The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-10 00:00:00

:atomism _Ant3

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1845

The number of railway companies that have depo-
sited their plans with the Board of Trade in proper
time is stated to be nearly 800. There has been,
therefore, a falling off of more than a third of the
1,263 projected companies in Mr. SPACKMAN'S table.
The sum which la ould be required to be deposited with
the Accountant-General for 800 companies (calculating
the deposits for all at 10 per cent., though several may
go to the House of Commons with only 5 per cent.
deposited) is estimated at 26,200,0001. Mr. SPACKMAN'S
estimate of the deposits for his 1,263 companies was
59,136,3001. Thirty millions makes a small difference !
It may be asked why that table of terror was not kept
back—only a fortnight—till after the 30th of No-
vember ?

Of the 800 companies which duly deposited their
plans at the Board of Trade, some, it is well known,
were too late in the country. Some again, though the
surveys have been completed and the plans deposited,
have not got in their money. The defectiveness of
plans, in other cases (considering the immense pressure
on surveyors, it is only surprising that so few of the
plans deposited are spoken of as imperfect), will further
help to reduce the number 800 to a more reasonable
number.

The period which will intervene before the meeting of
Parliament will probably be prolific of amalgamations.
There has, indeed, been a considerable number of amal-
gamations within the last month, while the preparation
of plans was occupying the attention of Parliament; but,
now that the ordeal of the 30th of November is passed,
directors will have more time for arranging amalgama-
tions, and as the meeting of Parliament draws near
questions of amalgamation will become more urgent.
But, to whatever extent amalgamations of competing
schemes may or may not take place before the meeting
of Parliament, only one of any number of competing
schemes can be sanctioned by Parliament ; aad when
this is considered, the number 800 will be forced ulti-
mately to submit to an immense reduction. We may
fairly take the residuum at not higher than a third of
the number. When it is considered that in several in-
stances there are not less than five or six competing
schemes, it will be admitted that this is at any rate not
too large a deduction.
Will it then be so impracticable, as alarmists have en-
deavoured to represent, for Parliament in the next ses-
sion to adjudicate on schemes to terminate at most in
250 Railway Acts ?
People are too apt to suppose that Parliament did the
roost that could be done with its time in the last session,
A great deal of time was wasted last session in waiting
for the reports of the Board of Trade. This cause of
delay will not exist next session.
A great deal of time may be saved by allowing the
Irou.ie of Lords to originate Railway Bills, and thus
giving simultaneous occupation to the two Houses. As
it is, the House of Lords has no Bills before it for the
greater part of the session, and the House of Commons
none at the end. We mentioned a few days back that
this alteration of the practice of Parliament had been
recommended by Lord MONTEIGLE. We have also the
authority in its favour of Lord REDESDALE, whose expe-
rierce in private Bill legislation in the House of Lords
is second only to Lord SHAFTESBURY'S. Lord REDES-
pAIx g i
ated, n his evidence before the Select ems

mittee on Railway Bills of the House of Commons last '
session—" I may say that, having turned my mind a
good deal to this subject, I think the whole difficulty of
legislation with regard to Railway Bills might be got
over if ,the House of Commons would allow a portion of
the Railway Bills to be originated in the House of Lords.
During the early period of the session the House has
very little to do, and the Members of it would attend
most willingly, and a very large portion of the business
might be advanced." Words could hardly be stronger
than these of Lord REDESDALE.
But it may be said, if more could be made of the time
at the disposal of Parliament, can more be made of the
Members ? Can they possibly be worked harder at
railways than they were last year ? A Parliamentary
return, moved for by Sir ROBERT INGLIS (No. 620 of
last session), shows the whole number of Members of the
House of Commons who served on railway Committees ;
and the whole number is only 220 out of the 658 Mem-
bers. And while some of these were certainly worked
hard, as the unfortunate members of the Committee on
Group X., who sat 83 days, others were worked very
little. As many as eighteen Committees, comprising 90
members, sat not more than five days each. Four Com-
mittees, comprising 25 members, sat only one day each.
No member served on two Committees. After all, then,
there is a deal of House of COmmons' strength in reserve.

We have thought that the publication of these facts
may be useful at this time, and tend to allay some of the
unreasonable fears which a great deal of vague writing
has increased, if not engendered, as to the impossibility
of Parliament dealing with the railway schemes which
will come before it in the next session. We believe that,
in this as in all other cases, it will be found that " where
there is a will there is a way," and we are sure that
amalgamations, and other causes, will materially reduce
the present number of expected Bills, already materially
reduced since the 30th of November.

The students in the Universities appear to be the
only parties in France who claim the right of meeting
publicly, and expressing their grievances. When some
new law is made for the direction of their studies, or those
of a restless and independent spirit are expelled—when
a dispute between the Church and the University arises,
or the Minister of Public Instruction, and any of the
professors are at variance on points of doctrine or
discipline—the rising generation take up the question
with all the gravity and firmness of men in the full
maturity of life. They are always put down, it is
true, but, nevertheless, they persevere in maintaining
their privileges, and asserting, the right of a free
people to petition their rulers for redress of griev-
ances. This forms a singular contrast to the
universal practice which prevails throughout France,
while it is in perfect unison with the system of self-go-
vernment which has long distinguished the inhabitants
of these islands, and which has been the real source of
their liberty and independence. Though France has a
House of Lords and a House of Commons, a Sovereign,
like ours, that can de no wrong, and all the other emblems
and exterior safeguards of a free constitution, the people
have little or no power, for they are debarred from express-
ing their sentiments at public meetings respecting either
the proceedings of Parliament, or the measures of the
Government, or any great national event whatever. The
voice of the people, in fact, is never ascertained by any
expression of public opinion. The newspapers are not
backward in saying what public opinion is, nor at
all choice in their expressions when the Minister is the
object of their attacks ; but it is impossible to learn from
these the feelings of the people, for their representations
vary according to their politics, and the Government
itself has no means of knowing what measures are
ap-
proved or reprobated but through the functionaries called
Prefects, or ministerial agents, performing the duties of
spies. Such a system is at utter variance with a free
constitution, and most injurious also to the stability of
any government or dynasty. In France, the KING and
Cabinet, with some slight check from the Chambers,
govern the country. In England the reverse is the
case. Our system of representation is still defec-
tive, notwithstanding all the important changes
made by the Reform Act ; but, even with all its
defects, the voice of the people has a considerable share
of influence in its decisions, even as expressed through
their representatives. That influence, however, is little
or nothing compared with that created by the "pressure
from without," by public meetings, and petitions, and
remonstrances, and continued agitation for the accom-
plishment of certain measures. It was the pressure
from without that carried the Emancipation Act and the
Reform Act, and but for the demonstration made pre-
vious to these two great events, GEORGE IV. and his
Cabinet would never have yielded to the just claims of
the Catholics, nor would Earl GREY have been made
Prime Minister to his successor, and received the
commands of his master to frame a measure
for extensive Parliamementary Reform. Need we
mention another instance, which is now palpable to
every observer ? We take for granted that the corn-
laws are doomed to destruction. About that desirable
consummation there is no doubt whatever among all the
well-informed and the most influential portion of the
people—the middle classes. The Whigs, the only party
in the State that claim a rivalry with the Conserva-
tives in the government of the country, have gone over
in a body to the repealers; the Prime Minister himself
and all his free-trading colleagues are inclined to the
same views, and nothing is wanting but the sanction of
Parliament and the Crown to the final settlement
of the question. What has effected this won-
derful change? The privilege, which Britons
claim as their inalienable birth-right, of petition-
ing the ruling powers, and demanding the adop-
tion of measures essential to their security and welfare,
Sir ROBERT PEEL, or Lord JOHN RUSSELL, or any other
statesman might have talked in the Cabinet or the
Senate, during the whole of their political lives, about the
blessings of free trade and the injustice of the corn-
laws, but they would have talked in vain without
the aid from without. To that WELLINGTON and
STANLEY and RIPON must yield without a murmur, for
we have no instance on record of the public being de-
feated in their purposes, when clearly ascertained, even
by the most powerful Ministry and the most obsequious
Parliament. This great privilege every Englishman
ought, therefore, to priz3 as the first of his political
rights, and as the only real safeguard for a represen-
tative Government. When be looks to the state of
France, too, he will be still more inclined to prize
the system under which he lives. In that coun-
try monopoly is ten times more injurous than
here, yet no meetings can be called to obtain re-
dress. Everything must be left to the KING and his
Cabinet, and no remedy can be obtained, nor the
public voice be known till a revolution takes place.
Then there are meetings and speeches in abundance,
and the whole frame of society is loosened, simply be-
cause the complaints of the people had been pent up by
the wretched system of government, and, in a fit of
frensy, they were compelled to obtain relief by main
force.

The intelligence from Madrid is to the Ist inst., but,
as usual, is of little interest. The country is quiet; the
income-tax is collected with little opposition; NARVAEZ
has subdued the Progresistas and all his opponents in
the Cortes ; and in reality au absolute monarchy is es-
tablished in Spain. The only disturbance mentioned in
these papers lately occurred at Seville, caused by a party
of students, who 'mutinied because their professors or-
dered tbem to wear clean cravat, and pay more atten-
tention to their college dress. A few of them were ar-
rested, and one youth was wounded in the patriotic re-
ristance to their superiors.

On the Ist the Three per Cents. closed at 35 for cash,
and 35i at 60 days, and the Fire per Cents. at 24, at 60
days.

Most of the Paris :papers advert to the procession of
the students to the residence of M. QUINET, and the
attack made on them by the police. The Opposition
journals are loud iu their denunciations against the Go-
vernment for interfering at all, as the young men con-
ducted themselves peaceably, and after their visit to the
professor's house were quietly returning to their respective
colleges. The Journal des Debats gives rather a dif-
ferent version of the affair, and says," the police interfered
because the students, not content with visiting M. QiTINET,
were marching towards the hotel of the Minister of
Public Instruction, with the manifest intention of insult •
ing or injuring M. SALVANDY." 'The National denies this,
and asserts that on the address being finished, one of
the young men called out, " The object of the meeting
is now accomplished. Let us disperse." They accord-
ingly began to disperse, when some of the police in plain
clothes arrested the young man with unnecessary vic-
leace. An affray ensued, the student was rescued, and
then the municipal cavalry charged the crowd. It adds,
" this is one of those odious scenes which will form a now
page to the sanguinary history of the police since 1830."
The Courrier Francais is equally violent against the
police, though it does not deny that it was proposed to
march to the residence of M. SALVANDY. "It was not
till three o'clock," it says, " that the arrests took plsice.
The municipal police, and the police agents pushed
the students before them, and whoever complained. of
their brutality was arrested. About twenty were tak en
prisoners. Mounted and foot police then forced their
way into the court-yard of the School of Medicine, and a
body of police agents pushed open the dissecting-roccm,
demanding from the heads of the school the names of
the students who were absent ; but this odious inquisi-
tion was treated as it deserved, All this time the avrots

went on out of doors, amidst the grossest language and
conduct. Some who witnessed these scenes of disordersay
that all would have passed off quietly but for the conduct
of the police"
A good deal of dissatisfaction has been caused by
the course adopted by some bankers of competing
companies, in deducting a certain amount from
the deposits, to be repaid to the subscribers for
payment of expenses. The Nafonal makes the follow-
in remarks on the subject :

" The Company d'Anthouard (for the Strasbourg line) re-
tains a franc per share for the expense of management. This
should certainly be enough for the purpose. It is right, how-
ever, to notice, on the other hand, the conduct of the Hin-
guerlot Company, which is reimbursing promptly and in their
public office, without any trickery, chicanery, or delay, and
who do not charge or retain a single centime, although they
have had to bear expenses, which are calculated at 500,000
francs. We are glad to meet with a little straightforwardness
and dignity in those tortuous paths, and we regret not to have
more often to praise similar acts of probity and good
sense. As to the Aymard Company, of which Messrs.
Gentil and Fol are the bankers, it has been re-
marked to us that they have only received the deposits
on 160,000 shares, as the rest were reserved for the
English subscribers. It is, therefore, on these 160,000
shares that Messrs. Gentil and Fol retain—first, 40c. per
share, and secondly, lf. 25c. to cover the unfavourable
differences in the reports effected by M. agent de change.
One of our correspondents remarks to us that there can never
be a loss on reports when they are made for cash, and that
the avowed loss proves that there have been losing trans-
actions proceeding from illegal gambling, and the weight of
which it is now attempted to throw upon the subscribers.
Our correspondent asks us if M. hot himself be not gravely
compromised by the advertisement which the bankers of that
Company have published; for M. Isot, an agent de change,
thus pointed out as having lost considerable sums in his
reports, must have broken the laws and constitution of his
profession, and also the law of the 15th of July, 1845.
There is nothing in all this but these facts, which are too
clear to the subscribers :--lst. That they are not admitted
to compete in a serious adjudication. 2d. That they have
not touched a farthing of interest. 3d. That in place of re-
ceiving back their capitals they leave in the chest of Messrs.
Gentil and Fol the sum of 164,000 francs. This is the way in
which bankers and administrators manage the funds belonging
to their shareholders."

Dispatches had been received from Marshal By-
GEAUD of the 23d of November. It appears that the
province of Oran is still in a very disturbed state, and
that the French have quite enough to do in keeping
down insurrection in the subdued districts without
marching on Morocco. .

The Three per Cents. were done at TORTONI's on Sun-
day at 83f. 10e. The following are the quotations of
the price of shares in new lines at Marseilles and
Lyons :

MARSEILLES, DEC. 3.—Marseilles and Avignon, 8251. ;
Boulogne,49sf. ; Vierzon, 627 f. 50c. ; Orleans and Bordeaux,
682 f. 50c. _ _ .

LYONS, DEC. s.—Marseilles and Avignon, 870 f. ; Paris
and Orleans, 1,150 f.; Paris and Rouen, 950 f.; Orleans and
Vierzon, 632 f.
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, Dam. 8.
Anglo-Belgian — Mauritius
Boulogne and Amiens.. 8 Namur and Liege 23/4
Bordeaux &Meffiterran North Jamaica ...
Bordeaux and Toulouse Orleans and Vierzon
Do. & Cette (Espeleta) Orleans and Bordeaux my,
Do. (Mackenzie's) .. 1% Over Yssel
Callao, Lima, and Pa- Paris & Lyons ( Laffitte) 2'
eific Coast
Central of Spain .. Ditto (Calon's).... ...
Ceylon .
Demerara
Dendre Valley ...... Paris and Rouen .
Dutch Rhenish
Dieppe & Paris Janet — (Ganneron's)
Dijon and Mulhouse ... Do. (Compe de L'Est) 2
East Indian ........ 1 Do. (Aymard's) 2%
Fampoux & Hazebreuk Paris and St. Quentin l%
Grt Northern of France Rouen and Havre ?
Constituted 121% Royal North of Spain. 1
Do. Pepin lo Halleur — Sambre and Mouse ....
Great Paris and Lyons 2 Strasburg and Basle ...
Great Western Bengal Toarnay,Jurbise, Lan-
Great Western Canada den, and Hasselt ...
Jamaica S. Mid. Junction Tours and Nantes
Do. North Midland — (Mackenzie's) 4I,E
Do. Extension
Do. (O'Neill's)
Trinidad
Verona and Ancona.... 2%
West Flanders

Jersey —
Louvain and Jemappe —
Lyons and Avignon —
Luxembourg
Madrid and Valencia —

THE WAR CRY IN AMERICA.

When our corn-laws are repealed—as repealed they
assuredly will be—the party of peace will be greatly
strengthened. The war cry will subside, and greater
iutercourse of trade between the two greatest
nations in the world will lead to greater cordiality
of feeling. In support of this view, we have much
gratification in laying before our readers the
following letter, addressed by a gentleman in the
United States to a gentleman in a high position in this
country. We earnestly recommend it to the attention
of our readers, and rejoice in being able to communicate
a fact of so much importance as the present dispositions
of Mr. Calhoun, as well as to cite so high an authority
as the writer of this letter in support of the opinion,
that to all the other advantages of a repeal of the corn-
laws would have to be added that of cementing peace
between two countries upon whom depends the progress
of civilisation and the happiness of the world :
" New York, 6th November, 1845.

" My dear Sir,—Do the last arrivals indicate a change
of Ministry, or a repeal of the corn-laws, or both? Will
there be a coalition?

" What are we to understand by the activity in your
navy yards? Are you preparing for war with us, or are
you getting ready for the death of Louis Philippe?

"In his last letter to me, Mr. Calhoun says that he
has consented to come to the Senate if there is a vacancy,
and the Legislature of his State desire it. His object in
coming will be to preserve peace with England by pre-
venting the passage of a resolution directing the Presi-
dent to notify England of the termination of the joint
occupancy of Oregon.
" He will also exert himself to modify the tariff, and
his success in both measures will be promoted by the
prospect of a repeal of your corn-laws.
"You must not be surprised or alarmed if the Presi-
dent's Message is warlike—the people of this country
are for peace. Our politicians, like yours, have each a
game of his own to play, and whatever he President
may say in his Message, he, too, will be gratified if
the resolution requiring the notice of a termination
of the joint occupancy (which will no doubt pass
the House) should be defeated in the Senate ; and
defeated it will be. The consequence will be the
re-organisation of parties, in which the best elements
of both will coalesce, upon the basis of peace with all the
world, and especially with England. You will see that,
under such circumstances, there may be many things
said of the mother country which will not be understood
with you. You will see, however, that as the peace
party of this country will be the free-trade party, the
prospect of the repeal of your corn-laws will do much
to strengthen our position."—Glasgow Argus.