The Sun.
London, England, 1845-05-27 00:00:00

vernment—riot on the principle of exclusive support to the
Established Church, but on a principle of separate
education for all the denominations into wbish the
inhabitants are divided. I have given a very im-
perfect outline of this measure, which I think ought
to be introduced for the purposes of education. I have, in un-
dertaking to introduce this measure before the House at this
time, taken into consideration the improvement which has at
this period been effected in our trade—the general and political
tranquillity and obedience to the law which prevails over the
empire—a tranquillity which obviates the possibility of affirming
that it was brought forward to put down clamour or to further
any political end.or party object. You ought also to take ad-
vantage of such a period, and to propose such measures as you
may think beneficial to the great mass of the people. I have
given you my views of what is the course of policy which I
would adopt ; and whether you think free trade, or the prin-
ciple of protection should maintain the ascendancy, you
should not, at least, wait till a time of disturbance or calamity
should arrive, before you do something for education. If you do
so—and I pretend not to know what measures may arise in that
time—it will not be so beneficial as at this time. And let me
say one word to those who support the agricultural interests in
this House—namely, that the settlement of this question will
be most favourable to them. Adopt my resolution ;
add to it any further resolution that you may think fit,
according to your own principle, and as your own
views may dispose you ; but my opinion is, that
your laws cannot stand as they now are. The condition of the
people requires alteration—not for the purpose of providing
directly for their well being, but for the purpose of anfitlc',
as far as in you lies, freedom 'rem those restraints on food and
education which your own legislation has imposed. ,
The resolution baying been put,
Mr. SH A RMAN CRAWFORD rose, and said that the
amendment of which he had given notice, oat the first resolution
of the Noble Lord the Member for London, had reference to a
period long before this time. In the year 1842 a petition had been
laid before the House, signed by 3,324,000 of the working
classes of the country, praying the House to sake into its consi-
deration the propriety of extending to them some measure of
political right, by an extension of the suffrage. A motion in
conformity with the prayer of the petition was brought before
the House by the Hon. Member for Finsbury and by himself,
but that motion did not meet with the opinions of the House,
arid had, in consequence, beets thrown out. The Noble Lord
had advocated the principle of the new poor-law, but he de-
nied that many of the propositions that had been put forward
on that subject had met with the assent of the late
Government. It was his (Ali. Sharman Crawford's) belief
that the object of the New Poor-law was totally to deny to the
poor man the right of relief. He believed that the operation
of the poor-law was to diminish wages, because the poor man
was willing to take any wages rather than submit to the means
of subsistence that the law held out to him.—( Hear, hear.) In
his opiniou the Poor-law Commissioners ought to be compelled
by public opinion to relax the restrictions that were placed upon
the poor.—(Hear, hear.) As to the law of settlement, he
would not now enter into that question, as he should have an-
other opportunity of doing so, when be hoped to be enabled to
persuade the House not to adopt the proposition of the Right
Hon. Baronet on that subject. With respect to emigration he
was anxious that means should he taken to keep all the able-
bodied labourers in this country, and he was sure, if
the means of the country were properly carried out, that
could be easily done.—(Hear.) He thought that 44 millions
of acres of arable land would be quite sufficient for that pur-
pose and for the comfort and existence of the whole population.
The great evil of the country was that the poor were driven
off the land, and that there was no mode by which the agri-
cultural labourer could elevate himself from his condition.—
( Hear, hear ) The manufacturing districts were overwhelmed
with labourers from the agricultural districts, and that had
arisen from the causes he had pointed out. He believed there
was no mode by which the House could make itself more
popular with the working classes than by respectfully consi-
dering their petitions which expressed a desire
to be properly represented in that House, and to participate iu
making the laws which were to govern them. The lion. Member
then concluded by moving the following amendment to the
Noble Lord the Member for London's resolution : " That the
present state of political tranquillity, and the recent revival of
trade, afford to this Howe a favourable opportunity to give im-
mediate attention to the claims so repeatedly urged in the peti-
tions of the people, for an extension of the Parliamentary suf-
frage, as well as to consider of such measures as may tend
permanently to improve the condition
of the labouring
classes."
Sir J. GRAHAM then rose—With the permfseion of t 1
House he should have wished to have addressed it immediately
after the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London had
sat down, but as on the first resolution it was his intention to
move the previous question, and as the effect of that motile's
would have been to have prevented the Hon. Member for
Rochdale from moving his amendment, he felt it but right and
courteous on his part to give him an opportunity of doing so.
After reading the resolutions of the Noble Lord, he confessed
that he had come down to the House with great doubt and per-
plexity as to the course he should pursue, because he
felt assured that it would be no slight: task to
follow him through the different positions he had
laid down ; and if anything were wanting to increase the
difficulty, it was the statements of the Honourable Member for
Rochdale. Having made these preliminary observations on
the difficulty of following the Noble Lord, he felt bound in
justice to him to say that any thing more comprehensive, or
more worthy of the subject, than the speech of the Noble Lord,
he had never heard in that House.—( Hear.) It was totally
devoid of any party feeling or any acrimonious assertions. He
believed that no subject was more difficult to *Art with than
that which related to the improving the condition of the labOur-
ing classes. Their labour was their only property ; and no
subject, therefore, could be more important than their
welfare. He trusted that the House would believe'
him when he said that he intended to meet the Noble Lord in
a spirit totally devoid of party, and a desire, if possible, to
benefit the working classes. The Noble Lord had asserted
that the present Government had been unmindful of the in-
terests of the working classes, and that the Member s on that
side of the House generally were careless about them. In
order to deny that be thought he need only refer to what hid
been done by the Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire—
( Hear, bear)—and what had been the course pursued by the
Government with respect to the measures of the Noble Lord.
It was true that some modifications had been made in them,
hut their general principles had been approved of by the Go-
vernment, and no doubt they would ultimately be
carried into effect. The Noble Lord had said that
the wages of the agricultural labourers of England did
not exceed Ss. a week. Now, his information on the subject
differed from that of the Noble Lord. He believed that the
average was lOs., and that it was somewhat higher than it
was a few years ago. In Norfolk, Suffolk, and Lincolnshire,
he was certain the average was above lOs He would now
follow the Noble Lord through all his resolutions. In the
first place, he would address himself to the protecting duties.
The first resolution could not be looked upon in any other
light than complimentary to the present Government. The
second resolution, which was with respect to the
protecting duties, he would now proceed to. The great policy
of Mr. Huskisson was not the abolition of protection, but a
substitution of the protecting duties for the prohibitory einem.
Mr. Huskisson was a strenuous advocate of the corn-laws of
1815, and was the principal author of the corn-biw of 1828.
He admitted that whilst Mr. Huskisson was the advocate of a
protective duty, he was also the author of a gradual de
crease of the duty, in proportion to the increase of the
population. He asserted that such had been the po-
licy of the present Government.—( Hear, hear.) He did
not wish to weary the House with unnecessary details. But
as the Noble Lord had gone so far into them, he must follow
for some way. In the first place he must call the attention of
the House to how much had been done in the last three years
in relieving the productiveclasses from indirect taxation bearing
upon their enjoyments. In 1843 and 1644 no less than
6,300,0001. of indirect taxation had been repealed.—(Hear,
hear.) At the same time, by means of direct taxation, the
deficiency had been removed, the income was raised above the
expenditure, and the naval force of the country had been en-
larged to the amount of 1,000,000/, per annum.—( Hear, hear.)
When the present Government came into office, they found
1,152 articles, of almost the first necessity to the working
classes, subject to duty. They reduced that number more than
one-half. —( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord referred to the
anteaedent history of the National Debt, and had stated truly
that reductions of the interest had at times served to relieve
industry in a considerable degree. But the present Government
hat not lost sight of that question. On the contrary
they had last year been able to effect an operation of great mag-
nitude, by'which a a saving of more than a million was obtained.
The Noble Lord would excuse him for saying that he was
rather amused by the dexterity with which the Noble Lord
evaded the responsibility of his own restrictions. He thought
that when a member of that House brought forward such a re-
solution as the Noble Lord's fourth, it was the duty of that
Member to move for a Committee of the House togo into the
consideration of the question, whether or not the food of the
people should be a matter of protection.—( Hear, hear.) That
would be the right course, instead of bringing forward so vague
that
was thet coursehe
right taken
course,by
tahreesHolounti.onirem(bCehreeforsr. )
He
Wolverhamptonthughtas it went to the question directly.—(Cheers.) But it was
quite clear that the Noble Lord himself bad not made up his
o
mind upon his own question. Then he said that the time
was gone by for a duty of Bs. a quarter upon corn, and that
a duty of 4s. or ss. would be sufficient.—( Hear, hear.) The
Noble Lord now repudiated the idea of taxing food for the
purpose of raising a revenue, and was willing to admit of a
duty for the purpose of protection. But, in fact, as a matter
of protection, a fixed duty would be a delusion. Four or five
shillings, when prices [were low, would be no :protec-
tion at all, and when they were high, no Govern-
ment would be strong enough to preserve the
peace •f the country with such a restriction peon the
importation of food. He was satisfied that all the speculation
which the Noble Lord attributed to the sliding-scale would be
as nothing compared to what a fixed duty of bs. would give rise
to. The Noble Lord said that the sliding-scale caused fluctua-
tions of price. He (Sir James Graham) denied that. He
thought that absolute fixedness of price could not be attained

with the variability of our seasons. a But he wo say that no
law could produce less variability than the pr t law. It
was very true that a larger amount of foreign corn was brought
to market in the three months antecedent to the harvest, than

hrtesiutltvoeriyvneray_
natural speculation.—( Hear, hear.) 1j
back, until holders of corn should keep it
they
WI any quarter. That, however,
tural that the weasthothuge
saw what the state of the harvest would be in respect to quin-
t" the question, but he would absolutely deny that the
tity and quality.—( Hear, hear.) He did not wish to overlay
this part o
present law produced uncertainty. In the last twelve months,
the fluctuations in price had been...considering the nature of
the seasons—very small. Since the Ist of January
last, to the present time, 57,000 quarters of fo-
reign corn had been introduced and brought to market
at the highest duty of 20s. a quarter. And with respect to
barley, he was able to show that nothing could be more equal
or advantageous than the present regulation. One million one
hundred thousand quarters had been introduced at the highest
duty, and notwithstanding that importation, the price had never
fallen much below 325., and had not varied more than Is. nr
Is. 6d. per quarter. Of 135,000 quarters imported, 131,000
were entered for consumption. New he would ask what wou d
the effect be if there had been the uniform duty which the
Noble Lord recommended in force, with such harvests as we had
had the last two years ?—(Hear.) The Noble Lord said that
no impulse had been given to agriculture by protec-
tion. But the Noble Lord should admit that since
the termination of the French war, there had been
a great improvement in agriculture, so much so as nearly
to keep pace with the wants of a population which had doubled
in the mean time.— (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had stated
that the increase of the population was nearly miraoulous—
that it amounted to 250,000 a year. The Noble Lord under-
stated the fact, for in the last year the increase had been
370,000. In the last four years no less than 1,500,000 had
been added to the population of these narrow islands, whilst
the whole amount of the population of Canada was
little above 1,000,000. The population of Holland was but
2,800,000, and that of Switzerland not quite 2,100,000. Bet
this country, with the conduct of which he ( Sir J. Graham)
and his colleagues had been charged for the last four years—
(Cheers and great laughter)—th population had increased by
a number equal to more than two-thirds that of Holland
or Switzerland, and beyond that of Canada.—(Cries
of " Hear, hear.") But at the same time the rate
of wages had risen, and the prices of all the necessaries
htat of
life had diminished.—(Cheers.) But he thoughott_
...f
culturist, which—(whether w_iselyiliootra )
they were to do away suddenly
gureat injury upon the
quarter of a century, they would in
Lord bad said, that measures
with the prootteetmt
existed
etyria
whole community. The Noble
k was it not the fact, that
community. But he would
should be adopted to improv_e
wthe_ condition o fall classes of the