The Sun.
London, England, 1829-04-06 00:00:00

XN rong in the views I bare taken of the eubjecte but il
wrong, I have no doubt we shall soon hear it from tiro
Noble and Learned Lord, to whom I shall listen wits
that attention and respect to which his great talents en'
title him. I say, my Lords, we are called upon to make
an alteration—it never was intended when those lel
Were passed but that when circumstances changed
they should be repealed, and in doing this we and_
doing no more than what it is our duty to do, and I malt
Feld, as a matter of reproach, that it was not done earlier%
These laws were passed at the time of the Revolatioei
and I fearlessly say, that it was the intention of the
Legislature, they left it to their successors to snake those
changes which circumstances might in after ages require,
and if they could now legislate no doubt they would bring
forward the same measure as we are now' doing. These
is nothing that can be Construed into permanent exclusion*
The Catholics had asserted their rights, and it was tints
they had them granted. Noble Lords had heard that the
Bill of Rights made it illegal to collect rent in the shape de
tax without the authority of Parliament. That it WO
also illegal for them to carry arms. But would they for el
moment contend that Parliament had not the power te
alter those enactments? In the Act of Settlement, it rie°
directed that all Privy Counsellors, on entering offices
should sign, and subscribe to, certain declarations,
and that no subordinate officer of the Crown should have
a seat in the House of Commons. But those parts Weve,,
repealed. If it was sound policy to make that changes I
will say, that it would be equally so to make a furthest
change. My Lords, you will also recollect that there
was an Act passed, making it imperative on all per'
sons previous to entering the army or navy to take the
oath of supremacy. This Act had also been repealed, and
that during the administration of the Noble and Learned
Lord near me (Eldon) almost without opposition.. Idi
Lords, it will be recollected in 1807 I held the office of nee
II"'
of his Majesty's Secretaries of State. At that period a
was brought in to give a partial relief to his MaissetYie
Roman Catholic subjects. It gave them the right tn hob]
commissions in the army and navy, and I am sure many
Noble Lords who now hear me will remember the agitation
it caused, and the means that were made use of, (something
similar to what they had been on the present owe'
sien) an endeavour to impress upon the public
that if that Bill passed into a law, all the liberty of the
subject was gone, and the safety cf the Crown itself in
danger. It was said, what, will you put the sword into
the hand.; of the Catholics? If yon do, revolution meet
fellow. It was argued that his Majesty could not, consistently
with his coronation oath, give his assent to such a measure.
If he did, assuredly destruction to liberty and religion must
immediately follow. Such was the agitation that this mea-
sure produced from one end of the country to the other, and
such the circumstances of the times, before it could be passed,
the Ministry of which he formed a part were out of offices
and another administration was formed determined to op-.
pose such a measure, and it was said the country might
then remain safe, as the Popish Administration was dile
solved.—(Hear.)-13ut my Lords, what did this new ad-
ministration, of se hich the Noble and Learned Lord formed
a part, do almost immediately after getting into office?
Why they came down to Perliament with exactly such anoe
thee Bill, opening all offices in the Army and Navy to the
Roman Catholics—(Hear, hear, hear,)—and this, ml
Lords, you will recollect was proposed by the very Minis'
tern who shortly before had sounded the alarm of dangers
This Bill was then carried almost without a dissenting
voice, and my Lords, it is not a little curious to witness the
result ;—no danger ensued, and none of the fears that
were so much dreaded were realized.—(Hear, hear
Then again, my Lords, in reference to the Act of Unions
about which your Lordships have heard so much, I stete
distinctly that I do not think that that Act is one which
cannot be changed.—(Hear, hear.)—This doctrine wee
laid down in so clear a manner by the Noble and Learned
Lord on the Woolsack last night, who, not satisfied
with his own knowledge, has quoted my Lord Halt
wicke's sentiments on that Act, both. of which have
been corroborative of my own, that I am See'
ashamed to say one word more on the subject ; thus inlieFs
however, I must say, upon what *subject can we legislateif not upon the Act of Union? We. could not have, tattr
a single step in 'the Corn Laws without infringing upon
one of the articles of that act ; a prohibitory law wnsr"
joined in reference to the importation of corn, and Yet 1•11 r
Lordships legislated on that question ; 'there Were,_
other points also in which changes had taken place; the
strongest article of all in the Act of Union is that which
refers to the limitation of the land-tax in Scotland. NO*
what has happened in relation to this? A new law sne
enacted, changing the old tax into property-tax, in tekiehi_
no doubt in some degree a land-tax was concerned, but sb
spirit there was an alteration; a power is also undoubtedly
given to Parliament in the 19th Article, to make what
ever alterations it might think proper. Then, Amy Lord'',
again as regards the Coronation Oath, it can be chews
from the moat incontrovertable evidence, that no infringe'
went can possibly be made upon it by the adoption
of conciliatory measures ; it would indeed be strange and
unaccountable if the framers of that oath trusted to the
' Sovereign's power alone. It cannot be beliered, Oil
Lords, that they by that oath intended to trust for
safety to the Crown alone ; a proviso is introduce*
in that article, the spirit of which is nniveriallY
admitted ; that proviso was withdrawn, showing death ,
that it was not the intention of the Legislature to phollia
exclusive reliance on the Crown. I cannot eel
ciently deprecate a practice . that has been' adopted! sll
from which the greatest possible evil is to be apprehentien; .
I mean of giving circulation in the country to the kite
that by the introduction of these measures the Coronado'
Oath will be infringed upon most wickedly ; in some cal
has this opinion been circulated. Now, any tordes"'
would allude to the position of the Roman Catholics
by the Treaty of Limerick. That Treaty was made With
respect to Ireland, and it expressly provided that Borba"
Catholic subjects should enjoy all the privileges. Thie
was in the time of Charles the Second ; and it was stipti.
latci that they were to enjoy these privileges merely if Ike?'
took the oath of allegiance.—(Cries of " Hear.")-1181/1
treaty, my Lords was subsequently ratified by ICI
William, under the great seal of the Kingdom. I Wl' l
read to your Lordship an extract of a letter freerg
Sir John Tweedale, in which he declares that tee, '
laws affecting the Roman Catholics were not intendea
to be permanent, but suited to the exigency of the time.;
and subject always to what might be found necessary bete:
after. My Lords, I should like to say one word regerdeeipe
the political power alleged to be the aim of the Romen.,_":,
tholics in this measure. We have been told in phrases seve""
which there can be but little or no mistake that the ii 4:,
tholics wished to establish political power at the expenee e'
another. I do not, my Lords, deny that the Catholics
wish to obtain political power, but it is a legitimate power
which the subjects of every free nation ought to desit! '
and possess ; that political power is tile natural
offspring of every free Government.—(Great cheers.);-"
It has been objected by the opponents of this measure that
concessione would be dangerous, in consequence of the
physical power of the Roman Catholics. That, in 14
apprehension, is one argument why those coneessiene
should be made. The very ardour they- display is sufficieet
reason for not refusing their claims. Let us loci, Oil
Lords, to the power which they at preient posseses and A
let us them see how that power has been ensployed.el's..;!
Eligibility to office, and to seats in Parliament, 4;1,1, :1
admit, political power, but I admit that they are alio 11,17- 1'
rights, and the Roman Catholics aim at nothing rtior6l-s'yi;
I trust my Lords that I have vindicated the Rointit
Catholics from the imputation cast on them by Nabill././e.
Lords, that they were undeserving of confidence. ...le .'
have said, let us look at the way in which 00
employ their present power. They poscess t''' ,
eligibility to certain offices—the Army and the DrevY -
3,,
are open to them. They enjoy the elective franchisee
and since the abrogation of the penal laws they have .the.
power to purchase and acquire property, and are covet'
quently in the possession of that power which is derivable
from wealth.—( Hear, hear. )—But there is no prof
that they have abused that power, unless it be contended
that the assertion of what they conceive to be right can be
construed into such abuse. Possessing all those privilitee
they still consider themselves unjustly treated, and Oil..
labouring under a grievance which they feel ought not to be.
imposed upon them, they naturally exert the power the,
they possess in the assertion of rights too long withheld,
and this is the only way in which it can be said that the 61
tholics exert the power they possess against the GOiernmente
I do not mean to say that that power is not great, that
the priesthood have an extraordinary influence over the
minds of the people, end, if mis-directed, that influence would
be dangerous. But by this measure you Will unite all part*
in a powerful union for the maintenance of social irate'
rests, and the security of the State. What, I ask, 06
the evils we anticipate from this measure ? It woad have
the effect of introducing five or six Peers into this Hotises
and a large number of Members would be tenants' to 'AI
other House. Catholics would also beCome eligii le to civil
offices, with few exceptions, and under thii law the fetVer ,
the better. What then is to be the nonsequeneel li
is then argued that all at once the King id to he.
influenced by some Catholic charnn--eome light:4o I
e
spell, which would work on his mind a miracle of ion'
version, and that he was to aband'on the' Onisi-
ciples of the House of Brunswick. ' ' It. was sl,O
argued that the people whit bad been se' aleritadd . ,
at the very prospect of this law Would beeinne esS einie I.
moored of the Catholic faith, that their' opposition
.e- tel s
.it would ...a.; To - believe this" tronld'' Initthialir