The Sun.
London, England, 1845-06-05 00:00:00

iug the College of Maynooth wai abolished. He fully admitted
.the existence of the passages which had been taken from the
glass-boolis used at that institution, and which had beim so often
employed against this measure—passages selected with the
most anxious and jealous scrutiny to rnak? agailst the Roman
Catholics. And how stood the cage ? The most thgrant injustice
bad beer. indicted on the Roman Cathote religion by the
course taken. It was represented that the doctrines taught
would have the effect of poisoning the source of domestic
ns6rais, and inculcated persecuting, unconstitutional, and de-
grading doetri►:as. He had read thive boAs from whence
thy's?, conclusions were purported to he drawn, and he could
see n,) difference in th., general _ mope or tendency of what
th^v

,aught, and the boos of the most eminent Christian
eriters. As an evidence of the spirit of the Roman Catholic
balks, aheut which so much noise had been made, he would
refer to a work of the highest authority in the Roman Catho-
lic Church, which so far from inculcating doctrines dangerous
to -morality, gave the most correct and liberal interpretation
of the Confessional. It stated that it would be impossible and
improper to use the Confessional in any instance in which
the passions could be excited, or the purity of the parties con-
fessing should be violated. The Right Rev. Prelate here
read an extract from the work, the name of which did mot
transpire, to the foregoing effect, and also to the effect that
the docrines of passive submission was taught. As a practical
illustration of the effect of the Roman Catholic religion, he
might further refer to Ireland, the poorer class of which, in
morality, would bear comparison with the people of any other
country in the world. But he would not found any argument
on the difference of opinion between those Roman Catholic
writers and any Protestant moralist. What had
been the influence of such works, after all ? Did
any of them believe that a Roman Catholic was
less aware of the sanctity of an oath than a Pro-
testant? There was one other point which he wished
to refer to with reference to this subject—he meant the accusa-
tions that had been raised against the instruction adopted in the
College of Maynooth. It was said that the doctrines inculcated
were dangerous to political principles—that they adopted ultra..
montnne doctrines with regard to the supremacy of the Pope.
He admitted that such principles were asserted in their works,
but he was prepared to
,say that they had not had evidence to
prove that such doctrines were taught, whether they wereultra-
montane, or whether they were the doctrines of the Gallican,
church. He ventured to assert, that so far from having rea-
son to apprehend with fear the extension of the Papal power,
they had, in a political point of view, every reason to wish
that the Pope had far greater influence in Ireland than he
now had.—( Hear, hear.) The Pope was the ally of despotic
Governments. He was not the ally of Espartero but of
Don Carlos ; he had no sympathy with Louis Philippe, but
with the exiled family of the Bourbons—not with the reign-
;eg fsedily of this country, but with the exiled Pretender.
So far, thee, from there being any contexion between
the Pope and Irish agitation, there must always
be the greatest variance between them.—(Hear.) The
Pope was well aware that the agitation in Ireland proceeded
from persons who held precisely the same principles as those
entertained by the democratic party for whom the Pope en-
tertained the greatest dread, with respect to their influence and
tees power et home. There could therefore be no alliance.
The doctrines taught in the Col:ege of Mavnooth would not de-
pend on the words or professions contained in their books, :but
on the spirit and disposition of the teachers. This opinion was
entertained by a great body of the Catholics in that country.
Whenever they accomplished such a state of things as would
render the Irish people happy and contented, he would venture
to say, that they would hear nothing more
about agitation among the Irish priests, for it
was the natural tendency of their religion to suc-
cumb to those in authority. He was borne out in that
testit -oily by history. If they did not adopt the Bill they would
commit a great national sin ; by adopting it they would go a
greet way to efface the guilt of that oppressive Government
which they had for so many centuries inflicted on Ireland.—
L Hear, hear.) That ought to weigh upon the consciences of
nadsn, and he called upon them to avert that retri-
bution and that guilt by adopting the measure befere the House.
In the second place this was a measure of policy. It teas part
of a large and liberal policy.—(Great cheering.) It we.; neces-
sary that this measure should be passed for the safety of the
kingdom. It was a system and course of policy absolutely
necessary for the welfare of the empire. This was the basis on
which the whole interest of the country rested, and it they at-
tempted to put it on any narrower basis, they would so far un-
dermine property as to rendes it perfectly unsafe. Their
Lori-n'l„ 'yene now simply invited to give to the Roman Ca-
tholie Clergy in Ireland in this respect in the same condition
at those who are engaged as Roiran Catholic ministers in the
colonial dependencies. If they thought that they were not to
regard exp eliency, but principle, he perfewly agreed with them;
but that in no way affected the question at issue ; and he thought
that this was a matter of principle, and he was quite
satisfied with his own conduct in giving his adhe-
sion to the grant which they were that night
mitre on to m;ke. In the third place, they were now called
upon to make goo one of the promises they had made at the
union. At that time au engagement was made that in the
event of the union being effected that Ireland should enjoy the
same advantages as she possessed in the enjoyment of a do-
mestic legidatien, and he believed that if that promise were not
kept it:would be at the risk of a disruption of the union and a
dhmemberment of the empire. He had stated that this mea-
sure ccn,idered in itselr, or as a part of the policy now pursued
with regard to Ireland, was a measure of conciliation. But
they were asked where were she signs of conciliation ? Had
it realia conciliated the Irish people? He admitted that it
might have very imperfectly effected that object, but what
were the reasons? It could not be expected that a
century of misrule could be immediately and in-
stantaneonsly remedied—(Hear)—and they were now
paying the penaiiy of their former errors. Even the opposition
now offered neutralised and prevented the beneficial results
of that measure. This was the effect of their own conduct,
ai=d yet they were the very persons who used the argument
in this case, that Ireland evinced no appearance of being con-
ciliated.—( Cheers.) He would only say that the effect of this
oppseition of their Lereships would be, if successful, most dan-
gerous to the peace of that country. One of the arguments
used by the opponents of this measure was, that the present
State allowance for the purpose of educating the Roman
Catholic priesthood would eventually lead to the giving
of an endowment to the Roman Catholic Church
itself. He could foresee no such result. He was
glad to observe, too, that one of the Right Reverend
Prelates (the Bishop of Exeter) who had addressed the House
in opposition to the Bill, had made refereece to Dr. Arnold,
for he trusted that that prelate would now study the works of
that die.ine. and in that study he would at once meet his (the
if Jr. Deviirs) encouragement. Dr. Arnold had
made the folioviing &-claration :—" Good prelates and worse
Christians have talked so long about the beast and Antichrist,
that she question of charity, as regarded their duty to their
fellow-Christians, had been neglected as if by common
consent." But what need had they of aueh testimony, how-
ever high ? Had they not that of the present Chief Alinieter of
t±,e French kingdom? Had they not that of the distieguished
Nobleman, who had just left the British shore, after effecting
a treaty which, lie trusted, would preserve peace between
the two countries, and had they not the testimony of one of the
first authorities in Russia to the advantages arising to any
kingdom from the mitigaeion of religious rancour, and the al-
layment of all animosities between contending creeds? He was
very emery for so lone occupying their Lordships, but he had
felt it to be his duty to state to the House the grounds upon
which he supported the Bill. —( Hear, hear.)
There were then loud cries of " Divide, divide," which,
however, gave way to—
The Earl of CHARLEVILI.E, who assured their Lord-
ship that he had great unwillingness to oppose any measure
white, was edaislated to give satisfaction to his Roman Catho-
lic countrymen. He lived amongst them, and be loved them
—( Hear, hear)—and it was painful to him to be compelled to
say anything which could wound their religious feelings. After
the obusrestion of the Right Rev. Prelate, for whom he enter-.
tained every personal respect possible, he hoped that he would
not be offendsd with him (Lord Charleville) when he stated
that he listened to his speech with extreme regret, He would
wish to call the attention of their Lordships to the point
whe her there was a new principle involved in the measure
proposed by her Majesty's Government, and as to this being
an endowment for the first time. The Act of 1795 was an
endowment of the College of Mavnooth, and the trustees were
appointed i'or the purpose of establishing, endowing, and main-
teinire the College of Maynooth. it was then intended to
remove some of the disabilities, pains, and penalties under
whieh the Roman Catholics laboured. (Here the Noble Lord
Trade a 1 ne, pause, and to6k a written paper from his pockst.
which he loeked at—there were loud cries of " Hear," and
greet laughter. The Noble Lord dropped the paper and re-
Burned, but but again stopped, the same impatience
was manifested, upon which the isoble Lord
said he was suffering from great pain, and having
said so, referred to the paper asam, and went on,
but with great hesitation.) A question was raised
whether the class-books at Alaynooth taught a different system
from that of Maldona'us and St. Thomas Aquinas. In the
canons sanctioned by the Pope, and published' in 1839, it was
stated that ecclesiastics were not bound by the oath of allegi-
ance to their Prince, but that they might resist even Princes
when the rights and honours of their Church were at stake,
even for their own advantage. Kingly power was subject to,
and bound to obey the Church. This was written by Jesuits,
and he thought it would net be difficult to show that the Col-
lege of Meynooth was jesuitical. Whether his Noble Friend
opposite denied or admitted this fact, he should, at all events,
vote for inquiry: The Noble Baron (Lord Clifford) last night
asked of the Right Reverend Prelate if he had read
the report of the Cornmnsioners of Education, and
the evidence of the Reverend Peter Kenny, a Jesuit.
He need not mere particularly call the attention of their
Lordships to the letter of Dr. Kenny. But this he would say,
that that Rev. Gentleman was educated at the Jesuit College of
Palermo, where the form was gone through of asking certain
questions in reference to the religious feelings of the candidate
for •idmissennit as well as the country of his nativity. When
re. Kenny left college be became Vice-President of the College
of Maynooffe on the recommendation of the Rev. Dr. Murray,
who gay:. him ihe highest character as an accomplished
divine, which he (Lord Charleville) could not of course
say he did not deserve. Dr. Kenny left that college soon
after fur Cluges, and while there, it appeared by his own
letters, that he had admitted at Maynooth no fewer than
200 of the pupils to the fraternity of the Sodality of the
Sacred heart of Jesus. Now, let him call attention to the
words of the Noble Duke near him, he April, 1829, when the
Emancipation Bill was introduced to their_ Lordship's House.
Upon that occasion, the Noble Duke gave it as his decided
opinion that monastic institutions should not be permitted to
increase in Ireland. He would now call their Lordships atten-
tion to the 34th clause of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill, and
by that their Lordships would see whether or not the provisions
of that clause had not been carried out, in reference to monastic
institutions in Ireland. The Noble Earl then read the 34th
elaute of the Emancipation Act, which enacted that any person
becoming a Jesuit was guilty of a misdemeanor, and subject
to es
_Easement for life. Now, if they proved that persons
in alaynooth were admitted to take up that order, he did
not see how a Committee could be refused to them. He had
no
reason to believe that the Roman Catholics of Ireland had
any interest in this question. They considered it as valueless.
He could not understand what good was to be derived from th
measure. If this Bill was to lead to ulterior measures, hee
could easily conceive a strong desirde on the part of the
Roman Catholics to have the Bitt and he thought the
House ought to know distinctly frLasisnb''t'eo'nvedrendmetnnt, beforetlo they
sanctioned this Bill, if they
up with other measures of a more extensive li)hairswa.cteri.t
fie was surprised that the Noble Duke should admite
ranee of what was going forward in Ireland at the tienigal°l-
- on the question the other night. He had himselfere-
ceived newseepers on Friday morning last from Ireland, and it
was extraordinary that her Majesty's Government should be so
blind to what was being enacted in the Irish capital at that
period, 13 nut to inquire into the result either on Saturday or
earticular information of the eleven:mew,
Sunday. Fur the he
would read an extract from two letters he had received on Nton-
da • He referred to the levee recently held in the City of Dublin.
Thje.. Noble Lord here read the extract, which described the im-
p nee of the procession, and the proceedings that
spuolisis[seig plarteiytaook place in Conciliation-hall, with the address
of Mr. O'Connell, and the oath taken on the occasion. The
oath wasa pledge binding all those who took
it to make every
exertion to achieve legislative ndence for Ireland, by ail
moral, loyal, aid constitutional means—( Hear, heat.). 1 d
It teas
a dangerous ami deplorable state of things for a country to e-
penti for the preservation of its peace urn the exertions of
one man. win) could thus, at any moment, call teeetipr eu,ia
--1- thought t... Go.

vernmeut rn,ght have takr,n otner scep3 _
thal. thubringiug in a aleasureof till,. kind. it ([.el Ahhed to
eeeur.: the peace and werare of the people of Ireland.
Lora STANLEY saui, whatever regret ha or her Majesty'