Star.
London, England, 1808-05-26 00:00:00

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called for by the state of Europe. The opponents of
the measure appeared to be haunted at every step by
the penal code : their arguments against the measure
were arguments against the Liberties—against the
Defence—against the Security of the Country, Mr
Fox, on a former occasion, submitted the measure to
the consideration of Parliament. He was a great, a
-zealous, and a powerful advocate for it. In Ire,
when that great man was young in his political liar,
he had heard him express his abhorrence of the penal
code against the Catholics. Ireland had reasen to
.weep over his grave—for, in losing him, she 16st the
ablest supporter r,f her interests. . lie felt deeply on
this occasion the want of the unaffected glow sit his
zeal, of thenegligent grandeur of his eloofieece
Before Gentlemen should make up their minds to re.
ject the motion he intended to make, he entreated
them to pause, and consider the situation of the
country. Austria had left us—Russia, who should
have been ours, was matched against us. There was re.
thing left for us but an titoion of every heart and evoy
hand. All religious and political differences shoal
be lost in a sense of our danger, in order to oppose
'that daster—a danger the most gigantic that ever
hung over any country, where two islands stood alone
almost against mankind. He would concdiate the
Catholic—he would give him an equal interest with
his Protestant neighbour, in that Constitution which
it was his duty to upheld and defend. In order to
oppose this danger, he would recommend . spirit of
national concord—a spirit which could not be 100 scra
adopted. He would recommend to his courary men
to associate more with the Catholic ; to remove re.
dually the little jealousies by which he was agitated.
It was not the political exclusion, so much as the per.
sonal inferiority which he felt. It was by the toasts,
by the little political distinctions, by the narrow (ride
of assumed superiority that he felt, himself aggrieved.
These petty insults were at his door. These were tie
'nerves in which men were most irritable. There was
also a class of persons in Ireland, the Orange men.
to whom he should not be ashamed to appeal on this
occasion. He would entreat them to lay aside their
animosities, and to consider the Catholics as entitled
to receive and capable of cunfening all the charities
and confidence of civilized society. He would appeal
to the Administration too—it would be no justifica,
tion for them to say that the people of Ireland should
not have felt so strongly upon this subject. The
people might have been indiscreet, but he would
pledge himself that they would have no Frem li among
the Catholics, if there was no bigotry among the Go,
vernment. He entreated the House not to believe
the tales which were circulated respecting the fero.
cious disposition of the lower orders of the people in
Ireland ; that the Catholics would suffer eo Prote-
stants to live among them. He would gladly, if he
could obtain permission of the House, go into a
Committee to disprove the assertion. It was not by
such calumnies that a people were to be conciliated.
Look eiS the state of Ireland ; consider the progress
which it made in the course of the list 25 years, end
judge from that how imporoint a part of the empire
it is. See how its trade, its population, its industry,
has been increased dui•ing that period. These were
the barbarous accomplishments of the Irish. Within
that time the Catholic had acquired accessiblizy to
the professions--accessibility to the constituency. The
Catholic constituent could now go to a public meet-
ing, and arraign the political conduct of his represen-
tative, or.condemn the measures of Parliament. This,
to be sure, was no great privilege ; but it was a pri.
vilege which he will- not surrender to the Kings of
England. It was a privilege which he will not sur-
render to the followers of Bonaparte. Ireland stood
by their side, contributing five millions to the popula-
tion of the empire ; exporting to the amount et
ten millions ; remitting two millions annually in
rent ; paying as much more in interest, and giving to'
the army and navy one-third of their number. And
was a connection with such a country to be placed in
jeopardy for a privilege, the benefit of which would
only be enjoyed by a few, but the denial of which was
considered injustice and oppression The experience
of a century had shewn how foolish it was to thiliksOf
governing Such a country by a system of bigotry, or
any system but else principles of a legitimate, constitu-
tional Government. Suppose, now that all the navies
of the Continent were at the disposal of Bonaparte,
that an invasion of that country should take place,
what would be the conduct of Government ? Would
they send over expresses, recommending that the Coto
For stions should be guarded ; that they should be shut
against the Catholics? Would they compel them to
oaths of allegiance ? Would not Parliament call upon
them to do away the death-doing divisions, and pre.
pare the country for the great battle it had to fight?
The Catholics did not come before that House as a
few individuals, but as a people. They did not come
with affected humility to implore a favour, but to
claim what they conceived to be a right. If, in stating
their case, he had represented them in any other light,
he had done them wrong, and he begged their par.
don. They apply to you as freemen should to free-
men.. Austria had deserted you ; Russia is your ene-
my. What do they ask but to share your dangers, and
to go to the grave with you, should the fate of the
battle he against you ? It was upon these grounds he
would move that the petition on the table be referred
to a Committee of the whole House. He was sensi-
ble how mach he had trespassed upon the patience of
the House, and would conclude with expressing two
wishes. The first was, that they might lung preserve
their liberty ; the other, that they might never survive
the loss of it.—[When Mr. Grattan had sat down, as
no other Member rose, there was a loud cry for the
question, which was put, and the gallery was cleared
for a division ; but in. a short time it was opened, and
we found Mr. Secretary Canning on his legs.]
Mr. Secretary CANNING asked what would hare
been the opinion of the country, if the division had
taken place; without a word having been said by. any
Gentleman on that side of the House ? What Voted
have been thought, if when they had heard a speech
in which such admirable talents were di;played, they
should come to the vote, without a singe obaervation?
It must have been supposed that they were Silent from
fearing that they would expose themselves to still
stronger attacks • from those who would follow. He
did. not hesitate to confess, that he would have wished
the debate had net been brouolit forward, but since
it had teen brought forward,-he hoped it might not
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He heard the triumphant in which the Noble
Lord cheered the expression, and he anticipated frets.

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