—(Hear, hear.) The duty on Colonial timber
is 10s. a load, the average duty might perhaps be
calculated at Bs. or 9s. per load. Now it ap-
pears to me to be of the utmost importance
first, that if you do make a reduction of
the duty on timber, it shall be such a reduc-
tion that the consumer shall be certain to derive
benefit from it ; and, secondly, that you should make
your reduction in such a way that in the peculiar posi-
tion of the Canadas, knowing the importance which at-
tached in the Canadas to the timber trade, you should
not suddenly, or indeed at all, affect their interests.
I think if the HouSe would consent to it, a mode can be
devised of affecting that object ; but if I am correct in
supposing that the aggregate amount of duty on foreign
timber does not exceed 41s. per load, the scope in which
we will have to act is limited. Various measures
have been proposed to effect the object which
I have in view ; but of these measures none were likely
to afford the slightest success but the one proposed by
her Majesty's Government last year, namely, the
reduction of duty on foreign timber, and the in-
crease of the duty on Canadian timber. Now I am
going to propose a plan totally different, and
in stating this case let me be allowed
to say that I am not influenced by party bias ; that I
am desirous of avoiding as far as I can, such a paltry
1 object as recrimination, which must sink as nothing
compared with the immense . importance of the subject,
of which lam treating. I do not think that the Inca-
' sure proposed by her Majesty's Government last year,
would have been attended with benefit to the consumer.
Having the surplus to deal with, and wishing to deal
with it in the best possible manner for the generaLad-
vantage of the consumer, I have considered in what
way, without injuring the Canadian interests, that
advantage could be accomplished. This is not
so plausible as it might be. It may be repre-
sented to the working classes that there is a
great reduction made in the tariff, from which no benefit
shall be derived to them, But surely benefit must un-
questionably accrue to the working classes by re-
moving the burdens which press on the manufacturing
interests. Now, Sir, as I believe the aggregate
average of duty on foreign timber does not
exceed 41s. per load, I propose that a reduction shall
be tarried to a sufficient extent to benefit the consumer
I propose that the present duty on foreign timber, as
distinguished from deal, shall be reduced to 30s. per
load. 'For the present year, that is the year ending the
sth April, 1843, I shall propose that the duty on
deal shall be reduced to 355. But I shall propose
a total change in the mode, of collecting the duties so as
to place all the shoees of the Baltic upon the same footinss
I believe the mode of taking the cubical contents will be
much better than the present system. But so far am I
from intending to injure Canada, that I propose to
confer a great and permanent benefit on her. The
Committee of 1835 recommended that no immediate
interference with the produce of Canada; and I believe
Lord Sydenham held out this eipectation. I said last
year we ought to wait and see how the ener-
gies and resources of Canada would develope them-
selves under new circumstances, and I still
think that we should use the utmost caution, and beware
of any measure that would suddenly interfere with the
interests of Canada. Now what I propose, far from
having any injurious tendency, will confer a positive
and lasting benefit on the Canadian, and will also be of
great and immediate benefit to the consumer here.
With this view, I propose that in the year
beginning the sth of April, 1843, the duty on foreign
timber shall be reduced to 255. ; that on deals, from the
present duty to 30s. ; that on bark to 205.—(Here the
Right Hon. Baronet was so much exhausted that there
was much difficulty in catching his emphatic words in
the gallery, but these were the periods we understood
him to name.)—This proposition will have the effect of
greatly encouraging commercial enterprise, while it ac-
knowledges a due regard to our present relations with Ca-
nada. Now, I must say that with respect to this article of
timber, and considering our peculiar position in regard
to a country with which I trust the most friendly inter-
course and communications on our part will be
long maintained, Ido think it is desirable to act
upon the principle so far as you can safely apply it with
reference to the general interest, to trust Canada
in respect to timber, as if she were an integral portion
of your own empire.—(Hear,, hear.) The distance at
which she is placed, and the cost of bringing her timber
here, necessarily subject timber to some disadvantage ;
and if the duty upon foreign timber is to be -reduced to
255., and the duty upon foreign deals 305., it appears to
me that you have no 'alternative but to export timber
from Canada at an almost nominal duty.(Hear, hear.)
You would otherwise be subjecting Canada to a ruinous
competition ; if you inquire into the condition, of Ca-
nada, as compared with other countries, and if you
apply that principle of a reduction of the duty upon
foreign timber whic)a I propose, justice to Canada will
require that the duty you may levy upon Canadian
timber should be almost merely nominal. I prodose.
therefbre, thr,t the duty upon Colonial timber shall be
reduced to ls., the duty upon deals and lathe-wood to 2s.
Of course this great measure cannot be adopted without
' incurring a risk of loss. I say at once that the adoption
of this measure will produce a loss, but with my views,
having made a reduction on other articles which
enter.into the elements of manufacture. I cannot
COrleeive a more beneficial reduction, than the reduction
en foreign timber.—(Hear,'lrear.), And I estimate the
total loss incurred by the reduetion on timber will be
600,000/. If it be the wish of the House, I will go through
ale calculation—(Cries of " No, no")--but if it, be not I
should be glad to be spared the trouble.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, there are two—only two other considerable reduc-
tions to which I wish to call the attention of the House,but
I cannot help thinking that with respect to both I shall have
the unanimous consent of all. There are at present cer-
tain duties levied on the exportation of British
manufactures, contrary, as I think, to sound prin-
ciples, which amount to a sum of 108,000/.
Thes duties are imposed on exports of woollen goods and
yarn which are sent to the places with which we have
no treaty of reciprocity. The duty on woollen amounts to
30,0001., on linen yarn to 4000/., on silk manufactured goods
to 4,800/., and on manufactured Iron to 24,0001. On
other articles, such as earthenware and glass, the duty
was 8,500/. ; on provisions, 2,8001. amounting in
the entire to 81,9001. There are other articles
of minor importance which amountto about 20,000/.,
making on the whole a total of more than 100,000/. ; I
propose to remit altogether the duty upon the export
of British mannfactures.—(Loud opposition cheers.)
There was then a loss amounting to that sum. There are
other different classes of duties, which I think are

: •
imposed unjustly, and to the removal of which Hon. Gentleman has told us his own opinions, that In .
a portion of the surplus ,is to be applied. , the course of six years there will be a debt incurred °f
At present I think that, considering the very difficult 10,000.00 U Why, in 1814, the account of the Commis'
the
competition in. which stage_coaelica are mimed with ; sary-General alone was 10,000,000/. ; and in 1815,
of
railways, it is not for us to make that competition still ' subsidied painted to the German Powers, independoent_,,
more difficult, by subjecting them to an unjust and par-' the expenses incurred fora& own troops, was 10,00. ,O.,01).l..
dal taxation. NOW-, • aa' I said before, I am un- I Lord Bexley, in asking at that time for a, property,,tr
willing to impose any new rate of tax on for a few years more, said that the addition td the Mull
locomotive carriages, but I propose a remission of those 1 debt in the course of four years was 160,000,0001, •
on stage coaches, and on grounds which I think are j refer to this fact as a justification of our tiredviewsotce.
just and fair. At present railways pay one-eighth of a I state of the country last ear.— Hear hear.) But
,v 71.
penny per mile for every paaaeligeri told speaking of the I sideriog that it is a very different thing. for a Go
..rret.
present year, without flattering myself rot the future, ' ment to come forward and state that it refrains from
I propose no addition to that amount. But if we coin- calling on the country for great exertions and sac 0.:
pare this with the amount paid by stage coaches, Ido , in' the way of taxation, ' and for independent At".
(70
not say that the railway duty is too low, but that the 1 hers of Parliament when called on for
them—(Hear'
rate on the stage coaches bears a great disproportion ! exertions to be parties for a repeal of I
to it. For instance, a stage coach, if licensed to hear, and cheers)— Ido not say tins as indicating that had
carry more than six persons, pays a penny miles must necessarily acquiesce at once in the plan that
it' more than ten, 2d., if more than sixteen, 3d. Then in ; ken this night developed to us—but I only mean tratia,st
addition to that, there is the licence duty of ss. ; still ' strongly feel the difference between our situation
there was no such corresponding duty on railway car- I year, and the gravity of the quotients which ads shall
riages. I propose, with respect to stage coaches, u I now have to consider.—(Hear.) The Right Mast! r,,,,0i,
unitOrm mileage of 3d. per mile, and I propose that proposes aninconse-tax whichshall amount t 03,700010.,
the licence duty in cases of coaches liceticed for more and on the whole taxation of the country and w_thet.
than six passengers be reduced to 35., while I propose j land he calculates to raise 4,381,000/. Then in !mote _
to take off altogether thesassessed taxes on the coalh- I part of his statemeot, he explains how he will devote
tii:
men. This, if asssented to by the House, will lead to a loss ! part of the surplus to improvements in the tariff °Aye
in the revenue of 61,0001., but a loss which I believe can be country, and to taking off some of the most ol'Pre'lie,
vindicated on principles of strict justice. Then I pro- of the public imposts. Sir, I am most happy tceoida
pose, in addition to this reduction, to take off the pro- knowledge and with less reserve than I shall IP A ,
gressive duty lately imposed on job carriages, of which to approac% other
,parts of his plan, the wisdom ;1;e
grievous complaints are made, and that will lead to a loss soundness of the views he has here laid down.
..ions,
of 9,0001. making a total loss on accountof these coasches principle that it is desirable to get rid of prohilT,tory
0f70,000/. I will now again shortly review the whole finan- and to diminish duties that have a nrehlweay cial arrangements I have brought to the attention of the effect, that principle we all on this side i_reit
House. The estimated deficiency in the present in- and cordially agree with—(Loud cheers)—and C ap,
come of the year ending the sth of April, 1843, can assure him that the more these principles °ref the
will be 2.570,00 a. The reduction of the various plied, the better it will be for the future :situation e of '
articles of the tariff is the 750 articles I have
alluded to will not entail a greater loss than 270,0001. country.—(Cheers.) With respect to the applicatien_,,,
those principles, I cannot speak at present as to the 7:t;
The loss to the revenue from the reduction of day en or 760 articles on which the duties are to be imp ,11..
ose.l cotton will be 170,000/. From the reduction of duty on we can only have the details on Monday, I 'll timber it will be 603,000/. The loss .from the merely remind the House that the Right Hon. Barenet ~
repeal of the export duties ' on articles of
British manufacture will be 100,000/. The loss is, in this respect, in unison with the aentimenta the fa;
Government advised her Majesty to matte 011 ice
for the revision of duties on stage coaches will sth of August last.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") 1' laid 'be 70,000 L; making the total charge of 3,780,000 against I recognise the soundness of the principles l
he
that. I have to set the estimated revenue which will 'down by the Right Hon. Baronet, I almost regret that,he
be derived from new taxes, which I cal- has not more extensively applied them, I mean toLlen
culate at 4,300,000/., and which will leave most important article of sugar.---(Hear, hear.) 11 ",t ,
a surplus of 520,090/. to meet the increased the Right Hon,- Gentleman was prepared with resne':
estimates which I may have to propose on account of to the two articles of *algal' and timber to make a Saeri,
, the year, to meet the charge with respect to China, and lice of 600,000/. of revenue, it would, I think, be dbetter
ia to meet any increased reduction of duty which It may to make the sacrifice on sugar than on timber, °ie be necessary to propose on account of the cornple- my opinion he would lose nothing more by It. to
don of commercial treaties With other countries. Right Honourable Gentleman then adverten i,, •
Sit, I believe I have now concluded the task which fhe Opitlinnd lie expressed last year, res Pie: , 1
as 1
I have undertaken. (Loud cheers.) If I have ing• slavery, and observed that every Tear „re, 1
been enabled clearly:Land I aimed at no more— creating a monopoly in sugar that did not exist beludis, r
if I have been enabled clearly and fully to develope The object was in former days to Support our West 111 ho
the view of her Majesty's Government, lam greatly in- colonies. Have the West India colonies furnished 4,e, debted for my success in so doing to the kind and large quantity of sugar to which the Right Hon. Gel patient manner in which the House has listened to long, man had referred to=night ? By no means. The imper,,o,
and, I am afraid in some respects, tedious details. tion of sugar from the West India colonies, during "t 0
I have laid before you without reserve the whole of the last year, WAS, I believe, inferior in quantitli_.,A
plans of her Majesty's Governtnent.—(Cheers.) I have the importation of the year before. Where
~170-i
given you a full and explicit account an un- been the increase then ? The increase had been It'ior
reserved, but I hope at the same time an unexag- the East Indies, which a few years before asked 1-15 sll
Berated statement, of the financial embarrassments an equalization of duty
.with the West Indies, upon it
in which we are placed. There are occasions which I those principles of free trade which they now thin"
tii,
can well conceive, hi which a Minister of the Crown may their interest td oppose.—(Hear, consider it consistent with firm and with good policy to 'hear.) Every Yee,,,
that you go •on refusing to foreign sugar '''o
pause before he proposes to the Legislature , entrance into the British market, leaving bos, the adoption of measures. which he may be-prohibitory duty on foreign sugar, you do igf
lieve to be abstractedly good. He may have to encourage the growth of this monopoly of ltdl. ,
encounter a difference of opinion with colleagues whom in the East Indies, and thereby interpose great blot
he may esteem and respect. lie may believe ectliseien= unity itt the way of a regular and sufficient supply. 1: ff
tiously that it is for the public interest that the Govern- may say to us in the course of two or three year 7,4
ment of which he is a member should retain power ;he may you pass such a measure as that. proposed—to,
not choose to hazard its existence by proposing measures
which he may not ultimately have the power .of carry- may say that " this great . article of pro 1
has grown under the protection of your legislation, '5ll ing. He may not choose to hazard the agitation of tile you are obliged now to take our sugar, although it Mt
country by the discussion of measures which may not
ultimately succeed—Meat, and cheers =and he did be dearer, because you yourselves have forced the
poufgress
think it better to abstain from proposing :measures, of that su.rar by your legislation." Upon this t
abstractedly good, than to increase the evil of therefOre, I very much regret the determinatiotlitho
which the Right Hon. Gentleman has come. ' 11'..ted
further agitation for what, although he may deem
it right in principle, it is impossible to carry. respect to the whole of these plans, I have already str4o„,
But there are occasions—and this is one of them— that they are far too important—Hear, hear)----tn 11.1 0,
me to give any decided opinion( with respect to theof on which a Government can make no compromise.
There are occasions, and this one on which it is its I am glad to find that the Right Hon. Genticin 0
although he has not taken the views which we did 111.1°
bounden duty to give that counsel to the Legislature this subject—l am glad to find that he is willl4 which it believes right to undertake—the duty of pro- to pay -so great a homaev to sound principles 'lris posing the measure which it believes for the public
the question. lam glad also to find that his measure is
advantage, and to devolve upon the Legislature the one of such great importance that it must either be :0t
responsibility of accepting or rejecting those measures. cepted or rejected as a great change, and that it is '.O,
I have performed on the part of the Government rii, one of paltry detail.—(Hear, hear.) I think, in the Pay
duty.—(Hear, hear.) I have performed with the full sent situation of the country, whatever views we Pray
weight and authority of the Government, that which I take upon the subject, that the Government has 1/...,,C ,
believe to be conducive to the public welfare ; I now de- worthily as the Government of a great country, ilarl volve upon you that duty which properly devolves on you posing its measures upon the principle it has done'
of maturely considering, amid of finally deciding on the can only assure Hon. Gentlemen, that without ‘,'_ 1
adoption or rejection of that measure.—(Hear.) Sir, we reference to the conduct of that Ministry of which
live in an important era in the annals of human legisla-
tion ; there may be a natural tendency to lessen the for,-
formed a part, we should endeavour, on this 5
.„
of the House, to the best of our ability, to ,
nk
magnitude of the crisis in which we live, and those par- that judgment upon the subject which we shall tn,:oo
ticalar events with which we are encompassed; but I . most useful to the country—(Hear, hear)—and we s"ice
think it impossible to deny that that period in which our support whatever measure we may think likely to iii,
lot and the lot ofaur fathers has been cast, n, that period which the most contentment to the
people at large, and to List
is identified with the first outbreak of the French revo- tain that high character for this nation, which I t.ii.
lution, has been one of the most memorable periods that every Member of this House is equally anxious to niqoi,
the history of the world ever saw. The course we have tain, whether he sit upon this side of the House or ul'
pursued since that period will attract for ages to conic the other.—(Cheers.) the contemplation, and, I trust, the admiration ' Mr. O'CONNELL said that he coul not help soil:
of poSterity.—.(llear, hear.) The period may be divided that in much of what had fallen fro the Right 1.1`!
into two of almost equal duration-25 years of a conti- Gentleman upon that part of the subject
in which be ieis
nued contest, the most momentous that ever engaged the most immediately interested, he had his humble aPPr°;
energies of nations, and twenty-five years of profound bation.—(Hear, hear.) He agreed
'entirely with tii t
European peace by which our sacrifices , were Right Hon. Gentleman in thinking that there could wit
rewarded.=(Elear, hear, hear.) Sir, there will be be a more legitimate source of taxation than ardead
a time when those countless millions who will spring spirits ; and if the Right Hon. Gentleman had prnr.sse,,, •
from our loins, and who will raise new nations in now un- a taxation which would amount to a practical prohibitll;ie .
peopled lands—living underthe same laws and institutions lie should have gone the entire length with them. :`'''.o
which we enjoy—speaking the same language in which we would recollect at the same time that there were corrector
convey our thoughts—l say the time will come when those of the Chancellor of the Exchequer called smugirteli,
countless millions will view with pride and admiration the The great danger was, that by increasing taxaorgicit
example which this country has set of constancy Ireland, they gave a stimulus to smuggling and 'lea
and firmness.—(Cheers.) They will view with pride distillation, and there was no vice connected with r_.,.:„.
and admiration our glorious successes by sea and land, gling that was not exaggerated by private distillaoo,';eof
and our determination to uphold our liberties and in- Were they going to introduce that additional ingredient
dependence—(Cheers)—by which we have been enabled of mischief into Ireland ? He was anticipating that .;1;u-
-to ensure the deliverance of Europe. Now at the con- present session would pass over without anytning n Ji,,,
elusion of those five-and-twenty years of peace I am rious to Ireland, and he thought there was somettul•
now addressing you, and laying before you those finan- the state of the Irish Government that rendered it very,
cial embarrassments ; and I may confidently believe undesirable to introduce such distillation. There W3-s:°o that you will look to the example which has• been set siderable smuggling at the time of the reduction of tb ced
you in the previous period of vital struggles—that you
will look those difficulties boldly in the face, and that on spirits ; and if the Right Hon. Gentleman redui,,
the amount, instead of raising it to the amount he mid
you will be prepared to make the like sacrifices for the intended, illicit distillation would be utterly put
an jar
purpose of maintaining the independence, of increasing to. The Right lion. Gentleman alluded to the 5.0,4
the strength, and perfecting the institutions, of this free
country. You will bear in mind that this is no casual lion of time Irish distillers. He (Mr. O'Connell) ',be
or occasional difficulty. You will also bear in mind glad the Right Hon. Gentleman at last discovered :ad
wrongs inflicted on the Irish distillers—and, he wc°o6
that there arc indications among all the other classes say, inexcusable wrongs—for he never beard an ex
ay,
of society of increased comfort and enjoyment, indica- given for the increased difficulties thrown in their wire.
tions of i ncreased prosperity and wealth ; and Concurrently.
with these indications exists a mighty evil, which has —(Hear, hear.) The Scotch distillers sent spirits Wilde
land in bond, and the Irish distillers could ne the
been growing for the last twenty-five years, and from I the same in return. He was bound to p"Y the
which you are called upon now to-extricate the country. ,
If you have, as I believe you have, that fortitude and entire amount of the duty on spirits as it came from
constancy, of which you have set an example, you still, and send it to the warehouse—that was, to ecore
will not consent, with folded arms; to view the an- die entire quantity that the cask contained—but 1,1,e,...
the spirit entered into consumption there was a consiTeel
nual growth of this mighty evil. You will able diminution ; and notwithstanding, he was obsi was
not reconcile it to your consciences to. hope to pay for the entire quantity, even for that which
_O4
for relief from diminished -ta tation you will not in existence.—{Heal; -=hear.-} The English ;`3li,
not adopt the miserable expedient of adding during peace, Scotch distillers were free from that iMpositions ,s
_ and in the midst of these indications of wealth and in-
what were they going to do with Ireland ? The}' 100rhey
y
creasing prosperity, to the burdens which posterit will
endure--you will not prevent the© evil to gain sitch gi- hit her some way or other.—(Hear, hear.) :tax
must find something to tax. Their income the
gande strength, that it shall be far beyond your power in Ireland would be a total failure ; and as to taxing
to
,Apply a remedy. If you do permit this evil to con- Irish tenant with a profit, that, they would admit, 10`
sing
tinue—you must expect the severe, but just judgment be like taxing moon-shine.—(Laughter.) S"PPtille°
of a reflecting and retrospective posterity. Your conduct they were right in placing taxes on the Irish dis, oia
will be contrasted with the conduct of your fathers, —and they were made the scape-goat for all taaatieoas
under difficulties infinitely more pressing than these. Ireland—were they right in taxing, the entire In?
They will turn to the mutiny of the Nore, to the re- - bonady
hellion in Ireland, and foreign disasters, and admire the thy in bond, or what was to be put in
(Hear, hear.) Distillation was, unhappily, tli, was
bouyant vigour that could submit with cheerfulness source of productive revenue in Ireland, but 'tore,
and confidence to the imposition of necessary burdens, falling, and he " hoped that it would fall 111 by
whilst a property tax of 10 per cent.. was hailed with As it was, in addition to their capital and outlay' to
murmurs by the present generation. But I will not be- their plan they charged them an additional duttioer:
lieve that you will subject yourselves to this contest. that. This was not acting justly by the Irish distill of
My firm belief is that you will feel the necessity of pre- they were not to answer for the 51144 .
serving inviolate the honour of the country ; that you the - rest of the Irish people, yet they were Inti",jois
will not throw away the means of reducing, in the most them do so. He hoped that before the re pouf
legitimate manner, the burden of the public debt, by re- were passed, some attention would be paid to the
ogc,'_v do.
ducing the interest upon the debt. My confident hope situation of the Irish distiller. The English and Sl:.ett.°lalorie
and belief is, that now when I devolve this responsibi- tillers pay nothing more than they did before; theoel
.t.lt le 012 C.,
lity upon you,_ you will prove yourselves worth of the
mission with which you have been entrusted too, on themanufactured. The next article.... .
were selected to pay an additional dut and a pr
tPe' the
quantity they _ ota,•
as - the representatives of a mighty and use- Rieght Hon.
eGeeenitleman had mentioned was the staroP ..ree•
d gl sorry that this had been his ren by
ful population(Hear, hear)—that you will not 'i
fherewawsaseaxhabitninylreland of saving immediate exlllst it., tarnish that honour which it is your duty to cherish, as
2 abstaining from using stamp; and using plain papers an stamp
the must glorious inheritance ; that you will not impair
to encourage the practice to increase the f the that reputation and character which, in proportion as
duty. Besides, the House was not aware of time
the empire of opinion supersedes and predominates over importance of this consideration, that man)! (ietand,
the empire of physical force, constitutes for every people, most hideous outrages that had been committed in sa by
but above all for the people of England, the main in- some of the most atrocious assassinations had bee!lecii."ontract, .„;
... struments by which a powerful people can reel hostile the landlord availing himself of the fact, that Oil ,'',,,," 1;401
aggraision, and maintain extsnded empire. ' the Right between him or his family and the tenant bad baefos_arfroo-be,.4j!,:;
Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amid loud cheers.) unstamped paper. The murder of the Sheas •
_...%„,i, t . '
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, whatever. may be the
. .
tenants, .••• ,ei
opinion which the House may ultimately entertain on landlords took advantage of it, put in otherts
transaction of this kind. A contract was not stror. ,ii. ey.
the plans brought forward by her Majesty's Ministers,
no one in this House can entertain any doubt either as were assassinated by the outgoisnega_tenan.
ofT.vhieuws . it -I;:ji.oens:
ptortanats bniyoond
of the
m ereoomfi 1 pointpensatiens for the ili the
to the importance of those plans, or as to the ability with that the difference between the stamp detythenteraio
which the Right Hon. Baronet has brought them two countries was always calculated as one
part dthe Gentle: t
.v3_
under the consideration of the HOuse.—(Hear, hears) between them. He had heard loud cheers fr9mo -•-- best° , -3:. !r, Sir, I should not think I were doing my duty—indeed men opposite, echoed by some on this side, rhee.
_welt. Eilft':l" tiioi
I would hardly think it would be consistent with the something about making Ireland pay her.h nfat-rhe nary
y taiked thb°,t, - le!
expectation of the Right Hon. Gentleman and the 11,1 - lish burdens ; they cheered that, t
nisters of the Crown, in bringing forward plans so claiming equal rights with
the ybardens Entitled t
important as these are now for the first time—that He thought that a fairri shhatsring
with England. But Gentlere
I should refrain from giving my opinion as to the to a fair share of the g
t financial tebbery that was committedo3o;ed
course nosy proposed to be adopted. I shall,
I:fnailliyi Union.forgot the
At the time of the Union, England °e
on
Englaonfdbnthew when
not cheer icalr.:.,
however, make but two or three observations upon
the nature of the measures which the Right Hon. Baronetaccount of her debt, was 17,000,00''1• " ire
h that " ;
England, on.
proposes. The...itight Hon. Gentleman has referred to and it was one of (he declarations of Lord
of
etlEterigsh debt, ri.
46 0003'000/ , and Ireland only 1,000,0001. The :4117tiv ;
the plans of the late Government, and places them in land should hear none of the proportiaitoen_ h
d ()tote conquered Pe7,,jd
a light which, without any intentional misrepresentation ought she. Those were the termites&
on his part, conveyed hardly a correct view .of the prin- It was a
e taxation. She did be_ six.
! cipies upon which we acted in the redaction of bear seventeen milliontbseofusoeipo.
Union, but latterly she had boortnewas
1
the duties adverted to, for the measures of former for some years aftter
part.of the terms of tarettinion that England sear it
of this the difference in the stamp duty to
years are hardly similar to the measures proposed millions oTnloy
,bnen(sure there was an income-tax amounting
last year. On that topic I only mean to
say that I may hereafter wish to make a few observa- ,tthirebeere eight millons short of what she ought
they Zikediteer
tions. The nature of' the measure now proposed by the ;sseuld, therefore, request Hon. Gentflement,.wihetno
thhiYnk"of t _
P Wirt. millions and a hilt' to be imposed upon EaglandeaY_7 kle
Right Hon. Gentleman is to call upon the country to Ireland bearing her lair
stproportionantlyconramtltztaecrOpon Ireland
bad
make great exertions by direct taxation, in orderlo,make fraud which had bee
er etrated. He hoped the Righte Irish
the revenue equal to the exPenditure- ' Now, the late think of that violationnento'f the terms of the Union whiclico.
Government did not think it advisable, upon a view of been so constantlyld consider- the difficulties under which tl 1
"
the whole situation of the country, to call upon Gentlemanlabworred, and in the tame of the Irish distillers,00,
it for greater exertions. The Right Honourable distillers
against
5 d 0. the plan. The increase of the statnyd'c7 in,
Baronet, in the latter part of his speech, Protled add to the burdens of the commerce and tth_eel,enast obi?
has, I think, somewhat exaggerated 'the nature of the terest'
of Ireland at the very time when they were the and
PP
occasion which we are now called on to meet. We did to bear the burdens. It was proposed to tax the
ere
diniei'll'isb-ieoii
not consider last year that the occasion was at all similar income of Ireland at the very time that they
f Iwrelaud II till re '
to any of those occasions of 1798, or still more of the the income of the landed proprietors
late period, on which occasions the countr r 3 was justly.
fiat to diminish in. and fairly called on b ' Government- ke great wise in itself, but one calculated at
of th di.
y, to ma measure for the introduction of foreign revisions--a ision.s.--a.,_reineer:ie.
sacrifices, and undergo great exertions. The Right sof the landed proprietors of Ireland. On behalf