The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROBI TEE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—The British nation, we are well as-
sured, will never permanently submit to the de-
gradation, the wrong, the infamy, of Sir Robert
Peel's income tax. Its flagrant injustice admits of
no excuse—no palliative ; whilst the inquisitoria
machinery by which it is to be carried into effect,
will fix an indelible slave-badge upon every man
who submits to its infliction. The only question
is, whether the indignant resistance shall come
now or hereafter—now, by a combined movement
of the lovers of order and freedom; or, hereafter,
by an universal and undiscriminating outburst of
national indignation. Revolutionists say, " Pass
the Bill, for the sake of the swift and sure frenzy
that will follow ;" and Sir R. Peel, in one sense
their leader, gives the same advice, though of
course without anticipating the same result. The
public, however,- should be well aware that by
Jmeans of a packed and pledged party, it is in the
power of the Minister to force the measure through
Parliament; and nothing but a well-organised
resistance throughout the community will avail
to prevent so dire a calamity. On one point
we think that many well-meanul. men require
to be cautioned. No opposition will be effectual,
either now or hereafter, that is not decided
against the vital principle of the Bill—its inqui-
sitorial operation. To tax visible property is
one thing—to tax income is another. No Go-
vernment has a right to ash of its subjects infor-
mation as to their private affairs; none but
a Government in its spirit and tendency de-
spotic, would ask it. This is the great principle
upon which alone the battle can be successfully
fought. The Ministerial prints which pretend to
improve the details, are traitors to the sacred
cause of public liberty. The principle is so exe-
crable, that perfection in the details will make
the Bill worse instead of better. The Times
very properly argued, in its patriotic days, that
ten per cent. was better than five per cent. in
such a case—li_ecause borne with more difficulty,
and shaken Off with more ease. We warn the
public against all who would make the " mon-
ster-grievance" bearable ; and we invite all
classes who feel themselves aggrieved, to lay
aside party feelings, and to unite as one man to
prevent the perpetration of this great national
enormity.
STANDARD.—AII the grounds, then, for
peace retrenchments not too base to be stated—
all the political groundsu—tterly fail, and it. fol-
lows that the question is to be considered solely
with reference to the expense on the average of
years; but this question has been fhlly answered
by the history of the last century, a history
which demonstrates arithmetically that peace re-
trenchment is the most prodigal policy that a
nation can adopt. A wise state policy would ra-
ther augment than diminish taxation in peace—
rather reduce than impose new taxes in war.
This, we repeat it, is our view, and our view only,
and we put it forward with the certainty that it
will be condemned even by some thinking men ;
but it is a duty to tell the truth, whatever may
be the foreknown reception of it, when the truth
is necessary to disabuse men's minds of mischiev-
ous error; and this duty devolves properly to
such humble pioneers in politics as ourselves,
who sacrifice no cause or party, by what-
ever overthrow may await us. Sooner
or later the truth will prevail, but the sooner
it is whispered the earlier will probably be it:,
victory. We do not anticipate the victory in
our time, but come it will, if Great Britain is
to be still impregnable, and to become the
mighty empire for which, plainly, Providence
designs her. It is not, however, necessary to go
• the length of the views we have avowed to see
that at present very large sacrifices must be made
to meet a more than threatening danger, collecting
to burst over our heads if we should be found un-
prepared. Let the Whig wars in Asia continue
bat another year—no matter with what event—
and an European war, and an American war ton,
will be inevitable, should our defensive prepara-
tions rest at the preseLt scale. Let the condition
of -our Indian empire appear precarious for but
one little month ; and not all the wisdom, en-
ergy, and good feeling of Louis Philippe, sup-
ported as they would be by the wisdom, energy,
and good feeling of M. Guizot, and of all the
good men in France—we willingly believe a
great majority of the nation—could prevent the
war party from forcing the Government to
avail itself of our supposed difficulty, unless the
Government could employ the sedative effect
of pointing to a stout British fleet in the
Channel, and to another in the Mediterranean.
A 'French war would be instantly followed by an
American war, and Russia would not long balk
her inclination for " settling the Eastern ques-
tion," in concert with France. This must be the
effect of a want of preparation in a crisis so
pregnant with danger as that in which we are
placed. Look at the exultation of the Paris
journals at our imagined danger in India; look
to the last accounts from the United States ;
and then sit down to calculate how, by balancing
long and short annuities, profits of trade and
profits of capital invested in land, you can best
contrive to cheat the country (that is, the truth)
of the means of necessary defence. The war
will come, and then, for the four millions, which
you try to shift from shoulder to shoulder, you
will have to pay hundreds of millions, or, with pa-
ternal tenderness, leave them to be paid by your
children.

ELECTION COMMITTEES.

(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterda,
WEYMOUTH AND MELCOMBE REGIS.

The Committee finally struck off the vote of Plough-
man, the baker, as bad. On the part of the sitting Mem-
bers a claim was then made for the vote of the other
Ploughman, the saddler, to be added to their poll. The
claim, however, was rejected by the Committee, thus
lowing the sitting Members in a minority of one.