Star.
London, England, 1830-02-13 00:00:00

said by some that the conduct of this country, and theproceedings
in parliament, did not excite any lively feelings of interest in
Turkey: He recollected, however, the statement made by a nobib
lord who was conversant with the habits and feelings of the Ottonidn
Porte—he recollected his stating that the Porte took the most
:aria :oils interest in the affairs of this country, that she looked up to
.land for support, and that we were not at all aware of what itt.,
:ercst sbe took in the debates in parliament, in the language of the'
z4overetgn, in his speech to the two houses, and in the measures
adopted by ministers ; or with what anxious solicitude that power
canvassed every proceeding adopted by the government of this coun-
try. i% Well," said the Turk, " I have engaged in war, the Eng-
lish have whispered that they will not stand by passive spectators in
consest which, I believe, interests them as much as myself, and I ,
am convinced they will not allow Russia to overrun the country."
The Turks were buoyed up with such hopes by persons sent out by
his Majesty's government. I do, therefore, think that the lan-
guage used, and the vacillating conduct afterwards, are totally in-
consistent, and have produced effects most injurious to this
country. I hail almost, however, forgotten to mention one re..
markable instance of active interference in favour of Turkey
—I mean our interference with respect to the blockade of Prevesa,
which had been resolved on by the Greeks. Now, what did the
English do—the English who have such a love for blockade•—who,
with such breathless haste recognised the blockade of Oporto by
Don Miguel, and risked the shedding of blood, and the violation
of the law of nations by their conduct at Terceira ? The English
Government said—" No, you must do nothing to assist the
Greeks ; what the Greeks do they must do single-handed, and for
that reason, we cannot recognise the blockade of Prevesa." I
know that statements of this kind may not be looked upon by some
as perfectly authentic, but nevertheless they were borne out by facts.
For instance, I cannot see the common sense of sending out an am-
bassador to Constantinople when the Ottoman Porte would not
consent to concession on any one point ; and in that very act the
English Government introduced a claim to which the Turks could
not agree so long as they objected to concede to the vast conces-
sions demanded by Russia. The very manner and conduct of
the Turks at that time proved that hopes of assistance from
England were entertained by the Turks; and I believe that,
even. before the Russians passed the Balkan, the Emperor of
Russia, with a magnanimity which did him great eredit,'offered
them a treaty on the same basis and the same principles which he
at last obtained. To this, as lam informed, the Turks sent no an-
swer at all, but probably did as some great sovereigns do—as
Louis XVIII. for instance, on the landing of Napoleon from Elba
—who declared that he would never desert his capital ; and that
rather than do so he would lay down his life at the gate of St.
Denis; with a great deal more balderdash of a similar kind. I
forget the barbarous name of the place at which the Russians first
arrived on their passage to the Balkan ; but after that on their ar-
rival at Adrianople, what said the Tutk I—l am in a perilous
situation ; but I have an old friend and an ancient ally in
the Sovereign of England, who stated that I was ne-
cessary to the safety and balance of Europe—that balance of
power so dear to the people of England, and on account of
which they kept up a standing army, because such is the cus-
tom of the other States of Europe. They have not a large
army, of course, to send to my aid, but they have a fleet ; and
they have sent a brother Reis Effendi to act in consort with my
Reis Effendi, and, therefore, I may trust to their assistance—
not, perhaps, by arms, but active and earnest Interference
with the enemy. Some such hopes were entertained by the
Tusks, but what was the result ? What did our government ad.
vise ?—Unconditional submission ; and this, too, from an ancient
friend : who could give him no better advice than to accept terms,
even the most unreasonable. This reminds me of a story given by
Dean Swift, in his "Tale of a Tub," or some other of his works.
A friend of Don Diego, or some such name, applied to him, in his
utmost distress, and asked what he could do to get out of his din:
culties. "Do I" said he " the best thing you can do is to hang
yourself ; and, when you have hanged yourself, that no sacrilegious
hand may touch you, I will come and cut you down."—(A laugh.)
Such was the advice given by our government to Turkey ; and they
had improved in following up the advice—they not only had ad-
vised her to hang herself, but afterwards had pulled her by the heels
to tighten the noose.—(Laughter.) And, not satisfied with this,
they deprive her of her sovereignty over Greece, and strike out that
clause which might be of some advantage to an ancient friend.
Now mind in what language that is expressed in the King's speech,
which says that his majesty had great satisfaction in informing them
that hostilities had ceased, Now here is a friend, who enters into a
quarrel, and who trusts tohis friend for support—who, by the bye,
is a fine sturdy fellow too; the friend is kicked into the kennel,
and receives a sound drubbing, which affords the highest delight.
What does the pretended friend do after all this ? He tells every
one he meets, "All is over, we have got rid of him, and I
congratulate myself that the affair Is now set at rest.—
(Laughtet.) Is not this exactly the case with this country ?
And does not such a course of condutt, and such a want of
energy, and want of principle, call on Parliament to inter-
fere ? I have, however, so long detained your lordships on this sub-
ject that I have left myself little time to speak of Russia and France;
and here I must say that the conduct of the government has gone
far to irritate the former power, and, consequently, to injure our
commerce in the Black Sea. ven as the case is, however, this
country will still be a gainer in that point by the victory of the
Russians. To this point I should not have alluded, but that per-
sons - and those, too, well informed—had stated that, owing to the
success of the Russians, our trade with the Black Sea would be much
diminished. Why, they would lead the public to believe that we
had a great trade in that quarter while every port, with the exception
of that of Asoph, was in the hands of Turkey. While the Black
Sea was completely under the control of Turkey the English
flag was hardly ever seen in that sea ; and now that it had
been opened to all nations one-third more English vessels
had passed the Dardanelles than at any former period
and, with the exception, perhaps, of Greek vessels, they were
more numerous than those of any other nation. The idea of
the state of trade which prevails there, indeed is so incredible, that
it passes current only because no one has thought proper to contra-
dict it. The conduct of the Government in this affair altogether,
has been most inconsistent; and conduct of a similar description
had been so well described by a poet, though not in the moat poetical
language, that he could not help quoting it—Ansonius had de-
scribed a wise statesman and a foolish statesman in the following
words

Quid prudentis opus ? Cui possis nolle nocere.
Quid stulti propnum est ? non posse et wells nocere.

I believe we might be able to prevent Russia from taking any ma. I
sure to injure England ; and it would, of course, be the duty of
this country to pursue such a course; but I think it would be the I
height of folly to endeavour to prevent Russia from asserting her
•just rights. From the course we had pursued, we might be said
to resemble the dog which shows his teeth, but is afraid to bite ; or, ,
rather the dog which, to impress an idea of his power, opens his
mouth,but shows only toothless gums. With regard to France, I must I,
say that she has, throughout the whole of this affair, acted a most
generous and friendly part. Ido not grudge her the praise which
she has so well merited, and for which the public and posterity will
do her justice, and only lament that England has not, by her
conduct, acquired . the same title. If, in future times,
hostilities:should break out between this country and France we
shall deeply lament the part which our government has taken on
his occasion, finding that the French, by their generous conduct
towards the Greeks, have forestalled us in their good opinions.
On these grounds I think that enough has been said to call upon
the government to inform the parliament and the country on what
principles they intend to act for the future. I must, at the same
time in justice to the noble Lord, admit that' on several points
on which I have touched, I have only spoken from conjecture,
fort' believe co member of the house has lees access to public
documents, or knows less what is going on, than 1 do, baying
obtained my Principal fact chiefly from common conversation.
I trust, homier, that the time will soon come when the
noble lord willtive the house the fullest information on the subject.
With regard to'the limits, I should wish particularly to have satis-
factory infmmafion front the noble lord, as any thing that could be
learned from the' treaty is not only vague and imperfect as regards
the continent but also the Greek islands, and particularly the, great
and important island of Candice. There seems, indeed, a sort of in.
tention, or wish, at least, to get out of the affair; and, if report is to
be believed, government begin to say that is a bad business,and that
the noble lord thinks he has done enough by fulfilling the treaty of
the 6th of July, and that it is the duty of this government to take
away as little as possible frinn the Turkish territory. But I must say
that it is the duty of this country to see that the boundaries of
Greece are .sulliciendy extended, and that she should have suffi-
cient power of herself to 'resist foreign force, and not fall a
prey to the first invader If such should be the case, only see in
what a condition the Prince would be who should be sent to pre-
side ever the Greeks. If report were to be believed—and as the re-
port was so current and universal he hkd no reason to doubt its
truth,--an illustrious individual, well known for his great qualities,
and who had, by residence of twelve years in this country, become
acquainted' with our free institutions and free Government, was ;
to be appointed Priam; ~or King of that country.; and
I have heard that, even previous to the Treaty of the 6th
of July; he had been 'satiety:l by the Greeks themselves as the
fittest person to prefidat'ilrer them. Now, if this were the fact,
let the house odorlle hi Seta cruel situa.iou this Prince would
be placed if the state of Greece were not fully settled before he was
sent out to govermatem. 1 shall only abatises, if Candle is left in
poseeeskth ol'the.TiirkOritile it is chiefly peopled by Greeks, and
the strattplitees are id the hands of the Turks, nothing but incur.
section and civil Gar mast be the consequence. Such a state of
thins must Montage' piracy, and png that unhappy jarring
interests which has so lodg prevaiM •in the east— which,
fact, feemedtllle beat groundi• for out interference. thane some
nissoore be- adopted to prevent them collisions the tree' must