The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-31 00:00:00

S UPPL Y.-REPOh T.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved
the Order of the Day for receiving the Report of the Com-
mittee of Supply be read.
Upon the question being put from the Chair,
Mr. TIERNEY rose for the purpose of suggesting. to
the House the grounds upon which he thought it right to
:oppose receiving the Report before the last day of April.—
..He proposed that this course should be pursued upon two
Igrounds--first, the nature of the grant itself; and secondly
'the peculiar situation of public affairs. Perhaps many
'Gentlemen were not aware of the nature of the vote to
'which the Chancellor of the Exchequer called upon them
'to agree to ; but those Members who were of ancient stand-

ing, must remember that, some twenty-five years ago there
had been much agitation in the House and the Country,
respecting the arrears of the Civil List , and the questions
for the consideration of Parliament were, how to remedy
the inconvenience, and how to prevent its recurrence.—
For this purpose an Act had been passed in 1815, 'which
was at this moment in operation, and by its provisions the
Civil List was relieved from a great number of what were
called occasional payments, to which it had been previously
subject. In the present Session the House was required to
advance the sum 0f296.(1004744-Aialihkr.grA
`300,0001. This sum was

ieman(fed

to meet the payments of the current year, and it was to be
taken as a grant of confidence. If ever there was a period
when confidence was required, it was the present; and
when Hon. Gentlemen talked of confidence, it surely was
not unreasonable in him to ask " Confidence in whom ?"
-(Louis cheers.)--He meant no disrespect to the Right
Honourable Gentlemen opposite in calling them the
Remnant of the late Administration ; but he must say,
that before he granted this additional sum of 296,000 L,
be must know who were to be the persons responsible
for its proper application.—(Hear, hear.)—lt was stated
upon the paper in the hands of Members, that this vote
formed a part of what were called Civil Contingencies. On
this term " Civil Contingency" much might be said; but
it would he a useless waste of time to enter into that wide
subject, unless he could prevail upon the House to post-
pone the receiving of the Report. Look at the expenditure
of the Foreign Departments in the present year—they
amounted, he believed, to 370,000/. Now he had taken
the average of three of the most prosperous years in this
' country-1791, 1792, and 1793 ; and he found that the
total amount of expenditure under this bead was only
150,000/. annually; so that this head of expenditure had
since that (late been more than doubled. In making this
statement he meant to find no fault with the Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite, who, he presumed, had followed iu
the steps of his predecessors, and he felt quite sure that
there was no item of account in the Right Honourable
Gentleman's department which would not bear the strictest
inquiry. Still he maintained that the severe and pressing ne-
cessities of the country demanded that such an investigation
should be instituted. The Right Hon. Gentleman might
court inquiry; but he (Mr. Tierney) thought he could prove
to his conviction, that the appointment of a Committee
to investigate the expenses of that and of other public
departments connected with it, was absolutely neces-
sary. He would take, for instance, one single item—the
charge of 23,000/. a year in the exchange of snuff-boxes.
It was very probable that these matters were no more
satisfactory to the Right Honourable Gentleman than
to the House ; but there were many things which,
whatever objections he might feel to them, the ordinary
course of matters of this kind would not allow him to reject.
The Right Hon. Gent. would not wish to mulct foreigners
of their usual presents. Again, there was the ease of Special
Missions, and it is well known that on two recent occasions
the Noble Dukes who had been selected—the first the Duke
of Northumberland, who attended the Coronation of the
King of France, and the second a Noble Duke, his friend
(the Duke of Devonshire), who was present at the Corona-
tion of the Emperor Nicholas—had occasioned a heavy ex-
pence to the public, an enormous charge to themselves, in
their endeavours to support the honour and credit of the
country, if its honour and credit could be so supported;
but he doubted the propriety of an expenditure of the kind,
anti, indeed, of any such saissions at all. If a Committee
were once appointed, and pronounced its opinion against
these methods of disposing of the public money, the Right
Hon. Gentleman would feel warranted in not incurring
them for the purpose of congratulating a younger brother
on having succeeded to a throne over an elder, or on any
other occasion, when a crown happened to fall upon the
head of the member of a Royal Family.—(Hear, hear.)—
It appeared to him most extraordinary, that under this
class of expenditure alone, there should exist such an enor-
mous difference between the period when he was speaking,
and the year 1791. In making this observation, he found
no fault with the Right Honourable Gentlemen opposite;
if they felt it necessary from precedent so to support the
dignity of the country, they were not to blame. If, for
instance, a Nobleman were sent to Paris, to represent the
King of England, and to maintain the character of the
Empire, he no doubt, must be called upon to spend pro-
digious sums, not merely from the necessary charges of his
mission, but because he was eaten up by five or six thousand
Englishmen, who, in the present fashion for travelling on
the Continent, and from the facility of communication,
visited the capital of France. But for this circumstance,
the whole duty might be discharged with equal advantage
to the nation at one third of the present expense. Hence,
also, the Nobleman himself was obliged to make great sa-
crifices from his own private purse ; and it was attended
with this additional disadvantage—that none but men of
large fortune could be appointed to such embassies, and the
country was thereby deprived of the services of those able
and useful diplomatists who formerly contributed their ta-
lents to the improvement of the national interests.—(Hear,
hear.)—lt was not Iris intention to go further into this part
of the question, but he felt called upon to enter his protest
against granting such a sum for such purposes, because he
felt that it was a claim that might, as it had done, go on
increasing from year to year. In discussing this point, he
did not mean to treat it as party queistion. On the eon-

trary, he and those Who acted with him had observed the
greatest forbearance—they had avoided doing any
which could have even the appearance of embarrassing the
Administration. But they had now arrived at a certain point.
The greatest possible anxiety was felt out of doors on the
subject, and the people were looking up to that House for in-
quiry and information. Hitherto no opposition had been made
to anv grant demanded by Ministers—no check bad been put
to their progress regarding any vote submitted to the House,
more than ifthe motion haul been made by an entire Adminis-
tration. The time was at length come when this House must
chew some signs of life. The head'of the Administration
was gone, and it was a mockery to talk longer of delicacy.
There was not in the House any man who would treat
Lord Liverpool with more tenderness and delicacy than
himself ; and if lie felt that there was the slightest possi-
bility of that Noble Lord's return to office, he should still
have been silent. But these was no such hope. The
Noble Lord might be restored to his family and his friends
(as he sincerely trusted he would), but there was no pos•-
sible chance of his again being able to discharge the duties
of the situation he had occupied ; therefore there was no
indelicacy on his part in asserting that the Noble Lord was
politically extinct._(Cheers.)—And he was quite sure,
that if the question could be put to the Noble Lord, and he

were in a situation to answer, he would say, " the time is
come when I ought to retire, and I hope you will use no
delicacy with respect to me." . He could easily conceive a
time when it would be impertinent hastily to put a question
relative to the formation of a new Administration. A
certain degree of delay might, on ordinary occasions be
necessary; but he would put it to the House, looking as
they must do to the present state of the country, whether
a moment's delay ought to take place in giving to the esun-
try a real and efficient Administration.—(Hear hear.)__
Let Hon. Gentlemen look at the general state of affairs.
Even the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not pretend
to deny that our finances were in a most appalling situation:
he would do the Right Hon. Gentleman the justice to be-
lieve that he was fully sensible of the difficulties he had in
this respect to encounter. The fact was undeniable, that

our revenue was diminishing; and although the Right
Honourable Gentleman was not so much in the habit
of desponding as others, he, himself, was obliged to
admit it. The Sinking Fund, upon which the country had
been taught to rely, had proved a fallacy. Again, let the
House look at the trade of the cc untry ; it was paralysed
from one end of the kingdom to the other. Ask any com-
mercial man or banker in the city what was the condition
of trade, and the answer would be, that every thing was at
a stand, and that the stagnation was beyond all precedent.
hear.)—Look at the manufacturers. Those who
were called operatives were ground to the dust. In the
Home Market, the only one now open to them, they could
scarcely obtain for their labour as much as would keep life
and soul together.—(Hear, hear.)—Look at the Agricul-
tural Interests : they had all heard the complaints of Land-
ed Proprietors in that House, and they were bound to be-
lieve their statements. Distress was great and universal :
one party of petitioners claimed one thing, and another
party another, being united only in their demand for assist-
ance and relief. (Hear, hear.) Look at Foreign Affairs : he
did not wish to enter minutely into this part of the subject,
but it was evident that there must be something peculiarly
interesting in those affairs, when they found that a largearmy
had been sent from this country to Portugal. The House
had approved of this step, and he also had fully concurred in
it, because he had• confidence in the Right Hon. Gentle-
man who presided over that department. But who could
assure the House that the Right Hon. Gentleman would
retain his present situation ?—(Cheers from both sidcs.)—
If the Right Hon. Gentleman were not to remain at the
head of the Foreign Affairs, what security had the country
that Continental Powers who, at present, placed confidence
in England, would continue that confidence when they
found that the Right Hon. Gentleman was displaced.—
(Much cheering from all parts of the House. )—lt was true
that the prerogative of selecting a Ministry was vested solely
in the Crown ; but how was the House to knoW whether
the Right Hon. Gentleman was to be continued in his
station, or whether Isis master mind was to direct and con-

:mu) the general system of the Administration of the coon-

try ? As matters now stood, no confidence could be placed
either by that House or the country ; no .man could ven-
ture to say what might happen either to-day or to-mor-
row. Again ; let the House look at the state of Ireland.
Was it meant that Ireland should be governed at all.--
(Cheers.)—He did not wish.to provoke any discussion upon
this or the other points on which he had touched ; but he
felt that something intelligible ought to be laid before the
House; that they ought to know the general grottnds on
which they were to act. He was aware, aii'he tad already
said, that the appointment of a Cabinet rested only- with
the King (and here he begged to state that he meant to
cast no imputation on the high quarter upon which that
st‘str- sisotolmed)ssaesti“. sr.. ~..sesster.ed el4fsee4iaL.i,...,t, tok:
King's mind how to form an Administration; it Was quite
natural that the House of Commons should be anxious to
see that Administration when it was formed ; it was natural
that they should wish to see who were the persons ap-
pointed to fill those high situations. It was the preroga-
tive of the King to form an Administration ; bat it was
the prerogative of the House of Commons to stand still
and refuse supplies until the prerogative of the King
had been answereiL—(Hear, hear.)—No obstruction had
been offered to the different votes proposed during this
suspension of the powers of Administration ; and all that
he now asked was, that his Majesty would be graciously
pleased to give the House some Administration or other,
as a security for the expenditure of the grant now prop..sed
(Hear hear.) For himself, he ^.-ould not consent to part
with a shilling of the public money until he saw reasonable
ground to expect that it would he properly expended under
the care of a responsible Minister. " Measures not
men," was a phrase that sounded well, hut in his mind
it amounted to little short of nonsense—(Hear, and •
laughter.) Gentlemen might come down to that House
and say, " The Navy requires so much, the Army requires
so much," and that the other branches of the public service
required specific sums ; but it was the duty of the House
to take care that no sum for any branch of the public ex-
penditure was voted, excepting under proper controul.
His Majesty might appoint an Administration, and it
would he for the House of Commons to approve or disap-
prove of it. It was the duty of the House to keep in
their own hands the means of determining who ought or
who ought not to he appointed to conduct the affairs of the
country. (Loud cheers.) If ever there was a moment which,
beyond all others, required thi2 choice of an efficient Ad-
ministration; it was the present. The greatest anxiety per-
vaded all minds upon the subject, both as regarded our inter-
nal and external policy. ' He was most desirous to avoid all
topics of controversy; but if ever there was an anxious mo-
ment—if ever there existed distrust in the minds of sober
men--if ever there was a wish that there should be estab-
lished a public trust and confidence somewhere, this was
the moment.—(Cheers.)—Whafwas wanted, and what he
hoped and trusted in God the country would have in the
course of a few weeks, was a strong, a united, and an effi-
cient Administration.—(Repeated cheers.)—Until this ob-
ject was accomplished, nothing could be done with satisfac-
tion in that House. What he meant by a united and effi-
cient Administration was, an Administration capable of in-
suring the respect of Foreign Powers, the confidence of the
House, and the affection of the People.—(Loud cheers.)—
The present difficulties might be got over ; but without
such an Administration as that which he had described,
things would go on to a most alarming crisis—a crisis that
he could not contemplate without dread, and that would
create more dismay than any that had occurred within his
recollection.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—He should not trespass
any further on the House at present. He trusted that he
had already said enough to convince them of the propriety
of exerting their peculiar privilege ; and he should, there-
fore, now take the liberty of moving, " That the further
Consideration of this Report be deferred until the Ist of
May."
On the question being put, _

Mr. Secretary CANNING roue, and, in a low tone of
voice, spoke to the following effect:—However I may feel
disposed to differ from the motion of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, and however I tray desire and hope to convince the
House of the inaccuracy of his view of the case, and of the
inexpediency, (not to say impropriety) of concurring in the
vote which he has proposed for its adoption ; yet, Sir, I
am, at the same time, perfectly ready to admit, on the part
of his Majesty's Government, that neither my Right Hon.
colleagues nor myself, have any reason to complain of any
want of courtesy or forbearance exhibited by the Right
Honourable Gentleman, who has just addressed the House,
or by those who sit around him, since the sudden and la-
mented illness of my Noble Friend the Earl of Liverpool,
and, in relation to that melancholy event, which has de-
prived the Administration of this country of its ostensible
head. On the contrary, Sir, I willingly concede to the Right
Hon. Member and his friends, the praise of having evinced the
greatest moderation—the most exemplary forbearance--on
this melancholy occasion, and the crisis which has grown out
of it; and Irepeat, that neither Parliament nor his Majesty's
Ministers can object to the course, which, up to the pre-
sent -moment, they have thought proper to pursue. Un-
doubtedly, Sir, there is an extent and a limit beyond which
Hon. Gentlemen are not called upon to remain silent; and
I do not differ from the Right Hon. Mover of this Resolu-
tion in the remark, that the force of circumstances, and
the lapse of time, may justify the House in an abandon-
ment of the principle upon which it has hitherto acted ;
and authorise individuals to interfere who have as yet ab-
stained from interference in regard to this subject; the pa-,
ravannt importance of which I am not the man to deny

•--(Hear.)-13ut I do differ from the Right Hon. Coatle-
man on the subject of the proposition with which he has
followed up his remarks. I should hope the Right Pen.
Gentleman will, upon this occasion, admit, that those who,
like my Right Hon. Friends and myself, have acted with
the Noble Earl, and have enjoyed a nearer view of those
great virtues, undoubted talents, and extensive acquirements,
which my Noble Friend so eminently possessed; qualities,
the existence of which the Right Hon. Gentleman ad-
mits, and to which he has paid a tribute of admiration and
respect; I trust it will be thought natural, that we, who
were, of necessity, acquainted v :t'a the personal merits of
my Noble Friend, more intimately than the Right Hon.
Gentleman can have been—and who were, further, bound
to him by the ties of time and long continued. friend-
, ship--I trust, Sir, it will not be considered matter of
surprise, that- we should have felt great unwillingness
to persuade ourselves--great difficulty in believing, dur-
ing the earlier period of that calamity which has be-
fallen my Noble Friend (and I will add the country),
that all hopes of his recovery had expired. Sir, whatever the
inconvenience which may have been experienced, in conse-
quence of this event, and the course we have adopted—
whatever the impatience, which I agree with the Right
Hon. Gentleman, in describing as growing out of the exist-
ing state of things--sure I am, that, if we have erred, it
has been pardonably—if we have sinned, it was on the
right side—for I can imagine nothing more painful to my
Noble Friend—more disgraceful to us—than Lord Liver-
pool's awakening from his trance, and finding that his place
had been made the object of precipitate haste, and intem-
perate ambition.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—l admit it is as
difficult to assign the precise limits, within which delay
should be circumscribed, as it is to specify the exact period
to which it should extend ; but one thing is evident, that
there are certain bounds, beyond which it ought not to he
permitted to go. Of this, I can assure the House, that we
have not suffered the time which has elapsed, to pass,
without maturely weighing and deeply considering the
subject. But in the first place, before proceeding further,
I beg leave, here to assure the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman, and the House, that for this delay, we do take
upon ourselves as complete and undivided a degree of
responsibility, as for any other act of our administra-
tion—(Loud cheering)—and that, when I make use of his
Majesty's name, for the purpose of alluding to the kind
consideration and forbearance which he has manifest-
ed upon this occasion, I do not make use of it, in
order to shelter myself under its protection, or through
any desire to shift the responsibility from myself, or cast
the slightest part of that weight, under which the whole
Administration labours, upon any individual whatever, he
he in the Cabinet or out of it. Sir, I can now tell the
Right Hon. Gentleman that the delay which his taken
place, and the reluctance which has been felt to nominate
a successor to the Earl of Liverpool, is now at an end.—
(Hear, hear, hear.)—His Majesty has been graciously
pleased to direct a communication to be made to the imme-
diate connections of the Earl of Liverpool, stating that the
period was expired, within which delay must he circum-
scribed ; and that the time had now arrived, when, with
whatever pain to his Majesty, it became necessary to fill up
the vacancy occasioned in the Cabinet, hy the calamity
which had befallen my Noble Friend. Such is the com-
munication which the King ordered to be transmitted to
the family of the Noble Earl ; and, sure I am, that it will
afford great satisfaction -to the House—that it affords
great satisfaction to us, who advised the Act--and that
it afforded heartfelt satisfaction to his Majesty, who au-
thorized it—to know that the Noble Lord possessed suffi-
cient consciousness, on the arrival of the communication, to
understand its nature, and appreciate its contents.! It is cer-
tainly matter ofself congratulation to my Right Hon Collea-
gues and myself to know that our Noble Friend is capable of
understanding that his feelings have been respected, and
that he enjoys the comfort, consolation, and happiness, to
know it. Sir, under thele circumstances, I really think
that the. House will not feel itself called on 'to affix to the
Administration of the country that last stigma; which it is
poisible for the last power of the House to inflict—l mean
the stoppage of the supplies—(Cheers)—u'''oe it c'esuld be
of opinion, that, in the course which We rave taken, it can
trace other motives than those which I shall endeavour
shortly to state, and which appear evidently enough on the
very face of our conduct. Sir, when that dreadful cala-
mity, to which so much allusion has been made, befel the
Administration and the country, there was ous great mea-
sure already prepared, and about to he brought under the
consideration' of Parliament. It was a measure which
had been looked for, and awaited, with an extraordinary
degree of expectation: and impatience---I mean the measure
onsthe subject of the Corn Laws. Would it have been
wise, if it had been delicate, to postpone the consideration
of that question, till a new Government should have
been formed; having (as we fortunately had) not only the
iuleantage of my Noble Friend's concurrence and advice on
the inbject, but his high atithority;sisid the application othis'
great talents, in the formation of the measure—a measure
which would have been introduced in the other House of
Parliament, had not the illness of my Noble Friend pre-
vented it, and which has now been only used in that House,
in which the Earl of Liverpool, though he were in the en-
joyment of his full health and strength, could have taken
no part in its discussion. From this, it is clear that the
measure in question has gone through the House of Com-
mons without experiencing any inconvenience from the
want of my Noble Friend's support or superintendence.
And I put it to the House, whether, when we had only
the choice of putting off the question till a new Admini-
stration should have been formed, (giving the Earl of Liver-
pool that reasonable time for recovery which all mankind
must hare wished to be given), or the choice of proceeding
precipitantly and indecently in the matter—whether, I say,
we did not do better in rejecting these galling alternatives,
'and adopting a different, and, as I am ready to contend,
wiser course, by proceeding so far as we have already
dune, without reference to my Noble Friend's unhappy
situation ?...S.( Hear, hear, hear.)—From the very begin.
ning, we were determined, as soon as the measure, to
which I have alluded, should have reached its last stage,
in this House, to propose a postponement, for the express
purpose to which the Right Honourable Gentleman has
more particularly adverted—l mean the formation of an
Administration. We contemplated the practicability
and likelihood of getting the Bill through in the early
part of the present week, but circumstances occurred
to prevent it. However, that was the limit of time to
which we had attempted to confine the duration of this in-
terval ; and, undoubtedly, the further continuance of it has
led to the existing state of things, which makes it necessary
to ask, not for all the supplies, but for such a sum, on ac-
count, as will enable us to carry on the public service until
after the recess. Sir, it is not my intention to blame the
Rieht Hon. Gentleman, because, in opposing the grants, he
has thought proper to advert, more particularly, to, and
criticise sornesof, the articles and items contained in them.
When the time for such a discussion arrives, I shall evince
no unwillingness to meet it. At the same time, I feel
bound to say, that, in an expenditure, part of which is dis-
cretionary, and part of it fixed and definite, I have no power
to compel the conscience of any man. Over many of the
estimates I possess no controul ; but 1 do not hesitate to
declare, that, to every part of our foreign expenditure, this
year, the greatest attention has been paid ; and that in
every article and item of discretionary expenditure, I have
succeeded in making a diminution, which, upon the whole
of the estimates will amount to about 10 per cent. This
will be found when we go into the estimates, and I shall
solicit the Right Honourable Gentleman's attention to
the circumstance, when the opportunity arrives. Sir,
I do not think this a fit opportunity to enter further
into the discussion, towards which the Right Honour-
able Gentleman has pointed the way.—(Hear.)—
And, I am quite sure, from the proximate cause
of the delay which has been made the subject of complaint,
and considering the difficulties in which we find ourselves
unavoidably placed, and the feelings Which have been Uni-
versally generated on this subject, that it would be alike grat-
ing, ungracious, and unfeeling, to enter further into the
details connected with the present question.—(Hear.)—Sir,
I base my opposition to the Right Hon. Gentleman's view'
of the case, on this ground ; because, although we have
been placed in a most painful and difficult position, yet,
between the two opposite alternatives of precipitate pro-
ceeding on the one hand, and the danger of piloducing
greater delay on the other hand, we have selected that
course which has for its foundation due delicacy and for-
bearance towards our Noble Friend, and a proper degree
of respect for ourselves. lam satisfied that the course we
have taken is the right one.--(Hem, hear.)—And thought
I do not mean to deny that it has been attended with some
inconvenience, yet I am prepared to maintain, that it ought
not to be met by a vote of a kind the most severe which it
is in the power of this House to come to--avote which
strikes at the very basis of the Administration, inasmuch as
it amounts to a withdrawing from it of the confidence of
the House—(Cries of No, no, no. )—On the other side, by
enabling Government to go on, and leaving its operations un-
cramped, while it is necessary to make the necessary arrange-
ments for filling up the vacancy which has occurred in the
Cabinet, a more moderate and fairer course will be-pursued,
(hear)se_by the adoption of which, I cannot believe that the
House.will be precluded from esercieing a sound judgment,
and due discretion, in
relation to the votes for the supplies,
when they shall have come before it in a legitimate form.
Hon..Membere cap then:take advantage of the opportunity
which will be afforded for invemgating the nature of these
.votes ; and,, when the proper period shall arrive, r'Pied,gs
InYlelf.to be ready to meet such objections aretraY'b4mcr"
, eds and defend the votes connected with my depv.rtinent of

the Government, and I may say the same on the part of
my Right Hon. Colleagues. That the period for arranging
these matters shall be as little protracted as possible, I wil-
lingly pledge myself; and, under these circumstances, the
House being now assured-that the delay—(to which Ido
not complain that the Right Hon. Gentleman had adverted,
but, on the contrary, rather thank him for directing the
attention of the House to its existence, beuause it has af-
forded me this opportunity of explaining my sentiments in
relation to it. )—I say, Sir, the House being assured that
the delay is at an end, one main object of the Right lion.
Gentleman's address is answered, and I trust that he will
not feel disposed to press his motion for deferring the consi-
deration of the Report.
[The Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amid the loud
and long continued cheering of the House.]
Mr. TIERNEY observed, that the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman must have misunderstood his (Mr. T.'s) object,when
he appeared to suppose that it was to obtain a rote of cen.
sure on the conduct of Ministers. This was not his mo-
tive—but he thou!,ht, that as the supply was required to
he granted on confidence, it was only reasonable that the
House should know in whom that confidence was to be
placed—otherwise it would be justified in refusing the
grant. He could not see the difficulty of acceding to his
motion, but if any proceeding of a more amicable kind
were suggested, he should feel no objection to it. He was
glad to hear that an Administration was in the high road
to be formed.

Mr. Secretary CANNlNG—Although I have only now
made the declaration, which, I am happy to observe, ap-
pears to afford so much satisfaction to the Right Hon.
Gentleman, yet, I can assure him, that I came clown to
the House, on a former day, expecting the question, which
he has this evening proposed, to he asked, and fully pre-
pared to answer it in the same manner as I have now
done; however, as no opportunity occurred, the expla-
nation was nut then :given; but it was only because the
question was not asked that it was not previously an-
swered.