The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-10 00:00:00

such an alteration could not be introduced into our system, as it
would protect the agriculturist against excessively low, and the
manufacturer against enormous high prices. It was necessary,
however, sometimes to sacrifice justice to expediency. It would
be better, in his view of the case, to fix, by law, the amount of
duty, rather than to leave the dispensation of the law in the hands
of Government ; such a power was always dangerous, and was
most unconstitutional. As the question now stood, he saw, on
the one side, a system of monopoly and exclusion advocated,
while, on the other, the resolutions approached the principles of
free trade, although they were coupled with restrictions of which
he disapprod.—Weighing the two propositions, he would,
therefore, if no gentleman introduced a system more consonant
with his own opinions, give his vote in favour of the latter.

Lord MILTON was of opinion, that the system I
now proposed by Ministers, though it did not go far enough, was
a great improvement of the existing law, and was likely to lead
to still more extensive improvements.—(Hear.)—He was the more
desirous to make some observations on this question, because he
was afraid that few gentlemen in the House agreed in his opi-
nion, or in the opinion of the Hon. Member behind him (Mr.
Whitmore), with respect to the remunerating price. In the cor-
rectness of the opinion laid down by that Honourable Member
he entirely concurred. He would ask, in what situation would
the country be placed, if that which the Honourable Member
had stated were true, as he believed it to be? Every country,
situated like this, was constantly making progress in wealth
and population. Now, the farther they advanced in wealth
and population, the greater must be the number of mouths
they had to feed, and consequently the greater the rise in price.
In proportion, then, as the amount of population was ex.
tended, the necessity became the more urgent for applying to
the fertile soils of other countries, which could best afford a
proper supply of the chief necessary of life. When they pos-
sessed a large and industrious population, means ought to he
adopted for feeding that population at the cheapest possible
rate, in order to render their industry in the highest degree pro-
ductive to society at large.—(Hear.)—Therefore, he conceived
that we had a right to procure foreign corn, the return for which
was to be found in our manufactures. It was'asserted„ that if they
reduced the price of corn, they would, at the same time, reduce
the wealth and power of the landed interest. He felt a very great
respect for the landed interest ; he wished them to be powerful
and wealthy; but more than that, he wished them to be esteemed
by all classes of their countrymen---(Hear)—and nothing had
given him greater pain, in the course of the last evening, than to
see the aristocracy, the country gentlemen, abandoning and op-
posing those Ministers whom they had so long supported, and for
whom they had expressed so deep and lasting a regard.--(Hear.)
At the head of those who thus stood forward against an alteration
of the law, he was sorry to observe his Noble Friend opposite
(Lord Clive), for whom he entertained a very sincere respect.—
(Hear.)--It struck him as most extraordinary that those gentle-
men should be so eager in their opposition to Ministers, to whom
they had so long given their assistance, and by whom they had been
upheld in the country—(Hear)—it did, indeed, surprise him to
see them struggling for 4s. per quarter in the price of Corn, as if
their existence depended on it.—(Hear, hear.)—The fact was,
that 4s. per quarter in the price of corn, was 4s. per acre in the
amount of rent, which they put into their pockets---(hear ;)
and he regretted that they had thought it worth while to abandon
their friends for such an object.---(Hear.)—lt was said that this
was done for the sake of the farmer; but it appeared to him to
be done for the benefit of those who were denominated the landed
interest, and who were anxious to procure the highest pos-
sible rents. Those who defended this system, declared
that it was necessary, because the Landed Interest bore
greater taxes than any other body in the State. If that
were the case, then the price of Corn ought to be regulated
with reference to that taxation ; and according to its amount,
the criterion of protection ought to be formed. To arrive at a
just conclusion on this point, they must examine what the taxes
were which were said to fall exclusively on the corn growers.—
He denied that the poors'-rates fell only on the land in the occu-
pation of the corn-grower. It was not so unequally divided.—
It fell upon real property—it fell upon that which never produced
corn.—( Hear, hear. )—Could, then, the advocates of prohibition
argue that it was necessary to keep up the high price of corn, on
account of the poorst-rates, when a great part of them were drawn
from other sources ?—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Then they com-
plained of the county rates. But did these rates fall alone on
the land?—No.---He knew one large town in the north of England
which paid 90,0001. a year to the county-rate. That sum
would cover a large portion of the rate of many of the coun-
ties of England. It was fully equivalent to the rate on 100,000
acres of land. It was quite evident to him, be the plea
advanced for continuing a high price of corn what it might, that
if it were kept up far above the price of other countries, it would
be impossible for us, in a short time, to have any commercial
intercourse with them.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Again they were
told that, if a free trade in corn were encouraged, all the poor
lands would be thrown out of cultivation, and thus the wealth
and resources of the country would be contracted. He admitted
that to the extent of the capital employed in the cultiva-
tion of those poor soils, there would be a contraction ; but
the question was, whether the advantage which would accrue
in other branches of industry, which, if corn were cheap, could
be more beneficially prosecuted, would not greatly overbalance
any inconvenience that might be at first experienced from throw-
ing those poor soils out of cultivation.—.(Hear.)—Let them, how-
ever, look a little closer to the question. He would enquire, what
effect the imposing a duty of Is. on each quarter of wheat had on
the population. Supposing 12,000,000 of quarters to be annually
consumed, then, at the rate of Is. per quarter duty, it
amounted to 600,000/. a year, which was no very trifling tax.
Now, the proposition of the Hon. Member for Bridgnorth, which
was 10s. under that brought forward by Ministers, would, on the
same ratio of calculation which he had just adverted to, save the
people from a tax on corn amounting to about 6,000,0001. a-year
'.—a saving of immense importance to every branch of manufac-
tures. As he had before observed, the proposition did not go far
enough. With respect to the principle, the Right Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Canning) appeared to have consulted the manufacturers ;
but, with reference to the price, be seemed to have looked to-
wards the landed interest. In his opinion, the real interests of
the country, not the interests of one party, but of all, required a
free trade in corn. Under all the circumstances, he should sup-
port the motion of the Hon. Member for Bridgnorth, as it came
nearer to his view of the question than that proposed by Ministers.
(Hear, hear.)
.

Sir T. GOOCH animadverted, with a good deal of
warmth, on the observations which the Noble Lord had made on
the conduct of the landed proprietors. If the scheme proposed '
were carried into effect, every species of remuneration throughout
the country must be reduced. The salaries of the clergy would
be reduced—(hear, hear,)—and the wages of the labourer would
also be curtailed.—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord came from a
manufacturing district--(hear, hear,)—and, therefore, he had in-
dulged in those unfair remarks. He was, he admitted, one of
those who supported his Majesty's Ministers—and he would do so,
when he considered them right.—(Hear.)--But he was not,
therefore, to be prevented from standing up in the House and de-
claring' his opinion, when, though opposed to them, he felt that
opinion to be correct.—(Hear, hear. )—He certainly wished to
see his friends, the Ministers, in their places—aed he also wished
to see the Noble Lord and his friends out of place.--(Hear, and
laughter. )_This was, he believed, the great offence which he and
others had given to the gentlemen opposite.—(Hear:)"
Mr: G. ROBINSON was anxious to say a few
words on this question, because he had the honour of represen-
ting a large portion of the manufacturing population. He ad-
mitted that the landed interest was the right arm, the main
strength of the country, and ought to be protected. But, while
he conceded much to them, lie thought something ought to be
allowed to the labouring classes, whose petitions, day after day,
loaded their table. The measures of Government would, he
feared, prove very unsatisfactoi yto all parties. When lie looked
to the effect which they were likely to produce on the corn laws,
he confessed that the last body from whom he expected opposition
to those resolutions was the landed interest.—(Hear. )--because
Ministers appeared to have taken very great care of that interest.
It had been most absurdly argued, that a high price was bene-
ficial to the operative classes. And, to continue high prices, on
account of an unwillingness to throw poor lands out of cultiva-
tion, was, in fact, to enable the proprietors of rich lands, which
did not require the same degree of culture, to realize their for
tunes at the general expence of the community. It would, there-
fore, be much better to throw those lands out of cultivation, and
to allow the importation of corn to the extent of any deficit which
that measure might occasion.
Mr. PHILIPS could not avoid offering his tribute
of respect to Ministers, for having introduced the present measure
which he considered a great improvement.
Lord CLIVE wished corn to be at a low rate, and
the cheaper the better, provided it were of English growth.
Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN perceived that any
attempt on his part to make an impression on the House would
be hopeless in its present temper. Those who advocated the cause
of the landed interest had said, that they only wanted protection;
he wished to know against what they required protection ? He
had heard a great deal said about the taxes under which thelanded
interest at present laboured, but he would beg to observe, that the
landed interest did not alone pay taxes. Taxes, had contributed
most materially to raise the, prime of commodities, which ulti.