The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-18 00:00:00

DRAINAGE (IttWAND) BILL

We called attention to this subject a few days since,.
and are glad to find that same Noble Lords connected
with Ireland have looked into the matter, and the Bill
was yesterday postponed to give time for further consi-
deration and extensive change. We were of opinion
that, as was at the time stated, the Shannon Act was not
to form any precedent, and yet here it appears general-
ised, with all its arbitrary and taxing powers, extended
over the whole of Ireland, and devised with an ingenuity
which seems to have fur its sole object the crushing pri •
vate enterprise, by the erection of a favoured rival in the
shape of a well-paid and expensive Government Board.
We thought better things of Lord Eliot than that he
should have been so far imposed upon as to bring in this
novel, incongruous, sand expensive mode of draining
lands, or, rather, draining the owner:, whose good lands
are to be responsible for any sum the Commissioners
and their solicitor wish to expend upon the bad.
Really people ought to be permitted to do their own
business, and if Government go on this Way we do not
despair of the immediate creation. of a board for sowing
potatoes.
was headed "Rivers," in-
stead of " Drainage," Bill, in our publication of
[This article, by mistake,
Satur-
day night. The Rivers Bill is one of a' very useul cha-
racter, permitting the owners of pro. erty to improve
their owil lands by deepening water-courses and rivers,
under the sanction of the Lord-Lieutenant in large, and
the Grand Juries in small drainages. This economical
method of doing one's own business, as contrasted with
the interminable expenses of a Board of Works, as in
the Drainage Bill, is certainly creditable to Lord Eliot.]

THE SUN, LONDON,

AMERICAN NEWS•

LIVERPOOL, SATURDAY EVENING.
The Britannia steamer, from Boston and Halifax,
one of Messrs. Cunard's splendid line, commanded by

Captain John Hewett, arrived at this port this morn-
ing, at a quarter before eleven o'clock. By her we
have received New York papers to the Ist, Phila-

delphia to the Ist, Boston to the 2d, and Halifax to
the sth, and from Canada generally to a correspond-
ins: late date. The Britannia is a day behind her
usual time of arrival, as usually calculated, which we

find arose from her being detained off Halifax, on her
way from Boston, for thirty-six hours, by a most
dense fog, which rendered it unsafe to run for the

harbour. She sailed from Halifax on the morning of
the 6th, having left Boston on the 2d, and has made
the voyage under ten days. She has fifty-seven

passengers, amongst whom is Major Cooke, the
bearer of despatches from Lord Ashburton.
(From the New York American of July 1.)
The political occurrences of the last few weeks in the
United States have been discouraging to all who love
their country and hope for the perpetuity, as well as
efficiency of its free institutions. At Washington dis-
cord
prevails. The President is without the confidence
of Congress, or any considerable portion of it, and the
result is disagreement as to almost all important
public measures. The state of the revenue laws
is such as to make it questionable whether any
duties can now be collected; for the Compro-
mise Act bad its completion yesterday, and from
that date new duties, and new modes of levying
those duties were to be arranged. But the legislation
on the subject contemplated by the Compromise Act, has
not been matured, and to meet this contingency a tem-
porary bill was. passed, extending to Ist August the
duties in force on Ist June, and the laws for collecting
them. Upon this temporary Bill the President has put
his Veto, and as there are not two-thirds in either
House to carry the Bill, notwithstanding the Veto, it
is defeated, and tke collection of any revenue will be

disputed.
We annex the Message of the President, assigning
his reasons for not signing the Bill
" To the House of Representatives :
" I return the Bill which originated in the House of
Representatives entitled 'An act to extend for a limited
period the present laws for laying and collecting duties
on imports,' with the following objections :
"It suspends—in other words abrogates for the time
the provision of the Act of 1833, commonly called the
Compromise Act. The only ground on which this de-
parture from the solemn adjustment of a great and agi-
tating question seems to have been regarded as expe-
dient, is the alleged necessity of establishing by legisla-
tive enactment rules and regulation of assessing the
duties to be levied on imports after the 30th of Jure,
according to the home valuation ; and yet the bill ex-
pressly provides that if, before the Ist of August, there
be no further legislation upon the subject, the laws for
laying and collecting duties shall be the same as though
this Act had not been passed.' In other words—that the
Act of 1833, imperfect as it is considered, shall, in that
case continue to be, and to be executed as law under
such rules and regulations as previous statutes had pre-
scribed, or had enabled the Executive Department to
prescribe for that purpose—leaving the supposed chasm
in the revenue laws just as it was-before.
" I am certainly far from being disposed to deny that
additional legislation upon the subject is very desirable.
On the contrary, the necessity, as well as difficulty, of
establishing uniformity in the appraisements to be made
in conformity with the true intention of that act, was
brought to the notice of Congress in my Message to
Congress at the opening of its present session. But,
however sensible I may be of the embarrassments to
which the Executive, in the absence of all aid from supe-
rior wisdom of the legislature, will be liable, in the en-
forcement of the existing laws, I have not, with the sin-
cerest wish to acquiesce in its expressed will, been able
to persuade myself that the exigency of the occasion is so
great as to justify me in signing the Bill in question,
with my present views of its character and effects. The
existing laws, as I advised, are sufficient to authorise and
enable the collecting officers, under the direction of the
Secretary of the Treasury, to levy the duties imposed by
the Act of 1833.

" That Act was passed under peculiar circumstances,
to which it is not necessary that I should do more than
barely allude. Whatever may be in theory, its cha-
racter, I have always regarded it as imposing the highest
moral obligation. It has now existed for nine years
unchanged in any essential particular, with as gene-
ral acquiescence, it is believed, of the whole country,
as that country has manifested for a,y, of her wisely es-
tablished institutions. It has insured to it the repose
which always flows from truly wise and moderate coun-
cils—a repose the more striking, because of the long
and angry agitations which preceded it. This salutary
law proclaims, in express' terms, the principle which,
while it led to the abandonment of a scheme of indi-
rect taxation founded on a false basis and pushed to dan-
gerous excess, justifies any enlargement of duties that
may be called for by the real exigencies of the public
service. It provides that duties shall be laid for the
purpose of raising such revenue as may be necessary to
an economical administration of the Government.' It
is, therefore, in the power of Congress to lay duties as
high as its discretion may dictate, for the necessary uses
of the Government, without infringing upon the objects
of the Act of 1833. I do not doubt that the necessities
of the Government do require an increase of the tariff
of duties above 20 per cent. and las little doubt but
that above as well as below that rate Congress
may so discriminate as to give incidental ptotection to
manufacturing industry—thus to make the burdens,
which it is compelled to impose upon the people for the
purposes of Government, productive of a double benefit.
This most of the reasonable opponents of protective
duties seem willing to conceive, and if we may judge from
the manifestations of public opinion in all quarters,
this is all that the manufacturing interests really re-
quire. I am happy in the persuasion that this
double object can be most easily and effectually accom-
plished at the present juncture, without any departure
from the spirit and principle of the statute now in
question. The manufacturing classes have now an
opportunity, which may never occur again, of perma-
nently identifying their interests with those of the whole
country, and making them, in the highest sense of the
term, a national concern. The moment is propitious to
the interests of the whole country in the introduction of
harmony among all its parts and all its several interests.
The same rate of imposts, and no more as will most
surely re-establish the public credit, will secure to the
manufacturer all the protection he ought to desire, with
every prospect of permanence and stability which the
hearty acquiescence of the whole country, oa a reason-
able system, can hold out to him.•
" But of this universal acquiescence and the harmony
and confidence and the many other benefits that will
certainly result from it, I regard the suspension of the
law for distributing the proceeds of the public funds as
an indispensable condition. This measure is, in my
judgment, called for by a large number, if .not a great
majority, of the people of the United States, by the state
of public credit and finances, by the critical posture
of our various foreign 'relations, and, above all, by that
most sacred of all 'duties, public faith. The Act
of September last, which provides for the distribution,
couples it inseparably with the condition that it shall
cease-Ist., in case of war; 2d., as soon and so long as
the rate of duties shall, for uny reason whatever, be raised
above 20 per cent. Nothing can be more clear, express or
imperative than this language. It is in vain to allege
that a deficit in the Treasury was known to exist, and
means taken to supply it by loan when the act
was passed. It is true that a loan was authorised
at the same session during which the Distribution Law
was passed, but the most sanguine of the friends of the
two measures entertained no doubt but that the
loan would be eagerly taken up by capitalists, and
speedily reimbursed by a country destined, as they
hoped, soon to enjoy an overflowine. prosperity. The
very terms of the loan making it redeemable in three
years, demonstrate this beyond all cavil. Who at that
time foresaw or imagined the possibility of the actual
state of things, when a nation that has paid off her
whole debt since the last peace, while all the other
great Powers have been increasing theirs, and whose
resources, already so great, are yet but in e the
infancy of their development, should be compelled t,
haggle in the money market for paltry sum, not equalto
one year's revenue on her economical system ? If the
Distribution Law is to be indefinitely suspended accord-
ing, not only to its own terms, but by universal consent;
in case of war, wherein are the actual exigencies of the
country, or the moral obligation to provide for them less
under present circumstances than they could be were we
actually involved in war ? It appears to me to he
the indispensable duty of all concerned in
the administration of public affairs, to see that
a state of things so humiliating and so perilous should
not last a moment longer than is absolutely unavoidable.
Much less excusable should we be in parting with any
portioa of our available means, at least until the demand
of the Treasury were fully supplied. But besides the
urgency of such considerations, the fact is undeniable
that the Distribution Act could not have become a law
without the guaranty in the proviso of the Act itself.
" The connection, thus meant to be inseparable, is se-
vered by the Bill presented to me. The Bill violates the
principle of the Acts of 1833, and September 1841, by
suspending the first, and rendering, for a tine, the last
inoperative. Duties above 20 per cent. are proposed to
be levied. and yet the proviso in the Distribution Act is
disregarded ; the proceeds of the sales are to be d.s-
tributed on the Ist of August, so that while the duties
proposed to be enacted exceed 20 per cent., no suspension
of the distribution to the States is permitted to take
place. To abandon the principle for a month opens
the way to its total abandonment. If such is not meant,
why postpone at all ? Why not let the distribution
take place on the Ist of July, if the law so directs ?
which, however, is regarded as questionable. But why
not have limited the provisions to that effect ? Is it
for the accommodation of the Treasury ? I see no
reason to believe that the Treasury will be in better
condition to meet the payment on the Ist of August
than on the let of July.
" The Bill assumes that a distribution of the proceeds
of the public lands is,.by existing laws, to be made on
the Ist day of July, 1842, notwithstanding there has
been an imposition of duties on hnposts exceeding 20 per
cent. up to that day, and directs it to be made on the
Ist of August next. It seems to me very clear that this
construction is equally erroneous and dangerous, as it
would divert from the Treasury a fund sacredly pledged
for the general purposes of the Government, in the
event of a rate of duty above 20 per cent. being found
necessary for an economical administration of the Go-
vernment.
" The Bill under consideration is designed as only a
temporary measure, and thus a temporary measure,
passed merely for the convenience of Congress, is made

MONDAY EVENING, JULY 18, 1842.

to affect the vital principle of an important Act. If the
proviso of the Act of September, 1841, can be suspended
for the whole period of a temporary law, why not for
the whole period of a permanent law ? A doubt may
be well entertained, in fact, according to strict legal
rules, whether the condition. having been thus expressly
suspended by this Bill, and rendered inapplicable to
a case where it would otherwise have clearly applied,
will not be considered as ever after satisfied and gone.
Without expressing any decided opinion on this point, I
see enough in it to justify me in adhering to the law as
it stands, in preference to subjecting a condition so
vitally affecting the peace of the country, and so solemnly
enacted at a momentous crisis, and so stedfastly adhered
to ever since, and so replete, if adhered to, with good to
every interest of the country; to doubtful or captious in-
terpretation.
" In discharging the high duty thus imposed on me by
the Constitution, I repeat to the House my entire wil-
lingness to co-operate in all financial measures of a con-
stitutional character, which, in its wisdom, it may judge
necessary and proper to re-establish the credit of the
Government. I believe that the proceeds of the sales of
the public lands being restored to the Treasury, or more
properly to speak, the proviso of the Act of September,
1841, being permitted to. remain in full torte, a tariff of
duties may easily be adjusted, which, while it will yield
a revenue sufficient to maintain the Government in vigour
by restoring its ctedit, will afford ample protection, and
infuse a new life into all our manufacturing establish-
ments. The 'condition of the country calls for such
legislation, and it wil afford me the most sincere plea-
sure to co-operate in it. " JOHN TYLER.

" Washington, June 29, 1842."
The effect upon the credit and finances of the general
Government of this quasi anarchy at Washington can-
not be otherwise than disastrous, and even more disas-
trous will be its effect upon the affairs and business of
the nation at large.
Turning from the affairs of the Union to those of the
State of Rhode Island, we see much to deplore there.
The rebellion, indeed, is crushed—we think now finally
—but innocent blood has been shed, Martial law has
been proclaimed in a time of profound general peace.
Money is very abundant, and first-rate paper in de-
mand at from 6to 7 per cent. interest per annum. New
York State Stock, since the closing of the books, have
fallen off from Ito 2 per cent. U.S. Six per Cents. are
daily taken for investment at par and interest ; and un-
) less a further amount is injudiciously issued, will not be
[ lower.

.-..-..
Public feeling is much excited in New Orleans, in re-
gard to the conduct of the banks now in suspension, and
we fear some violent outbreak. At the last dates from
there of the 22d instant the discount on the, notes of the
suspended banks varied from 7 to 38 per cent.
THE GRAIN CROP OF THE UNITED STATES.—AII ac-
counts concur inrsaying, notwithstanding rust in Lower
Virginia, and wet cold weather elsewhere, it will be
superabundant.
Senor Lopez has resigned the Presidency of Guate-
mala, and Senor Rivera Paz has been chosen to succeed
him. - Carrera was nominated,. but declined. Paz took
the oath of office on the 14th. General Villasenor,
Commander-in-Chief of the National Forces in Costa
Rica, with all his troops, has surrendered to General
Morazan, by a capitulation entered into on the 12th of
April, without striking a blow, or making any attempt
at resistance. The two armies fraternised, and Morazan
was preparing to advance on Guatamala. Vigorous
efforts were in progress at Guatamala to encounter
the invader. _ _ . _ . _ _

The advices from Rio Janeiro are to the 24th of May.
A day or two previously 2,000 troops left Rio for the
coast of Santos, in the province of Paul, to suppress some
political disturbances. The insurgents require the dis-
missal of certain obnoxious persons in the Ministry, a
demand which the Emperor refused. They profess the
greatest devotion to the person of the Monarch, but ap-
peared jealons of the Portuguese influence over him.
But the disturbances were not considered of a very
serious nature, and the rest of the empire was perfectly
tranquil. A large number of men of war of different
nations were at anchor in the harbour.
The advices from Port au Prince state that all was
quiet in the island, though previous to the earthquake.
President Buyer had become very unpopular with the
inhabitants.
The Yucatan papers contain a decree of the Yucatan
Government in reply to than of Santa Anna of the 7th
May, declaring the Yucatoes traitors and outlaws, and
therein threatening vengeance on such as might be caught
within any of the Mexican. States. This last act of
Santa Anna towards the Yucatoes was received by them
with general indignation, and would have a tendency to
excite the people to resistance rather than to submission.
Accounts received at Merida of June 4th, state that
General Yiman had assembled 50,000 troops at Valla-
dolid ready to march at a day's notice, if necessary, to
repel invasion.
FROM THE WEST INDlES.—Kingston (Jamaica) pa-
pers to the Bth of June have been received at the Ex-
change Reading-room.
There was another riot, not of a very serious charac-
ter, however, at Kingston, cn the 31st of May, growing
out of an attempt to arrest an escaped convict. A crowd
gathered around and resisted the police, but they suc-
ceeded in securing their prisoner. The _Despatch, no-
ticing this affair, complains that the spirit of mobo-
cracy is rapidly gaining ground, and calls for the severest
punishment to repress it.
SALES AT THE STOCK EXCHANGE, Juts 1.
8,000 New York 7's, 1848 lOO
2,000 ditto 1849 ... 100 k
1,000 ditto 6's, 1562
1,000 Indiana Dollar Bondi 23
25 Shares Delaware and Hudson .
100 Ditto Mohawk Railroad ........ ......
50 Ditto Harlem ditto
25 Ditto Syracuse...
15 Ditto Auburn and Syracuse
50 Ditto Stonington
N. Y. State 5i were offered at 86 on time, no buyers.