The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-13 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

' We have taken the trouble of analysing the majority and
minority on the Catholic question the other night; and if
it is good for the pride of intellectual superiority to receive
a lesson of humiliation, it may read one here. On one
(the unsuccessful side) we find arrayed all that the House
of Commons contains, most conspicuous for wisdom, elo-
quence, Parliamentary experience, and historical research,
all the great names which will be hereafter associated with
the history of our time, supported by a host of Men, shose
intelligence and acuteness, extensive local knowledge and
intimate connexion with Ireland, entitle their opinicnis;to
the highest respect : on the other, with the exception 'of
Mr. Peel and the Master of the Rolls, not one individual
of talent or reputation. We do wish gentlemen would
look attentii'ely at these lists—that they would consider
the character and authority of those who composed the
minority, and the description of opponents by whom
their efforts were defeated. The Master of the Rolls held
a brief for the University he repreients, which was got up
by Dr. Phillpots (who married a niece of the Chancellor's)
in the shape of a pert and abusive pamphlet, addressed to
Mr. Canning. The Right Hon. Gentleman himself did
not care a straw which way the question was decided ;
and this indifference every body knows that he expressed
before the debate. Lawyers, too, change their opinions
with- more facility than laymen ; and it is notorious
that his Honour's have not been invariably the
same. Mr. Peel talks a great deal about " his
conscientious
.conviction,"- and " his unshackled in-
dependence." We respect Mr. Peel as a useful public
man; but in this case, without meaning to cast any
imputation on his character, we reject his authority and deny his
independence. He is too deeply committed with his party to be
able to act, or even think, freely upon the Catholic question.—
If Mr. Peel had never adopted, or was now to abandon his pre-
sent line of politics, undoubtedly he would not be reduced to spin
cotton for his bread ; but, destitute as he is of the extrinsic
vantages of birth and connexion, he would possess none of his pre-
sent influence and power. The anti-Catholics regard him as their
leader, as the child and champion of their cause. He might, in.•
deed, be splendide mendax, and kick down the ladder on which
he has climbed to fame; but this would be too great a sacrifice
to expect of human patriotism ; nor do we believe (though his
mind may have occasionally rsisgiven him, and we think it must)
that his opinions have undergone any such change as to call for a
corresponding alteration in his conduct. With regard to the other
names in Ahe7same list, it is about as needless to speak of them, as
it is needless to speak to them. Men like Sir J. Newport, Sir H. Par-
nell, and Mr. S. Rice, who are enthusiastically attached to Ireland,
and intimately acquainted with her situation, bring the fruits of their
experience and intelligence, for the information of Parliament ;
and by the Lowthers, the Manners's, and the Somersets—admi-
rable representatives of English ignorance and intolerance—
they are always overwhelmed. Such is the state of this ques-
tion, and such it will continue, as long as there shall exist a
tacit convention on the part of our rulers that Ireland shall be
left to her fate. On this, not the least difficult subject of legis-
lation, every man votes as his fancy or his interest may suggest ;
and repeatedly has the welfare and tranquillity of Ireland been
disregarded, that some booby may retain his seat, and the good
graces of a bigotted and besotted corporation. Will Mr. Can-
ning allow this system to go on, by still sanctioning the wretched
delusion that this is "no party question?" We really do hope
that the angry state of the Treasury Bench announces le com-
mencement de la fin" of this pernicious and disgraceful anomaly.
It must be owned, that at this critical juncture, the Opposition
are acting a noble and disinterested part. Instead of availing
themselves with any selfish views of the disunion of Government,
they strennously support such measures (originate where they
may)• as are congenial to their own liberal and enlightened policy.
Mr. Canning has conquered the applause of his opponents ; let
him prove himself to be superior to the vulgar attraction of office.
If he feels as he ought,
.for his own honour and his country's
good, lie must speedily choose one of two alternatives—to dictate,
or resign.— Times.

The unfitness of any set of men to judge in their own
case was never, perhaps, more strikingly manifested than
last night, in the discussion in the House of Commons, re-
specting flogging. Even those who contended that flogging
could not be altogether dispensed with, allowed that it
ought to he had recourse to as seldom as possible. It is
admitted, too, that the power to flog had been grossly
abused, before the attention of the public was called so
repeatedly to the subject. flogging, which was formerly
disgracefully common in the British army, is now of rare
occurrence ; and the only rational way of accounting for
the change is, to suppose that officers employed flogging
when other and better means of influencing the men might
have been adopted. And yet, with the knowledge of all
this, Sir H. Vivian expressed his conviction, that discussions of
this sort were productive of more harm than good among the
men. " At one time (he observed, in illustration of his posi-
tion), he was appointed to the command of a regiment 1000 strong;
when he first put himself at the head of it, he found it in a most
disorderly state. He inquired among the sojeants as to the cause of
this disorder, and he was told that the men universally believed that
Sir Francis Burdett had done away with flogging in the Army."
Now, cannot Sir H. Vivian see that his instance would prove too
much, and therefore that the bad discipline of the regiment was
the result of some other cause than than that which he here assigns.
'the discussions must have in that case led in the army generally
either to an increase of flogging, or a relaxation of discipline. Now
we know that the flogging has been greatly diminished, and it is
not asserted that the discipline of the army is not hatter now than
ever it was. Whatever, therefore, the efficacy of Sir H. Vivian's
flogging might have been in a regiment in a bad state of discipline,
it is clear that this bad state of discipline was not caused by the
discussions in Parliament, but must have been produced by want
of attention, or Want of skill, on the part of those who previously
were in command. Sir H. Vivian may be a brave soldier, but
he is a bad logician.—Morning Chronicle.
It was very generally reported, last night, at the House
of Commons, that Mr. Canning is again seriously indis-
posed. It is to be ,regretted, that he exposed himself so
soon after his illness to the trial of an agitating discussion,
to which his strength was evidently by no means equal.
His sensitiveness with regard to what had fallen from the
Master of the Rolls, was greater than he would probably
have displayed under more irritating circumstances, had he
been in the enjoyment of perfect health. The Cabinet
Council which met yesterday, and which was also attended by
Mr. Huskisson, was summoned by Mr. Canning. It is under-
stood that the Right Hon. Gentleman actually tendered his re-
signation, but that it was not accepted. Indeed we should think,
that embroiled as the country now is, he must be a bold man who
Consents to place himself in the situation of the Right Honourable
Gentleman. We have forborne taking aliy notice of the rumours
which have been circulated every day for some time past respect-
ing Ministerial changes. Nothing has yet been stated on the sub-
ject of the least authority.—lbid.
Nothing, we suspect, is as yet known as to the ulti-
mate change in the Ministry, which the unavoidable se-
cession of Lord Liverpool is likely to produce. The best
proof that nothing is really known is, the numberless
guesses and assertions which are daily and hourly manu-
factured upon the subject. Every quidnunc has, as is
usual upon such occasions, become a Calsinet-maker; and
no less than eight Prime Ministers have already been
named, if not appointed—viz. the Duke of Wellington,
Lord Lansdown, Lord Wellesley, Lord Bathurst, Lord
Sidmouth, Messrs. Canning, Peel, and Robinson—every
One of these personages having, in his turn, been elevated
to the head of affairs by the wiseacres, who, like the
Barber, in the farce of the Upholsterer, have no better
grounds for their opinion, than he had who judged of
the state of affairs from the grave looks of the "great
man's butler" whom he happened to shave. In the mean
time, the matter is one of momentous concern to the coun-
try, and which cannot, therefore, too soon be set at rest.
—With every proper feeling of sympathy and respect to-
wards Lord Liverpool, we cannot see that the necessary
arrangements need wait till he is in a state to be a party
to them. Were he in that state, he would, we should imagine,
be the first to deprecate any delay upon such a ground. The pe-
riod is much too critical a one to admit of delay,• of compliment,
or of etiquette. The Government without a responsible, or even
a nominal head, at any time would be an evil ; but at such a crisis
as the present, is rendered doubly so. We wonder, therefore, that
no Member of Parliament rises in his place, and asks when the
Ministerial arrangements are likely to be completed. In the
good old times, when Lords and Gentlemen were not so fearful of
offending the higher powers as they now appear to be, this would
have been done; and we still hope that, even in these courteous
and complying times, forbearance has its bounds ; and that if the
arrangements are not soon announced, some questions will be