The Sun.
London, England, 1842-04-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY IVIORNING. APRIL 12, 1842

regard to. the revenue raised from slave grown tobacco.—
' ( Hear, hear.) And slave grown coffee.—(Cheers.) On
which a reduction had been made in that very
,tariff—( Hear,
hear)—how was it possible for him under those circumstances
to think that slavery was the real object in view, and he must
confess that it was a strong effort of charity on his part to
believe the Right • Hon. Baronet sincere.—(Laughter and
cheers.) if he were to find other reasons why a reduction
of the duty on sugar was nut proposed as one of the
means to meet the deficit of the revenue, upon looking to
the whose history of the matter he might suggest that last
year, when it was determined to turn out the late Govern-
ment, and the popular cry of slavery was raised, and, a reso-
lution was passed in terms condemning the project of the late
Government on philanthropic grounds, the names of one or
two Hon. Members were mentioned in connextion with the
subject.—( Hear, hear.) Now he (Mr. Macaulay) appeared
before a constituency at all times zealous in the Anti Slavery
cause, and he found all the statements of the party opposite
Were treated as hollow pretences.—(Cheer;.) Well, the Right
-Hon. Gentleman came into power after the vote of last year,
'and he did not propose a reduction of the duty on sugar because
li`de knew that he could not propose a measure, which
he Opposed on moral grounds, wit bout exposing himself
to the Charge of gross inconsistency, but an income tax was the
price which the country had to pay. —( Hear, hear.) The
Right lion. Gentleman when he could not find reasons for Iris
proposition, made theM, andwith one swoop he did away with •
bOO,OOOl. derived from the timber ditty, and his, firm belief was,
that the throwing away of 600,0001. of timber duty, was a
greater misfortune than what had occurred in Affghanistan.
It was clear that they were going to loose 600,0001. in the one
case, and he hoped that so great a suns would not be lost in
consequence of what had happened in Affghanistan.—( Hear.)
And when, instead of making an additional .560,0001. by tim-
ber. the Right Hon. Baronet pitched over the 600,00:3, they
wese receiving from it, and was forcing an income tax on the
country to supply the deficiencies in the revenue; lie must say
that he seemed to him to be employed in making a deficit in
order that he may have an excuse for imposing an income tax.
—(Cheers.) Believing, then, that the tax could be proved,
and had been proved, to be one which should nut be imposed,
except in the extreme necessity of the country; that the Right
Hon. Baronet had exaggerated the financial difficulties of the
country ; that he had brought into the discussion of the subject
matter whi h should not be connected with it ; that he had made
vague hints of the crippled state of the Indian finances;
wthout giving the smalles enlightenment on the subject—that
he had refused a plan simple and plain, and which would
benefit the public, while it would partly supply the deficieucies,
—that lie had thrown away sources of revenue. Under these
circumstances he felt lie would not be discharging his duty if
hedid not vote for the motion of his Noble Friend.—(Cheers.)
Lord STANLEY, said that he was anxious before the
debate came to a close—especially after the speech they had
just heard from the Right Hon. Gentleman who last sat down
—to state as shortly as he could the grounds on which, not
without reluctance, but from a conviction of its necessity, he
concurred in that course which was unanimously
resolved upon by her Majesty's Cabinet as the only
course—as the fitting course by which they should meet
the great difficulties of the country, and endeavour to find a
remedy for the financial and other embarrassments bequeathed
to them by the late Government.—(Loud cheers.) Widely as
Gentlemen on both sides may differ as to the course they were
taking, and to whatever vote they may come on the present
occasion, it was satisfactory to him to know that much of the
time i.f the House had been saved by the concurrence, more
unanimous, or, at least, more general, than he ever remem-
bered on any question approaching to the present in Weight
and importance, as existed with regard to the premises on
which their conclusion is to be founded.--( Cheers.) '1 he fact
of a deficiency was clear, palpable and notorious.—(Cheers. )
It is admitted by the Noble Lord, that for a successionpf years
there was a continued increase of a deficiency in the revenue to
meet the annual exeenditure of the country. He stated the
truth—not the whole truth—hut he stated the truth with re-
gard to the deficiency of the present yearof 2,500,000/.,
and for the next of 2,600,0001. But lie went further;
for, now heing no longer in offise, lie charged them
with those acts for the purpose of mating that popularity of
which Hon, Gentlemen on the other side were so fend.
They were now no longer charged wth the responsibility of
proposing taxes as a Government to meet the financial em-
barrasments of the country by vigorous measures.—(Cheers. )
The time few mete shifts had passed away.—(Loud Cheers. )
The time was come to when they must take some
effectual mode of equalising the revenue with the expen-
diture, and they thought it right and necessary to raise
the amount of taxation requisite to meet the deficiencies.—
( Hear, hear.) Here was another admission made by Gentle-
man on the other side—namely, that the commercial interests
laboured under a state of great depression and difficulty,
and on every side it was admitted that there was a great and
growing deficiency; that that deficiency must be met; that no
temporary expedient could abate that deficiency, that it is
impo:sible to do away the evil by a temporary plan to meet the
evil, and that they must raise the amount required by taxation,
and that commerce labouring in distress must not be
subjected to any additional burden. ( Loud Cheers.)
Now, here were admissions made not only by that Gentleman,
but by every Member on both sides of the House who had ad-
dressed themselves to the consideration of the question that
then engaged their attention ; and they had also another valu-
able admission, he believed from the Hon. Member for Tams-
ton,:the Vice-President of the Board of 'trade; from him the
bad an admission that if they were now to have recourse
the scouted and condemned budget of last year, which they
Noble Lord brought forth in his resolutions, that that budget,
and a large increase of taxation in addition to it, would be in-
sufficient to meet the, present emergency.—( Hear, hear.) These
were the unanimous admissions made by the House when it
came to discuss the question .of how they were to meet the de-
ficiency. And now, nut to be behind Honourable
Gentlemen opposite in admissions, they, on ths side
of the House admitted that the income tax was
a measure which, except in a case of great emergency,
could not be justified, The question before them, then, was
this : Is this such a case of emergency ? If Hon. Gentlemen
opposite admitted, as they must admit, the necessity of equalis-
ing the revenue and the expenditure ; and if they cannot show,
as a less objectionable mode of meeting the exigency, they must
come to a direct taxation. He said direct taxation, because
the Noble Lord had so carefully worded his resolution, as to
conceal beneath it, with a most impolitic ambiguity; the dif-
ference of opinion which he knew existed in the ranks of his
supporters with regard to the kind of taxation to be resorted
to. Having now mentioned the points of agreement, he
might now be permitted to mention the points of
disagreement among Gentlemen on the other side of the
House.—( Hear.) The Honourab'e Member for Ipswich,
who seemed to have got up a little scheme of his own, which
at the proper time he would propound to the House, in dis-
cussing the question, of the emergency said, he ( Lord S. ) en-
tirely agreed with him, that peace had its times of emergency
as w,ll as war, and admitted that they were in that condition
i n which direct taxation must be resorted to.—( Hear, hear. )
By the confession of the a-lon. Member for Ipswich, the bring-
ing forward a propertr tax was a wise and politic measure. But
the Noble Lord, if he admitted a property :ax at all, contended
that all equity and justice and sound sense required therri to
admit an income tax also, and that if they threw out the in-
come tax, they could not for a moment stand up.and support a
property tax. But, said the Noble Lord now, admitting that
I couple them both together, the present circum-
stances of the country give no reason for introducing
a property tax as any direct tax whatever. They had also the
testimony of another Gentleman on the other side; the Member
fur Greenock, and he states that in his judgment a property
tax and an income tax must go together; the House could not
object to one and not to the other ; that if they resorted to
direct taxation, it must tike effect on all property alike, de-
rived from incomes of every description. In this he entirely
agrees with the Noble Lord ; but he would be found to differ
from very many gentlemen on the other side of the House,
who were exceedingly ready to tax all real property—(hear,
hear)—who cared not how heavy were the burdens they laid
upon the landed or funded property—( Hear, hear) —but
who took especial care. of all property arising from un-
certain and contingent sources. Then the Hon. Member
for Coventry whoa ho came to discuss what they should take
instead of a tax or income, or property , referring to the bud-
get of last year, said that they were periectly right in the state
of their relations with foreign countries, not to take the duties
on sugar as part of their budget. With regard to the timber
duties, the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat dawn, had
told them that the loss on the timber duties was equal to the
great financial diastar that had occurred in Affghanistan, of
which he shouln presently have a word or two to say to the
Right Hon. Gentleman,—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial
benches. That was the language held by the Right
Honourable Gentleman on the other side, while the Hon.
Member for Coventry, speaking of the same duties,
and the same reduction of them says, that for the extension of
the commerce and the general community, it was impossibe
to propose a measure more beneficial. Here was a sample of
the agreement and the harmony among gentiemen en the
other side of the House, when we propose to meet the emer-
gency which they cannot deny; they cannot avoid all sorts of
differences among themselves without being able to point out
any better expedient. Now what are the circumstances in
which it is justifiable to have recourse to an income tax? It
was not the emergency of a state of war alone, but the emer-
gency of that state of things in which the revenue was iesuffi-
ciene to meet the current expenditure; a state of things which,
if permitted to go on, must injure the credit, and con-
sequently damage the prosperity of the country.—( Hear.)
The Noble Lord told them that in no ease should an income
tax be resorted to, except in a time of war: he did not think
that that admission of the Noble Lord was xery complimentary
to the Government, by whose management and policy, the
finances of the country, of the end of twenty years peace, were
brought into such a state that there should be a necessity to
resort to an income tax to supply the deficiency.—( Loud
cheers from the Tory benches.) To that extreme measure
which heretofore had been considered among the peculiar re-
sources of the country in a time of war—(Cheers)—but
neitner could he admit that in the present state of things they
were in such. a condition as that described by the Hon. Member
for Lewes, who said they were in a state of profound peace. A
state of profound. peace . Let them look at their relations with

all the li-refit!, relaiions that had been bequeathed to them by
Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—( Cheers.) Let them look at the
state of their relations in the North, in the South, in the East,
in the West 1 Let them look at this moment,—(Oh, oh, and
cheer from the Ministerial side.) He earnestly hoped, and
he wls sanguine enough to believe that their differences with
the United States of America might be brought to a friendly
and happy conclusion ; but he asked when ever had it been
necessary for the state of their Canadian provinces to keep
there 20,000 British bayonets ?—( Cheers. ) When before, in
a state of profound peace, had it been necessary to maintain in
Canada an army of 20,000 men ?—(Cheers.) A state of pro-
found peace ! Look at China. Look at the war they had
stirred up there, and let them tell him the amount
of financial difficulty they had created. Let them calculate, if
they Could, the amount of tinancial embarrassment which they
had secured them for toe fortune of the war.--( Cheers.) Do
not measure it by the number of troop=, by the 9,000 or 10,000
men of all arms, and by the fleet which they had there, but
was there not a war, then, of which no man could see the

result, and in which every man knew but little glory could be
reaped by the British arms, while there was much uncertainty
whether or not, they might encounter signal disaster and
failure. A state of profound peace ! Look at India. Let
the Right Honourable Gentleman turn his eye to that portion
of the Indian empire, of which the Right Hon. Gentleman
had spoken, contending that the disasters is Affghanistan, even
made a mere sophistry and plausible argument. • The state of
Afighanistan mere sophistry ! The Right Hon. Gentleman
himaelf, was glad enough to disclaim all personal responsibility
for that state of things.—(lmmense cheers from the Ministe-
rial benches. ) The Right lion. Gentleman who had subse-
quontiv tilled the situation of Secretary at War, must have had
means in his official capacity of calculating to a certain extent,
the dangers and disasters they were likely to meet, and well
and wisely did the Right Hon. Gentleman tell them, that when
the expedition was undertaken he was not in power—(Cheers)
—that he was not in the Cabinet—that he was not even in
Parliament ; that so far from counselling such a war he was
not even in England, nor a Mentber of the Administration till
the expedition had come too its completion. Ah ! but then
came the time when they were warned by the Dake of Wel-
lington what would be the result. They would recollect
:he prophetic sagacity with which he told them
that triumph they might—that he bed full confi-
dence in the bravery of their troops, and in the gallantry
and skill of the a-my, but when they should have succeeded
then woe!d come the difficulty of keeping possession. And
you did succeed, and you slept on the top of the volcano, and
you woke only to find yourself overwhelmed by the_ fiery tor-
rent, The Right Hon. Gentleman admitted, indeed, that this
wes a great disaster, but that, in a financial point of view, it was
nothing at all that, in afinancial point of view, while, addressing

a British House of Commons, he said, Was the ()ply light in which
they had to view it.—(oli, oh, from the Oppositioe.) Even
on the low ground he would meet the Right Hon: Genth-man,
and tell him that he takes a false view of our financial diffi-
culties, occasioned by their miserable policy, with regard to
Affghanistan. Would the Right Hon. Gentleman, the late
President of the Board of Control, coincide with him? Ile
knew the Right Hon. Gentleman's knowledge of
India, and
his official connexion with that dep;rtment had taught
him to estimate more-gloomily, and he believed more truly,
the financial embarrassment consequent on the disasters our
army had sustained in Affghanistan—the disaster which, they
were told by the Right Hon. Gentleman, was not, in a finan-
cial paint of view, worth the 600,000/. tiry were going to give
up on the timber duties. But thev were going to send
out ten thousand men more, and that would not cost
more than 25,0001. ; and that, in a financial point of
view, the misfortune was a mere matter of sophistry.
and in a financial point of view contemptible. Contemptible,
was it? How did he view the declaration of the Right lion.
Gentleman as to the Freemasonry of Islamism? What did lie
tell you of the religious feeling Ahat had beer, excited ? What
did he tell you of a great Mahometan success? That it would
fall like a spark upon tow. That when he forms an estimate
of pounds, shillings, and pence, of the loss of these brave men
._(Cries of " Oh," and" Hear)—when ha made his calcula-
tion—(" Oh, oh ")—ashen he has made his celculatien of the
:urn of money—(" Oh, oh ")—he was quoting the Right lion.
Gentleman's owa words ; and he told those Gentlemen who
tried " Oh, oh," on this occasion, though he admitted that the
disaster—a disaster not less than Walcheren—yet he affirms
that the loss is less than the amount given up on the timber
duty; that on the present occasion they had only to deal with
it as a financial question, and one which was to be propeed
merely as a measure of. pounds, shillings, and pence,
I would the Right Hon. Gentleman say, when he had calculated
the amount of pounds, shillings, and pence, by which we are
financially to measure this great disaster to the British arms. I
say he has omitted in those calculations, or rather those
fearful anticipations, which would necessarily arise in
any man who gave a moment's coni•ideration to
the subject, all these consequences that might arise from this
great Mahometan's success, which was falling like sparks
on taw all the consequences that might spring from that
Freemasonry of Islamism which extended from Morocco to
Coromandel.—(Cheers.) If our Empire is, India rests upon
that prestige of opinion, who shall calculate is a financial
point of view the ruinous and extravagant expenditure to
which we must be led, it we intend to support our character
in India, and maintain, against the spread of the feeling to
which he had alluded, as well as against the memory of
recent disasters, the opinion of the invincibility of British arms.
Was not the Right Hon. Gentleman aware that besides the
deficiency of 2,500,000/., there was also the war of
Affghanistan to be provided for, and the recent disaster
to be repaired.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") However
gloomy were the apprehensions t f her Majesty's Go-
vernment at the beginning the sestiob, they were not
fully aware of the extent of the disasters in Affghanistan.—
(Cheers.) Still they had foresight enough to think of making
provision for the evil that might come.—(Cheers.) They
did not act upon the aphorism of the Hon. Member for Ips-
wich, that sufficient for the day was the evil thereof. —(r ory
cheers.) But, in January last, they did know that it would be
necessary to call for an increase of taxation, not without consi-
dering all the objections which would be raised against any
measure of taxation which they night bring forward.—
( Cheer,.) They knew how skilfully and ably, and how un-
fairly—(Cheers)—those objections would be brought forward—
but yet they came to the conclusion that by indirect taxa-
tion alone they would not be able to meet the difficulties
which were not of their creation..—(Cheers.) But that by
the financial arrangements proposed by his Right Hen. Friend,
they would be able not only to meet the deficiency, but at the
same time greatly to relieve the commerce and industry of the
country. The Noble Lord opposite said that all difficulties
would have been avoided if the House had conceded the budget
which he had brought in last )ear. In proposing that budget
the Noble Lord had spoken of the howl of the old slave-holding
party.--( Cheers.) But the Noble Lord had this year an oppor-
tunity of again proposing that part a his budget, and the House
had condemned it as far as regarded that item,
and he sent up to the other branch of the Legislature a bill
framed upon an opposite principle.—( Cheers. ) The Noble
Lord disclaimed being the enemy of the landed interest, and yet
he said that what he should propose would be an increased
impost upon the assessed taxes, and a new duty upon the
transfer and succession of real property. The noble Lord
argded as if real property had escaped from all
taxation, and overlooked all the argument of his Right
Honourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
who showed that tl.e land now paid taxes equal
to those paid by personal property in various forms.—(Cheers
and counter cheers.) lion. Gentlemen who cried, " Oh, oh !"
were not conversant with real property.—(Great cheering, and
Lries of " Oh, oh !") They di t not know what were the bur •
dens actually borne by the land, nor what were the duties im-
posed upon the transfer of real property by settlement and
conveyance.—(Cheers, anti cries of " Oh, oh !") He would
not weary the House by going through the whole of a subject
which had already been nearly exhausted. He would not deny
that an income tax must p..rtake of an inquisitorial character.
Neither would he go the length of the Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber for Bath, who said that no honest man could object
to make public his ref l circumstances ; for he (Lord
Stanley) could understand the case of an honest man
to whom it wculd be most inconvenient and painful to be
compelled to say exactly what his income was.--( Hear.) Still
he thought it was possible to avoid such inconvenience, and
to divest the impost of much of its inquisito.ial character, and
to guard against any greater breaches of morality than would
be involved in such an increase of the assessed taxes as the
Noble Lord himself did not hesitate to propose. To the
inequality of the tax, he confessed he slid not tee so high an
objection. He had heard an Hon. Gentleman, he did not re-
member whom, say if such a tax were to take off the national
debt—if it was to set the country free for the future from a
large proportion of the debt, and if for that purpose they were
going to raise ten or fifteen per cent. or even twenty
per cent., he would not object to an income tax. Now, in his
(Lord Stanley's) view, such would be a case of gross injustice
and the present was not. They were not calling upon the
country to pay its past incumbt aeces, nor to provide for future
exigencies. They were calling upon every man of this country,
according to his means, lie those means chat they might, ex-
empting those of very moderate incomes, but upon every man
who had a competency they were calling to contribute front
his resources to the payment of the expenses of the year.
Whether incomes were derived from fixed capital, and were
such as remained after expenditure had ceased, or whether
they were of uncertain tenure, or were mere annuities,
they were calling upon every man in his situation (it
might be unfortunate for hint to be in the pessession
of a larger income at a particular time) they were ceiling upon
every individuel in the country at large to provide for the
annual expenditure of the country. So far horn its being an
unequal, unjust, and oppressive mode of proceeding, he be-
lieved it to be a wise, sound, and politic mode ; verydifferent
from the system pursued by the late Government, but not, in
his mind, less deserving the attention of the country, because
not altogether following the precedent set by that Govern-
ment. The Right lion. Gentleman, the Member for Tippe-
rary, in a very eloquent speech—[The Noble Lord was here
reminded that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Shell) to
whom he alluded was Member for Dungarvon. 1 The Noble
Lord then went on to say, that he had been so accustomed to
consider the Right Hon. Gentle Man as his (Lord Stanley's) re-
presentative—(Laughter)—that lie had totally forgotten that
the Right Hon. Gentleman had ceased to sit for Tipperary.
The Right Hon. Gentleman the other night in taunting his
(Lord Stanley's) friends and those on that side of the House that
supported them, ha l quoted two lines from the poet Waller—
" Still as you rise, the State exalted toe ;
Knows no distnrbance while ttis changed by you."
The quotation would have applied still better had the Right
Gentleman gone cn and quoted two lines further—
'
" Changed is the world's great scene, when without noise,
Therising suns light vulgar light destroys."
(Laughter.)
From an opponent he (Lord Stanley) must say,
that that was a most attering testimony to the change which
had taken place, and he knew it would be more emphatic if
they looked that the change took place without noise. There
was not so much fuss and bustle ; more business was done;
where things were dark anti obscure and uncertain, and men
got perchance into the right path, they knew not how;
for the present they would keep it, and would diverge from it
—they saw nothing but what was under their nose--(Laugh-
ter)—but the moment the change took place, which had been
alluded to by the Right 'Hon. Gentleman, all that had been
dark became light—all that had been confueion became order
—men saw obstacles in their path,. but found themselves able
to surmount those obstacles, and did not go stumbling into
every puddle which might lie in the way of those who walked
by night. He (Lord Stanley) did not think that the Right
Hon. Baronet required any vindication for preferring his own
plan to the course of the late GovernMent as indicated las

Year, and as pa-tly shadowed forth in the course of the discus-
sion
by lion. Gentlemen opposite. Whatever alarm might be
said to be felt as to the present measure, he re-
peated he did not think that they required any
vindication, nor that they were fairly to be charged with hesi-
tating to confront great interests, or with seeking for them-
selves popularity. They proposed a measure, which he trusted
the House would adopt, and which, he believed, would meet
with the general approbation of the country at large—a mea-
sure against which he was, at least, justified in sea ing that the
interval of Easter, which was so earnestly prayed for, had not pro.
duced that universal burst of execration which seemed to have
been expected—a measure, moreover, which proposed to raise
tile credit, and redeem the embarrassments of this country, at
a time when its commercial interests required it—a measure
which had extorted, even from stiong political opponents, this
honourable testimony, that it was an honest, a direct, and a
straightforward measure.—(Cheers.)
Mr. LABOUCEIERE said, thal the Noble Lord who had
just sat down had addresses the House with his accustomed
vehemence and ability, but he was sorry to be obliged to add,
with much less than his accustomed fairness, lie tMr. L. )
should not attempt to follow the Noble Lord through all the
glaring misstatements and misrepresentations which he had
made. But there was ope which he had heard with peculiar
regret, and to which 'he would not say, in justice to
his Right Houourable Friend, the Member for Edin-
burgh (Mr. Macaulay), but in justice 'to the Hon e
it necessary to
and his (Mr. L's.) own feelings, he thought
Right Hon, lion. Friend had
call the immediate attention of the House.. He thought the
mis-statement so gross and obvious, that it must have struck
every Member equally that had heard it, as behyeo(nAdiarl.mLo.s; atoonyk-
sligetnentifielenln.tF, character and thing which had been a precedent in that House in the way of
Barnidtisnhotahrimngy
n
occurred toraistehned;
dmoiws ttahteemweonrtd.s a The
thehe tNobleme, that
td
hsaid,
treated the disaster which had
in Affghani,tan as a mere financial question,thaenNd
ohbeleaLtholerdd
that the Right Hon. Gentleman had estimated the lois of
brave men by pounds, shillings, and pence. He (Mr. L.
therefore ventured to say, that as nothing could be more im.
cap
otr
attempted
odiousrpbteaendmdtooifasten
ds
tieffnetrhueenpnot
upon
suchrho the
Right
dispo-
sitionm
of the Right Hon. Gentleman; and also from the words
and arguments used by him on the occasion referred to, he
(Mr. L.) really felt it almost unnecessary, for he was sure there
was not a man in the House, who had listened to the Noble Lord,
on whatever side that Member might be sitting, that was not
aware of the answer which he (Mr. L.) was not,/ going to
give. His Right Hon. Friend in very eloquent and forci-
ble language, has cleared himself of even the possibility
of an impuation. He had expressed. that which all
must feel, namely, deep regret at the disaster, he
trusted temporary disaster, which had befallen the British
army ; but he had added that they were called on to con-
sider not of the policy that led to that. Conduct, nor of i.s mili-
tary consequences, but solely of it as a question of finance; and
in that sense, and in that sense only, had spoken of it. He
(Mr. L.) thought that his Right Hon. Friend was justified in
using that_ argument whed they were called cn to vote a
tax founded on those circumstances which might be
alleged as one of the reasons for the tax.—(Hear. )
He (Mr. L.), therefore, thought the Right lion. Gentleman
perfectly justified in using such an argument, and it was not
worthy of the Noble Lord to refer to it as he had done. The
injustice of such an allusion he thought the Noble Lord must,
upon reflection see, and would, no doubt, regret it. In truth
he (Mr. L.) attributed that departure f Gin the usual fairness
if the Noble Lord to those symptoms of irritation
which they had se, n persons connected with the Government
in the course of these debates evince. . Notwithstanding the
coefid ntial tone with which they had spoken to the House, and
the country, of the financial scheme they proposed, he could
not help attributing very great doubts h..;
rig entertained
by them, as to whether the country would receive that mea-
sure with such entire satisfaction, as they affected to believe.
The Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, in the speech which

be had addressed to the House on Friday night, expressed his
astonishment at his -having encountered determined re-
sistance on this subject. He (Sir. L.) could as-'
sure the Right Honourable Gentleman that neither on the
present occasion, nor on any fdrmer one had he expressed him-
self towards him in a manner inconsistent with personal
respect, which he felt more for the character of the Right Ho-,
pourable Gentleman, than for his high and official station.
But at the same time, in speaking for himself, he
(Si r. L.) must say, that when a Government
brought .forward a measure,. of which • he, in his
cogscience disapproved, and which he thought dangerous to
the country, be felt it his duty to offer it determined opposi-
tion. He would give such a measure no factious or vexatious
apposition for the purpose of delay ; but by every means which
the constitutional rules of the House allowed, he would oppose
the Income Tax Bill on its first, second, and third readings,
and if ,he [did not do so he did not think he would
be doing his duty to his constituents and the country.
The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth had
taunted the late Government with having clung to office, al-
though supported by very. small-majorities, and contrasted
their situation with his ( Sir R. Peel's) own, supported as be
now was by a considerable majority. He was surprised to hear
the Right lion. Gentleman using language of that kind, and
thought he must have fergottrn the history of the y ear 1835
( Chcers)—when there was a Government which remained in
office a very considerable time, although it was not only not
supported by a small majority, but was actually, during the
whole period of its existence, in a very considerable minority.—
(Cheers.) He did not mean to reflect on the conduct of the
Right Hon. Gentleman on that occasion. He had no doubt
but that the Right lion. Gentleman had then been actuated by
very proper motives, but it was a little too much, after
the events of 1835, for the Right Hon. Gentleman
to be so elated by his having now a large majority as to taunt
the late Government with having held office although only sup-
ported by a small one. The .Right Hon. Gentleman had said
that the late Government had delayed proposing their plans of
commercial reform until they had no chance of carrying them.
Now the late Government at its first advent to power,
when it was strong in public support, and strong in the sup-
port of a large Parliamentary majority, had proposed an alter-
ation in the timber duties. That proposition the Right Hen.
Gentleman and others acting in concert with him, had by
raising the cry against free tra.le, and appealing to the influence
of those interested in supporting monopoly, been enabled
to defeat, and knowing that, was it surprising that they should
hesitate to bring forward their measures of commercial reform
until they felt that further delay would be dangerous to the in-
terests of the country, and having felt that they proposed those
measures to Parliament, and staked their existence as a Govern-
ment upon the issue.—(Cheers.), the Noble Lord who had
just sat down had said that now, for the first time, they (the
Opposition) admitted that it was necessary to make some
effort to place the revenue and the expenditure upon a satis-
factory basis. Why, that was the point taken by his Honour-
able Friend, the Member for Portsmouth, in proposing the ad-
dition to the assessed taxes in 1840; that was the ground taken
by him last year in bringing forward his budget. Gentlemen op-
posite had objected to the measures they had proposed to re-
medy that deficiency, but they certainly had no right to say
that the necessity for making some finanical effort had never
been acknowledged until now. The Noble Lord had gone on
to say that he (Mr. Labouchere) had admitted that
the measures proposed last year would now be inadequate to
make good the deficiency, and that it would be necessary, in
order to do so, to resort to additional taxation. lie (Mr.
Labouchere) would admit what he hail stated, but he (Mr.
Lahouchere) had also said that, although he believed the
budget of last year would, if now adopted, be insufficient to
make up the whole of the deficiency, and that rather
than suffer that deficiency to remain, it was the
duty of the Government to have recourse to direct taxation,
yet, that if the alterations then proposed in the sugar
duties, in the timber duties, and in the Corn-laws,
had been adopted, the deficiency would have been so small as
to afford no excuse to the Government for resorting to such a
measure as the income tax.—(Cheers.) Hon. Gentlemen
opposite themselves, therefore, had created the necessity far the
income tax, if any such existed—(Cheers)—and the House
ought to be aware, and the country ought to be aware, and the
country was becoming aware, that if there were any necessity
for the imposition of the income tax, that tax was the price they
were paying for the continuance of the sugar monopoly and
the Corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) He had not heard any reply
to that point from Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—( Cheers.)
In all their speeches they had cautiously avoided all
allusion to that part of the subject.—(Loud cheers.)
The Noble Lord had thought proper to say, that if they objec-
ted to the Government propositions they ought to state what
Course they would recommend. Although he (Mr. La-
bouchere) acknowledged there would be much force in that
argument, yet he could not but express his surprise at hearing
it from Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—(Cheers.) When, during
the course of last year, the then Government proposed their
financial measures, which were opposed by Gentlemen oppo-
site, those Gentlemen at that time cautiously abstained from
giv.ng any opinion as to what would be the proper measure to
be adopted. He (Mr. L.) did not thean to say it was their duty
to have gone into the technical details of the measures, but
they would not give the smallest indication of what they thought
ought to be done. lion. Gentlemen opposite then said it is
enough that we negative your measures ; we will not say
whether we think new taxes ought to be imposed, or whether
other changes should be made in the commercial policy. The
Right Hon. Gentleman hid on former occasions protested
against having recourse to the system of loans, but on that oc-
casion he cautiously abstained from committing hfinself event
to that extent.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Labouchere) had thought
that conduct unworthy of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—( Loud
cheers.) He (Mr. Labouchere) thought that no Gentleman,
occupying the high position of the Right Hon. Gentleman,
ought, under such circumstances: to have so completely ab-
stained from stating what were his general views. His Noble
Friend (Lord John RusseH) had not adopted such a line of
conduct. -A Cheers.) With that frankness which belonged to
his character—( Cheers) and which did him so much honour
—(Loud cheers)—his 'Noble Friend, in proposing his re-
solutions, had gone into details to a degree almost bor-
dering on the verge of indiscretion—( Loud cheers)—
He (Mr. Labouchei e) almost thought his Noble Friend had,
in his ingenuous frankness, goee too far; but he (Mr. Labou-
chere) would not quarrel with him for having done so. The
Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Tamworth, had ex-
pressed great indignation at the idea that it should be supposed
that he had adopted any of his measures from those of his op-
ponents. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that all his mea-
sures were original; that they were exclusively his own, and
was extremely offended at the Idea that it should be supposed that
he had received any hints frcm the measures of his predecessors,
He had no fear, but the country v ould do impartial justice to
all. He thought the Right Hon. Baronet had attempted to run
away with credit which did not belong to him. He had left
others the battle and the burden of the day, and had given
them no very great support—if his conduct could not be chat ac-
terised as a decided opposition. He then stepped forward in
the eleventh hour, when he found that the tide was turning,
when it found it was impossible to resist the application of that
principle, he then endeavoured to give himself out as a person
to whom the country was indebted. He (Mr. Labouchere)
would not waste the time of the House by debating this ques-
tion; he was perfectly willing to leave it to the public at large,
being satisfied that its judgment would do justice to all. The
Right Honourable Baronet quoted the speech, and the
resolutions of Lord Althorp, when he proposed his
resolution to the House of Commens upon the subject
of taxation when the repeal of the malt tax was proposed. He
quoted the resolution of Lord Althorp, and his language on
that occasion, and attempted to show that at that time Lord
Althorp was favourable to a property tax. He (Mr. Labou-
chere) had looked to that speech, and to that resolution,_ and
he was really astonished at the attempt of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman in striving to prove that Lord Althorp was favourable
to suck a tax. He should observe that at that time certain
taxes had been repealeil, and it was thought necessary to resort
to a property or income tax. Lord Althorp said, if they re-
pealed the malt tax they must apply a property tax. Did Lord
Althorp by that say that he was favourable to a property and
income tax? The Right Hon. Gentleman should have stated,
when quoting the opinion of Lord Althorp,. that Lord Althorp
did not at all contemplate a property tax. Lord. Althorp
said that the country should never receive less then ten
or twelve millions from. such . a tax.. What had
misled the Right lion. Baronet; -was that Lord Althorp had
frequently stated that abstractedly, and in theory. a property
tax was the most just of all taxes, but be said its inquisitorial
process was most disadvantageOus. It was this that ought to
deter the House from passing this measure into a law unless
it was convinced of its real necessity. It was a part of the
English character to feel disgust at any investigation of their
private affairs. This was a valyable part of their character.
The independence of the people would revolt at the investiga-
tion of their affairs by the Government officers. The income
tax was accompained by an inquisivorial process; it
was a necessary part of the tax, and to attempt to do without
it, became a scarcely less evil, as it would fall unjustly.
Now, if this were the case, he would then ask whether it was
worth their while, whether it was safe, whether it was politic,
to proposea tax of this nature to the country; even if they
themselves were of opinion that it was the best course that
could be pursued, they should not adopt it, unless they could
act on it under such circumstances as would speak fur them-
selves as being of advantage for the country, foe its honour
abroad and its safety at }lime. He should only detain the
House with one or two more observations ; and they should be
confined to the tariff. He could only soy, with regard to it,
that it contained much of infinite value and importance ; and
Ke regretted to say that that which appeared to him to be the
most valuable was that which had excited the greatest opposition.
He approved of the duties upon corn, cattle, and provisions—that
was no new opinion of his. He perfectly agreed with the
Right Hon. Gentleman, in the determination to which he had

arrived relative to those articles, and if he had been in a posi-
tion to have proposed a tariff, he should have proposed a simi-
lar one to that of the Right Hon. Gentleman, so far as these

articles were concerned; and whatever opprobrium might at-
tach to those articles, he was ready to bear his share in it.
There was no doubt that these measures must produce the most
beneficial results to the general interests ; and he believed that
the removing of the duty from foreign metals, would be of
great advantage to the industrial portion of the community.
tie was glad to hear what the Right Honourable
Gentleman had said relative to the commercial
treaty with France.—(The Right Honourable Gentle-
man here lowered his voice so much, as to be almost inaudible. )
He WU of opinion that they were dealing with there trade questions
in a manner in which we could afford to deal with them ; at the
same time he thought that those questions should be looked at
with a view to avoid fresh taxation. He would only conclue
by saving that he opposed the tax from a deep conviction that
it was not necessary. That summed up the whole of his ob-
jections. He did not say that there might nut be circum-
stances in which the imposition of such a tax would be ad-
visable ; but he did not think that such circumstances now

existed.--t Hear, hear.) He did not think there was
any sufficient reason for imposing on the people of
this country a tax so alien to their habits and distasteful to
their feelings. He was afraid that by adopting the proposal of
the Government they would be holding out a signal of distress
to foreign nations, and that they would excite throughout the
country a feeling of aversion to such a tax, which would render
the people unwilling to hear it even at periods when the public
exigencies imperatively demanded its imposition.
Lord STANLEY wished to offer a few words in explanation.
The Right lion. Gentleman had commented upon an expres-
sion of his, with regard to which he should be sorry to be mis.
understood. In alluding to the affairs of A ffghanistan, he had
stated that the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Macaulay)
had treated much too lightly the importance of that
national disaster. He thought that to look at the mater
merely in a financial point of view. would be to con-
skier it in a very narrow and imperfect light. He
thought even in a financial point of view, the Right Hon.
Gentleman had very much underrated the disaster; but cer-
tainly if he had said anything which attributed to the Right
Hon. Gentleman's personal indifference to the loss of life
which had occurred, he had, no intention of imputing to him
anything of the kind. If he had nut chosen his words very
nicely he had not the least intention of imputing to him a
feeling of indifference.—( Hear, hear )
Mr. MACAULAY said he need hardly say that he could
not have felt indifference in any other than a financial point of
view. What he had said Was that he could not see what in
a financial point of view the recent disasters had to do with the
present question.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord F. EGERTON rose to address the House amidst loud
cries of" Divide, divide, divide."
Mr. BROTHERTON moved the adjournment of the de-
bate.

BLEWITT seconded the motion.
Lord F. EGERTON was proceeding to Aldrets the Home,
when

Mr. BLEWITT spoke to order. He said the Hon. Mem-
ber ought to know that the Noble Lord rose before he moved
the adjournment. If the 'Hon.. Member had moved the ad=
journment first, he would save been entitled to speak before
the Noble Lord.—(}fear, hear.) He wished to say a word in
his own justification—( Cries of " Order, order.")
I .ord F. EGERTON said he rose chiefly f:•r the purpose of
calling the attention of the House to the opinion of his consti-
tuents upon the question under consideration. Last, week he
had presented a petition, signed by 4,000 inhabitants of the
manufacturing town of Bury, that evening he had presented
one, which was signed by 24,000 inhabitants of the town of
Manchester, and both were in favour of the income tax.
These petitioners stated that they were sensible of the necessity
which existed for making a vigorous effort to supply the defi-
ciency ; that they believed the plan proposed by the Govern-
ment would relieve the distresses of the industrious classes,
and relax those impositions which impeded our intercourse
with foreign countries, and fettered our domestic industry.
—( Hear, hear.) These were matters of opinion, but what
followed was matter of demonstrative tact ; it was to the
effect that any delay in this emergency beyond the limits of
fair discus:ion had ceased to be pardonable, it was not a mere
Parliamentary manceuvre, it was a crime of the deepest and
blackest magnitude—( Great liughter from the Opposition)—
for it was a prolongation of the distress which existed.--
( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) These petitioneis
ware the sensitive plants of property, which were to wither
and die, and yet they told them that they believed the mea.
sures proposed were calculated to relieve the country in its
distress.—( Hear.) It would ill become him (I.ord F. Egerton)
to stigmatise the course of moving adjournments; but the peti-
tioners stated that in their opinion such delay was highly pre-
judicial to the interests of commerce in general, as well as to
the petitioners, to whom the revival of trade was a matter of
most urgent necessity. It was after the close of the Easter
recess, that this petition had been presented, after the Noble
Lord had come down to the House with that declaration of
his, which infused new life and spirit into the ranks of his party.
He (Lord F. Egerton) remembered when, after the defeat
which he had suffered, the Noble Lord—
" Lay floating many a rood."
--(Great aughter from both sides of the House.) During
the Easter recess everything that could be, was devised and lie
had looked forward with some apprehension to see what course
would be pursued.—(Laughter.) It was subsequent to all this
that petition was drawn up, in which the petitioners spoke of
the high satisfaction with which they had seen that a plan, in-
cluding the income tax, and his Right Hun. Friend's
tariff, had been submitted to the House by her Majesty's Go-
vernment.—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The sig-
natures to that petition were nut exclusively of a Tory charac-
ter. It was stated that the petition was not more than six
days in progress of signature. It was only exposed for signa-
ture at the Exchange, and two or dm. e other places ; yet so
popular was the subject of the petition, that the names of a
great number of the Whig party were attached to it. He did not
attach more importance to this petition than it deserved.
and he should think as much of it if it had contained 24
or 4,000, signatures. Under all the circumstadces it was a
demonstration which ought to relieve the anxiety which the
Right Hon. Baronet was supposed to labour under. There
were one or two topics of the various speeches of that
evening upon which he wished to make one or two observa-
tions. Great alarm appeared to have seized the Right Hon.
and Learned Gentleman who preceded the Right Hon.
Baronet, for he thought that the proposal of Her Majesty's
Government would have the effect of lowering this country
in the estimation of foreign powers. If he (Lord F. Egerton)
concurred in the prayer of that petition, it was because he
thought it was conceived in a spirit which would raise this
country in the scale of nations and in the est;mation
of foreign powers.—( Loud cheers.) He had been very
much struck with a passage of a work written by a
foreigner in very eloquent language, which he would read to
the House. "If we are destined, as we might be, to meet her
(England) in arms, in every continent and in every sea we
should meet her as an antagonist worthy of our arms."—
(Cheers.) This he (Lord F. Egerton) believed was the spirit
and the feeling that would be engendered, if they made the
proposed effort to relieve the . country from her present difficul-
ties. He thanked the House for the patience with which he
was heard, and he would most cordially support the measure of
the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Cheers. )
Mr. BROTHERTON then moved the adjournment of the
House.

On the question being put,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Noble Lord had used
a few observations to which he wished to refer. The Noble
Lord bad alluded to the conduct of the late Government, and
said that those who gave delay to the measures of the Government
would be guilty of a crime. He thought that Hon. Gentlemen
must be guided by the nature of the question brought forward,
before they could come to a conclusion with respect to them.--
( hear, hear.) But with regard to those bold measures of the
Government, let it be recollected that, in the month of May,
these questions might have been fully considered, and they had
been put off on account of the slave trade and the misery that
would be inflicted on the natives of Africa; and in the month
of September, when the new Administration came into office,
they did not bring those measures forward—( Cheers)—but they
put them off till February--(Cheers)—and it was not till the
month of March that those measures which the Noble Lord's
constituents at Manchester were so anxious about were brought
forward.—(Cheers.) Therefore, if there were any responsi-
bility, he begged leave to say; that the bulk of the crime
was not to be imputed to his side of the House. He (Lord
J. Russell) had not voted for any delay ; he only wished that
time might be allowedfor,the due consideration of a question,
which. if carried, would not give that relief to the country
which the country had a right to expect; and which it was
necessary, on that account ,the 3should spend some time in
considering. There was another point on which he would
say a few words. It bad been stated, that it would be
necessary to institute some inquiry as to the original policy ,
of the expedit.on to Affghanistan. He (LordJ. R.) was fitly I
responsible as a Member of the late Government for that expedi-
tion, and he did not wish in any degree to avoid an inquiry; but
let it be recollected that at the time the late Government laid I
on the table of the House, when the expedition had taken place,
papers which they thought sufficient, to justify them, the
Members of the Opposition were then very vigilant in watching I
the policy of the Government, and they brought forward mo- I
tions with respect to Canada and China, but they did not make I
any • s milar indication with respect to the expedition to
Affghanistan.—( Hear, hear.) liut, if it should be made
matter of future discussion, he only asked that not only those
papers immediately referring to the matter, but that
the full and entire case, as contained in the documents
in the Foreign-office, would be laid before the House, I
and that Parliament would be afforded an opportunity
of considering them.—( Hear.) He need not say further with
respect to his Noble Friend, Lord Auckland, than that it was j
imnossible for any man to give greater attention to the
affairs of his Government ; and after all the deliberation
whieli the Government, of which he (Lord J. Russell) was
a Member, hadgiven to all the occurrences, they could come
only to this conclusion, that the expedition was necessary to
the preservation of our empire in India, and he (Lord John
Russell) would always be ready to identify himself with the
policy of Lord Auckland.
Sir J. HOBHOUSE was not prepared to take Part in a
debate upon the policy of the late Government in East Indian
affairs. He could only say with his Noble Friend that lie
would not shrink, and that the Governmeut of which he had
been a member would not shrink, from the responsibility of
Lord Auckland's policy. But he thought that it would be more
convenient for the House of Commons to take another
occasion of discussing this question, when it would be possible
to give it a full and fair discussion.—( Hear.) He thought that
the late Government would be able to show that Lord Auck-

land was fully borne out in the conduct which he had pursued,
and that he would have betrayed his duty, not only to the In-
dian Government, but to the Government of this country, if
he had taken any other course.—( Cheers. )
Mr. MARK PHILIPS had never sought to protract a
debate from factious motives. Ho had been re-
turned to that House by a majority considerably greater
than any Conservative candidate for the Borough of
Manchester could procure. His constituents would not
object to their fair share of the public burdens. If re-
course must be had to an income tax, it behoved the
House to protect the people against, any further tax on articles
of consumption. He had looked forward with great anxiety to
the settlement of the questions pending between this country •
and the Brazils, and he saw nothing in the propositions ema-
nating from her Majesty's Government by which those diffe-
rences could be placed on a more satisfactory basis ; he should,
as far' as the income tax was concerned, give his conscientious
opposition to the plan of the Right Hon, Baronet.
Mr. LABOUCHERE was understood to put a question in
reference to a charge made by the Noble Lord, the Member for
South Lancashire, that that gentlemen on this side of the House
had obstructed the progress of the tariff ?
Sir. R. PEEL said he wished to al oid, as much as possible,
giving any promise to which he could not adhere. lie held
the tariff in his hand, and it had gone to the printer. When
it came on for discussion he felt confident that Hon. Gentle-
men opposite would not throw any obstruction in its way other
than what might arise from a fair discussion of it. The House
would discuss the propositions with a deep sense that in the
meantime the country was kept in a state :of depression and
uncertainty on account of the discussion. There was no wish for
precipitation, but while it received a full consideration, he
trusted that the other side of the House would not throw in its '
way any unnecessary obstruction.
Lord F. EGERTON said, lie had been quite misunderstood.
He had not meant to charge Hon. Gentlemen with any suck
proceeding. He had stated that to protract the discussion be-
yond the limits absolutely necessary, would be a crime of the
greatest magnitude, but he had not the smallest intention of
charging Hon. Gentlemen with participating in it.
Sir R. PEEL said there might be three or fonr articles,
but they were not impo. taut ones, on which it might be de-
sirable to take the opinion of the trades, and this might justsfy
sonic alteration.

Mr. C. POWELL having given a careful attention to the
income tax of the Right lion. Baronet ; and seeing its inquisi-
torial nature, while ke had failed in shessing a necessity for it,
he must give his vote against it.
Mr. IILEWITT rose amidst loud cries of " Question." He
would only trouble the House with one word of explanation.
He had thought that he was perfectly in order in acting as he
had done. As soon as the Speaker had called him
to order, he had submitted, and if he had been guilty
of any breach of order, he begged to apologise to the House
for his conduct.—(Cheers.)
The question for the adjournment of the debate was then put
and carried.

FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL.
The Fisheries (Ireland) Bill was read a second time.
INDEMNITY BILL.

The Indemnity Bill was read a third time and passed.
1 URNYIKE ROADS' BILL.
Mr. MANNERS SUTTON brought in the Turnpike
Roads' Bill, which was read a first time.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of and the
House Adjourned at Half-past One o'Clock.

We are sorry to say that we have not te=, vet seen
any such symptoms of a revival of trade as would lead us to
hope that employment is becoming more plentiful, or that the
destitute poor who are out of work can as yet safely be thrown
altogether upon their own resources.—Manchester Paper.
ItrorcrioN or VS Aons.—We hear on all hands of
reductions in the wages of manufacturing workmen. Yesterday,
we believe :the hand-loom weavers in the employ of Messrs.
Fielden Brothers, of Todmorden, had an abatement made of
about 20 per cent. on their previous earnings.—Manchester
Paper.

On
Saturdav morning a fatal accident occurred at
Kingston-upon-thames. A boat, loaded with gravel, in
which were John and James Blake, father and son, and another'
man named Jones, was going up he river, and near Thames
Ditton the boat, which was heavily laden, suddenly sunk, and
the three men were immersed in the water. John Blake and
Jones succeeded, after a severe struggle, in getting to shore,
but the son, James Blake, was not so fortunate, as he was
drawn into the eddy caused by the sinking beat, and did not
rise again. Lord ee Roos, who has a residence at Thames
Ditton, was standing upon his lawn at the time of the acci-
dent, and when he saw what happened, be immediately jumped
into the water, and dived several times in the hope of rescuing
the unfortunate youth, who had sunk with the boat, but his
gallant and humane endeavours were unsuccessful ; he did not,
however relinquish his attempt until all hope of saving the life
of the youth was abandoned. The body was picked up abou
two hours afterwards.
The Scotsman of Saturday has the following short
extract of a letter from India, which we subjoins without com-
ment Bellary, 22. d Feb., 1842.—Wild has forced his way
to Ali-Musjeed with the four native regiments ; I sincerely'
trust he may save Sale, and not be himself cutup,"

AGRICULTURAL MEETING AT
CALLINGTON.
(Abridged from the Devonport Independent.)
On Wednesday last, pursuant to requisition, a public meet-
ing was held in the Town•hall, at Callington, in the county of
Cornwall, for the purpose of opposing the new tariff relative te
the introduction of foreign cattle, &e.
The requisitionists, with the exception of two, are Tories,
and consequently a meeting got up for the purpose of opposing
a Government. formed of the " farmers' friends," excited no
small degree of interest.
B. SNELL, Esq., of Landulph, one of the requisitionists, was
called to the chair. On his right were Sir W. L. S. Tre-
lawny, Bart., and J. S. Trelawny, Esq. ; on his left W. Net-
tle, Esq. The hall was crowded almost to suffocation.
The CHatastale read the requisition, and said he had, at the
desire of the requisitionists, enclosed copies of the requisition to
Lord Eliot and Mr. Rashleigh. Lord Eliot returned a prompt
and ready reply, in which he expressed his sorrow that any mea-
sruesrtes oofittfh,ee GcoouvnetT,mbeuntt
hsehostliildd eneodtabneglei
ervethichaatgrtihcuelatultreailaitnioteens
proposedGoin m
ewnotul d
an
yh have t
etinh aet effect;
oso of facts
but
tle hia
tw
tohuel d lay be
meeting
fosr the
he
should
ld
think tit to send him. Mr. Rashleigh had not replied.
J. BOGER, Esq., moved the first resolution, to the effect that
the object of the proposed new tariff was to give a stimulus to
trade and manufactures, and.to afford employment to those
branches of trade which wereat present in suffering or distress;
that the agriculturists were prepared to take, in common with
other classes, the proper share of any sacrifices which might be,
tnecessary
re tnoo at rdrei r
oauts
oo f i m
raisingp orta natnaT roebssut
al te
l; e
sb but
t thatawttabiinls.t
ment of that object, they thought the proposed tariff made
alterations in the admission of agricultural produce to a much
greater extent than necessary, and to an extent that was likely
to prove injurious to the British farmer.
The resolution was seconded by Mr. Hawke.
J. S. TRNLAWNY, Esq. rose. It was impossible for him
to allow that resolution to pass without a few preliminary ob-
servations. He (Mr. Trelawny) was placed in a peculiar
position, for while he could not entirely support the
resolution, on the other hand he must partly oppose it.
At the last election he told them that a change would be pro-
posed in the Corn-laws, and many would recollect that on the
hustings at Bodmin he asked Lord Eliot whether he would bind
himself to support the principle of protection. What was the
answer of Lord Eliot ? He said, " I will support no change
that shall not be acceptable to the aericulturists themselves,"
or words to that effect.—(Cheers.) 'He asked them whether
or net they were contented with the measures recently pro-
posed ; he asked whether Lord Eliot would have fulfilled that
pledge if he supported the measures of Sir R. Peel ?
The CHAIRMAN thought it was hardly fair to presume that
he would support those measures.
Mr. TRELAWNY now thought they were bound to apply to
Lord Eliot either to resign or to oppose Sir
,R. Peel.
W. NATTLE. Esq., questioned very much whether the reso-
lution proposed by Mr. Boger was in accordance with the feel-
ing of the meeting.—(Cheers.) Before they passed the reso-
lution he would beg to ask them whether they had met there to
oppose the present tariff or not. Every man of common sense
knew that this tariff was unfair in its application, and yet at a
meeting which had been called to oppose it, a resolution had
mt
acknowledgement
submittedl%
sa
propert oet
en their
hies e
;wi r
ahpni
part
tuhiiat containedthtohu
wishing
objectai s
hiperfectly
hghfmtueortithosn eat
distinctly
oiGeuasuitliorsa
Govern-
ment
oeccdre::inya.n.t
(rpG.:apiorvr,tiyedsrenptnhmotelaie,mtniive.t,_es,6l(,,hcazhi
rwe.edorlluescladae,nii.
,ad.Tesdkuigpitritloih:anermd.uproar.)
meeting whether not only the
oburddetEwlwoi ouhtle,
state that the present Government had got into power on delusive
principles, and that they had deceived the public.—( Cheers.)
Some ot.e had said that lie had no stake in this matter, but he
might state that he believed he should have in spring tillage
this year a greater number of acres of corn than any man that
was likely to address them : he thought therefore he might hes
allowed to have some feeling on the object of the meeting.
Mr. Nettle concluded by moving an amendment to the ors-
ginal resolution. As the amendment had to be put first it
was subsequently altered and proposed in these words :
" Resolved, that to acquiesce in the measures recently pro.
posed by Sir Robert Peel, would be to acquiesce in the policy
of Sir Robert Peel, of which this meeting entirely disap-
proves."—(Enthusiastic cheering. )
W. S. MoecAN Esq., of Launceston, seconded the amend-
ment. He thought that the measures proposed by Sir It. Peel
were such as the people of England would not assent to, and
if the Hon. Baronet had announced those measures before he
dissolved the late Parliament, Ise would not now have had a
hundred followers in the Ittruse.—( Hear, hear.) As for pe-
titioning the House of Lords upon the subject, he would as
soon petit u., a brick wall.—(Creat cheering, and cries of
" Chair.") The only way was to memorialise her Majesty,
who had shown her patriotism on this occasion, for she had said
to her Prime Minister, " if you tax my people. you shall tax
me too."--(Loud cheers.) What had been the principles of
the Tories ? From the beginning to the end they had never
taken off a tax as long as they could keep it on. Pressure
from without had always done that. Press them now, gentle-
men.-(Cheers.) Press them now by calling for different
measures. Press them now in their Tory districts.—(Cheers
and laughter.) It was now a time for them all to come for-
ward, for he had taxed the landowner, the renter, and the in-
dustrious class of manufacturers. He had taxed them all. and
the worst tax of all was the income tax, for it would paralyze
the whole country.—( Cheers. )
On the amendment being put, the Chairman declared it
carried by a large majority. The original resolution was sub-
sequently discussed at some length, but on being put to the vote
was rejected.

THE WAR IN AFFGHANISTAN.
The position of the British forces west of the Indus is neither
desperate nor disheartening. We are in the possession of
Kelat and Candahar; and the communication of these posi.
tions with Bombay is open. Jellalabad still holds out; and
the Sikhs, through whose country the communication from the
Presidency of Bengal must be kept up, are friendly. There is
every reason to believe that they will continue so. There
is an inveterate hatred between them and the Affghans, origi-
nating in, and fostered by, the prejudices both of race and
religion. The Sikhs can have no sincere or lasting friendship
with the Affghans ; and to quarrel with the British on their
account would be to place themserves between two fires.
The wealth and efficiency of the British Government in India,
and the intellectual character of those who direct it, tender it
able not only to make great and energetic efforts, but to main,-
tain a protracted struggle without flagging. The Affghan po.
pulation is not dense ; it is broken up into a multiplicity of rude
clans, devoid of a common aim, jealous of each other ; there
is no man among them of sufficient command or influence to
organise them for a continuous defence. It is only in the yip-
drifts, of Cabool that the tribes have been roused to an enthis.
siastic and successful attack upon the British ; and even in that
district it is clear that the effervescence had already begun to
cool. Akbar Khan had been unable to rally the clans for an at-
tack on Jellalabad ; and they were already beginning to decide,
upon the claims of various chiefs to the sovereign authority. It
is an easy matter for a Government possessing such resources
as the British in India to concentrate its forces upon the
region around CabooL It is there alone that any thing has
been done which the British Government is bound by self-
respect and .in self-defence to punish. And the inhabitants
of that region are not in a condition to oppose such an,
overwhelming attack as the British Government, acting judi...
ciously and with promptitude, can make upon them. The first
duty of the British Govcrnn:ent, then, leas plain as it is easy--
to lose no time in marching such a force upon the Cabool district
as shall be able to reduce its inhabitants to surrender at discre-
tion. The true economy in such a case is to commence opera-
tions at once on a sufficient Scale to bring the affair to an in)p
mediate settlement. Whatever may have been the morality or
prudence of our first interference, there is no other course
for us now. Rude though the Affghans be, they know that
falsehood and treachery are indefensible. Nor is their love
of national independence a suffic.ent excuse for the atrocities
they have been guilty of. The Affghans have on many oces-
sitins— when they usurped the throne of Persia, and founded
dynasties in indostan—w hen their chiefs intrigued alternately
with the British, the Persians, and the Russians, to promote
their oWn selfish views—shown how lightly, when they had.
any object to serve, they could regard national independence..
They have done what they cannot defend ; and the British Go-
vernment is bound alike by the principles of justice and self-
preservation to make them feel that the moral principles
taught by their own mollahs, and reverenced even amid the
clash of arms, are not to he violated with impunity. The next
duty of the British Government is equally clear—as soon
as the Affghan clans have been made to feel its strength,
so that there can be no mistake either on their part or on the
part of any Oriental nation as to the motive of the retreat, te
resume the frontier of the Sutledge, and withdraw every
Briti::11 soldier from the West of the Indus. It is useless to
theorise on the occupation of India by this country : we governs
it as a dependency : in the stage of social improvement which
it has reached, it would lose infinitely were the British au-
thority withdrawn and as to preparing. it for self-govern-
ment, that must task the native energies in some incalculable
futurity.— Spectator.

TORY OPPRESSION IN BATH.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sul,-1 take the opportunity, through the medium of your
wide/yr circulated paper, of exposing as heartless a proses eding
on the part of some of the Bath Conservatives, as 9s er was.
conceived and perpetrated by man. It is of course wed known
how signal was the defeat sustained by this party at the last
election, but it is probably not in the knowledge, of any save
the inhabitants of this place, that on that occasion numerous
bands of navigators, from the neighbouring railway, were
contendinghired for the express purpose of with the .Liberals,
and of making themselves generally useful to tho Blues, or
Conservatives, by whom they were fed and paid. On the day
of the nomination some fearful outrages vere committed by
these men, who in large bodies endeavoured to disturb the pro-
ceedings of the day : in this they were defeated, and the re-
sult of the nomination was most decisively in favour of the
Liberal Candidates. In the evening of that day (23th June
last) one of the Liberal voters, in passing down Avon-street,
was savagely attacked, and almost murdered, by a party of these
men, who immediately afterwards retreated into a low public-,
house close by, called the Pig and Whistle : the alarm laavin
been given, a party of the Liberals immediately came to the,
rescue of the injured man, and finding out to what house his,
assailers had retreated, they went to it, and demanded of then
landlord to turn them out: this he refused to do, at the same
time denying that any of the Blues were there ; upon this the
Liberals burst open the door, but not being enabled to get at
their opponents, who contrived to make their escape, left the
house, and as may have been expected, not without expressing
their anger by breaking roost of the windows in the building;
here the disturbance ended.
A few days after this, fifteen of the Liberals. supposed se*
have been present on the above occasion, were apprehend:lds,
and taken before the Bails :Magistrates on a charge of havMg
begun to demolish the Pig and Whistle. The case of the com-
plainant was fully investigated, and after a most patient and.
careful examination for several days, the Magistrates came to,
the conclusion that there were no grounds for supporting the,
edetd atkoitnig m bailcou n for
their
capital charge of felony for beginning to demolish, but com-
mitted the parties to take their trial for " a riot," at the them
T h
e due
prosecutor, ai e n
are
not appearance.
The next borough quarter sslistsiliefinesd,:ittitiltiheissame oc time
e,
pr
Assizes in August last, and there presented a bill to the Grand
Jury (which they found) for the offence again of "beginning
to demolish," an offence NV hill is a felony, and was at that time
punishable with death. Upon the bill being found, these poor
fellows (most of them in the humblest circumstances) were
again taken into custody ; some of them, after an expensive
application to a Judge in London, were admitted to bail;
others, from their poverty, were unable to procure this advan-
tage, and were in consequence confined in gaol from last Au-
gust to the assizes which are just over. Upon the indictment
coming on for trial, a legal objection was taken on behalf of the
prisoners to its sufficiency—the objection ultimately prevailed.
Up goes another bill for the felony ("beginning to demolish")
which the Grand Jury, upon the evidence alone of the prose-
cution, foutAl. The men, twelve in number, were then put
upon their trial, and the case broke down in its infancy. It
appeared clear upon the evidence that the prisoners neverd had
who, without calling
t tedausino n. the
aui sense in which the
any intention whatever of demolishing the house, and so the
Judge stated to the Jury,
pri-
soners for their defence, immedia.hteolicy
Nothing could more plainly
dings,thanhisrefusingto allow
Learned Judge viewed these or
po!•-dti°ob y the Conservative Association.
en of his expenses; which, cethe prosecutor a large
b, at the bottom ofthe whole pro-
'ours,
how-
ever, will doulstless be Pal
who are, beyond a dovuurt,,
ceedings. I am, Sir, 3
A HATER OF OPPRESSION.
Bath, 6th March, 1842. •