The Sun.
London, England, 1829-07-14 00:00:00

BRIDGENORTII RACES.

THURSDAY, JULY 9.—A Sweepstakes of 10 soya. each,
with 10 added, for all ages. Two miles.
Mr. T. Pickernell's Susan, aged
Sir T. J. T. Jones's Maid of Mansfield, aged
The Members' Purse of 50 sovs. for 3 and 4-yr-olda.
Heats, two miles.
Mr. Beardsworth's Independence, 3 yrs 1 1
Mr. Applewhithe's ch. c. by The Grand Duke, 3 yrs 5 2
Mr. Hazleton's Niagara, 4 yrs 3 3
Mr. Hope's Emily, by Sassenagh, 4 yrs
Mr. Fuller's Pantechnetheca, 3 yrs
FRIDAY, JUI.Y 10.-The Hunters' Stakes of five sovs.
each, with 20 added, by the Town. Heats, two miles.
Mr. W. Moseley's Tom Moody, 5 yrs
Mr. E. L. Gatacie's Flirt, aged 2 2
The Members' Purse of 50 sows. for all ages. Heats, the

hest of three miles.
Mr. Thorne's Maid of Mansfield, aged 1 1
Mr. Hazleton's Niagara, by Blacklock, 4 yrs 3 2
Mr. Hope's Emily, by Sassenagh, 4 yrs

The Duke of CLARENCE left town about
nine o'clock yesterday morning, on a visit to his MAJESTY
at the Royal Lodge in Windsor Park.
The Duchess of CLARENCE and the Duchess
Of SAKE-WEIMAR visited the Princess AUGUSTA yester-
day morning, to take leave of her Royal Highness pre.
vious to her leaving town for her seat at Frogmore. The
Princess left her residence in the King's Palace, St
James's, about eleven o'clock for Frogmore Lodge.
The Duke and Duchess of GLOUCESTER
gave a grand dinner yesterday at Gloucester-house, Park-
lane, to a numerous party of the Nobility and Gentry.
The Duke of CUMBERLAND returned to
town about three o'clock yesterday afternoon, from a visit
to the KING at the Royal Lodge.

The Duchess of CLARENCE, the Duchess of
SAXE WEIMAR, and the Prince and Princess of WEIMAR,
honoured the concert given yesterday afternoon, at the
Argyll-rooms, by Mademoiselle SONTAG, and other eminent
musical professors, for the aid of the sufferers by the late
floods in Silesia, with their presence.
Prince LEOPOLD honoured the Earl and
Countess GOWER with his company to dinner yesterday,
at their residence in Hamilton-place.

The Duke of GLOUCESTER attended divine
service on Sunday morning at St. George's church,
Hanover-square.

Mr. Secretary PEEL returned to town on
Sunday night, from a visit to the Earl of CAssitis, at his
residence at Isl./worth.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

If certain orators of the French Chamber con-
sulted either their personal dignity or that or the

great country to which they belong, and in the
name of which they sometimes assume to speak,
they would hardly betray so much gratuitous—
and in its apparent, though unavowed causes, so
much of what we may term obsolete—soreness

:owards Great Britain and her Government.—

General Sebastia»i taunts the Duke of Wel-
lington with his anxiety for the preservation of
"Turkey, as if that very object was not at all
times a favourite one with every French States-
man who deserved the name, though it is

now to be depreciated or maligned, because,
from some superiority of skill, consistency,
or energy in the Duke of Wellington's
Government, England is somehow or other
regarded as the chief barrier against undue
or dangerous encroachments upon Turkey.—
With respect to Greece, neither she nor
General Sebastiani can blame the protocol
of London for not attempting or proposing more
than was intimated as desirable by the treaty of
iuly
.6. If that treaty had promised to wrest
continental Grevic from the hands of Turkey by
force of arms, and in apite of the natural anti
justifiable repugnance of the Porte to surrender
a dominion so long peaceably ponscssed, there
would have been two parties wanting out of three
to the treaty, for indisputably neither France nor
this country would have thought of signing
The protocol is but a diplomatic incinorantrtini,
putting on paper certain objects which are to be
suggested and recommended to the Porte ; and
we think them already of a character so alarming
at once to her pride and solid interests, as to
make us doubt whether she will at any time be
brought to consider them with more favour than
she does at present. We repeat it, there is little
justice, and as little dignity, in these schoolboy
declamations against the Duke of Wellington and
Great Britain. —Times.

The city of Cork election has terminated, pre,
maturely according to some people, but, in oiv
opinion, not unnaturally, nor, considered as ari
example, altogether uselessly, in the defeat of
Sir Augustus Warren. Mr. Callaghan, the
successful candidate, appears to have had a good
deal of obloquy to contend against, and from
various circumstances. The Catholics liaw(A"
him as an apostate from their church. This,
certainly, would be no just cause of enmity to-
wards Mr. Callaghan, or of alienation from
him on the part of Protestant electors. But
the Honourable Gentleman is likewise rw..
cased of having, with tactics well known t,t
inavy religious renegades, taking every means of
proving the sincerity of his conversion by a
furious antipathy to the professors of his ancient
creed, in whatever regarded their political inte-
rests as a body. In fact, he had the reputation
of trying to redeem the original sin of Popery
in the eyes of his new-found associates, by
plunging into the darkest depths of Orangeism,
and becoming a persecutor of Catholics from the
moment when he ceased to be their brother.
'I lie liberal Protestants were as much disgusted
with the bigotry of Mr. Callaghan in what re-
lated to temporal affairs, as the Catholics were
exasperated by his supposed indifference to reli-
gion. With neither of these parties, therefore,
had the honourable gentleman any great hope of
favour ; and if a candidate of fair pretensions
could be found to stand against him for Cork,
whose person was not odious to one of them,
nor his politics disliked by the other, there was
every prospect of the election terminating in the
choice of an independent member of Parliament,
who might help to restore the sinking cause of
constitutional principles in Munster. But in
this, as in a thousand former examples, the public
interest fell into bad hands, or was botched by
unfortunate casualties. There being an impres
sion that Mr. Callaghan was not popular with
the leading persons even of that party for whose
sake he had incurred the hostility of all the rest,
it might undoubtedly have shown a lack of judg-
ment to neutralize the benefit of so lucky a
chance, by proposing a candidate the violence of
whose politics on the opposite side of the ques-
tion to Mr. Callaghan, would have made it a
point of honour and consistency with the mo-
derate anti-Catholic and Tory gentlemen to up-
hold against the new competitor, even the man
of their own opinions, whom they were said to
have but lightly respected. A far worse
piece of discretion, however, was, to name for
a rival candidate to Mr. Callaghan one whose
only strong bias was in favour of the party
whose countenance Mr. Callaghan had, by an
early canvass, to a great extent, forestalled,—who
must necessarily, at the same time, as a reputed
Brunswicker, meet but cool and languid as-
sistance from the liberal Protestant, and suspici-
ous Catholic, community, Sir Augustus War-
ren—a man personally respectable (so at least
he is reported)—was in the above predicament.
The Brunswick faction at Cork was largely pre-
engaged by his adversary ; the Catholics talked,
but did little more; and the liberal Protestants
felt that they would gain but a doubtful prize by
returning him. All this absurdity, therefore,
ended in enhancing Mr. Callaghan's triumph.
He has been elected,—not without a struggle,
which might have been set down to a mere com-
bination of accidents not likely to recur, but
after loud threatenings of defeat, and after an
actual, though, on the part of the menaces, a
feeble and miserable resistance. It would be
good for Irish patriots to learn the superiority of
biting over barking. We are rejoiced to see that
Mr. O'Connell, -in a speech at the county of
Waterford meeting the other day, warned the
Catholics of the north of Ireland against permit-
ting themselves to be provoked into violence by
the meditated outrages of the Orangemen on
the 12th of July. Great anxiety exists in every
political quarter here, to learn the history of that
day, the anticipations of which by the Orange
authorities themselves have been of so fearful a
character ; but unless all the Magistrates of the
north have been leagued with the liege subjects
of the Duke of Cumberland, and unless most
of the Catholics have become insensible to the
vantage-ground on which law and loyalty have
placed them, there is hope that the Lord Lieu-
tenant's circular orders to the Magistracy, and
the warnings of the Catholic leaders to the pea-
santry, will have had their due effect.—Aid.
We observe that the propositions. of universal
suffrage and voting by ballot have, some how or
other, thrust themselves into a short-lived notice
at this time. We are surprised at it, as these
absurdities are in general only brought for-
ward at seasons of public distress or r r Ls-
sure ; and though the present is no era of great
affluence, yet neither is it one of signal suffer-
ing. In the homely phrase, we are " rubbing
on" pretty well, and there is no great chance
that radical theories of reform will catch many paz
tisans : but it must be observed, and WC state
the circumstance with satisfaction, that the advo-
cates of a rational reform—of a measured and

pre-defined removal of abuses—are increasing.
Under the Administrations which preceded those
of the Duke of Wellington, all persons who were
disappointed in the attainment of any object
whatever through the opposition of Parliament,
were immediately for the reform of that body ;
these men remain still fettered by their original
principles and professions. But to them has now
bev' aided a body who were previously tot°
to opposed to them—the high church or Tory
party. With these, matters went swimmingly
during the Pitt Administration, and ever since.
They had no 'occasion to wish for a reform
of Parliament, for Parliament did every thing
that they wanted, till the Catholic question ob-
tained a successful hearing. Then sprung up a
new era. Parliament has decided in a manner
hostile to the wishes of the high church or Tory
party ; and this party, therefore, fearfully and
cautiously begins to say that Parliament should
be reformed. They assert that Parliament on the
Catholic question was at variance with the
people ; to whom, therefore, it should be more
nearly assimilated—it ought to be made a more
faithful echo of public opinion. We certainly
have no objection to this course, though we
are not so clear that the well-informed mass
of the people was opposed to the removal
of the Catholic disabilities. But " the high
and lofty ones" would be wise to consider well
what they are about. We know something
hotter than they do what the radical reformists
are. The pure Tory blood will not like associa-
tion with their vulgarities. Why Carlile, how-
ever they may turn up their noses at him, be-
longs to their body ; and so doe 3 Taylor the
reverend, and every species of infidel and blas-
phemer that the country contains. It will be an
odd union of extremes to see these mingled with
the Duke of Newcastle, and Lord Winchilsea,
and the Marquis of Blandford, to set reform
agoing. For ourselves, we shall always defend,
as we have done, a practical and defined re-
form,—we shall always urge the removal of a
detected abuse,—we shall always recommend the
transfer of the elective franchise from a corrupted
borough to a populous and commercial town ;
but we have found it greatly to our advantage,
in reputation, and in influence with the public,
to have nothing to do with the radical reformers,
except to expose their characters and ridicule
their pretensions. They are a bad set, Lord
Blandford ! and they arc an impotent set ! and
you are a very silly man to pay them any atten-
tion I--Ibid.

We have copied from the Caledonian Mer-
cury an article respecting the Ministry, of a
something startling nature. Though the Press
of the Metropolis has been silent on the subject,
some of the topics have been not unfrequently
discussed in the metropolitan circles. Though
it is difficult to convey an idea of the difference
between Whigs and Tories in the present day,
it is not the less true that one division of the
Aristocracy call themselves Tories, and another
Whigs. The difference is rather the result of
hereditary connection, than any intelligible diver-
sity of principles. However this may be, it has
always been an understood matter that the Go-
vernment should be wielded by one division only
of the Aristocracy : and that if the Tories sup-
ported Ministers, the Whigs opposed them ;
and if the Whigs supported Ministers, the
Tories opposed them. Recent circumstances
led the Duke of Wellington to break through
the traditionary rules respecting party, and to
attempt to carry a measure deemed by him essen -
tial to the welfare of the empire by means not
of either party, but of the best disposed men of
both. The Duke was successful. But the
question on which he tried his strength was
one which had for a generation been advo-
cated by all the Whigs, and opposed by
a part of the Tories. That it was advocated
by all the Whigs, while the number of Tories
opposing it was gradually diminishing, was
almost decisive of the merits of the question.
But though the more intellectual of the Tories
had gone over to the Whig opinion, the majority
still remained obstinately wedded to the other
side ; and hence, when the question of Emanci-
pation was carried, the Tories hung back, and
the Whigs remained rather as an army of obser-
vation
than as allies. The object of the Duke of
Wellington was to proceed in a straight-forward
course, dispensing the favours of the Crown im-
partially between Tories and Whigs, and tying
himself down to neither. But the great impedi-
ment in the way of the success of this policy is
alluded to in the paragraph we have taken from
the Caledonian Mercury. The King has not
supported him. From weakness of character, the
infirmities of age, or secret partialities, his Majesty
has so conducted himself as either to give hopes
to the opponents of the Administration, or at
least not to destroy the hopes previously enter-
tained. A spirited Monarch would have con-
sidered the Duke of Wellington as a faithful
servant of the Crown, determined to obtain for
it that share of the government of the country to
which, by the Constitution, it was entitled. But
his Majesty, it would appear, does not under-
stand this policy. The question is, then,
whether the Duke will be able to support him-
-self on the mere streHgth of his popularity
with - the country, the consequence of the
general belief in his honesty and disinter-
estedness; or whether he will be under the
necessity of throwing himself into the arms
of one of the two great parties in Parliament.
If his Majesty were able to see with his own
eyes and without any party spectacles, lie could
not fail to discern the danger which lurks in the
advice to throw Mr. Peel overboard. Who,
after such an example, would dare to yield to
circumstances ? The war of factions must become
a war ad internecionern. But though it maybe
the interest of a party to punish all defections
from its ranks, it never can be the interest of
the Crown to throw difficulties in the way of
transitions from one party to another. The
punishment of Mr. Peel for supporting the
Minister in an emergency, would deserve to
be stigmatised as the height of baseness.
The Duke of Wellington could never hold
up his head after sacrificing Mr. Peel, and
he would deserve to be universally deserted.
We have heard of the dissolution alluded to in
the Caledonian Mercury. It would have the
effect of throwing out several Members returned
in the interest of Mr. Canning, and either at-
tached to Mr. Huskisson, or not attached to the
present Ministry. The thick and thin supporters
of Government would certainly be increased in
number by a dissolution. But, on the other
band, many supporters of Government would be
heavily taxed by it. We cannot, therefore, not-
withstanding the reports we have heard of dis-
cussions in the Cabinet on the subject, and
overtures to distinguished Counsel to secure
their services in time, prevail on ourselves to be-
lieve the idea of a dissolution was ever seriously
entertained. Between this and the new year
many things may happen to enlighten Members
with respect to their true interests. As to Ca-

tholic Emancipation, no man will contend that
what is done can be undone. If with a hostile
Administration there was a majority in the
House of Commons in favour of Administration,
it is not very likely that a repeal would obtain a '
majority. The question, therefore, is settled for
Ever. The disturbances in Ireland may strengthen
the Government, but they can never promote the
objects of the Orangemen. Ireland, God knows,
contains constantly within itself materials of po-
litical disorder. The tranquillity of the country
for some time past is unnatural. It is the re-
sult of the immense efforts of all the influential
Catholics, Aristocracy, Attorneys, Priests, &c.
But the realization of the object of the alliance
which compressed the peasantry necessarily man-
cipated them from a state of constrained peace,
and it will not require the provocation of Orange-
men to revive the Rock system. But a servile
war will not further the views of the Orangemen,
but, on the contrary, by throwing the Land-
holders on Government for pcotection, give in-
creased vigour to the Executive. We are, there-
fore, by no means alarmed at the recitals of
Orange plots. Wherever there are combusti-
bles there will be explosions. It is impossible
that any change can deteriorate the condition of
Ireland.—Morning Chronicle.
Our readers will see from a Report in another
column, that a Meeting of the Friends of Ra-
dical Reform took place last night, in the Thea-
tre of the Mechanics' Institution. Mr. Cobbett
alluded to an expression made use of by us in
characterizing the late exhibitions of popular
ignorance and prejudice on the subject of
Catholic Emancipation. There can be no ques-
tion that the great majority of the people of
England was hostile to Emancipation. Even in
Leeds, where the utmost pains had been taken
for nearly 20 years to wean the people from
their prejudices, it was with difficulty that a
majority Etvourable to Emancipation could be
obtained. We had, however, in this very Leeds,
a strong instance of the progress of improve-
ment, for in a few years, the majority of fifteen
to one against Emancipation had been converted
into a minority. In the country, prejudice and
ignorance_ retained more of their pristine vigour.
But better views were gradually penetrating to
the most secluded corners. The experience of
the last few months, while it proves the gross
ignorance which still prevails in a great part of the
country, by no means warrants us in entertaining
desponding views as to the future. On the contrary,
the changes for the better which have taken place in
all populous places, warrant us in entertaining
the most sanguine views as to future improve.
ment. If the people of England are determined
on Parliamentary Reform, they will effect it.
We are far from advocating the present state of
the Representation, which is as bad as can be.
But the people are not yet determined on Par-
liamentary Reform, and the persons interested
in upholding the present system will not abandon
it without a struggle. 1 he world has now had
some experience of Revolutions, and one lesson
has been derived from them, that the greater the
intelligence of the mass, the less the danger from
the misdirection of the energies of the people.
This is a motive for preparing for change if it
should take place, and not for opposition to it.
It is at the same time a consolation for delay, as
it holds out the hope that every year renders the
people more fit for making the most of Reform
when they obtain it.—lbid.
The result of the recent election at Cork is a
proof of the supremacy of Protestant power,
even in that part of Ireland, where certainly it is
not so predominant as in many others ; and it
seems well calculated to convince the Roman
Catholic Agitators, that in attempting to per-
petuate their own existence as a separate body,
in defiance of the law, they do but provoke a
power which they cannot resist, and with which
eventually the whole authority and influence of
the British Government must be combined.—
This election, it is said, shows how futile were
the apprehensions entertained by those who op-
posed the admission of Roman Catholics to
Parliament, that they would be enabled to re-
turn a large proportion of the Irish Members.
The remark is scarcely a fair one ; for those ap-
prehensions were founded upon the supposition
that the measure of Emancipation might be un-
accompanied by any improvement of the
elective franchise. It is plain enough now, we
think, that the Roman Catholics will possess very
little influence in Irish elections ; but it
is no less evident that their leaders mean to
retain if possible, by means of agitation, all the
importance which agitation alone has given them.
The chief object of Government, and of all the
loyal part of the Irish nation, must now be to
put down agitation ; and we believe the law as
it now stands will be found to afford the means
of doing so very effectually. A permanent So-
ciety, meeting frequently in Dublin or elsewhere,
and attempting to create a general fund, and
to organize systematic operations for electioneer-
ing purposes, is plainly the Catholic Association
in a new disguise ; and if such a Society be to-
lerated, the mischief which the Association pro-
duced will be continued and increased. The
law has with great wisdom confided to the Lord
Lieutenant powers by the exercise of which he ,
can easily put down such assemblies. These
discretionary powers he must exercise vigorously
and fearlessly, or the reign of agitation will be
perpetual. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland !
will be fully justified, we apprehend, in prohibit-
ing, and if necessary in dispersing by the strong
arm of power, any political meeting whatever
that adjourns or assumes the right of adjourning
from time to time—any that attempts to collect
contributions, or even ventures to recommend
them for any political purpose whatever—any
that can be identified to the imagination or un-
derstanding of mankind as a continuation of the
mischievous and proscribed Association, even by
the circumstance of any of the leaders of that
Association mingling in its proceedings. Again,
the Lord Lieutenant will be fully justified, and
is we think bound in strict duty to prohibit, and
in case of disobedience to disperse by force, any
meeting held professedly for electioneering pur-
poses, unless it confine itself to the definite ob-
ject of one particular election immediately ap-
proaching, for the supply of a vacancy already
declared—unless it be held within the county
in which the vacancy has occurred or is
about to occur, and unless the persons taking
an active part in the proceedings are exclusively
such as either have a right to vote or present
themselves in the character of candidates. And
lastly, with respect to meetings got up with a
view really or ostensibly to the exercise of the
right of petition, the peace and welfare of Ire-
land absolutely require that the law—we mean
here no recent statute, but the old law of the
land, so wisely calculated to curb the zeal of
vagabond orators—should be constantly and
rigorously enforced. On this valuable branch
of the law Mr. Hunt could give a very useful
lecture to some of the itinerant orators who have
hitherto found their occupation, or their mode

tiresome-leisure, in the Hall of the four Courts,
agreeably and, profitably relieved by agitating ex-
cursions to the ' provinces of Ireland.—Morn-
ing Post.

SECOND EDITION.
SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

THE LONDON GAZETTE

OF THIS EVENING.

Whitehall, July 13, 1829.

The King has been pleased to order a conge d'elire to
the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral Church of Oxford,
empowering them to elect a Bishop of that See, the same
being void by the death of Doctor Charles Lloyd, late
Bishop thereof ; and his Majesty has also been pleased to
recommend to the said Dean and Chapter, the Very Re-
verend Richard Bagot, Clerk, M.A. to be by them elected
Bishop of the said See.

The King has also been pleased to grant unto the Rev.
Edward Burton, B D., the office and place of Regius Pro-
fessor of Divinity in the University of Oxford, together
with the place and dignity of a Canon of the Cathedral
Church of Christ in the said University, pr. perly belonging
to the Regius Professor of the said University, being void
by tie death of Dr. Charles Lloyd, late Bishop of Oxford.
The King has also been pleased to present the Reverend
Thomas Gunn to the church of Keiss, in the parish of
Wick and presbytery and county of Caithness, vacant by
the transportation of the Rev. Thomas .ToHie, late Minis-
ter there, to the church and parish of Bowden, in the
county of Roxburgh.