The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-11 00:00:00

to come to the question upon principle, and I gave them to un-
derstand that our Government would not permit the Hanoverian
Government to levy those exorbitant duties. I tell the Govern-
ment what I think ; I tell them what I have been informed they
intend to do. I believe they are about to sacrifice the rights
of British merchants ; I believe they are about to yield to the
Government of Hanover that which the Government
of Hanover is not entitled to exact.—( Hear, hear.)
I believe they have actually offered to allow that
Government to levy upon our vessels twice as much
toll as they are entitled to do. Now, if that be their intention,
certainly the course we have taken is a very considerable em-
barrassment-4 Hear, hear)—and if they mean to sacrifice the
rights of Englishmen out of deference and personal regard for
the Sovereign who now sits upon the Throne of Hanover, I
trust that if we have already embarrassed them, we shall be able
to embarrass them further hereafter.—( Hear, hear.) I trust
they will do no such thing; I believe that the negotiations have
been handed over, like sonic other negotiations now-a-days, to
the:Board of Trade; and I trust that that Board, whose especial
duty it is to watch over the interests of British merchants and
British commerce, will not so far forget their position as to
abandon ancient treaties, and allow Hanover duties which she
is not entitled to exact.—( Hear, hear.) I say, then, we have
laid upon the table five treaties of commerce, two political
treaties, and a treaty for the suppression of the slave trade. And
let not any man imagine that treaties for the suppression of the
slave trade are valuab!e only upon the ground of humanity, and
'as tending to rid the civili.ed world of a foul and despicable
crime; because in this, as in many other cases, virtue brings
with it its own reward, and if the nations of Europe could,
by any concert, put down that despicable crime, and lead the
great population of Africa to the pursuits of peaceful, inno.
cent, and legitimate commerce, the commercial advantages
which would follow from that act of justice, not to this country
only, but to the whole civilised world, are far greaser than
many might perhaps at first imagine.—( Hear.) I, therefore,
say, that the treaty for the suppression of the slave trade is, in
its direction and operation, a treaty conducive to the interests
of commerce. Then, I say, that we have not only helped
them to make their speech, but they have been employed dur-
ing the session in carrying our harvest of treaties and con-
ventions ; and an abundant one I think it is,
and very well worthy of the seeds which had been
sown.—(Hear, hear) Now what is it a Government could clo
to promote the commerce of the country which we have neg-
lected? First and foremost I put the maintenance of peace—
of peace nut only between this country and all other countries,
but peace also between the other great Powers of the world;
because it is manifest that if war, and more especially a naval
war, were waged to any great extent, the interests of all com-
mercial nations must be more or less injured. In spite pf every
difficulty, then, thrown in the way by gentlemen opposite—
( Cheers)—in spite of every endeavour made by some one or
two Members to magnify petty causes of quarrel—(Loud
cheers)—with any foreign Power, be it Russia, be it France,
or the United States—whether it was one or the other—whe-
ther it was concerning a chapel in Cuba, or an intractable pilot,
yet I say we did maintain peace in spite of all those difficulties
during the whole time we had the honour of conducting the'
affairs of the country.—(Cheers.) But we did maintain it
without sacrificing the national interest. I say we maintained,
without derogation, the honour and credit of the country. On
the contrary our interests were well cared for during the time
we were in office ; end I put it to any impartial man to say
whether he can find anything to eomplain of in the position
the country held among other countries of the world at the
time when we quitted the Government of this country ?
( Cheers.) But, Sir, not only did we keep ourselves, but were
frequently instrumental in maintaining the peace of other
great Powers, who got into very serious disputes. There
were many instances of that sort, when the recess gives the
Government leisure to consult more than they have done the
archives of the Foreign-office. But I would merely draw the
attention of the House to one instance of the successful media-
tion between France and the United States, when a dispute,
one of a very serious character, had grown up between those
two Powers. I say that was a very serial's dispute, because the
Legislature of both countries were embarked in the quarrel,
and therefore it was difficult for either party to recede with
honour unless some third party interposed, its good offices to
bring about a reconciliation. No other ower at that time
possessed so much the good will of both parties as we
did, therefore we were more likely to bring about a recon-
ciliation. We offered our assistance, and we were completely
and entirely successful. It might be said, " Very true, but
you got a peace which is a mere negative peace, if you have not
met nations with whom you trade with the security which
stipulations of treaties of commerce give to the subject and his
property trading between those countries." When lam told
in speaking upon these topics that it was a kind of restless
meddling, I hold that to be a compliment instead of a
censure. But upon the charge of commercial treaties, I think
I said on the former occasion we formed eighteen commercial
treaties, including that of Tripoli and Tunis. We concluded
fourteen of those treaties. Now, Sir, two of them, Austria
and Turkey, were very important. One of the treaties which
I made I will, for a moment, call the attention of the House
to, for it is an important one—indeed, by name a treaty of
commerce, but which is a treaty, certainly, insuring peace—
I mean the convention which we made with the Government of
France to regulate the existence of the fisheries on the coasts.
Sir, it is well known that great disputes, attended with col-
lisions, and endangering the good understanding between the
two countries, had gone on for a great length of time, in con-
sequence of the want of a proper definition of the boundaries
of the fishery between Jersey and the main-land of France, and
in consequence of the want of a proper definition of the respec-
tive rights of the French and English fishermen upon their
own coasts. That question had remained open since the last
war. We settled that question. We made a convention which
has, I believe, entirely prevented all those local col-
lisions on the coast of France ; one which, if it
has not prevented them, has at all events laid
down so distinct a rule that the two Govern-
ments can be at no less how to deal with the irregularities of
their own subjects. And it went further; it contained a stipu-
lation that the sea, within three miles of each coast, should
be the exclusive limit for fishing of the fishermen of
each country. Now, Sir, there was a clause in that treaty
which has not yet been executed ; a clause, namely, by which
Commissioners were to meet and to establish regulations for
the government of the fishermen of England and of France
when they met at sea without those limits of three miles, and
without the jurisdiction of each country. Now when we left
office the regulations had been concluded, with the exception
of one point, which I will mention, for the purpose of explain-
ing it to the House. The French Commissioner was very
anxious to obtain from the English Government permission
for the French fishing-boats to anchor and station themselves
within the three mile limit, in order from thence to sail
forth, and to pursue their fishing beyond that limit. Now, at
the first blush there did not appear to be anything in that pro-
vision which the rules of good polity and good neighbourhood
would not least us to accede to ; but, upon further considera-
tion, it appeared that such a permission would lead to FO many
evasions of the general principle of exclusive fishery that it
would practically defeat the advantages of that stipulation ;
and it was evident, moreover, that the real motive which led
the French Commissioner, at the direction of his Government,
to insist upon that provision, was that the French fishery on the
coast of England might be made a nursery to seamen, with a
view to the improvement of the French navy.—(Hear, hear.)
I objected to that provision ; I don't know whether the present
Government have acceded to it, but I cannot bat express a hope
that they will not beled by any idea of maintaining good feelings
between the two nations to agree to a provision which exceeds the
provisions of the convention, and which in the result may be
injurious to this country.—( Hear, hear.) Well then, Sir, we
concluded these treaties. With regard to the slave trade, our
activity was still greater. We were extremely restless with
regard to its progress ; for seeing that when we came into
office there were in existence but ten treaties for the suppres-
sion of the slave trade, and we concluded fifteen additional
treaties—and it should be observed that those treaties con-
tained stipulations which former treaties had not even con-
templated—well, then, I say with regard: both to the mainte-
nance of peace, and with regard to the security to be obtained by
treaties, we did exert ourselves greatly and successfully for
the protection of the interests of the country, and bequeathed
facilities instead of embarrassments to our successors. But,
thin, it may be said, " Your treaties may be all very well if
they are excused, but if they are violated they are ()Ina more
worth than waste paper ; and we know that in the ease of re-
mote countries, especially in remote districts of extensive coun-
tries, such for instance, as the republic of South America,
Turkey, and other places, which frequently abuse their power,
a considerable portion of the correspondence of the Govern-
ment consists of complaints of their lellow-agents, of injuries
which they have sustained, and of demands of redress.
Speaking from general recollection I should say that during
the course of our administration, with one remarkable excep-
tion, we never failed obtaining for those British subjects who
felt themselves aggrieved, such reparation as we demanded.
Aral so generally was that known among foreign Powers, that
the King of Persia, as appears from a despatch now on the
table, when he applied to the English Government to exert its
power here to obtain payment of a debt due from a British
insolvent to one of his subjects, and when he was informed that
the Government could not procure for him that which lie
sought, said, " This is most strange. If the meanest British sub-
ject in the most remote corner of the world suffers the slightest
injury, you immediately obtain for him redress ; and yet you
now refuse it to one of my subjects." I mentioned that we
had failed in one instance to which the attention of the House
was called the other day ; we had failed. 'that exception was
the case of the British merchants who sought reperation for
the injuries inflicted upon them at Portendic. That we slid
riot succeed in that arrangement I admit, and perhaps those
who have succeeded arc Mare now of the difficulties which
prevented our success.—(Cheers.) As they are stilt
engaged in negotiations on that most difficult sub-
ject, I will tint add to the embarrassments by
any further allusion to the subject. This, I think, is an answer
to the general charges made by the Noble Lord against the
late Government ; but the Noble Lord did not confine himself
to general charges—he brought forward specific instances.
The Noble Lord said we had left him a subject of embarrass-
ment in North America; then, said the Noble Lord, there
were questions which your Administration left us to settle.
Now the first question with regard to America is the boundary
question.—( Hear.) Did that question grow up under our
Administration ? Why, it grew up before the Noble Lord
grew up—((;heers)—it grew up before the Noble Lord was
born or thought of—( Cheers and laughter )—it grew up from
the Treaty of 1783.—(Cheers.) We did not settle it—but did
we create the embarrassment ? The whole question depends
upon the meaning to he attached to the words of the Treaty of
1783. The boundary was to be a line drawn from the River
St. Louis in the north-west, along a ridge of highlands to the
head of the Connecticut River in the south. It was supposed
for a long time that there was a natural incompatibility between
the words of the treaty and the natural features of the country,
and on that erroneous impression we for some time acted. In
Übe first place, just after we had come into office, and when we
had not thoroughly studied the subject, we expressed our
willingness to accept of the conventional line proposed by. the
King of the Netherlands ; fortunately for us, the Americans
refused to accede to that proposition. We then offered, not
being aware of the merits of our cause, to divide the country in
dispute, making the St. John's River the boundary; and that
also the Americans refused to accede to. It then occurred to us
to do that which no preceding Government had thought of do-
ing. The two Governments had all this time been disputing
about the treaty, assuming that its execution was incompati-
ble with the features of the country, but neither of
the Governments knew anything at all as to what
the features of that country really were.— ( Heer, hear. )
We sent Commissioners to explore and minutely examine the
boundaries, and to report whether the line which we claimed
or the American line was the more reconcileable with the
strict interpretation of the treaty and the features of the coun-
try. The Commission was appointed and the first report was
made about three years ago; and that report proved that the
line we claimed was consistent both with the wordsof the treaty
and with the features of the country, inssinuch as it goes from
the North Western point a!ong the ridge of a chain of highlands.
It was most satisfactory to find that our line could be main-
tained by a strict aimlication of the words of the treaty
to the features of tne country. But as it might happen
that it might not be free from dispute, as the line claimed
by the Americans might also be borne out by the words
of the - •

•
.they say is, consistent with the fact or not.—(Cheers, and
laughter.) A very eminent Minister in a foreign country, In-
.vards the midd e of last century, was giving instiuctions to his
tgent, as to what he should say to the agent of another Power.
the agent who was receiving 'the instructions, eb,erved, that
if he said what he was bid, he would say " what was not in•ac-
eordanca with the fact, but rather at variance with it."—( A
laugh.) But, said the Miniiter, " What of that ? It is a very
.good„thing to say."—(Laughter.) Now, the
.Ministew was an
off-hand dcbater.—(Renewed laughter.), Ido not accuse the
Noble Lord of saying that which he knew to be untrue, but of
speaking of facts'of which he was ignorant.—(Cheers.) He
said that we were led by a restless activity, and embroiled our-
selves with every Power in the world—( Tory cheers)—and
that we raised for 'them embarrassments, political and
commercial, in every part of the globe.—(Loud cheers.)
I distinctly deny that.—( Cheers and Counter dicers.) 'I he
charge is not only a proof of want of information on the part of
the Government, but of their ingratitude.—( Cheers and laugh-
ter.) Perhaps they were too busy in attending to the duties of
their; departments to ransack the archives of the Foreign-office
to learn what had•been done, and to ascertain the truth of their
charge, before they resolved to make it.—(Cheers.) But this
only shows the greatest ingratitude, for, in foreign affairs we
have bequeathed them nothing but facile ica.—(Laughter.from
the Tory Benches, responded to by cheers from the Opposi-
tion.) What have they been doing since they came into office
but living on our leavings—(Cheers and great laughter)—on
the broken victuals that we left in the official larders.—( Re-
newed laughter.) They are like a parcel of people who had
made a forcible entry into a house and feasted on what they
found in the larder. There has hardly been a week but
they brought in a measure which they said they found
prepared by their predecessors, and thinking it good, they
brought it in and hoped the House would pass it—(Cheers)—
and this not only in regard to measures but in regard to
details. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire
found in the larder a little thing, which wherein opposition he
considered very bad, but as soon as he tasted it he told us it
was very good indeed.—( Great laughter.) That was the
clause about the Hill Coolies.—( Hear, hear.) Then the
Right Hon. Gentleman the Vice-President of the Board of
Trade did not much fancy the Bonded Corn Bill when he saw
it at a distance, but when he came into office he gulped it
down like a man--(Much laughter, and cries of " Hear,
hear")—and found it a very wholesome and useful thing to
have.—( Hear, hears) I say, then, it is useless to at-
tempt to deny that we have not left them facili-
ties instead of embarrassments with regard to their
home policy. As to foreign affairs, I was surprised,
and still am surprised, that Gentlemen on the other side of the
House should attempt to represent that we have bequeathed
their embarrassments. What did the speech front the Throne
contain ? If we could except that portion which related to
that auspicious event, the birth of the Prince of Wales, half.of
that speech treated of foreign affairs. The present Govern-
ment came into office on the 3d of September—at least we re-
signed our office on that day. The Speech from the Throne
was delivered on the 3d of February, and the Government
might be supposed to have something to tell as to what was the
state of foreign affairs.—( Hear.) Not a bit of it. The whole
Speech was full of records as to what had been done by their
predecessors in office; but; instead of stating, according to the
complaints of :the Noble Lord, that we had bequeathed
nothing but embarrassments with regard to foreign affairs, it
contained a series of expressions of satisfaction and happy an-
ticipations. 'I hey began by stating " that it was with great
satisfaction they informed Parliament that a treaty had been
agreed upon between England and 'Austria, and Prussia and
Russia, and France, for the suppression of the slave trade."
That treaty was
.not signed in our time for reasons which, out
of regard for other persons. I will not mention at this moment.
—(Hear, hear.) It was, however, ready for signature, and,
as concluded, I believe, it does not differ in any material re-
spect from that which they found when they dame
into office. I will not allude more to it ; but
here was a treaty .negotiated by us and brought to a termi-
nation, and which the Government announced, very properly,
that it had been satisfactorily concluded, though not actually
carried out. This, I suppose, is one of the foreign embarass-
ments which we left them.—( Cheers.) The speech went on
to mention another treaty concluded with the same Powers,
together with the Sultan. That was a treaty which we gave
to our predecessors, and was called the treaty respecting the
Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus. Was that one
of the embarrassments bequeathed to the Government ? On
the contrary, they were delighted with it, and said it was one
of a most important character ; and, not satisfied with the de-
scription we gave of it they gave it, one of theirown, and called
it " a treaty for the security of the Turkish empire," that was
to say, in other words, for the security of the balance of power
in Europe, " and for the maintenance of the peace of Europe."
Here, then, is another instance ; a treaty which they described
,as having for its ends no less important objects than the balance
of power, and the security and the peace of. Europe. The next
paragraph of the speech takes us to a more distant country—to
Persia—and announces the restoration of our, diplomatic inter-
course with the Court of Teheran. That intercourse was broken
off Oh two grounds, first, that insults had been offered to persons
connected with'our missions, for which they demanded repara-
tion ; and secondly, because we thought it advisable to repress
the Shah in an undertaking in the eastern part of Affghanistan,
a step which we contended he had no right to take, and which
it was essential to our interests that we should prevent its accom-
plishment, we proceeded in both ; we obtained from the Shah
complete satisfaction, and the abandonment of the siege of Herat,
together with the return of his army within the limits
of his dominions. Our diplomatic intercourse with any nation
is only valuable when there is an' amicable feeling in the
parties between whom it subsists. Our diplomatic intercourse
was, on its settlement, not deprived of this essential condition,
for the speech mentions, not only the restoration of friendly in-
tercouse with the Court of Herat, but the renewal of friendly
intercourse. This is another embarrassment. The speech
goes on to notice the completion of a commercial
treaty with Persia ; this is another embarrassment !
Every one knows that our commerce with Persia is a growing
commerce, and one of great importance, but it required the
security of a treaty, and we obtained one as advantageous as
any country could ask. By one or two short articles the com-
merce of this country with Persia was placed on a footing equal
to that of any other nation. That was all we asked—all we
were justly entitled to. Still it was very important we should
obtain it, because the commerce of Russia enjoyed very consi-
derable facilities in Persia,- and it was important that ours
should do the same. The speech then comes to the paragraph
—the only one--which concerns the present Government. It
states that the " Government continues to maintain its friendly
relations with the several Powers," and trusted that the nego-
tiations then pending would have the effect of extending trade
and commerce. Now were all these negotiations begun by
them ?—( Cheers.) Were they not the negotiations which
we carried out, but which, from various circumstances,
we were unable to bring to a termination ?—(Loud cheers.)
The negotiation with Persia, which the Right Hon. Baronet
very fairly and handsomely admitted had been brought very
near to a conclusion by us, was one ; and, I say, Sir, that the
way to that treaty which the Right Hon. Baronet concluded
with Persia, was paved by us. In the other negotiations with
Spain, Naples, and Brazil--with all which countries we had
from time to time entered into negotiation supon matters of
very happy
if the Government should be
s to a successful issue. 'the
abletra e
—tolbsrhinoguldthboese er
next paragraph contained an expression of regret at not being
able to announce the re-establishment of peace with China.
Now there undoubtedly it said nothing. But mark what
follows. And first let me remind the House of what passed
here when our quarrel with, and the expedition to, China
was brought under discussion by the Right Honourable
Baronet, the Member for Dorchester. On that occasion
no Member now a member of the Cabinet expressed an opinion
that the quarrel with China was unjust. Some Hon. Men,-
hers on this side said that it was just, but the leading Members
opposite did not condemn the war, though undoubtedly they
did nut epprove of it ; they only deprecated the carrying .on of
a war at the antipodes wish a nation of 350,000,000 indivi-
duals. In the ether House Lord Stanhope made a motion
which, if carried, would have implied an opinion adverse to the
war. The Duse of Wellington, who represented the Opposition
in that House, urged the previous question in order not to ex-
press any opinion one way or the other upon the justice of the
war, every wise and prudent step for a Parliamentary tactician to
pursue. But, Sir; the honest soldier was more than a match for
the Parliamentary tactician. The honest indignation he felt
as a warrior and an Englishman, broke forth uncontrollable.
He said he would not advise the Queen to submit to an insult
and injury su h as he said had never before been offered to this
country ; and he said he would prove it, and Ira did enter into
the proof. He said that it was a war most atrocious in its na-
ture, and utterly indefensible ; he said store—he said that
Captain Elliot was bound to resist the demands made upon him,
even to the shedding of the last drop of blood; and if he ac-
ceded to those demands, he (the Duke of Wellington) should
have been ashamed of the country which gave• him birth.—
( Hear, hear.) That seems to me a pretty strong admission of
the justice of the quarrel with regard to China. What else dirt
the Government say en the subject? They said that uniform
success hail attended the hostile operations against China, and
that her Majesty, having the greatest confidence in the skill and
ability of her naval forces, had done so and so. It is, therefore,
clear that this enterprise, which was to be attended with diffi-
culties, was attended with success, ar.d Usuppose that that suc-
cess was not among the embarrassments that have been laid to
us.--( Hear, hear.) It may, however, be said that the success
which has been uniform vets not important; that it applied only
to small territories, and that it might not carry out the objects
in view ; now, unfortunately for the Government, that could not
be the case, because they state, in a further part of her Ma-
jesty's speech, that they were encouraged to hope the difficulties
with which they were surrounded would be brought to a sue.
cessful termination. That is another embarrassment, I suppose.
—( Hea-, hear.) But it may be said that a termination may
he effected, but not the one that was wished; and, added to
this, it might be unsuccessful not the less. The
Government hoped, not only for a termination of the quar-
rel, but that the commercial relations of this Country
would be placed on a satisfactory basis. But it may be said
that this was only their hope. I think if even we have accom-
plished as much as that, we have effected at least some ims
peovement. If we have only placed on a satisfactory basis, or
if we have led to the hope that the commercial interests of this
country with China will be placed on a satisfactory basis—let
the amount of its population be 300,000,000 or 200,000,000, it
is one of the most numerous nations of the world—and if we
have assisted i n pacing our commercial interests on a satisfac-
tory basis we have done all that we could to the encourage-
ment and improvement of this country ; but this is a
matter the value of which cannot be estimated till it is
seen how it will terminate.—( Hear, hear.) So much for
the speech from the Throne. 1 think I have shown with regard
to that speech that we have afforded the Government some
facility in making it. for without reference to what we have
done their speech would have been meagre indeed. Now what
have the Government been doing since ? Why there has not
a single month passed in which there have not been lying on
the table of the House treaties concluded by us, but which it
has been their fate, in consequence of the position in which
they stand, to lay on the table of the House. There have been
walks u p and down and backwards and forwards innumerable
to the table in order to lay upon it treaties concluded by us.
Eleven of our treaties have they laid on the table of the
House—five of a commercial nature, two political, and four
for the suppression of slavery. In that number I have included
a treaty which does not bear the name of a treaty, but which
is a most important conventional agreement with Denmark
for the regulation of tolls levied in the Sound. Those duties,
it was contended, were higher than the treaties of 1641 and
170) justified the Government of Denmark in levying. The
matter was the subject of very lung negotiations on the one
side and the other, but the Government of Denmark at last
acted in a manner which did them great honour, and agreed
to appoint a Commissioner to meet a Commissioner appointed by
our Government at Elisinore. Those Commissioners, in August
last year, signed an agreement, Ly which the tolls were regu-
lated so as to be in conformity with the ancient principle of one
per cent, on all goods passing through the Sound. I hope the
Government ail! be able to effect a similar arrangement, on a
similar question, between this cou..try and Hanover—l mean
the Stade duties. The Government of Hanover have, for a
long time, levied higher duties en goods, than they are allowed
by existing treaties. But the capricious uncertainty attending
'
these duties, is a greater vexation than the amount itself. The
- to levy more than one-

have taken we have clearly ascertained and fully proved that
our line is in accordance with the words of the treaty and the
features of the country, but that the American is net. This,
Sir, ought to be a great facility to the Government,
hut perhaps it may prove an embarrassment.—( Laughter. )
Indeed we are told by the American newspapers—certathly an
uncertain and doubtful authority—that the Government is
about to make concessions on this question ; that is to say, that,
as in the case of the Stade 'duties, they would sacrifice the
rights of England to their own convenience, and to get
rid of their own difficulties. —( Great cheering.) If that
be their intention, then, Sir, I say that the proofs which we
have put on record of the justice of our claims will be a great
embarrassment to the Government. But I can scarcely
believe that any arrangement so dishonourable as that which
has been intimated to have taken place has been carried into
effect or proposed by her Majesty's Administration I
say proposed by her alajesty's Administration—because if
those reports were true, those concessions would be met with
scorn by America, and larger demands would be made.
Defend upon it that if, in making arrangements not
only with America but with any Government in ehe world,
you make concessions and sacrifices, you may gain but little
by them.—( Hear, hear,) Ido not say but if you make con-.
cessions of national right:, though yeu may be relieved from
your difficulties for a moment, you will be involved in still
greater for the future.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) There was an-
other question relating to the matter of the Caroline (as we
understood), but it was so far settled, that we had given an an-
swer to America, and I think that the views which were embo-
died in that answer are those which, in my opinion, any Eng-
lish Minister would be led to adopt. But, at all events, whe-
ther the Government may adopt a different view or not, con-
ciliatory steps had been taken, and therefore there was no em-
barrassment upon that point.—( Hear, hear.) Another ques-
tion was the right of search, enforced by our cruisers, to iden-
tify vessels which had been suspected of being engaged in the
slave trade. That was a question which arose in our time in
consequence of the (as I think) very unjust pretensions set up
America.—( Hear, hear.) But was that a difficulty ?
We answered the arguments of America— we nega-
tived their demand, and put forward the best
reasons we could, and in the best language that our ability
enabled us to do. But the course pursued by the Govern-
ment showed that they did not take a different view from
ours; on the contrary, they adopted our arguments, though
they may have stated them with greater ability, and, I am free
to add, that a more able dispatch than that recently written by
Lord Aberdeen on the subject I have never read.—( Hear.) I
give the credit of clearness to the Noble Lord ; but though he
may have much more clearly expressed his views than I did
mine, the arguments were the same—( Hear, hear)—and so far
from creating any embarrassments, we have advanced our
standard on the ground we occupied, and America has, in some
measure, receded from her demands. So much for these ques-
tions with North America. Then something was shadowed out
about blockades. There were some trumpery blockades—that of
the port of Carthagena by one ship of war, which existed for
one month, and that between the Chilians and the
Peruvians in the Pacific, of which we heard but little.
and had nothing to do with. But there were, for some
time, blockades of a serious character—namely, the French
blockades of Mexico and Buenos Ayres. These blockades se-
riously interfered with our commerce ; so much so, that Gen-
tlemen opposite, in discussing them, gave us to understand
that the French Government, in establishing them, did not do
it so much in vindication of French rights and French honour,
as to injure the commerce of England. This was one of those
insinuations, calculated to help in maintaining friendly rela-
tions ! That restless activity which led us to meddle with the
affairs of other countries, led us to interfere between France
and Mexico. With regard to Mexico, it was a formal interfe-
rence; with France it was a friendly interposition. In both
cases, our restless and meddling activity was successful ; peace
was restored between the parties, and British commerce was re-
leased, sooner than it otherwise would have been, from the in.
conveniences which pressed on it from the blockade. This is
another proof of the multifarious embarrassments we be-
queathed to our successor s. It has also been a question as to
whether a Government may not help forward the commerce of
the country by finding new markets for it. We have done
this. I have referred before to the establishments we founded
in Abyssinia, and the coast of Arabia, Aden, and Jura. This
was met by derision ; it was said thatwe had founded commer-
cial establishments in the wilds of Arabia, and in the desert
Gentlemen may not know that that superior sort of coffee, called
Mocha, grows in great abundance in these wilds and deserts, and
that they are filled with a population who want everything with
which we can supply them, and who could in return let us have
much that we should be glad to have. Ido not mean to say
that these establishments will at once take any great amount of
our manufactures, but we have, as it were, sown the seeds, and
at some time we shall reap the advantage. Another branch of
our commerce I have already referred to, that with China, of
which an enlargement must take place whenever there is a set-
tlement of the affairs of that country, and which is promised at
an early period. Another great enlargement of the field for our
commerce was to result from that great series of operations in
the countries to the west of the Indus.—(" Oh, oh.") That
laugh must have come from Members who, till they read our des.
patches never heard of Caubul or Candahar ; and till they
heard of the gallant actions of Lord Keane, never knew
whether Ghuznee was a sea-port or an inland town. I sup-
pose nu man will deny, if we maintain military possession of
those passes, and of those places which enable us to secure the
navigation of the Indus, which is navigable for 1.200 miles or
more from its source, that travelling in that country, blessed
with internal tranquility, would afford a great advantage to
trade. No man in his rational senses—no man who has any
of the distinguishing qualities of man, except that of laughing,
would think otherwise than that it was a matter of great im-
portance to secure the possession of such tranquillity.—( Hear. )
But, Sir, we are told that it is the greatest assurance in me to
say that we had obtained for England that possession; reference
is made to the recent unfortunate disaster, and we are told that
by that disaster we lost what we had attained. I say that that
disaster had nothing whatever to do with the original policy of
the measure. Ido not like to say anything to impute blame to
any one man, especially when we do not know on whom the
blame rests; but as I am speaking on matters of great national
interest, I say that if common military precautions had been
taken—if the force of 6,000 men, stationed near Caubul, had
been properly positioned, notwithstanding the Bala Hisser, or
any other place, and with good ammunition, I say those 6,000
men would have been unassailable, not only by the Affghans.
but that they might, in spite of all Central Asia, have main-
tained themselves in Caubul with as much gallantry as the Gal-
lant Sale did in the noble defence of Jellalabad.— (Hear.) No
such disaster could by any possibility then have happened, and
you would have held Affghanistan, up to the present time, as
you had held it two years previously. Sir, I was particularly
struck with the answer of the Hight Hon. Baronet to the
question I put to him the other night—not for what
he said, but for what he omitted to say.--( Hear, hear. )
It was a question deeply affecting, I think, the honour of the
country in its miltary consequences, and that other effect which
the Right Hon. Gentleman on a former occasion spoke of, the
essential maintenance of our Eastern power. The, question I
put was relative to a master of fact, which was whether orders
had been given by the Governor-General of India, for tht
evacuation of the countries west of the Indus, and the answer e
received was, that Candahar and Jellalabad were in possession
of our troops. That answer was an admission that such an
order had been given; it is susceptive of no other interpretation
I congratulate the country on the cause, whatever it may be,
that has relieved us from the eternal disgace and irretrievable
injury of retreating from Affghanistan.—(Great oheering. )
I do not conceive anything that would tinge the cheek of an
Englishman with a deeper blush or strike deeper into his heart,
than a flight from Affghanistan.—(Cheers.) The future is
in the hands of the Government at home, and I hope that ir,
future no discretion will be left. in a quarter in which discre-
tionary power has been so greatly misused. It is for the
GovernMent to consider who they can depend upon to carry
on the service on foreign stations ; the greater the
interest, the more it behoved the Government to consider
whether the persons in whom they invested great powers were
such as would consult the interests of the country. Ido trust.
and I cannot refrain from expressing a hope, that the Govern.
ment will not carry into effect the arrangement thus made. I
was all very well when we were in power, and when it suites,
party purposes to run down any thing we might have done ; it
was all very well when party put pose were to be served for a
cry to be raised against the Affehanistan expedition, but I trust
the Government will rise above any consideration of that sort,
that they will give the matter their fair, dispassionate, an
deliberate consideration, that they will come to no hasty
resolve ; because I was never more convinced of any thing in
the course of my life than I am of this, that the most
important interests of the country, both comnter•
cial and political, depend on our maintaining the
military position we hold in Affghanistan.—( Hear, hear. )
You may rely on it, if we abandon that country, that it will
come into the hands of some other Power. Though you may
rid yourselves of some little difficulties by Your retreat, depenu
on it the day will come when you will be compelled to re-
occupy that country at a far greater expense, and an infinitely
greater sacrifice of human life than it would cost you to retain
now that it is in your possession. It may be said that all this
is very fine. It may be said, " Come to the test of figures—
! you pretend that your Government have protected comn.erce;
now, let us see how commerce has thriven during your period of
office." I will try the question by that test. From returns pub-
lished by the Board of Trade of our exports from the yeas
1831 to down to the year 1840 (the returns are aggregate, not
detailed), it appears that the value of our exports were, in 1831,
37,000,0001. The value went on thus-36,000,0001.,
39,000,0001., 41,000,0001., 41,000,0001., 47,000,0001.,
53,000,0001., 42,000,000/„ 50,000ereW., 53,000,0001., in
1840, 51,000,000/. ; and in 1841, 51,000,00 W. Thus, in the
years intervening between 1831 and 1841, both inclusive, the
value of our commerce with foreign countries increased from
37,000,000/. to 51,000,000/., being an increase of 14,000,000/.
upon time whole amount. 1 say this is conclusive proof that
our restless activity aed busy meddling was not attended with
injury, but was productive of benefit to the trade of the country.
I will take into this aggregate a few points, which
are the subject of much criticism. I allude t'.
Turkey, Syria, the Fast Indies, arid China. 7he
exports from this country to Turkey, Syria, and Palestine,
in 1831,were of the value of 838,0001., the exports to that quar-
ter in 1840 amounted to the value of 1,461,000/. Thus, in
spite of this busy meddling, which not only the Noble Lord op-
posite, but some Hon. Friends on this side have perhaps not
approved of, our exports during that interval increased from
800,000/. to 1,461,000/. We were told that we stopped the
trade to China, that it was totally paralyzed. Now what was
the trade to China and Indi? In 1831 it amounted to the
value of 3,377,0001. ; in 1840 it amounted to 6,547,000/., very
nearly double during that space of time, in spite of that entire
extinction of trade which was the result of our operations, in
spite of the mischievous tendency of our restless intermeddling.
1 say then, that in regard to our home affairs the prospect was
upon the whole, cheering rather than otherwise, because we
t into committed
fausutoerxtehceuto t
noliireirniefestitphleeoyst
can—(Hear)—principles,
country,
iwt:raayhrcG, :thevpfyerorirannrtemei
blinero tsuown
nd os pledgedacarryk e a
aes di
welln
I say, from which they cannot recede.
They cannot stand still, they must go on---( Hear, hear)—and
the country has now time satisfaction of knowing that they have
a Government not only proposing and deeply imbued with those
principles, but that that Government is supported by a great
majority in the House of Lords, is backed by an overwhelming
majority in the House of Commons ; and that if by any acci-
dent they should be deserted by a portion of their friends—
( Hear, hear)—in their attempts to carry those great principles
into execution, the Opposition of the present day will not—
like the Opposition of a former day —( Cheers)—pride them.
selves in obstructing —( Renewed cheers)—every itnprovement,
and make it their boast that they endeavoured to keep the
affairs of the country stationary; but that there is an Opposi-
tion which will cordially and honestly sum ort the Government
in every measure of practical improvement, and which w.ll
enable them, if their own farces should desert th em
to cn.rry these principles into fair and legitimate and complete
and effectual °pet ation.—(Cheers.) 1 say, therefore, that so
far as our home affairs are concerned, the prospect is cheering.
As to our foreign policy, I have already stated that I look to
it with considerable apprehension ; because I fear that the Go.
vernment are acting upon a system of temerity, of apathy, of
submission, of concession I am afraid that, whether as re-
gards the King of Hanover—( Hear, hear, and derisive cheer

y There ....
Go.,ernment of Hanover is not enti. AO treaty and the. character of the country, we ap- from the MiniWterial benches)—or, whether as regards French
sixteenth upon good,. Having bee„ivi,,d to by us, they pointed a Commission to ascertain if that could be the missionaries, or whether we look to Affghanistan—l am afraid
agreed to appoiro a Commissioner, as enmark had done, to case.—(Cheers. ) So far were we from leavino, this an em.• that in every part of the world they are prepared to act upon
meet our Commissi:neo to treat on this matter. We thought bareassed case..—(Cheers.) This Report was made last winter, a system of submission; and I know that such a system would
that the Hanoverian boveratne.nt, like that of Denmark, would and the Right Hon. Baronet privately showed it to me, but as be as fatal to the best interests of the country, as it would be
have instructed their Commissiony*
•orevise the existing it has since been laid before the House, I may say that it proves in my opinion, inconsistent with, and derogatory to its honour
tariff, and make it in conformity with toe ancia.t. treaties; but that the American line does not fulfil the conditions of the f—( Hear, hear.) But if there is an Opposition which is ready
to our surprise, we found that, when the Connnissio..,?rs met, treaty, for the line starts from the same point as ours, and runs lto support the Government in any attempt to improve our ex-
the Hanoverian Commissioner was only instructed to makee.-.-ne along a highland country in part, but which, far from going I ternal system, let them be assured that there is also an
new tariff, neither founded on the treaties of former periods, -wards the head of the Connecticut River is separated from it I Opposition which will watch with increasing vigilance any
nor founded on the present tariff, That at once brought teat- I by a se,ampy plain, which could in no way be construed into a measures that are to affect the interests, the honour, or the
ters to a stand. I urged upon the Hanoverian Government ridge of tughlaiids.—( Cheers. 1 Thus by the atm which we, knit', of the country. And therefore, though we are