The Sun.
London, England, 1829-02-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.-

KING'S THEATRE.

x

The Opera of La Donna del Lago was repeated
It is impossible for any human being to feel
at this Theatre last night—but in a sadly mutilated otherwise than penetrated with the deepest
form, owing to the sudderi and' severe illness of commiseration for the poor weavers of Spital-
Signkr CUIZMNI, for whom a substitute eeidd not fields, whose melancholy procession through the
be found, upon so brief a notice, to. sustain the prin- streets of London yesterday bore such sad evi-
' eipul ehaeicice of Fitz-Janies. The Hamlet of deuce to the dreadful state into which they had
SHAKseEARE would almost be as intelligible and Men. We trust that no exertions will be spared
effective, as the Lady of the Lake, without its for the relief of those industrious and honest
James. Nevertheless, the dilemma being one of att people, whose conduct has been as exemplary
unforeseen and unavoidable kind, the audience re- las their sufferings are acute. But it would be
ceived the broken portions of the Opera with the extravagance and folly to admit any real cell-
utmost kindness, and appeared to be more delighted nexion between the destitute condition of the
with' PISAILONI" and DONZELLI than upon their Wst inhabitants of Spitalfields, and that Change in the
appearance on Saturday.
commercial policy of the empire which the pre-
judices of these poor men, or the artifices' of
others, have led them to assign as the cause of
r their actual destitution. The free trade in silk,
as it is absurdly termed, has and can have nothing
to do with the distresses of the •Spitalfielg
weavers—nothing, we mean, of a nature to in-
duce the sort of remedy, viz. a return to the old
monopoly, which trey, or their evil counsellors,
would prescribe. With what pretence to truth or
' decency can that be termed a " free trade" in silk,
which ~unposea on the country a,tax of 30 per
cent. ro protect the hoine,nianufactuier against the
foreigner ? }low -can that be called a free trade
• which has destroyed the business of- the only
•free foreign trader—namely, the smuggler, and
transferred his profits to the hands of the British
Manufacturer. If' the substitution of a pr6tett-
ing duty for a prohibition had been capable of
working mischief' to the interests of British la-
hour, when rightly employed, would not those
pernicious effects have been experienced every
where else throughout England, as Well ;as
,in the unfortunate neighbourhood of Spital-
fields ? Look at the. keneral progress of
the silk trade in this country since Mr.
1-luskisson's measure Caine into operation ;
and then , let any man, with even one
eye in hiS. head, answer the question for us,
Whether the so-called " free trade" and " foreign
. ;competition" have not in a manner created mid
nationalized the manufacture, instead of leaving
it ib:a state:of stagnation and decrepitude, con-
fined to London only. If the manufacture con-
A '§',Sea ly flourishes throughout the north of Eng-
land, under the influence of that very sys,
tem of protecting duties- which is exclaimed
against as the source of great misery to the de-
serving population of Spitalfields, we are surely
justified, on the face of things, in ascribing
the calamity to some cause peculiar to that
branch of the manufacture which has been:
visited by the peculiar suffering. If coun-
try silk goods can be produced on easier
terms 'than those wrought in London, Where
expenses are higher, and can therefore undersell
the London silks either in the home or a foreign
market, this disadvantage would prove that Lon-
don (from the cost of living) was an ill-chosen
seat for the manufacture. But this' fact cannot
be considered as adducing the least shadow of
argument_ against the principle of Mr. HuskiS-
Son's reform. If the English trade has really
suffered from the change introduced by Mr.
Ruskissen, how comes it that the rival trade—
, namely, that of France—should have suffered
avowedly from the same cause, and in a degree
not local (as the distress of Spitalfields, however
originating, is known to be), but co-extensive
with the French manufacturing districts theie-
selves? We regret unfeignedly that the indu9-
trious French silk-weavers have been injured by
any law of the British Parliament enacted solely
:to benefit Englishmen, and having, undoubtedly,
no design whatever to wound the interests or im-
pair the comforts of our neighbours. Far more
keenly do we spripathize•with the miseries of
our own fellow-subjects and fellow-citizeiA ;
but we cannot be so false as to concur with
them in attributing their distresses to an unreal .
source—we cannot be so perfidious as to join them
in crying out for measures, by which we know
they would be•cruelly deceiVed, if in their ope-
ration they were to anticipate a remedy. It has
been more than once recalled to the recollec-
tion of our fellow-citizens of Spitalfields, that
frequently, before any repeal of the prohibitory
system as to foreign silks were dreamed
at least by the public,—the Spitalfields weavers
were reduced to the last extremities of want
and wretchedness. In the memorable year, for
instance, of 1816, their suffbrings, in point
both of duration and intensity, exceeded be-
yond comparison all which they have since ex-
perienced ; yet at that period certainly there was
no " free trade." We have been conscientious
in declaring the sorrow with which we see and
feel the poverty-stricken faces of these indus-
trious and worthy creatures : we can no othei-
wise prove our earnestness in pleading for them,
where alone, we fear, their afflictions can be
softened,—that is to say, at the bar of public
charity, (since the hands both of justice and
policy are tied up)—than by imploring the af-
fluent of all classes and parties to come forward
with bountiful subscriptions for their relief, until
better times return, and markets, or the manage-
ment of their particular branch of industry, shall
mend.— Times.
Whether the Duke of 'Wellington would have
been able to obtain a Parliamentary majority,
had he persisted in staving off the settlement of
the Catholic Question to a future year, is a
point to which different opinions may be enter-
tained. But there can be no difference of
opinion as to the impossibility of resisting with
any hope of success his determination to place
the Catholics of the United Kingdom on the
footing of the other Dissenters. It cannot have
escaped the observation of a soldier, so prac-
tised in estimating the strength of forces as his
Grace is, that by resolving on one course he is
opposed to an enemy who may prove too power-
ful for him, and who, even if foiled for a time,
will return incessantly to the combat ; whereas,
by resolving on the other, he can only be en-
countered by a shadow. We put altogether out
of consideration the supposed private iuclinae
Lions of the Sovereign, because the Constitution '
of this country knows nothing of the opinions'
and inclinations of the Sovereign except as they
are conveyed through Ministers, Now this
much is obvious, that if the Duke of Welling-
ton have the firmness to persist in making the
settlement of the Catholic Question a Cabinet
measure (his present intention) he has the ball
at his foot, for were his Majesty to dispense
with his services on that ground, a Miiiry
formed on a principle of opposition to the
Catholic Claims ew,ild not posssibly receive
the support of Parliament. His Grace
would, no doubt, have preferred the delaying
the settlement of the claims to a future year;
but, as his advice to bury the question in obli-
vion for a time was not 'taken, he had only a
choice between a greater difficulty and a lesser.
When circumstances demand action, to, remain
passive is folly. The Puke ktippose, too
good n t4ptiPiaP to between a course at-
tended with very little risk, and one which is
pregnant with danger. The attempts to organize

COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE.

A new comedy, entitled The Widows Bewitehedf
from the pen, as we were given to understand,o
Mr. LUNN, was produced last night at this theatre
The -plot is complicated and inconsistent, turriiiig
for the most part on the expedients resorted to:by
a Captain Fairwin (Mr. C. KliunLE) and Captain
Frankley (Mr. GREEN), to enable them to marry
two widows, one Mrs. Franlley (Miss CIIESTEI9,
and the other Mrs. Delamere (Mrs. CIATTERLE)9.
The chief merit of the piece consists in the exd,el•
lence of Mr. C. KEMIILE'S acting; \Vho, the better; to
fern-aid his plans, :apes the appearance of a cloWn,
for whom Airs. Frankhy had expressed an affectiim;
inasmuch as she believes that such a man would be
likely to let her have her own way uncontrolled.
:MiSs CHESTER played-the widow just as she always
plays her parts—that is to say, with spirit and djs-
cernment;.:and Mr. GREEN was lively as the suitor
of Mrs. CRATTERLEY. The piece,. as it at inkivnt
stands, is sadly too long, and requires considerable
curtailment;- it was, however, received with ap-
plause.

--TO CORRESPONDENTS.
[By an error in making up the Correspondence on
the Catholic Question in our front page, the follow-
ing was omitted :—it reads after 29th line in the lust
column, ending . .
" with the Constitution of 1688, and with

priti'ciOleS. which called the House of BrUpswiels to,.
the throne, however supesfluouS it, maybe as a se-
curity, it cannot be considered as evasive i.ruitsre-•
strictivecharacter The Constitinion, us established
.
in'l6BB,may or-may not have been im the abstract
a' wise 'arrangernent ; but it is that under wbich.We.
live, and which cannot be changed without the Ord:
ces.s of another revolution. But above all, this pro-
hibition of legislation for the Protestant church pre-
sents, as it appears to me, the means of not only sa-
tisfying, but obliterating, any lingering scruples
which might exist in the breasts of the Princes of
the House of Brunswick, founded upon their con-
struction of the conditions upon which their family
were called to the throne of England. • Their ob-
jections have always rested upon this :particular
point of Catholic legislatidn for Protestant interests.
I have been reproached by some supporters Of
the Catholic question in the House of Commons,
for having endeavoured to facilitate the settlement
of that question by the suggestion of any security.
I trust that I shall be able to show, whenever a
suitable opportunity occurs, that I am not justly ob-
noxious to such a reproach. Considering the opi-
nions of .the constituent body generally upon this
subject,—considering the expressed opinions of those
present members of the House of Commons, amid of
the House of Lords, Who 'are opposed to' the gee's-
tion,—considering the expressed opinions of the pre-
sent Lord Chancellor,----of the Bishops, the only
'Parliamentary representatives of the Protestant
church,—and 'of the clergy generally, not to tidvert
to opinions presumed to exist- in other and higher
quurters,—l have not been able to bring myself to
concur with these enemies to all securities, who re-
proach me for having dealt in them, and who main-
tain that a final and conciliatory adjustment of this
question can be effected at an early period, without
any security whatever.; Consequently, I have felt
myself justified in suggesting a security, as have
stated in my letter to Dr. Baines, " not trenching
upon the faith of a Roman Catholic, nor in any 'in-
convenient degree upon the full sum of his civil.
rights : while at the same.. time it was calculated
specifically to obviate the main apprehension enter-
tained by Protestants, as the .possible • result of the
removal of Roman Catholic disabilities.". But .this
suggestion has not been made for my own satisfac-
tion; because I consider that the .Constitution fur-
nishes many other conclusive safeguards for the sta-
bility of the Protestant establishment ; and, above
all, that the true and best security is to be found in
the discontinuance of religious disabilities, and the
consequent cessation of religious differences.
If, then, no security be required, or if security
must be had, should any other be pointed out, more
simple and more satisfactory, let this security sug-
gested by me be at once:and for ever set aside ; but let
it not be discarded, as has been attempted, with a
sneer, and withotit consideration, because it does not
proceed from authority, but merely from an indivi-
dual, who, relying on the protection of public opinion,
has dared to think and act for himself upon the Ro-
man Catholic question.
I trust that, through the medium of temperate dis-
mission in Parliament, this subject will be better
understood by the English public. That under-.
standing. is all that is wanting to bring this question
to a settlement, the delay of which has been elo-
quently described by Dr. Baines, as constituting
" the wonder of all Europe, and the reproach of
England." If the letter of the Duke of Wellington
to De. Curtis is merely intended to imply that an
abandonment of extreme opinions on both sides is
necessary to a settlement of the question, I can only
express my entire concurrence in such a sentiment,
as I have always maintained opinions strictly similar.
I have thought, in common with others of no mean
authority, that nothing was wanting to produce
union, even among men of extreme opinions, but
judicious interference from some quarter or other,—
that it was a case for mediation,—that the pride,
prejudices, and passions, which had been awakened
in both parties, had left no neutral ground where
negociation could satisfactorily be carried on between
them. I have thought, and still think, that if thoSe
elements of repulsion and separation, which so un-
fortunately operate on these parties, could for a short
time be held in abeyance, all sensible men on either
side, who were not too much committed, would unite
for the purpose of effecting a satisfactory settlement;
and the King's Government (no matter of whom
consisting) would be compelled by the force of pub-
lic opinion, either to assist in rendering this tardy
sacrifice to justice and expediency ; or to retire, and
leave to others the execution of this indispensable
acts of public duty.
CORRESPONDENCE, &c.
I.—DIR. WILSIOT ,MORTON'S FIRST LETTER.
Rome, Dec. 10, 1828.
My dear Sir,—l am persuaded that you will con-
cur with me in opinion, that considering the agitated
and irritable 'state of the public mind in Great
Britain and Ireland, upon the subject of what is
called " the Catholic Question," it would be de-
sirable that the exact truth should be stated upon
any important point affecting that subject, whether
such truth be conciliatory or otherwise ; d fortiori,
should the truth be conciliatory; and any misrepre-
sentation, however accidental and unintentional, be
exasperating, it is still more desirable that all am-
biguity should be cleared away.
I offer these observations as preliminary to
question which I shall take the liberty of putting to
you at the close of this letter.
In Galignani's Messenger of Tuesday, the 25th
of November, and in The San newspaper of the 21st
of November (extracted from the Dublin Norifing
Register), I find the following passage identically
the same in both newspapers, 'in the speech of Mr.
O'Connell at a meeting •of the Catholic Associa-
tion :—" I have now to mention a fact (says Mr.
O'Connell) of great importance to the people of
this country. Up to the 26th of October, the

sib

Brunswick Clubs through Out the country, have
sufficiently revealed- to the least observing the
weakness in substantial power and moral strength
of those who are opposed to the settlement of
the Catholic Claims. The people who have
been put in motion are a mere brute mass, with-
out leaders of character and talent in whom con-
fidence can be placed. The thing has been,
therefore, a signal failure. Whatever opposition
the Duke of kVellington may have encountered
in the Cabinet, so long as deliberation was the
older of the day, there could be none when 'he
had once determined to make the affairs of Ire-
land the subject of a communication to Parlia-
ment. Then the dissentients had only the choice
between acquiescence and resignation ; and, like.
Wise men, aware that resignation, under present
circumstances, held out little prospect of a return
to power, they have renounced the idea. Mr.
Peel and Mr. Goulburn have, we learn, become
converts to the doctrine that the queStion Must
now be settled. We are happy to have it in
our power to congratulate our readers, that the
Catholic Question has at length been made a
Cabinet measure, and that a recommendation to
Parliament to enter on the consideration of this
subject, is to form part of the Royal Speech--
Dr. Philpotts receives credit for having been One
of the first of the Ecclesiastical Authorities to
discover the impossibility of departing, in the
case of the Catholics, from the system adopted
with regard to other Dissenters, without 'landau-
gcring the Church, by the recognition of the
Catholics as a body ; while any security to the
establishment,. which could be derived from in-
terference with them, would be aho-geflier illu-
sory. It is not intended to demand any farther
security from Catholics than floo., Dissenters,—
namely, a declaration from those who are in
places of trust, that they will not avail thein-
selves of their situation to injure the Church.—
It has always been supposed that the repeal of
the penal laws affecting the. Catholics would be
accompanied by certain other measures. The
revisal of the.laws relating to elective franchise n
Ireland, will also be alluded to in the Speectli.--
This is a question connected, no doubt, with the
tranquillizatiOil of Ireland ; but .it is a question
as to which much difference of opinion is ex-
pected. - Many of those, both favourable to
concession and opposed 1.6 ii, will be -opposed
to any interference with the franchise. The
circumstances which - have placed the fre'R-
holders in collision with the landloids,-are
connected with that state of things to which
the repeal of the last of the penal laws put, ne-
cessarily,'an end. The extent to which the ma-
nufacture of freeholders has been .carried in Ire-
land is objectionable in an economical point of
view; but., the best corrective of abuse in that
respect, would be found in 'approximating the
law of Ireland to that of England, regarding the
relief of the poor. Brit, another point is to be
recommended—the putting an end to the Ca-
tholic
.Association,-and the collection of Catholic
Rent. In 1793, the Bill admitting Catholics
to the elective franchise was passed in Arra, and
the Catholic Association dissolved of itself in
June. There is no reason for supposing that
the Catholic Association will not dissolve itself
the moment Parliament levels the barriers be-
tween the Catholics and their fellow-citizens, for
its functions are necessarily at an end. But it
can hardly be expected that the Catholics should
not -meet and deliberate till all uncertainty on the
subject of their flute is removed. The heads- of
the Church have wisely acquiesced in the deterfni,.,
nation of the Cabinet. The Clergy will naturally
follow their example. The Church of this-coun-
try, whatever indirect power it may have iu in-
fluencing time Government, cannot be conceived
even to be in direct opposition to the Govern-
ment. The temporalities give the Church its
power, and the Government has the disposal of
the temporalities. " The consent of the great
body of the Bishops," says a contemporary (the
Globe), " has already, it is said, been obtained.
The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
of London were, from the earliest period of the
late discussions on the subject, favourable to con-
cession. The Bishop of Durham for a time
headed a section opposed to this policy ; but the
Consent of this Prelate has also been obtained."
:We repeat, that there is no doubt as to the de-
termination to make the settlement of the Ca-
tholic Claims a Cabinet measure. Who is
there who wishes to See this country happy and
prosperous, and its Government respected abroad,
that will not rejoice at this wise determination ?
The blindest zealot must allow that the system
hitherto pursued with regard to Ireland, was one
ruinous to our resources, and pregnant with im-
minent danger to the safety of the Empire.'
Thank God, a better prospect is at length opened
to us.—Horning Chronicle. -
The Liberal rumours respecting the settle-
ment of the Roman Catholic Question continue
to multiply in a surprisingly quick manner, as
the clay for the meeting of Parliament ap-
proaches. Of course, each one as it makes its
appearance possesses a greater claim to attention
than that which preceded it ! By some it is
stated that the question of Emancipation is to
be recommended in the King's Speech, with the
consent of all the Ministers—by others, that the
point is not be mooted until Mr. Peel has re-

5111

i

their vilcpur-
they will en-
. „sees eeese
taking from
expedient,(piaso;
laioi
that,
in,
at eca ;11?h
their
ot
Qfppt pheffecting
pp tbs
them that which. is Weed a tower of strength,"
a spotless reputation. We do notetherefore, won-
der that the oppositionistsclis'seminate these calum-
nies against their adversaries; it is their pro-
vince to do 50... Every man to his business,
says the adage ; and why should the faction do
aught but slander the great and good amongst
us ? At the same time, however,. we inust con-
fess that wo arc both surprised and vexed to per-
ceive that some, who have. hitherto been account-
ed the firm adherents of Protestantism, have been
deluded by the wily machinations of the enemy,
and have been induced to attack our, illustrious
Premier as an unprincipled apostate. We do
not impute any unworthy motives to our fellow-
labourers in the igoodcause, but we think that
their enthusiasm has led them to condemn one
whom their cooler judgment would lead them to
applaud. Did we suppose for a moment; that the
Duke of Wellington had become the friend of
the brawling Irish Demagogues, we should
be amongst the most , eager to give warn-
ing of, danger; but . we continue: to place
our most hearty reliance upon his Grace's
integrity, because we know that the re-
ports now in circulation originate with his bit-
terest and most determined foes. What proof is
there of the Noble Duke's apostacy ? We
most confidently answer—none at all. Nay, so
far from their king any proof on this point, we
have every reason to suppose that the Duke of
Wellington is still a firm and unflinching Oppo-
nent of "Catholic Emancipation. "In his official
capacity, his Grace has proved himself the
warm supporter •of .Protestantism—he has re-
sisted with firmness the brawling impudence of
the Demagegues--ehe has removed from Ireland
a Governor who nurtured the accursed system
of agitation—and he has appointed in his place
an upright and consistent friend of the Constitu-
tion ! Such have been the exertions of the Litike
of Wellington in behalf of his. Protestant fellow-
countrymen ; and, we ask, is it just, is it
honourable, is it generous •to revile so noble a
friend, merely because a rumour of his apostacy
has been promulgated by a base and- degraded
faction-? •Let every honest man answer this
question according to the dictates of his
con-
science. One word more to our Protestant
friends before we conclude. We entreat them
to disregard. the reports circulated by the Libe-
rals ;• or if they cannot entirely do so, at least to
suspend their judgment for a little time, and
they will perceive that we. have neither been
wrong in our assertions nor mistaken in our . ar-
guments.
For ourselves, we have the most im-
plicit confidence in the good faith of the Duke
of Wellington—a confidenee which we have
long cherished, and one which will not be
shaken, until we possesses bowl fide proof of the
Noble Duke's apostaCy.-•--Morning Post.
Among the reports which are extremely pre-
valent, is one that Ministers mean to avail them-
selves of the large increase in the last year's re-
venue to bring about the long-expected reduc-
tion in the assessed taxes, at least of those on
houses and windows. For ourselves,' we confess
that we are not among those who would counsel,
or lead the country to expect that any material
reduction of its burdens can take place while
such a millstone of debt • continues suspended
round its neck; and we would rather see a Mi-
nistry Making Some powerful effort to reduce the
permanent charge, than attempt to throw out a
mere tuh to the whale in the shape of a little
temporary relief. At the same time, we are free
to admit that there is no part of our taxation,
which pressed more heavily and unequally than
the house and window taxes ; and as they form, we
believe, one of the main inducements with so
many persons of moderate income to spend their
incomes in countries where no such im-
posts exist, their repeal or modification might
be bringing back many, who are nose foreign
consumers, to be tax-payers. at hoMe ; it does
not, therefore, follow that the revenue would, in
the end, fall off at all ; or, at any rate, not to the
extent of the taxes thus proposed to be with-
drawn. The most just system of taxation sigma-
nifestly•that whiCh reaches - every one, according
to his means. This is certainly not the case
with the house and window tax. It is obviously
a mistake, for instance, to assume that because a
Man lives in a large house, lie must; therefore,
be richer and better able to pay than his neigh-
bour who lives in a lodging—ethe fact generally
being, that a man's house is necessarily chosen
more from the size of his faMily than his
actual means ; and that, consequently, the as-
sessed taxes press with ten times more severity
upon such a man, than the same amount would
do upon his wealthier neighbour, who peys
none. There is one striking inequality, too,
belonging to the window tax, that it attaches
with much more severity upon old and inton-
venient houses than upon new ones, whisks have
been so constructed as to avoid, to a sineilar de-
gree, its pressure. Such being the tithe, if the
country can be relieved from some part of these
taxes, without diminishing the permanent re-
venue, we have no doubt but such a measure
would be hailed with very general satisfaction.
It is a great satisfactiou to consider that it is nu-
der the head of the indirect, and what may, in
some meastuo, therefore, be called the voluntary
taxes, that the main increase in the revenue bete
taken place ; and there can he little do,.•:nt but
that the more the country is relieve''
from direct
taxes the more the iodise wiIINICS prosper.
We cannot hilt add, th::, the present surplus,
agreeably d
'would have been larger still,
rA" the"s'quence unfelt by the communit
had the
.0 y,
of Wellington, instead of his gra-
aiiitea Corn Bill,
1
imposed a plain, invariable
tax upon all imported corn.—Morning Herald.
Our Morning, and some, also, of our Even-
ing contempories, have been announcing, for
the last few days, as a matter beyond all possibi•
lity of doubt, that a Bill will be introduced in
the course of the present Session, under the
auspices of the Government, for granting to his
Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects the same
rights and privileges as arc now enjoyed by Pro-
testants. We informed our readers of this fact
many months ago ; and also that, as a prelimi-
nary measure, not only would the Catholic As-
sociation be put down, but the forte-shilling
freeholders be disfranchised ; and that in conse-
quence of the resolution to which the Govern-
ment had come on this subject,,, it was equally
opposed to meetings either of Catholics or of
Protestants, having in view the proinotion
even free n. those ii and it is new kk
19 only a without contra-
diction the delay of this great eifeablii&'' As the
period has approached,
.howeyers: when the
cbtijoicr; 1 .
question would come to.i4t'fitlay discussed;- a
stronger light appears 1,..,.LaTe-,iiurst
.upch the
,short time
ago pledd themselves to'the -contrary, that all
these measures will be recommended in the
King's Speech, and carried by 'consider-ale/6 ma-
jorities
beenbo th
wonIoi" Houses,
partlyi'h bi3yisPaw desires'it to

tired to make way for Mr. Huskisson—and by
another party, that immediately after the opening
of Parliament, a motion is to be made by the
Premier himself, for leaVe to bring iu a Bill to
relieve the Roman Catholics from certain dis-
abilities upon certain conditions, and that the
motion is to be seconded by no less a personage
than the Lord Bishop of London ! Such are
the various rumours which were yesterday ban-
died about in the political circles of the Moro,
polis. Upon the character of thew tmours,
which are mere servile imitati,ws, .?" that, ro
magated in a Liberal ilapor on .1?-e; d. ay, we
have already delivered • our on;;:ion. We have
stated that they are `,l;":worthly of the slightest
consideration;
we have met them, as all
such calumnies ought to be met, with a
prompt and unequivocal denial. We can assure
our readers that that denial was not founded
upon slight grounds, and we therefore claim
their perfect reliance upon its authenticity. If;
however, there be any Protestants, who, in de-
fiance of the repeated contradictions which have
appeared, still give Qvectit to the reports circu-
lated by tb;; faction,—who still con-
scientioaly adhere to the supposition that
tli
the Duke of Wellington will betray his
ifiellglotsivi-eccoouiiiitterryrirn
plaudits for the sake
of the Papists ini,
we repeat, there he any such amongst the Pro-
testants ef this country, we shall not attempt to
argue them out of their belief—all we shall ask
of them is, to suspend their judgment until
after the meeting of Parliatizent. To say that
we are surprised- at the circulation of these un-
founded rumonrs, would be to express ourselves
Inaccurately. Knowing, as we do know, that the
Papists and their Protestant tools arc desirons of
destroying the best bulwarks of our Constitution,
we naturally expect that they will resort to any

comply with the wishes of the King's Govern-
ment—partly by. dint of argument—and partly
by witnessing the effects of the repeal of the 1
laws which disqualified Dissenters from holding
the highest offices in the State : and the mode
in which other votes have been gained, it is quite
unnecessary to particularize. Mr. Peel, it is
asserted, stood out long against the resolution
of his colleagues, and even so lately as the ap-
pearance of the Duke of Wellington's letter
to Dr. Curtis, remonstrated kith the former
against such an explicit avowal of his Grace's
sentiments, without having in the first place con-
sulted his colleagues ; but his Grace, it is said,
replied in a. manner which left no doubt on the
mind of the Home Secretary either of his deter-
mination to remain responsible for his own private
acts, or to propose Catholic Emancipation in the
ensuing Session, with or without the consent of
his colleagues. Tile whole 'natter may there-
fore be considered as settled, in so far as either
the Cabinet or the Legislature are concerned.
What the feeling of the country generally may
be, is altogether another question, and will de-
pend greatly on the nature of the security in-
cluded in the Bill for emancipating the Catholics,
and with regard to the latter, the Government
dues not intend to consult them, or to attempt
to make the Bill either accord with, or oppose
their partialities. A measure of justice and ab-
solute necessity is to be passed, and if they
choose to take the benefit of it, they are wel-
come ; if not, it will, like many other statutes,
remain a dead letter.—Morning Advertiser.

- - - -
FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT.

At the Court at Windsor, the 211:ch. 1820,
PRESENT,
k.ing's Most Excellent Majesty in Council,
Illy m.,jesty in Council was this day pleasiA to declare
Hugh Dukc of Noithumherland, Knight of the Most
Nobie Or of the Garter, Lit,uteiLtat-Genet al and Gene-
ral-6overnor of that part of the United Kin4ilout eullA
Ireland.

Crown-Office, Fcb. 3.
MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PAIL-

LIA]IU T.

Borough of Clifton Dartmouth Ilardnes.s.
Arthur Howe Holdswortli, Eq. in the room of Sir
John Hutton Cooper, Bart. deceased.

War-Office, Feb. 2.

The under-mentioned half-pay Officers have been al-
lowed to retire from the Service, and their half-pty has
been cancelled from the 25th Jan. 1829, inclusive, on re-
ceiving a commuted allowance for their commissions :
Lieutenant John Doyle Carroll, half-pay Ist Foet
Lieutenant Walter 'keeling, half-pay 97th Font
Lieutenant David Dawes, half-pay sth West India Tlegimeot
Ensign Edward George L. Bulwer, half-pay unattached
Ensign Robert Gibson, half-pay 28th Foot
Ensign Richard Burton Phillipson, half-pay 75th Foot
Ensign James Crawford, half-pay 10Ist Foot
Ensign Arthur Algernan Capel, half-pay 26th Foot
Ensign Robert Sedley Bagenall, half-pay 87th Foot
Lieutenant Edward B. H. Dobbin, half-pay 69th Foot
Lieutenant George Despard, half-pay aid Foot
Lieutenant William Pritchard Lloyd, half-pay 23d Foot
Ensign• John Pierey, half-pay Bth Foot
Yesign Joseph Wiuniett, half-pay 97th Foot
Eaaign John P. Taylor, half-pay unattached
Ensign John Schneider, halfapay 97th Foot
Ensign William James Fraaee, half pay 56!h Foot
Ensign Jahn Payne Elwes, half-pay Royal York Rangers
Ensign Alexander Foxcroft Ridgway, half-pay unattached
Er-sign John Puisaord, half-pay 1034 Foot
Ensign John Collin, halfapay unattached
Esaaign Edward Williamson, half-pay 51st Foot
Lesigu Richard Michaux Muggeaidge, half-pay 84th Foot
Lieutenut Patrick Lynch, half-pay 90th Feot
Liaattenant 41exander Steele, half-pay 29th Foot
Enaigh Montagu Harvey Grant, half-pay 32d Feot
Coratt Philip Wilson, hall-pay 20th Light Dragoons
Ensign Robert Norie, haltilaay 72d Foot
Ensign Geoav John Rush, half-pay unattached
Ensign Henry George Carey, hats-pay unattached
Plaaign Mark Sprot, half-pay 90th Foos
E.naign Win. J. Percival, half-pay 60th Foot
Ensign Wm. O'Dell, half-pay 100th. Foot -
Ensign James Hatch, half-pay 531 Foot
Ensign George Peacock, half-pay 53th Foot
Ensign Robert Lindsay, half-pay 78th Foot
Ensign George W. Tireman, half-pay unattached
Ensign Alexander BocteCsnr, half-pay York Chasseurs
Ensign Robert W. Carden, half pay 82d Foot
Ensign Robert Byers, half-pay 26th Foot
•

DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY,
Robeiit Ball, Stockton-upon-Tees, Durham, linen •draper,
Robert i tugbes, Liverpool, draper.
Samuel Brit-,79, Grantham, Lincoln, tailor.

BANk:IUPTCIES suPEnsDED.
William Fulltvood,,J3irraingham, victualler,
Robert Turner Cotton, Great St. Helen's, Loudon, sur-
veyor.