The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-10 00:00:00

afterwards it was 20e. Bd. In 1841 the duty was 10s. for one
week only; in the following successive weeks it was 2s. Bd.,
BeL, 16s. Bd., and on the 20th of October it was 20s. Bd.
It appeared to him that that system, or anything like it, must
be productive of injury to agriculturists themselves; and he
thought that the simplicity of the farmer was egregious when
he conceived that in such a system he would find a safeguard
for his interests. But it was said that the proposition :f the
Right Hon. Baronet would obviate many of the objections which
attached to the present system. He introduced the rests in his
scase for the purpose of baffling fraud ; but where the rests
were not introduced fraud would not be baffled. It was true
that he lowered the duties ; but he left them to range from
20s. to Is., and thus affordod to the trafficker in grain an in-
ducement to hoard up corn, and then glut the market, when
the opportunity, to the creation of which they themselves could
so essentially contribute, should have arrived.—( Hear, hear. )
It was urged that in times of scarcity there would be a diffi-
culty in maintaining a fixed duty. He met that objection by
an appeal to the authority which he had already quoted. Mr.
M'Culicch said that if there were a regular trade in corn, by
means of a fixed duty, the supply would be proportionate, and
that the fixedness of the duty would take away from the muta-
bility of the price. He (Mr. Shiel) though that where there
must be a choice of evils, it would be better to confide a
fixed duty to the discretion of Parliament than
to surrender the averages to the jobbers of the
market. —( Hear, hear, hear.) But whatever question
might be raised with respect to the effect of the sliding scale
upon agriculture, he thought that with respect to its operation
upon the commerce and manufactures of the country no doubt
could be reasonably entertained. During the last four years
we had imported millions of quarters of corn, but we had no
trade in corn ; trade was barter ; trade consisted in the exchange
of one set of commodities for another. Where our demand for
corn was but desultory, the demand for our manufactures could
not be permanent.—(Hear, hear.) If there were a regular
trade in corn, it seemed to him quite obvious that foreign
merchants would not be interested in excluding our manufac-
tures, which they now endeavoured to exclude by means of
retaliatory tarqfs, for the purpose of giving encourage-
ment to their own domestic industry. Corn was pro-
tected, but not for the benefit of the agriculturist of this
country. It was to our competitors in the foreign market ;
it was to those whom we could not deprive of the
benefit of our machinery ; it was to those who had got posses-
sion of the secrets of our mechanism—it was to those who
emulated us in industry, and who rivalled us in skill—it was to
them that the law gave a protection the most efficacious.—
(Cheers.) It would hardly be contended that the countries
from which we had for the last five years derived our supplies
of corn had taken a fair proportion of ow manufactures.—
( Hear, hear.) Let any man look at the number of vessels
which had entered the Baltic, and he would finn that, in the
sear 1839, 1,000 English ships entered the Baltic in ballast.
In 1838 413 English ships entered the port of Dantzic in
ballast, and in the same year 417 left the port of Dantzic laden
with corn. Now what was the effect of that system upon the
currency of the country ? What was the effect of that system
upon the metallic curreney which the Right Honourable
Baronet had the merit of establishing, and over which
therefore he ought to watch with peculiar care ?
(Hear. ) It seemed to him to be inconsistent to establish that
metallic currency and yet to persevere in a system by which
the country was deprived of its corn. Foreign corn must be
paid for in bullion; the exchanges were turned against the
country, the circulation was contracted, a panic ensued, and
distress to a great extent was the consequence. He would
call the attention of the House to the language of Mr. Iluskis•
son, with respect to that view of the subject. The words were
used in 1821, and though applied by him to the Corn-laws of
1815, they were equally applicable to the system now proposed
by the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Member then read an
extract, to the effect that the Corn-laws of 1815 tended directly
to contract our commercial dealings with other States, and to
mite in the rulers of those States a determination to exclude
the productions and manufactures of this country ;
and when it was necessary to send for corn, which
must be paid for in hulhon, the effect was to de-
range fur a time the monetary system of the country.
Such was the language of Mr. Huskisson two years after the
Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet passed into a law. He was
not one of those who condemned the Right Hon. Baronet for
proposing that Bill ; but he thought that the Right Hon,
Baronet evinced far greater moral courage in proposing it
than he would have done by introducing a measure of absolute
free trade.—(Hear, hear.) They were entreated not to
change the relations of landlord and tenant by abolishing the
Corn-laws ; but the Right Hon. Baronet, in 1819, had altered
those relations, as well as the relations of debtor and creditor,
and to every incumbrance in the country had made the aug-
mention which the eloquent and distinguished author of the
pamphlet on Corn and Currency had so powerfully described.
—( A laugh.) The Right Hon. Baronet was not then a Mi-
nister of the Crown. His solicitude for the interest of his
country was then unbiassed by any anxiety for the
maintenance of his party.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He
(Mr. Shell) wished that he would now act with the
the same moral intrepidity; that in spite of those threaten-
ing intimations which had been given in another place, and
in a spirit worthy of the emergency, he would afford a relief
to the distresses of the country more effectual than was to
be found in effusion., because eloquent, or unprofitable com-
miseration. It had been said that the Corn-laws were not
connected with the distresses of the country. The extent
of that distress had formerly been denied; tle extent was
proved, but there was a denial of the cause. For his own
part, when he found that the Corn laws injured the trade
and commerce of the country, he found in them an adequate
cause of the distress, and to that adequate cause, that legiti-
mnte effect was, he thought, fairly ascribed. If nothing
effectual were done in a Parliament in which the landed in-
terest predominated, he was afraid that the people of this country
would be disposed to turn with reseutmsnt from the mere expres-
sions of a barren sympathy; and, as they had been led to think
the Poor-laws were not dictated by any very profound solici-
tude for the interest of the poor, they would be led to think that
the Corn-laws were maintained from an exclusive regard for
the higher classes of the community. It would be hard, indeed,
to force the distressed operatives to seek an asylum in the Poor-
house. If charity was proscribed under that systein, let not
work be refused. The people of England did not ask for charity,
tht y did not go upon their knees to solicit any mercenary con-
tribution ; they asked for trade that produced work—for work
that produced bread j They did not so much ask for cheap
bread as for the means of earning it, whether it were cheap or
costly.—(Cheers.) They called upon them to strike off the
restrictions which cramped the industry of the country; and,
in calling upon them to do that, they wanted them to consult,
not only their interests, but their own. He entirely agreed in
the sentiment which he had heard expressed by the Hon.
Member for Dorchester, that the agricultural interest, and the
commercial interest were not distinct. So far from being dis-
tinct, they depended upon each other, and were in truth the
same. Trade depended upon agr culture, agriculture depended
upon trade. He was sure that the Hon. Member for Stock-
port, when he looked upon the splendid spectacle which rural
scenery presented, must draw from it the highest pleasure
an .I desired to see the agricultural interest continue to prosper ;
and he was equally sure that the Hon. Baronet, the Member
for Kent, must see, in the very smoke in which our large cities
and towns were enveloped, indications cf the great means by
which a vast proportion of our population were maintained, and
the greatness of the country achieved. No, the agricultural
and commercial interests were not distinct ; but if they were,
and if in place of giving a just sustainment to both, it were ne-
cessary to make a sacrifice of one of those interests, then he
'would be disposed to say that the maintenance of the com-
merce of England should, with every Englishman
'deserving the name, be the object of pre-eminent impoitance.
It was not to their agriculture—to the fertility of their soil—
to the peculiar happiness of their climate—to their rare skill in
rearing the seed from the earth—it was not owing to these
cause 4, but it was owing to the strength f their commercial
enterprise, that England was distinguished beyond any other
nation in the circle of the civilised world.—(Cheers.) It was
owing to her indomitable perseverance in the pursuit of bound-
less traffic, to her untiring industry in manufacturing energy,
to the wonderful skill with which she filled the earth with the
produce 9f her labour and her genius, to her commerce, which
she extended to the uttermost boundaries of the world—it was
to these glorious causes that England was indebted for her
high pre-eminence among the nations of the globe.—
(Cheers.) Against her trade the mighty adver-
sary of England directed his blow—he failed—
but let them take care that what Napoleon was not able to ef-
fect they may accomplish by their impolicy.—(llear,
hear.) Let them beware, lest, by an obstinate adherence to a
system repugnant to all the maxims of sound commerce and
sound policy.-.let them take care, lest by a system which so
many enlightened men—men not more enlightened than im-
partial, had concurred in condemning •as a source of so much
mischief, which ha I already produced such great calamities, and
teemed with still greater injury—let them beware, lest by such
a system, they may cramp the industry of the coun-
try, diminish its commerce, expose the monetary sys-
tem to perpetual disturbance, reduce the operative classes
to a state of destitution; and (said the Right Hon. Gentleman,
turning to Sir R. Peel) beware lest by adhering to such a
system, though you were the first in talents amongst the most
talented—the first in wi,dom among the most wise—the first
in virtue among the most high-minded of statesmen, to whom
the fortunes of a country were ever committed—you may not
for the evil consequences be able to find a cure.—( Cheers. )
Mr. GLADSTONE said that he believed the first words
which were heard to issue from the lips of the Right Hon.
Gentleman were an exclamation r f surprise that at the present
period, and after.the experience they had had, her Majesty's
Government should, in attempting a sett ement of the Corn-
laws, adhere to the principles of a graduated scale. Ito did
not mean to say that there were not Gentlemen who did not
utter such language without raising in his mind any feelings of
surprise—( Hear, hear)—but he did entertain feelings of sur-
prise when he heard it uttered by the Right Hon. Gentleman
—( Hear) It was possible that he (Mr. G:adstone's) mind
might be labouring under some hallucination, that there might be
some errors in the proceedings of the House, but there was a ,

not very antiquated corn-law founded on a gradual scale—
founded even on the old graduated. scale—which had been
brought forward in the House on several occasions, and on all
these occasions he found the Right Hon. Gentleman voting in
favour of it.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had
selected the year 1838, and he told them that the fixed duty
under the law of that year, had produced no less than 35
change • but a preposition had been made for the removal of the
law of' 1838, and the Right Hon. Gentleman resisted it.
—(Loud cheers.) But in the year 1838, he had not known
any of those 35 changes, and the effect of those changes
ci,uld not be perceived until the year 1839.—( Hear, hear.)
In that year a motion of the most unqualified description was
brought forward, for the correction of those evils against
which he now raises all his eloquence, by the Hon. Membe
for Wolverhampton, who moved that certain persons he heard
by co..msel at the Car of the House, who complained of the
operation of the Corn-laws, and even to that most moderate
demand the Right Hon. entleman was prepared to give a
total and absolute denial.—(Loud cheers ) He (Mr. G.)
would not complain of any change in the opinions of the Rigkt
Hon. Gentleman with regard to any question of policy; and much
less with regard to questions relating, to trade and commerce.
—subjects which were so intricate and involved—neither would
be question his motives or impeach his judgment, but when,
dining the two last years, he was found among the staunch
supporters of this law, though now unwilling to admit any
compromise, and full of surprise at the conduct of the oresent
Government. Such a change might well excite on his side of
the House a corresponding feeling (if surprise.—( Cheers.)
But let him look to the arguments, if arguments he might call
them, of the Right. Honourable Gentleman.—(Laughter.)
lle quoted the words of Mr I! uskisson in 1841, but
was it fair to quote the wor s of Mr Huskisson
in that year? Was it fair touote him against every word and
act of his subsequent life' . The Right Hon. Gentleman
knew that Mr. Huskissou supported the present law, and
was almost the author of the system of 1827, which was
more stringent than the law of 1827. He qu.ded Hus-
kisson in 1821 against Mr. Ilu•kisson in 1828, when he was
the advocate of the present stringent law, and gave the sanc-
tion of his high authority in favour of a high protective system.
The Right Hon. Gentleman had retrodden these paths
which were already beaten in the long drbates which took
place on the subject, and after the many times he had here-
tofore trespassed on the indulgence of that House, he must
be excused if he did not follow the Right lion. Gentleman
into all the topes he touched upon. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman had expended a great deal of eloquence on the rela-
tive advantages of agriculture and commerce, but while he
was anxious to exhibit the great advantages of trade
and commerce to the country, he was sorry that
he rated' somewhat lower the agricultural skill of
the country.--( Hear, hear.) He ( Mr. G.) felt con-
vinced that the same skill and industry which was
so'conspictious in the manufacturing greatness of England

had also given to agriculture a power and an efficieney; whieh '-'78t;"1":1:::1.1-""-::1- a
(
I eagxrcieeeudletdurtihstast
woof
uelvderygootl.7nr cfjoeunintryyeae,and he trusted that the ' "--14‘
to year incrresdinfotihte.
efficiency of the soil, by the means which the
app
lie Right Hon. Gentleman adverted to a Lpipcwhich had
become very trite, with alll who were acquainted
with the Corn-law debates, namely, the operation
of the Corn-laws in hampering the trade of foreign countries.
He must here repeat what he ventured to state on a former
occasion. The Bight Hon. Gentleman said that if they had
a fixed duty on corn that would lead to a fixed importation—
a fixed importation would lead to a fixed trade, and that would
lead to an increased demand for manufactures. He (Mr. G. )
passed over the fact that the Right Hon. Gentleman begged
the question, the important question, that the impor..
tatior, of corn would be followed by an increased deMand
for manufactures.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Perhaps
in a long] period of time such a result would fol-
' low.—( Opposition cheers.) Ile said in a long period of time
it would have that effect. But let them look to what existed,
and was going forward at the present moment. There was
Russia, which sent tallow and hemp and other articles, but
Russia did not take the manufactures in exchange.
An Hose. MEMBER—She does indirectly.
Mr. GLADSTOSE (in continuation)—But she did
not to anything like the extent to obi h we imported from
her. Russia did not take their goods to more than 35 per
cent. of the arriou,t to which they took goods in return from
her. He did no wish to discourage a fixed trade as far as it
was competent with other interests. The Right lion. Gentleman
could not deny that the extent of a fixed duty must be limited
by the average demand. Suppose they wanted two millions of
qua, tens of wheat, a fixed trade might enable them to procure
two millions, and they might also pay for them with manufac-
tured goods. but how would it operate in present circum-
stances ? For the last three or four years they had had bad
harvests, and there was a deficiency of corn to the amount of
ten million quarters, mad how, he asked, mild such a deficiency
be suppled by a fixed duty? In such a case, a sudden demand
was created which the ordinary market may not be prepared
to supply, and they must then offer high prices, and pay in
bullion, and the same result as that which now took place under
the present system must ensue. The Hon. Geatlesuan, the
Member for Li,keard, took a different course, and alluded
to the effect of the Corn-law in diminishing the demand for
labour. It was incident to their discussions that fallacies
become current on both sides, and there could be no greater
fallacy than that which promised cheap bread. lie thought it
was admitted in the House that cheap bread meant nothing
beneficial to the labouring elasses.—( Cries of " No, no.")
What he read in the speeches of Honourable Gentleman was
that they were not to le ok to the money price, but to the rela-
tive price of food. That was the question, and it was compa-
ratively unimportant what the money price was, provided they
had a relative command of the necessaries of life.—(Cheers.)
He certainly did hear less in the course of the present debate
tkan he used in former years, about the danger of the British
manufactures being undersold by their foreign competitors.
Whatever might be the distress prevailing amongst British
manufacturers at the present time, so far was it from besiug
caused by our foreign competitors, that it was an unquestiona-
ble fact that those suffered much more from our competition
than we did from theirs. It had been shown this year that
our exports of cotton goods wore increasing at the time that be
consumption at home was also increasing ; and, therefore,
while it did appear to him most unjust and detrimental to de-
preciate the energies of English agriculturists, he would add
that he was rejoieed, on patriotic grounds, to find that our trade
Ilia less to tear than in former years, from the efforts of foreign
competition. He would admit that the competition of foreign
rivals was formidable in some branches—nor would he
attempt to weaken any argument that had been used to show
that British manufactures were entitled to some remedy against
some of those disadvantages ; but he would affirm that British
manufacturers, taken as a whole, were able to beat their oppo-
nents in almost every country of the world.--(Cheers.) But
the Hon. Gentleman said the effect of the Corn-laws was to
limit the:situ-nand for labour. He spoke of the great hardships
of the present State of things, and alluded to the report of Mr.
Horner, who stated that in one place 32,000 persons were
only partially employed, and 17,000 without employment, .
making 52,000 persons out of work. Undoubtedly
this was a lamentable state of things, but the real question
for the House to consider was, would a repeal of the Corn-
laws remedy it ?—( Cheers.) Now, setting aside all questions
of cheap bread and foreign competition, and looking to the sub-
'ect as regarded the labouring classes, he would ask, did each
Gentleman really believe that a repeal of the Corn.laws would
diminish the number of unemployed labourers 7—( Cheers. )
He did not say of the number of labourers unemployed in ma-
nufactures, but those of all classes.—(Hear, hear.) Was it
possible that any man could suppose, whatever might be his
opinion of the ultimate "effect of the repeal of the Corn-laws
on land—was it possible any man could believe that a repeal of
the Corn-laws would not di:place a vast means of agricultural
labour ?—(Cheers.) This had been, to a great extent, treated
as a landlord's question, but he thought that, for the present
generation, at least, it was more of a labourers' question.—
(Cheers.) Now the most approved authorities on land, de-
fined rent as the surplus produce the land yielded after the
cost of cultivation and, the maintenance of the cultivator. if
this were so, considering the many classes of land in cultiva-
tion, it might be said that the lowest class yielded no rent, or at
least that the returns were exceedingly small. If you raised
the price of agricultural produce in any country, you would
bring a much wider extent of land into cultivation, and there-

fore the poorer soils would be tilled ; and if the poorer soils
in our country were cultivated through the rise of the price of
agricultural produce, it followed that if you diminished prices
you would throw the poorer soils out of cultivation. This
might diminkh rents, but in the present extent of cultivation

was clear that if you reduced rents, by throwing certain lands
out of cultivation, you must, at the same time, throw out of em-
ployment a great body of labourers.—(Hear.) It was also said
that if the Corn-laws were repealed the agriculturists, instead of
rasing wheat to the present extent, would turn their fields into
pasture. This was another view of the question. It was said that
by doing this the landlords would maintain their rents; perhaps
so, but was it not at least clear that the transfer from tillage to
pasture would throw a vast number of labourers out of work P--
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It was evident, then, that throughout
the country the support of the agricultural labourers would
be more endangered by a repeal of the Corn-laws than the
rents of the landlords.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped now that the
practical result of those cor.siderations would be to induce the House
to approach this question in the calm temper recommended to them
by a preceding speaker. Of all things he (Mr. Gladstone)-would de-
precate any violent legislation on this subject, because the effect
would be to disturb the enormous mass of capital embarked in agri-
cultural pursuits, to spread a panic amongst the cultivators of the
soil, and to diffuse, perhaps, in consequence of mere apprehensions
and fears, much misery through the community.—(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. and Learned Member for Lsskeard said, that one object
was to attempt to preserve that security to the farmer which we did
not give to other interests, by excluding foreign compet,itimits cer.
tain stages of the corn market. But the Honourable 'and
Learned Gentleman should recollect that they attempted ads
because they could already srcure to other interests what they
eould not to the farmer—that was, that while they could so-
cure to other interests a uniform legal protection, they
could not in the opinion of nine-tenths of the gentle.
men present, do this for the farmer; and, therefore,
if it were true that the state could not compensate the farmer for
the burdens on the land in proportion to the protection given to
other interests, nothing could be more fair—the policy of the Act
apart—that the inability of the State should be compensated by ex.
traordinary legal privileges. The Right Hon. and Learned Gentle.
man who spoke last, said that in the markets of the country, under
the old law, the consumer derived no benefit from the Is. duty when
the price was 735. ; that the foreign holder derived all the profit ;
that the same amount, about 2,000,000 of quarters, would come in
under an Bs. duty as trader the present law, and that at prices
above 645. Now, its the first place, they ought to guard.agalnss
fallacy. But admitting the defective working of the old law, he
believed that the new law, as shown its the course of the de.
bates, and as declared by eminent mercantile authorities, in.
eluding men of all parties, would have the efik•et ofpermauently
rem3‘ing, or at least of materially diminishing, the defects of
the present system. But the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was
too severe on the dead, while he claimed too much credit for a fixed
duty. The Hon. Gentleman said that at the price of 56a. the fol
reign holder of corn would be as much Induced to bring
corn to England as at 725. But was it natural that the fo-
reigners would go to such a distance, pay as much for transport,
and pay as much to the original cultivator for 565. as for 725,
This required no refutation. But the stew law would give good
encouragement to the foreign holder, and great relief to the
consumer at home. The Hon. Gentleman calculated on a moat
liberal scale when he said that three hundred thousand pounds
would be lost to the consumer in the quantity of corn returned by
the corn-inspectors, who, in fact returned only one-finuth of the
corn sold ; so this might be multiplied by four. But those
returns gave by much the highest sales in the country, and
as those sales were mostly from hand to hand, the reports did not
represent bona fide votes,—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Gladstone) hails
heard with great pleasure the able and temperate speech of the
Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland But now the House
had determined by an overwhelming majority against a repeal of
tlto Corn-laws, arid against a fixed duty, what then were they dis.
cussing? The Hon. Gentleman, who last spoke, called the new
law the precursor of ultimate change, and quoted Burke, to show
that a Government ought not to tamper with Proyisson.laws. But
a Government did 'tot tamper with a subject when it brought for-
ward a measure, admitted to be practicable, which could be carried,
and which was not a speculation, or a mere political manteuvre.
(Careers and laughter.) He did in..t mean to ray that the measure
of last year, though introduced under suspicious circumstances, was
not a sincere and conscientious measure; but the word tamper was
a two-edged weapon, and it bore sharply certainly en the proposition
of the other side.—(Cheers and laughter.) He alirmed that the
present Government did not tamper with the Corn-laws its bringing
forward a measure which was allowed to be a relief and to be prac-
ticable. Even the Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland, in his
candid speech, while stating that he did not believe the Corn-laws
to be the cause, or the principal cause of the present distress, said
the proposed alteration would be a very substantial ,benefit, for it
wOuld mitigate the restrictions, and diminish the evils now felt—
adding, that though he had no objection to vote with his Hon.
Friend, the Member for Warrington, because he believed it would
be no impediment, brat If he believed the junction would be to reject
the Bill, nothing on earth would induce him to give his vote.—
(Laughter and cheers.) This was the declaration of one of the
most able advocates of a fixed duty. Now, those were tamperers
as he (Mr. G.) thought with the Corn and Provision-laws 'who
brought forward a measure which they knew they cpuld not carry.
He did not question their intentions ; but if they knew so little- of
political affairs, or of their position, as is deal with a question in.
voicing the most vital interests of society, and agitating the country
from end to end, those who attempted to deal with such a question
demanding the utmost strength of a Government long after they
had lost their strength, and without a hope of bringing their
efforts to a conclusion, the Government who so acted
were, he said, tamperers with the Corn.laws.—(Loud cheers.)
Now with regard to a graduated scale, he should be ready to show
if it were necessary at this stage of the discussion, that. it was pos.
Bible to conceive a graduated scale which might operate without in.
convenience to trade, and be in ever) way beneficial both to the
consumer and producer. But he must content himself with re.
minding the Right lion. Gentleman, and those who thought with
him, that though there was no such thing as ideal perfection on
this subject, yet there was great Parliamentary authority on behalf
of a sliding scale, and if the agriculturists had been in a delusion
with regard to it, he would ask the Hon. Gentleman to view them
with something of compassion and sympathy, whets he recollected
that tiil lately he had been a partaken in their delusion. Surely i
was a matter worthy their consideration that the landed interest
possessed a large share in the representation of the country.—
(Hear, hear.) The lion. and Learned Member for Liskeard had
compassionated his Right lion. Friend at the supposed uneasiness
of the agriculturists. 11 hy, if ever there was a time in which
the agriculturists had done themselves honour by the feeling they
had generally exhibited, by the good sense and practical prudence
they had generally, or with but rare exceptsons displayed its the
way they had regarded this matter, the present was that rime.—
(Cheers.) He was sincere in that declaration ; he thought it was
difficult to look at the details of the present law, and nut see that
the agriculturists of England were making a considtraLle sacrifice*
lie did not say that they were sacrificing too much—
he was far from contending that they were sacriticing
more than he commercial and other i terests of the country. ha.
"hall
a right to demand. But at a time when parties had
together
nin shat.
.
pened by political excitement, had been Pi,
r stimulant
fled of a general election, had been heatedapply
which those who ought to have known
baereud views that, [Yom
(Cheers)—when they considered the exaggerated
I entertain, he would
these circumstances, parties had b
say that it was honourable to the
aril
supported it, and carried
aegenriculturists of England that
they accepted the present propoai
stinglaw.Let
those
echo
thought through as an amendment of theca
in the position or• (hone who thought their interests
put themselves thoueht that a maximum dirty. of :2(..)5., was a prohibitive duty,‘lo
were bound up with the Coru-laws. Ile did not say that it was so,
but letthem assume it. Was it no material change, instead of a
duty gradually rising with the price, to accept the preseut