The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-12 00:00:00

THE STiR, LON-Dog, TVESDAY EVENING, JULY 12, 1842.

.the vice of a coreirual temptation to hold back the corn while
price was rising. Even supposing that the Right lion. Gen-
tlemen's best anticipations were realised, the country had suf-
fered, and not only the manufacturing hot the agricultural por-
tion of the cemiremity had suffered by the delay. If
they lied had tin 85. dl ty at the cotierbeneftli6nt of the year, the
farmer would not have been terrified at the prospect of our
limiter:se quantity of corn in bond, which would sooner or later
lower the market. —( Hear.) lie could not agree with the Right
Hon. Gentleman that the success of his measure had been pre-
vented by the motions on that side of the House. The Right
Hon. Gentlemen had spoken with great caution respecting the
effete e of an admission of foreign cern, but itched never gone
so far as to say that he would not expect front it a permanent al-
leviation of the distresses of the people. He stated that if he
and his colleagues expected a permanent al!eviation of the dis-
tresses of the people from a relaxation of the Corn-laws, they
would then be disposed to listen to such a proposition. But was it
not something when they heard such harassing tales of distress,
whet' the Members for the matsufacttititig towns, one after
another, declared to that House the miserable condition to
which the inhabitants of their towns had been reduced, when
they hear.; that there had hitherto been no alleviation of that
distress—was it not something that they should pass a measure
which the Right lion. Gentleman did net deny would be a tem-
p rare :Tee:viol) 0f the distress?-s( Heir, hear.) He quite
agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman that it was unfair and
mischievous to deprecate subscription=, seeing that they were
calculated to allot d temporary relief ; but if it was desir-
able from alms, from charity, to relieve the pubic distress,
why should it not be done by law ? why should not the people
receive the same relief frem the exerci,e of their own industry,
and the produce of their own hand; ?—( Hear, hear.) That
had not been the course of the Governments to which the Right
Hon. Gentleman had belonged. The Noble Lord then referred to
the si eeches of Mr. Canning and Lord Liverpool to show that
they were in favour of afferding relief in times of distress, by
means of alterations in the Corn-laes. Lo d Liverpool was of
opinion teat a reduction in the price of cern would be a mate-
rial alleviation of the distress existing in 1826. If the Go-
vernment were not prepared to enter into the whole question
of the Corn-laws, could they net agree to the proposal of his
Noble Friend, the Member for Sunderland, to admit coin until
next spring at a moderate duty, which would secure a market
for our manufactures?—(Hear, hear.) He thought the
House might very well waive the general question of the Corn.
laws, in order to agree to such a motion. lion. Gentlemen op-
posite stated last year that the measures of the late Govern-
ment were not calculated to afford relief to the country. All
that those Honourable Gentlemen now said with respect
to the distresses of the people was, that they hoped for a good
harvest. NVhy, he thought, although the abilities of the late
Government were not very shining, they were, at least, equal
to looking at the barometer, and crying, " We hope for a geod
harvest."—( Great laughter.) If corn had been admitted at a
moderate duty last year, though the distress had not been
wholly removed, it would have been greatly alleviated.—
( Hear, hear. 1 But let them really look at the distress which
prevailed, and the patience with which it had been borne. It
was impossible to exaggerate, or to praise too highly, the forti-
tude and the patience with which the people suffered their life
to ebb away, without anything like anger, resistance, or
impatience.—( Hear, hear.) It was admitted by the
first Minister of the Crown that the admission of foreign
corn would be at least. a temporary alleviation of that
distress, and he thought be was bound therefore to have re-
course to it. He did not say that he agreed with the Hon.
Gentleman who proposed a total repeal of the Corn-laws. if
the first question should be necatived of going into supply, he
should propose to leave out all the latter words of the Hon.
Gentleman's motion by which the r. peal of the Corn-laws was
made a part of that question. He thought the best motion
would be, that the House should resolve itself into a Committee
of the whole House, to consider the Act of the present Ses-
sion relating to the importation of foreign corn.—( Hear, hear.)
He retained the opinions which he hail formerly expressed on
this aulject.--(llear, hear.) The Right. Hon. Gentleman
had spoken of the it jury which hail necessarily been done to
commerce by the proposal of the tariff. lie readily agreed
with him, that it %%RS impossible to propose any great change,
however wholesome or politic, without for a time interfering
with the pursuits of trade ; but he thought a great part of the
delay which had taken place in this instance had arisen from
the contradiction between the prineip!es propounded by the
Government and the tariff which they had proposed.—( Hear. )
A mere enunciation of principles would neither feed nor
clothe the people. It was an objection made to the late Go-
vernment that it was unable to carry its measures. But where
was the chfference between a Ministry that did propose mea-
sures according to its principles, and one who proposed mea-
sures not in accordance with its principles, because if it did it
could not expect to carry those measures?—( Hear, hear.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman had done justice to the negotiations
which had been going on with Portugal, and with regard to
other measures, he did not blame the policy of the late Govern-
ment. He had alluded to the order in which measures had
been prepared ; he (Lord J. Russell) had last year intended to
bring fie-ward an Irish Registration Bill, and thought the Poor.
law ought to be afterwards considered, and now the Right
Hon. Gentleman stated that an English measure of Registra-
tion should precede a measure of Irish Registration. It had
been said by Mr. Herries, with regard to certain public mea-
sures, making use of the remark of a French critic on a book
he was reviewing, that they contained some things which, were
good and some which were new, but unfortunately all that was
good was not new, and all that was new was not good. Now
that was just the remark he might apply to the measures of the
present Government ; the Poor-laws, the Colonial Customs
Bill, the Colonial Passengers Bill, the South Australian Bill,
the New South Wales Bill, the Justices Jurisdiction Bill; in
fact, to the principles of the tariff itself, which, the Noble Lord
truly said, was founded on the principles prepared by the late
Government. There was another measure which was good,
but nut new—the Poor-law ; and the Income•tax was new, but
nut good. The same thing might be said of the Corn •law
measure of the present year—it was new, but not good.
Such ' was the view he to sk of the measures of the
present Government.—( Hear, hear.) The Government had no
reason to complain of the present application, fur during this
session more days had been devoted, in the earlier part of it, to
Government business, than he ever recollected. On the
questions of foreign and colonial policy, and the much-agitated
question of the government of Ireland, there had been no dis-
position on this side of the Muse to oppose the Government.
Tor was he willing to obstruct the general progress of the
measures of the Government, and the public business of the
conntry, and therefore he should give his vote against the
resolution.

SUPPLY.

Sir IL PEEL said he hut no objection to tell the Honourable
Gentleman the course which he meant to pursue; notwithstand-
ing the late hoar, he felt it his duty to proceed immediately to
propose a vote for the China expenses. When that vote was
agreed to, he then proposed to go on with the other votes.
At the same time if any particular vote, like the Syria vote,
were objected to, in order to have an opportunity of discussion,
he would waive proceeding with that vote.
Mr. WILLIAMS (lid not know a single vote, especially in
the Ciril CwritingenVies, to which he should not object.
Sir. DUNCOMRE gave notice, that when the House went
into Committee of Supply to-morrow, he would propose that
the votes, with the exception of those for Syria, Canada, and
China, should be given for three months only.
The House then went into Committee.
Sir G. CLERK moved that a sum of 806,5661. should be ap-
plied to defray the expenses of the• war in China.
Mr. O'CO.NNELL wished to remind the Gallant Officer
oppisite, that in the early part of the session he brought under
his attention and that of, the House the spiritual wants of the
British soldiery of the Catholic religion in India. He regtetted
that no additional assistance had been since afforded to them.
Sir H. HARDINGE said that the order had been issued by
the late Government, and he was not aware that it had not
been attended to.—The vote was then agreed to.
On the motion that 103,000/. be granted to defray the
expenses of her Alajesty's. Government in Canada,
Mr. HUME objected to the vote being agreed to until the
estimates -were befOre the House, and he hoped that the item
would be postponed until the necessary information was laid
on the table.

Sir G. GLERK said that the accounts Of the past year,
upon which the present estimates were founded, had already
been laid on the table..

Mr. C. BULLER protested against the principle of grant-
ing money for the military expenditure of a colony, without any
specification of the details of that expense. H e was satisfied
from his experience, that if the colony had an adequate repre-
sentative Government, it would willingly pay the expenses of
the volunteer corps.—( Hear, hear.) There had been the
greatest jobbing in the payment of the volunteers. He knew of
seventeen regiments within a space of eight miles ; and in one
r, giment there were fifty officers of the same family, although
not of the same name.
After a conversation in which Lord Stanley, Mr. Hume,
Mr. Goulburn, and Mr. Jarvis took part, strangers were
ordered to whitdraw. No division took place, the vote being
agreed to without one. On our admission to the gallery,
we found
moving another vote.
ASiirr.(N3l.'lCLlLEhtit on
Swhoiusldleassib'ject to a single vote of public
money taking place after twelve o'clock, if he could get a single
Member to vote with him fur reporting progress. . .

After a short discussion, strangers were ordered to with-
draw, and the Howe divided upon the question of reporting
progress.
For the motion
Against it
Majority against the motion. —l79
On the vote of 10,t 00/. being propo3ed for the repair of
ports and harbours,
Mr. HUME rose and moved that the Chairman report
progress (Groans.)
Strangers were again ordered to withdraw, and the House
dividing there appeared—

For the anielidment
Against it .. ..
Majority against the amendment — 166
Dr. BOW RING having, during the absence of the reporters,
again moved that the Chairman do report progress, strangers
withdrew, and the House divided, when there appeared—
For the adjournment -
Against it
Majority l6l
Mr. HA WES raid lie extremely regretted the course which
was being pursued by pis Hon. Friend. He thought the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had been most moderate with
respect to motions on that side of the House.--( Hear. )
Mr. SHIEL said the plain efieet of the conduct of Hon.
Gentlemen on that side of the House, was to keep gentlemen
in town, who were anxious to go to their country residences.
They cid not all reside in town, like the Hon. Gentleman.
::sir R. PEEL said the conduct of Hon. Gentlemen opposite
was calculated very much to injure the public service. —( Hear.)
What was the Hon. Gentleman's purpose? Was his opposition
founded on the lateness of the hour, or on his objection to
supply. If he objected to the supply, the sooner they
fought that battle the better.—(Cheers.) Nothing should in-
duce. him to propose a measure of which he disapproved, for
the purpose of going through a Committee of Supply.—( Hear,
hear.) He would be willing to postpone these votes, only on
condition that they should proceed with them on Wednesday
and Friday.
11r. HUME said that he was as anxious as the Right Hon.
Gentleman to proceed to business, and he had no desire what-
ever to impede the discussion of the supplies, but the tublic
money ought not to be voted away at such late hours.
AGLIONI3Y disclaimed any intention of obstructing
the supplies, but he had always understood the practice of the
1-louse to be that when the progress of the Committee at se
late an hour was objected to, the Government (lid not
per severe in pressing the votes.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from
the Tory benches.) He knew that habits were tolerated in that
House which would not be endured elsewhere—( Cheers from
the Opposition )—but he would not be deterred by taunts, nor
disgusted by ill-manners—( Cheers)—from doing that which
he considereil to be his duty.—( Cheers. )
After a few words from Mr. WILLIAMS, who spoke amidst
great interruption,
Sir R. I'EEL said, that he would have no objection to make
an arrangement for taking the supplies at an early hour on
Wednesday or Friday.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that he had given notice of a
motion fur limiting the supplies to three months, and it was bona
fide on account of the lateness of the hour he would now sup-
port a motion for adjcurnment. He would not object to al-
lowing the votes to be taken on Wednesday, if it were an
ursdersranding that, he should not be precluded from moving
that the supply 'should be for three months only.
The vote was then agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN then nparted progress, and obtained leave
to sit again On Wednesday.
The other Orders of the Day were then proceeded with.
lIETUkINS OF FLAG OFFICERS.

178

• On the motion for the resumption of the debate with respect
to she return of fiag-officers.
Sir G. COCKBURN objected to the motion.
After a f.nv observations from Mr. FLUME, strangers were
ordered. to wiihdraw, and the House divided—
: For the motion
. , Ai:aloe. it
. ,Majority against the motion
The Chelsea Hospital Bill was read a second time, and or.
dered,to becorsnitted this day.
..POOtt-LAW AMENDMENT BILL.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said he should bring on the Poor-
law Amendment Bill at half-past four this day.
Mr. HU3IE moved for a " Return of the steam and sailing
packets emplo3ed under the Admiralty for the conveyance of
mails ; stating the name and tonnage of each vessel, and
where stationed and employed ; the numbers of officers and
men, and the expense, in the year 1841, for each of the ves-
sel:, and the aggregate charge for all the packets; stating also,
as far as the same can be given, the amount received for the
conveyance of passengers and parcels, and for the postage, by
each of those vessels, or the amount received for the same in
the year Ir-'4l, fur the several packets, so as to exhibit the not
charge to the public, after deducting the amounts received for
passengers and postage," &c. which was agreed to.
Lord LINCOLN moved for leave to bring in a Bill
to extend the provisions of an Act passed in the fourth year
.of her Majesty'; reign, intituled, " An Act to enable the Com-
missioners of Wide streets to sell, and her Majesty to purchase,
certain hereditaments in the city of Dublin, on the north bank
of the river Anna Liffey; and to vest in the Commissioners
of her Majesty's Woods, Forests, Land Revenues, Works, and
Building's, the powers now vested in the Commissioners of
Wide Streets, so far as the same relate to the said hereditaments.
The other Orders of the Day were disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Three o'Clock.

Mr. COBDEN repudiated the declaration that machinery was
the cause of the distr., ss. It hail never been so in periods of ordi-
nary prosperity, and he defied the Right Hon. Baronet to prove
it. So many people had never been thrown out of employment
as to cause a general and universal distress ; he therefore
thought it unworthy to bring forward such an argument. It
would be more statesmanlike in the Right Hon. ' Baronet to
look back at the condition in which they once . were, when
they were prospering, with a view of returning to it.
The prosperity of 1824 and 1823 might now be said to bend pros-
perity at all. Some years ago we exported to America mere than
they imported, by way of loan, and it was now returning to us
in the shape of goods for the payment of debts due to us.
There was a mission gone out from this country, with a view to
reconstruct the credit of America ; it was a futile errand ; the
gentleman who hail gone out knew nothing of the unwieldy and
unmanageable democracy of America.—( Cheers from the
Tory benches.) Yes, they would go to Washington, and
they would find that they could not earwig a Minister,
nor pull the wires that governed the destinies of seventeen or
eighteen millions of people. And happy would it be for this
country if they were not at the mercy of a few selfish jobbers in
the city of London. They had nothing to hope from imports
to Spain and Portugal ; they must go to America. Their re-
medies lay within their own Statute-book, and they could not
evade the repeal of the laws that prevented the importation of
food. But the great objection was said to that it would threw
land out of cultivation ; he would not believe it. Would it throw
Ireland out of cultivation ? In Scotland the farmers laughed at it,
and at the English system of agriculture. They were actually
bringing Scotch farmers into Cheshire, at double the rents,
and yet having larger profits. Let them recollect that the tide
of pauperism which hitherto set into the towns, was flowing
back upon the country, and when that mass of truperism came
to be supported by the land, upon which they had the first
claim, what would beceme of their estates ? He
believed that if the Corn-laws were repealed, that
would be the very time to purchase land. The sym-
pathy of the whole world was with the working classes
in the battle against the Corn-laws. And what was i they
were contending against the people for? Was it not enough
for them to have the Church, the law, the army, and the navy
at their disposal? Must they also seek for the phantom advan-
tage of the Corn-laws ? Would they risk their coronets, their
titles, their estates, their dignities in the battle with the people
for bread? tie was ashamed to think that the aris-
tocracy would contend with the people on such
ground. Let therii take eare of pushing the con-
test ton far. The late Mr. Canning was killed by his at-
tempts to govern for the aristocracy—(oh, oh, and Hear,
hear)—let the Right Hon. Baronet take care lest he should
share the same fate in his attempts to maintain these monopo-
lising laws. —( Oh, oh.) When that House undertook to le-
gislate on matters of trade—that House, the majority of which
consisted of landowners—it was to that House, to those land-
owners, and not to the manufacturers, that the people of this
country were to look for a remedy for their distress.
Mr. GRIMSDHCH opposed the motion. lie believed
that the improvements that had taken place in machinery had
been greatly instrumental in causing the distress that existed in
the country.
Lord 11OWICK could trot give a silent vote on this qttes-
tion. He thought the course that had been pursued by the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampt•n was extremely incon-
venient. It was not to he expected the House would retrace
its st,ps, or make such sweeping alterations in the Corn-laws
as were proposed by the lion. Member. Taking these
views of the question, it might be expected he should
oppose the motion, but as he thought the Corn-law
question ought to be fully considered, he would vote
for the motion to go into a Committee on the Corn-laws.
He would not take the course he intended without protesting
against the course which had been taken in interrupting the
public business.—(Cheers on the Ministerial side.) He
thought it was an injury to the great question they were dis-
cussing. He was aware that the motion about, to be submitted
must be negatived, but he could not help recommending to
her Majesty's Government the adoption of some measure
similar to that which he Intended to propose on Thursday.
Such a measure would ter.d very much to relieve the present
distress, and might with perfect consistency be adopted by
those who differed with him in opinion with respect to the Corn-
laws. The Hon. Member for Inverness hail said that it was
to be deplored that America had not the opportunity of send-
ing some of her produce to this country in return for our
manufactures. Now the principal produce of America was
agricultural, therefore the Corn-law must be the immediate
cause which kept that produce out of this country, and yet the
Hun. Member said that it was only an increase in the imports
of that produce that was wanted to improve our export trade to
America. The Right Hon. Baronet the other night, on the
motion of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen, seemed inclined to
adopt a course of temporary relief, provided he could do so
without objection. Now he (Lord Howick) did not think that
the objections urged on that night by the Bight Hon. Baronet
could apply to the proposition which he (Lord Howick) in-
tended to make. He took the amount of 6s. as the duty,
as that was the amount at which the Right Honourable
Baronet said the corn now in bond was likely to • be
liberated. This measure would also tend to the advantage of
the revenue; and he also believed that it would benefit the
agiiculturists ; for although the Right Hon. Baronet said that a
great deal of corn was being liberated, yet corn would be held
in bond till the duty came to what the corn dealers called the
minimum duty. Alter the debate of this night, he should not
bring fot ward his motion, which he knew, if opposed by the
R;grit lion. Gentleman, must be lost by an overwhelming ma-
jority.—( Hear, hear.) It was a remarkable feature in this
debate that no Hon. Member on either side of the House had
held out great hopes from any measures which they proposed ;
they only could tell them to look to the barometer, and. look
for a good harvest. He, however. did fear that the harvest
would nt t be such a plentiful one as the Right Hen. Gentleman
had anticipated.
• Sir JOHN HAMMER was in favour of a moderate fixed
duty, and would vote for the motion of the Honourable Member
noel ely to indicate the opinion which he entertained on the sub-
ject.—(Hear, hear.) He should feel it his duty, hoe over, as
an independent Member of the House, to vote against the
n otion of the Noble Lord the Member for London, about to be
t roposed, as an improper method of postponing the business of
the country.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided when there appeared,
For the original motion • 231
Fori Mor.iViears'soainar.
of th
en dme original
motion
.414

HOUSE OF LORDS, July 11.
Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
WORKING IN MINES.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL presented a petition from
iron masters and coal Owners, against certain clauses in '
the Bill before Parliament respecting employment in
mines and collieries.
The Earl of POINTS presented a petition to the same
effect, signed not only by owners of mines but by persons
employed in them.
Lord DARraouTH presented several petitions
to the same effect from persons employed in mines in the
West Riding of Yorkshire. The IsToble Lord also pre,
sented several petitions against the New Poor Law-bql.
'Lord CA MPBELL presented petitions from the neigh-
bourhood of Huddersfield, in favour of the Bill for re-
gulating employment in mines.
COLLIERIES AND MINES BILL.
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH reported from the
Select Committee upen the Employment in Mines Bill,
that it was the (Tinton of the Committee that the Bill
should be proceeded with.—(Hear, hear.)
The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered
to be committed to-morrow.
The Bishop of NORWICH presented a petition in
favour of the Bill.
DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL.:
On the motion of Lord FITZGERALD, this Bill was
read a second time, with the understanding that the dis-
eur,sion should be taken on 'Friday, in going into Com-
mii tee.
The Dublin University Right of Voting Bill was read
a second time.
SUDBURY WITNESSES INDEMNITY BILL.
The Marquis of .CLANRICARDE introduced a Bill
to indemnify the witnesses to be examined before the
COLLIERIES BILL:
Committee on the Sudbury Disfranchisement Bill, which
was read a first time. lie gave notice that, to-morrow,
he would move that the Standing Orders be suspended
respecting this Bill, and that it be then read a second time.
Lord BROUGHAM thought it was. impossible- their
a
Lordships could pass Bill of diSfranchisement without
taking
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented numerous pe-
titions on the subject of Lord Ashley's (the mining em-
ployment) Bill, from Yorkshire and Mid-Lothian. Some
evlidnetNicie fur A themselves.
of the petitioners disapproved of parts of the Bill, but
the majority were in favour of it altogether.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented petitions to the
same effect from places in Yorkshire, Scotland and Wales.
THE DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition, which
was agreed to at a public meeting of the inhabitants of
Leeds, held in the Town-hall on the 29th of June last, the
'Mayor in the chair, complaining of the distress of the
country, and praying for inquiry. (Loud cries of Hear,
hear, from Lord Stanhope.)
RAILWAYS BILL,
On the motion of the Earl of LIVERPOOL•the Rail
ways Bill passed through Committee.
'RATING OF sTocK IN TRADE BILL.

noer of representing them fur a short period in the other
'Louie- of Parliament. He had_ yielded to their request
with great reluctance. He should then proceed to per-
form the promise which he had so reluctantly made, with
a degree of unwillingness which one ought not per-
haps to feel in discharging an important duty.. But
nothing multi be inure embarrassing and more vexatious
than to feel that he must disappoint those hopes of re-
dress and relief which they expected, if not at his hands,
at least through his endeavours, and nothing could be
more painful than to have to state to their Lordships a
case so lamentable as theirs. They were men largely
connected with the trade, of the country, deeply inter-
ested in almost all the branches of its manufac-
tures ; some of them were ministers of religion,
who felt for the distresses of the flocks committed
to their care, as did the other petitioners for the indivi-
duals who worked under them, and of whom they felt it
their duty to be the guardians. It must be as painful to
their Lordships to hear the statement which those par-
ties expected him to make, as it was for him to make it.
He should therefore take them as swiftly as he could over
the ground; and he might the more easily do that and
dispense with the necessity of entering at length into
those afflicting details, as unhappily it was no
matter of controversy whether such distress existed or
not ; for all who knew the state of the country, and none
he believed more than his Noble Friend opposite, were
prepared at once to allow that this distress was wholly
without a parallel. He, like those petitioners, or at least
the oldest among them, remembered • the distress
of 1808, and of 1812, and afterwards of 1816 and
1517 ; but he protested that when he cast hack his
eyes, and compared those periods with the pre-
sent ; and when he refreshed his recollection with
the result of the inquiry then made, and com-
pared it with what it had been his most painful
ditty to learn, within the last three or ;our weeks,
of the present state of things, he might almost
without exaggeration say, that those times presented a
comparatively prosperous state of things. He would
keep the promise he had given of passing over the ground
as quickly as he could, and he would begin at once to
state the case. In the west of England for years past,
he might say for ten or twelve years past, there
had been a gradual change—gradual at first,
as always happened in such cases, but proceeding
afterwards with an accelerated pace to the almost ex-
tinction
of this branch of their manufactures—looms
still—houses untenanted—rents falling from one-third to
one-half, sometimes even more—cottages to the number
of three out of four untenanted, and every appearance
of a transfer of eur former flourishing manufactures from
Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, and other parts. It had been
hoped that that was a mere transfer, and that what
these counties had lost the north had pined ;
but it did so happen that, coeval with the decline of
the manufactures in the west, had been the commence-
ment of the distress which now afflic ed the north.
Then, when they went to the Midland Counties, to
Leicestershire, to Shropshire, to Staffordshire, to
Warwickshire, and carried the eye to Lancashire and
Yorkshire, the state of distress was almost the same as
in those counties where the woollen manufacture was in
existence—houses untenanted, rents fallen, industrious,
able-bodied, healthy—at least at one time in health—
skilful as men could be, both willing and able
to work, and only desirous for hardly a pittance
to support them, thrown out of employment by
thousands, and those thousands receiving only such a.
pittance that that it could hardly be believed how life was
sustained.—(Hear, hear.) Wages were down to a ld.,
the poor'e-rate was increased—in some places double, in
other places three-fold and four-fold, and even eight-fold.
And in some districts there was a defalcation in property,'
20 or 30 or 40 per cent. more than it was two years ago.
When he came to the details, with which he was' almost
afraid to deal, from the general statement over which he
was running, not going, they were perfectly frightful.
Thousands of persons were without food for days, he
could not say a day, without a morsel to eat.—(Hear,
hear.) In some cases the people were unable to leave
their beds of straw, thinking they would be the better able
on that account to stifle the pangs of hunger. They
lived on what ought not be eaten by men, and actually
envied the husks to swine. Clergymen and medical
men gave the same testimony as to the insuffi-
ciency of the food ; but he must say that in the midst
of those scenes, the kindliest dispositions were evinced
by persons but a little removed from those whom they
attempted to relieve.—(Hear, hear.) In one case, a
woman famishing with her infant found shelter in a mi-
serable cellar, and in three hours alter her infant died actu-
ally from want of being able to find sufficient nutriment.
In another case, a man who had been without work
fifteen or sixteen weeks, obtained employment, and
worked 10 hopes without food, but •he was obliged
to give up, he came back to his house, flung himself on a
bench, and his wife burst into tears, knowing he had not
tasted any food that day, But some kind person gave
them a little money, and he thanked him, and said it was
a sorry sight to see the poor in that state, and
wished that he might never know what hunger was. These
things quite unmanned one, and were excruciatingly
painful.—(Hear, hear.) But it was cheering to know that
in the midst of this distress the people exhibited the greatest
patience, and did not violate the law of
their country—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—and that all
attempts of ill-meaning or no-meaning persons have
proved ineffectual to turn them from their duty to
their country, to their families, and to themselves.
Who were those persons, of whose sufferings he had
spoken ? They were no more nor less than the work-
ing classes at large of the country. It was i,
the working classes and their cause that the
petitioners submitted to the consideration of their Lord-
ships ; the working classes, to whom the country owed
everything, and who had raised the commercial
greatness of the country to its present stupendous heigh'.
In his opinion the patience and tranquillity of the work-
ing classes ought to work powerfully on their Lord-
ships ; and added to this, it most be remembered, that
the working classes had no band in making the
laws by which they were governed.—(Hear, hear.)
The millions did not contribute eiveingle vote in the
choice of the men by whom their laws;; were
made. Upwards of five millions were entirely excluded
from any share in the representation such being
the case, if their Lerdships, 'were not their
actual representatives, whkeh ebey -undoubtedly
were as much as any • "Member the other
House of Parliament—(Hear, hear)—he must intreat
of them to be their actual protectors,—(Hear, hear.) I e
would not say a word that would weer the appearance of
party, because the present was no party .question.
A. question of this sort did not naturally lend itself to party.
No man could ever dream of forming a party in this country
upon what might be called economic grounds—on questions
respecting trade and revenue. But he could not say how far
distant might be the day when the people would understand
economical questions as well as they understood those great
constitutional questions upon which alone party could be formed
at present in England. Whenever the time did come it might
be possible to find some principle of economy on which it would
he possible that a party could be bound together.
Perhaps it might not be so difficult to form such
a party now, although he thought it was, as at the
time of the general election in 1612, when the party with
which he (Lord B.) acted gained a great victory upon a ques-
tion of economy. Although time dissolution took place on that
question, he believed that it did not turn a single vote, nor was
the great commercial question mooted throughout the election,
except in the places for which he and Mr. Canning were candi-
dates. He assured their Lordships that he was not one who would
set the passions and'the interests of themanufacturers against the
farmers. The farmers and the peasants had ever been regarded
as the pride and the strength of this country.—( Hear, hear. )
He was not ene who despised their gains or their occupations,
on the contrary, he thought with the historian, " Pius qutestus,
et minims invidiosus—et minime male cogitantes, qui in eo
versantur." But there was another position of the people which
was no less and no more entitled to consideration and respect—
a body of men whose exertions contributed, to an extent worthy
of admiration, to raise that pswer to greatness and the wealth
of this country. He spoke of the master manufacturers. He
had known them in all the • changes of their fortunes, and he
knew amongst them very many men who would do honour to
any station. He had unhappily known them in all the changes
and vicissitudes of their font-Ines, and be could assure the
House that he had known them in tunes of distress
t.o make the greatest sacrifices in order to avoid the
hardship of turning their workmen out of employment.
It was said that a change in the harvest would relieve the dis-
tress. He heartily wished that he could say that the distress
was only caused by bad harvests. If they looked back to some
years up to 1827, 1830, and 1831, they would find that the
price was 655. tad. being more rather than less than the present
year. He did not mean to say, God forbid, that a good har-
vest was immaterial, or that a bad harvest greatly exacerbated
the evils of the country. There were causes stated, both in
and out of Parliament, to which he ought to allude, as they
were highly important. It was said that machinery was one of
the great causes of the distress. lie did not think there ever
was, of the many delusions into which men were occasionally
1-al, a greater than this. Machinery never could produce that
effect, unless fora moment—for a moment in point of time, and
in the smal est possible limitof space ; even if he admitted that,
which be till not think be was called upon to do, even for any
time, however small—within any space, however contracted—such
mischief could trot be produced by machinery. The slowness
with which it must necessarily be introduced, was perfectly
well known to every one who had the least experience on the
subject: Every new invention, however common, required time
to introduce it. No one disputed this proposition, which he
did not hesitate to affirm was a general one. The labourers,
in pent of feet, suffered nothing. Let them consider the im-
mediate consequetres of machinery. Did it increase capital,
and did not the increase in capital increase the want of
labcur ? Did not the increase in machinery increase
labour in the ancillary process, connected with the
manufacture of machinery fur a new invention? He ought
almost to apologise for stating this proposition. Nor should
he have done so but for the arguments used by persons high in
office, and used by persons out of doors. He might give as a
further illustration of the slow degrees with which machinery
can be introduced, and could displace labour, what had occurred
in the case of that most remarkable of all machineries—he
meant the cotton machinery. The first cotton machinery in-
vented was a cording-machine invented by a workman
of the name of Hargreave, so long ago as the year 1760.
There was a rising of the working men against the employment
of that machinery. Afterwards came, in the years 1769 and
1770, the further improvements of Arkwright ; and scarcely
ten years had elapsed before an increase to the amount of 50 per
cent. had taken place in the cotton trade. During the next
ten years, from 1780 to 1790, the increase was no less than five-
fold. The introduction of the newly-invented machinery was

e without
_.i.„ A 1.,.
This Bill also passed thr6uLli Committe..,._. _ .
very gradual at first. Between the years 1800 and 1840
amendment or discussiol• had increased between eighty and one hundred fold; and i.
CHANCERY COURT. employed seventeen times more hands in the year 1800 than
The LORD CHANCELLOR bid upon the table a when the manufacture had commenced. That increase
Bill for abolishing certain offices in the Court of Chan- might be multiplied fold since the beginning .of
hands
present celitury ; so
than
t htandere were oen. ed
eery ; the Bill related to the Six Clerks, and the sworn
Clerks. It was then read a first time. more employed now been emploved previous to the
DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRy. invention of Arkwright ; and, without that invention, the
wiLlicoirid BheßOUw
nro7boauritd said,to amount of goods manufactured would have employed 35,000,000
that the motion of people—a number which, of coarse, could never have been
submit to their found. Let theM see how the distress now told, and whether
Lordships, originated, as they were a*are, in, it could at all he connected with machinery. He 1, ould take
a petition wli:iih had been pe:x:nted some ten, but a few simple illeArations. It would at once bo admitted
dim ago, signed by the deputies, or- at least by the' that in the woollen trade much less machinery was employed
was then
chairman of the deputies, sent fro 'm the'inanufactaritic, than in the co ton trade. Nevertheless. the town of Leeds,
districts of the north of England. In . the swayer of the centre of the woollen trade, was at this moment much woac
midland
that petition the men of the districts heartily
that the uninhabited houses in Leedsincrease per
joined. They had come to him, from a recollection cent , that the rents had been doubled, that was to say
of his old connexion both with the one and the: 40,000' out of 50,000 people, were either receiving parish relief
other of those districts—with the midland districts or relief from committees. The average gain of 20,000 out
ever since the year 1808, and still more in- of those 40,000 was but 6d. a week. In the town of Bolton
timately since the distresses of ' 1809 ; find in, i where the cotton trade was carried on, although there had
the northern dietriots, from his having had the ho:' been 4 decline of business, the same distress did not prevail as.