The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-12 00:00:00

Zbirt Etttiort

THE FUNDS—(CLOSING PRICES.)
BRITISH FUNDS.
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Red. .. 4 Ditto! Bonds
3 per Cent. C0n5....
34 per Cent. Red... 1014 'Ditto New Annuities...
New 31 per Cent... lOl6 Ex. Bills, 1,000/....2d. 49 pm
New 5 per Cm' — Ditto 500/...... 51 pm
Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small ...... 51 pm
Jan. 1860 ... ...... 12 9.16 Bank Sloe k for Acct. 167
Oct. 1859. — India Stock for Acet...
Jan. 1860' — j Consols for Acct. ...... 93
FOREIGN FUNDS.
Austrian, 5 per cent. ... 'Portuguese, 5 per cent.
Belgian, 5 per cent — Ditto, I*w Ditto
Brazilian Bonds... 674 Prussian, 5 per cent.
Buenos Ayres 6 per cent. ' Russian, 5 yes cent ll2
Chilian, 6 per cent Ditto, Metallic ...... . ....
Colombian, 6 per cent — r Spanish, 5 per cent...... 161
Ditto, 1824 — 'Ditto, Deferred.....—
Danish, 3 per cent —i French, 5 per cent. —f. —c.
Greek, 1825, 5 per cent — !Exchange —f —c.
Mexican, 5 per cent 351 French, 3 percent. —f. —c.
Ditto, 6 per cent. 1837 Dutch, 2 per cent. 524
Peruvian, 1825, 6 per ct. 'Ditto, 5 per cent. .. ...
SHARES.
Eastern Counties Railway (23 raid) .... B4
Ditto New Shares ( paid) .... ..... .... 8/ 4s 2d
Ditto Debentures .. .... ...„.... ~,......101 9s 2d
Edinburgh and Glasgow (50 paid) ...... ... 484
Great Western Railway (65 paid) —
Ditto New Shares ( 50 paid) 594
Ditto Fifth (4 paid)
London and Brighton (50 paid) 334
London and Blackwall ( paid) ...... ..... 74
London and Birmingham (90) .. .... ....,... 181
Ditto Quarter Shares (25 paid) 474
Ditto Thirds (32 paid)
London and South Western (4116 s 10d pd) 584
London and Croydon Railway (Trunk) ...) 104
11Iidland Counties Railway (100 paid) ...... 60
Paris and Rouen (18 paid)
South Eastern and Dover (50 paid)......... 226
York and North Midland (50 paid) .•
Ditto New Shares (20 paid) ...... ... 364

SURREY SESSION s._('r ti IS DAY.)
(Before Mr. PUCKLE, the Chairman, and a Bench of
Magistrates.)
The general Quarter Sessions for the county of
Surrey commenced this morning at the Sessions
'louse, llorsemong-er-lane.
The calendar contains the names of 87 prisoners.
The grand jury having been sworn, and the Learned
Chairman having briefly addressed them on the na-
turo of their duties, retired, and shortly afterwards
re-entered the Court, having found several true bills.

Daniel Ireson, stated in the calendar to be 45
years of age, but who looked older, was indicted for
stealing, on the 13th of July last, seven new fir hop-
poles, the property of Thomas Baker, at Farnham.
The prosecutor is a cultivator of hops, residing at
Farnham, where he possesses three hop-fields. In
the month of March last the prosecutor had purchased
some hop-poles, marked in a peculiar manner with
red paint, and having purchased more than he re-
quired for immediate use, he deposited 300 of them
in a hop-ground which he occupied, and which ad-
joined the cottage of the prisoner. On the morning
of Saturday, the 23d of July, the prosecutor's son
went to his father's hop-ground, and saw the prisoner
with some hop-poles on his back. On seeing the
prosecutor's son, the prisoner made off, and young
Baker, seeing foot-marks, tracked them, and came in
sight of the prisoner again. He called to the pri-
soner, who ran away, and Baker lost sight of him in
a piece of wheat. Baker then traced the foot-marks
back, and found they led to the heap of poles on his
father's ground. He then traced the foot-marks back
again, and found they led to a hedge, under which he
found seven poles, which he identified as his father's
property. When he saw the prisoner the second time
the prisoner had got rid of the poles which he was
carrying when young Baker first saw him.
On his cross-examination, young Baker admitted
that all the poles sold by the person of whom his
father had purchased them, were marked with red
paint; in the same manner as those belonging to his
father.

A person named Warner, who was at work in an
adjgining field, had seen the prisoner on the morning
in question in Mr. Baker's hop-ground, walking
towards the heap of poles.
Mr. LOCKE addressed the jury for the prisoner,
and contended that there was no case whatever made
out against him, and no proof that the poles found
under the hedge were the property of the prosecutor.
The CHAIRMAN having summed up, •
The Jury found the prison Not Guilty.
KEEPING A DISORDERLY HOUSE.—lsaac Crick,
•aged 40, convicted of keeping a disorderly house at
Croydon, was sentenced to six months' imprisonment,
and ordered to find sureties for his good behaviour,
himself in 1001., and two sureties in 2.51. each.

It appeared that he had previously been snmmarily
convicted before the Magistrates, and fined M., on
which occasion he had promised to abate the nuisance,
but had not done so.

(*PHUT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—The custom of locking people up on
frivolous charges has of late been so frequently sanc-
tioned by 'the Magistrates, that we are happy to fin
an instance in which the practice has been denounc
from the bench, as it well deserves to be. The object
of imprisonment before a case has been judicially in-
vestigated is security, not punishment ; and if precau-
tions are taken that an accused party will meet the
charge against him at the proper time, he ought to
have no further restriction placed upon his liberty.
In a case reported this morning, it appears that an
individual had been given into custody for stealing a
candlestick from a house of a certain description,
in which he had been attacked, and where, in order
to defend himself, he laid hold of the article he was
alleged to have 'stolen, but threw it down into
the street directly he found himself in safety. Not-
withstanding this was explained to the policeman,
he took the party to the station-house, where the
superintendent received the charge, a fact which eli-
cited the following just remarks from the Magistrate:—
" Mr. Cottingbam said that it was stretching the law
too far to deprive any of her Majesty's subjects of
his liberty on such a vague charge ; that at all events
bail ought to have been accepted for the appearance
of the accused at this Court, instead of locking him
up ; and the superintendent ought to have known
that he was vested with the authority of exer-
cising a discretionary power on such an occasion."
These obeervations are so obviously true, and the
duty of the superintendent under the circumstances
was so extremely straightforward and clear, that his
ignorapee_of now to act—which we presume to have
been the cause of his acting wrongly—fully deserved
the censure of the Magistrate. We agree with Mr.
Cottingliam, that the superintendent " ought to have
known that bail should have been taken," and also
that he "ought to have made the complainant enter
into her recognisance to appear to support the charge."
A precaution that, considering the position of the per-
son who made it—the keeper of the house in which
the dispute arose—was especially requisite. We trust
that the opinions expressed on this occasion by Mr.
Cottingham may serve as a guide to other Magis-
trates, who are in the habit of taking very strange
views of the liberty of the subject, and of the right of
the police to interfere with it.
STA,NDAE.D.—Our attention is again summoned
to the Dublin University election, by more than one
Contemporary, and by several correspondents. We
are charged with injustice to the pretensions of Mr.
Hamilton, which some Contemporaries and some cor-
responde2ts set out at great length, Now this is surely
besithettW'matter. The grounds of claim to public
confidence are public services ; if Mr. Hamilton can
fairly lay claim to any such services, the public knows
what they are, and it is not in our power to conceal
them. But what are the services ascribed to
Ns. Hamilton? They all amount to this, that he
has expended fifty thousand
ands in various efforts,.
generally unsuccessful, to procure hi 3 own return to
procure
Parliament. Why, it is
understood that Sir John
Hobhouse has expended twice the sum_, and we could
name a dozen men, as little suspected by the world of
any polal principle as the ex-President of the
Board of Control, who have each
same ambitious pursuit more than expendedr
d h in;
andth e
this, too, in a country where money oexnpended
upon elections is not regarded, as from -lateas
contro-
versies 'it seems to be regarded in Ireland,
venture in the lottery of professional advancement.
However, However, putting all other considerations
we hold the fact that Mr. Smith has, and Mr. Hamil-
ton has not, received his education in the University of
Dublin, decisive upon the question of the election.
We maintain that any University which does not
choose its representatives from among its own alumni
pronounces upon itself the most cutting censure.
First, the letter of the law commands such a selection;
next, the usage—an usage never departed from by
Oxfhrd or Cambridge, and rarely by Dublin, if ever,
hefbre Mr. Shaw's most inauspicious election—
confirms the .legal injunction ; and, iet us
add, that both law and usage are based in
the soundest principles of utility. We have
before often contended for the benefit of the
principle of local preference, in both insuring
honest representatives and honest electiOns„ and this
with reference to all constituencies ; but the case of
the Universities is infinitely the strongest. The period
of University education is, with most educated men,
the era of their formation of character—of the forma-
tion of friendships, and, if we may so speak, of the
formation of the pr;nei plea which are to guide them
in after life. Now, who can so fairly or so use-
fully represent a constituency like the constituen-
cies of „our Universities as one from themselves ?
modelled to the same character, bound by the
same Priendshts, and imbued with the same
principle. as
all of them? We are not arguing
for the rights of the Dublin electors only ; we are
maintaining the rights common to all University
electors, Whether of Oxford, Cambridge, or Dublin.
Suppose,tha reale Changed, as a lawyer would say;

suppose that the contest lay for a seat, not for
the University of Dublin, but for the Uni-
versity of Oxford—would any one venture to say
that Mr. Smith, a Dublin man, stood upon a footing
of equality with Mr. Hamilton, an Oxford man
We doubt whether in the University of Oxford and•
one would be so impudent as to propose the stranger.
It is humiliating enough for Dublin University that
she has permitted the question to be raised.

AMERICAN TARIFF AND TRADE
WITH ENGLAND.

We have been favoured with the following letter
from a gentleman of high character and extensive
commercial knowledge, now in the United States. It
bears internal evidence of having been written by a
man of keen observation and sound judgment, and it
is every way worthy of the most attentive considera-
tion. It is dated New York, August 4, 1842 :
" All Americans have their heads full of the neces-
sity of obtaining the admission of their produce into
England, if they are to continue to take our manu-
factures. This is the topic which every one enter-
tains me with—and they urge it upon me, in the
American way, as earnestly as if I had it in my own
power to repeal the sliding scale, and let into Liver-
pool all the wheat of the west. The cry of our re-
fusal to take the only great products of the Western
States has been repeated indefatigably by the advo-
cates of a protective tariff, and had it not been for the
assistance it has given them, I believe the decided
majority in the present Congress in favour of a
tariff, would never have been obtained. It is
amusing to see the way in which the agitation
for protection has been worked, and the success
which has attended it. When you recollect
that it is only a few years since the Southern
States threatened civil war, rather than submit to a
protective tariff, and carried their point, and consi-
der that by the extraordinary growth of the West-
ern States the agricultural, and therefore anti-tariff
interest in the States has acquired a greater prepon-
derance than at that time, you will see that there must
be some powerful causes which have produced the
zealous action of a majority in favour of the tariff,
and the feeble resistance of-the minority. The first
cause has certainly been that the principal manufac-
turing interest being in New England, the Yankees
have put themselves at the head of the agitation ; and
being the most active, speechifying, pamphleteering,
manceuvering section of the nation, have enlisted a
good many other sections on their side, and neutral-
ised the opposition of the others. First they have
carried out the "log rolling" principle to associating
with themselves every minor interest, which wished
for protection against foreigners, and offering to
include any rate of protective duty in the gene-
ral Tariff Bill in its favour, if it would lend its
aid to get the Bill passed as a whole. they
have had no difficulty in thus enlisting all classes
of manufacturers and miners ; for it appears to
me that none of these can stand against our lower
wages and the advantages of accumulated capital,
without a tariff. This is the case with the iron mines
and iron works of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Mis-
souri ; the lead mines of Wisconsin, and, to a great
degree, the coal mines of Pennsylvania, Virginia,
and Indiana. In Louisiana they have secured the al-
liance of the sugar planters, who want to be protected
from the Brazilian and Cuba sugars—and these men,
taking the cue from their Yankee instructors, treat it
as a matter of national policy, not to encourage the
imports from Brazil and Havannah, the only effect of
which is to benefit England, because these two coun-
tries consume principally English manufactures,
which they are enabled to pay for by the United
States taking their sugar, coffee, &c., while, as we
will not take the products of the latter, the circle is
not completed, and the United States has to bear the
drain. By securing the alliance of the sugar interest
of Louisiana, the Yankees neutralize one of the great
cotton States. Kentucky they have a strong hold
on, because she wants protection for her bagging ma-
nufacture against Russia and Scotland. Till I learned
this, I never could understand how a planting State
like Kentucky could be a Whig State, and Clay's
citadel. There remain the two great agricultural in-
terests, the cotton and wheat growing States. Even
the cotton planters the Yankees have got some slight
hold of, by frightening them with the East India cot-
ton, a little of which has actually been imported. But
they derive more support from some manufactures of
coarse cotton goods, established in the South, which
have been spreading since the low profits of planting
have obliged the planters to seek other employment
for their slaves. To eke out these motives, which
would of themselves be insufficient to neutralise the
cotton States, they have used the usual rhetoric of the
advocates of protection, talking of the importance of
being independent of foreign countries, the superiority
of a home to a foreign demand in many respects, both
as to certainty and the reciprocity which may be de-
pended upon, the importance of attaching the New Eng-
landers to the Southern States by the ties of mutual in-
terest, in order to prevent them from listening to the
abolitionists, and winding up with abusing England,
which lays a duty even on the raw cotton, the only
article of American produce to which she is at all fa-
vourable ; and may be expected to lay on a much
heavier duty to favour the East India cotton growers,
in accordance with the• principles of her colonial sys-
tem, as soon as the East Indies become at all capable
of supplying the British factories with the raw mate-
rial. There remain the wheat-growing States of the
West, the hardest of all for the Yankees to deal with,
because they are naturally greater consumers of our
manufactures than any others ; they have positively
no manufactures to protect ; they cannot dread any
competition from abroad with their productions ; they
cannot be frightened, like the Southern States, into
submitting to a tariff, as the consideration for which
the New Englanders are to acquiesce in the continu-
ance of slavery ; and they are the section of the coun-
try whose rapidly-growing power is making itself
felt more and more in each succeeding Congress. I
have mentioned in a former letter that one of the
characteristics of politics here is the tyranny of
minorities,' that if a comparatively small portion
of the community will stand firmly together for the
attainment of any particular object, making their
adhesion or opposition to either political party, or
either candidate for office, dependent on his or their
adoption of their particular object, they will gene-
rally succeed in forcing their measures on one side,
if not on both, as they have the power of turning the
scale. The Western States are now in this position ;
for having neither a tariff to obtain, nor slavery to
obtain the support of the rest of the people to, they
are independent of both parties, and form the ba-
lancing weight in Congress, which can make itself
courted by both parties. What they want this session
is, the Land Revenue Distribution Bill ; because this,
besides giving them their proportion along with the
other States, begins by first setting apart ten per cent.
of all sales for the new States, in whose territory the
lands are situated. Accordingly, the protection men
have offered them this bribe to induce them to submit
to a high tariff, by incorporating the distribution
clause in the Protective Tariff Bill (distinguished
from the Revenue Tariff Bill), neither part of the
Bill without the other. The reason why the Whigs
persist in sending up their Tariff Bill to Tyler with
the distribution clause, though it is known he
will veto it, is, that such is their bargain with
the Western members, and it is feared they will, after
all, vote against any protective tariff without the
clause, which would at once give a majority against
It. It is considered most probable, that the result of
this obstinate adherence to the clause will be, that no
protective tariff will pass this session, and though such
a result will make the Whigs very unpopular in their
stronghold, New England, where little is cared for
distribution, and everything for a tariff, and where it
is known that Tyler would give the latter without
the former, the attitude assumed by the Western
members makes it difficult to adopt any other
course. But though this bribe of distribution has
had great effect in obtaining the acquiescence of the
West to the tariff, it would only be a sop that would
stay their barking for a moment till swallowed, and
would not even for the present have prevailed over
the overwhelming interest which the people there i
have, as consumers, in buying cheap—an interest of
the whole extent which the American farmers, un-
like the boors of other countries, are fully aware—
were it not for the use which the Yankees have made

of the argument, that unless Great Britain will take
the productions of the West, the West cannot con-
sume largely of the manufactures of Great Britain,
and will only be kept in a state of continual financial
overstraining and exhaustion by the attempt to do so.
The times are peculiarly favourable for the enforce.,
meat of this argument. In the first place, you must
observe that a few years ago the West was enabled to
pay for a very large consumption of British manufac-
tures, in an indirect way, though none of its produce
"," a s allowed to come to Great Britain in exchange.
.
lor at that time,
the price of cotton being high, the
planters turned all their labour to the growth of
cotton, and purchased the provisions for their hands
to a great extent from the West; and as the great
hulkof the cotton
crop went to England, the British
manufactures consumed by the West were paid for in
this way.
amount of West means
ofpayment
i was the im-
mense State Stocks issued in past
years, which found a reead market in London. At
present cotton i 3 so low tiriat the planters have been
obliged to economise in ever
that their slaves can raise y IV2P
and have found
.themselves, without interfv‘e.rihninoutghndian corn to feed
much. with their atten-
tion to the cotton plant
ec
.is principally
at a different season of Le required
Western Stock is now issued,Yalio:r can be issued at pre-
And not a dollar of
pre-
sent. Then there is positively
bankion money. in the West,
and the whole system of banking and long
credits, which formerly enabled country to im-
port largely fora time, without a
.ceurresponding ex-
port of commodities in exchange, direct or indirect; is
cut up by the roots. Domestic trade n' • the interior
of the country is reduced, from the wan
circu-
lating medium, to barter; a farmer gives two of
a two
pounds
of wool to a weaver for one pound of the same wool i