The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1842.

a cause.—(Cheers.) They could bear all this and mere.--
s(Cheers. ) For they would be sustained by the conviction of
Lheir own minds and the testimony of their consciences that
hey were doing their duty. —(Loud cheers.) They felt
that they were coming forward in the cause of the
poor—but he would not call the operatives poor, for they were
men of property—their labour was their property—( Cheers)—
and it ought to be supported as well as any other species of
property.—(Cheers.) Therefore the ministers could bear all
that might be said against them, feeling that they had the
rood wishes of the poor, and the prayers of the pious in the
land, and knowing also that they had the sympathy of that
God, who as his -dispensations declared, " For the oppression
of the poor, and for the sighing of the needy, now will I
arise, saith the Lord."—( Hear, hear.) But this was not a
political question. He took his ground on the principle that
this was a great moral question, involving the morality and the
religion of the people of this land to an inconceivable extent.
When they regarded this vast and wealthy metropolis, or
the provinces, as to their use of those means of religion with-
out which piety could not flourish—would they not find that
great multitudes of men and women were, through the neces-
sities resulting from those infamous Corn-laws, prevented from
layering in the gate of the Daughter of Sion, and par-
ticipating in the public ordinances of religion on the first day
of the week ? And was it not too easy to apprehend that these
people were more likely to neglect their private devotions, and
to be led on in the course of vice and ruin ?—(Hear, hear.)
Must it not, too, be admitted that such continued sufferings
end privations tended to undermine in the thoughts of the
operative population all feelings of devotion, and revering faith
in the Providence of God? Therefore religion joined social
justice in urging him (Mr. C.) and his brethren to come for-
ward on this occasion to assist in removing the destitution that
nvolved so many awful causes. Did not religion call upon them
to respond to the wailings of the needy and the cries of distress
hat were now rising from the hamlet', towns, and cities,
ind ringing along the hills and dales of the country ?—( Hear,
hear.) He should be ashamed of himself as a professing
Christian, and blush as a Minister of the Gospel, indeed he
should be almost worthy of eternal reproach, if he were re-
drained by any considerations front coming forward in such a
cause as this.—(Cheers.) He read in the Bible that he who
this curse could not be expounded so as to refer only to the
withheld corn from the people shall have a curse on him. But
netropolis. Na, it must be extended to every one who, when
torn was withheld from the people, took no opportunity of
;eying or doing anything to relieve them—( Loud cheering)—
skulked away into the back ground, instead of coming out as he
ought to do in the sight of God! He cared not what station
a man occupied whose conduct was such as this ; whether he
round hire in the Church either as a Minister or a member—
whatever his station in society, he violated the law of God, and
lisgraced himself, and while the curse of the people lighted
on him the frown of Almighty God would rest upon his head.
—( Loud cheers.) Allowing, however, that this question was
to be regarded as a political question, he was still prepared
as a minister of the Gospel to protest against the statement
that they had nothing to do with such matters. The cry of
" clerical influence" was very easily raised, just on account of
the side on which the minister might stand forth. Let him
stand forth to advocate the cause of the starving many
in opposition to the monopolising few, who had ever en-
trenched themselves behind class legislation, and he was the
;verst of men. Let. him take the other side, and not one word is
,aid against him ; let him say one word for the poor, and the
,magazines of scurrility are poured out upon him.—( Loud
cheers.) He (Mr. Cairne) held that politics were identified
with the very existence of man in society ; there was no living
man who had not certain duties to discharge, and no man was
at liberty to retire from the activity of life.—(Cheers.) The
Christian was called on to do good to all men
( Cheers) —as he had opportunity ; he was indeed bound to
take care that he did not by any mischance give occasion for his
good to he evil spoken of, but he was imperatively called
on to follow the same mind which was in his Divine Mas-
ter, and to imitate him in this, that he went about conti-
nually doing good.—(Hear, hear.) If the poor were to be
relieved, human misery to be lessened, and human happiness
to be advanced, the Christian was called on to avail himself of
every means within his reach to bring about such blessings. He
knew nothingof an abstract religion that could not be brought into
action in daily life; he knew nothing of aChristianity so delicate
that the roan who professed it might not mingle with his fellow-
man in his rational enjoyments, and stand side by side with him
when the good of society might be enlarged; he knew nothing
If a religion which requi:ed its ministers to give up the influ-
ence which their station afforded them to stay the course of
the evil which surrounded them. Nothing to do with politics !
When they could chenge their natures as human beings,
when they could destroy the relations which God Almighty
had formed between man and man ; when they could so alter
their lot, that no man should depend upon his fellow-man for
comfort, assistance, and support; when each should stand iso-
lated and alone—all independent of each other, without any
common sympathies to bind them ; then might the cry be rais-
ed, but not till then, Nothing to do with politics! What!
were they to look on silently and indifferently, when, through
wicked class legislation and a long course of. monopoly and in-
justice, they see their country brought to the very verge of
rebellion and ruin; when they see their neighbours—with
whom, it may be, they have been wont to kneel at the family
altar—kept down year after year, their comforts abridged, and
every feature in their lot indicative of misery, should they
not rather stand prominently forth, denounce that system
of monopoly, and declare what are the judgments which. God
has denounced on thoaewhogrind the faces of the poor?--( Hear.)
Monopolising party spirit might inflict its evils on the com-
munity for a little while longer, but there was no Government
which would dare to trifle much longer with the suffering
people of this country.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever the owners
of the soil might think, Britain owed its chief glory to trade and
commerce; the working classes constituted its very sinews
and its greatest strength. —(Hear, - hear.) It would be
well •if statesmen would consider this matter aright,
look at• the signs of the times, and mark what was
going on in society. The working classes deserved commen-
dation for the patient manner in which they had demeaned
themselves during their difficulties. The working classes in
the district to which he belonged could not be too highly
praised ; but let statesmen not depend too much on their en-
durance. Their patience unduly tried, their hopes everlast-
ingly blasted, their misery slighted and increased, and
every remaining comfort just about to be wrested
from them, might lead to circumstances which those
who did not mingle with the working classes might not be
aware of and must deplore.—( Loud cheers.) The cup of suf-
fering was almost full—it would not hold much more, if indeed
it were not even now running over—and it was high time that
these abominable Corn-laws should be immediately and for
ever repealed.—( Tremendous cheers.) He bad much pleasure
in supporting the resolution which had already been proposed.
—(11r. Cairns sat down amidst the most deafening applause,)
Mr. TAUNTON, of Coventry, rose with peculiar pleasure to
support the resolution which had just been proposed and
seconded. He did so because he thought it was high time
t hat they brought those parties who were in the House of
Commons •to the test, that they might know who were the
friends of England, and who were the friends of the aristocracy.
He trusted that Mr. Villiers would at once proceed to divide the
House on the subject of the Corn-laws. They had been contending
for a long time, advancing arguments, gathering facts, and
making statements to convince the Legislature of the justice
end necessity of repealing those obnoxious laws; yet it would
he quite consistent with the character of the Legislature if they
should appoint a Committee to inquire into that, with which
every body else was acquainted ; but whenever the nation re-
quired the abrogation of certain laws, or others to be enacted,
Honourable Gentlemen of the House of Commons moved
that a Committee be appointed to inquire into the
circumstances, as if it were not their duty to be
acquainted with the whole of the facts. (Hear. )
He had come as a deputation from the town of Coventry, from
the Anti-Monopoly Society of that city, to inform that meet-
ing that they would accept of nothing less than a total and
entire repeal.—( Cheers. ) They were resolved upon no
surrender, as it would be giving the power of keeping
the country in a most unwise state, namely, increased
agitation. Any attempt to adopt the sliding scale would only
break up for the present the phalanx of power now united
together, and at another period the whole question would
have to be commenced again.—( Hear, hear.) The Society
to which he belonged, and which he was there to repre-
sent, was opposed to all monopoly ; to the monopoly of food,
and commence in its fullest extent, and to that unjust and
wicked monopoly of class legislation, that system which had
brought the country to its present state, in which a total dis-
t egard was shown -for universal into rests for the selfishness of
a class.—(Cheers. ) He was happy that the middle classes
had become sympathisers with the labouring classes, and were
determined to stand by them.—(Hear, hear.) The town of
Coventry had been most infamously dealt with by the system of
class legislation as it respected its commerce. He alluded to
the manner in which the ribbon trade of that city had had to compete with the French, and thC manner in which the '
Legislature had sanctioned in every possible way goods coming '
il from foreign ports.—(Cheers.) He was an advocate for entire
freedom of commerce, and if English intelligence and manufac-
tures could not compete with other nations, he wouldbe greatly
deceived when he considered the intelligence and known in-
dustry of the people.—(Cheers.) He loved humanity, he
loved his country too, but he loved humanity better—
( Cheers)--and if it was for the god of the human
rice that England should fall, let it fall. But he did
not believe that such a sacrifice was necessary ; he be-
I eyed that the industry and intelligence of the people of Eng-
land would soon obtain for her entire justice.—( Cheers.) One
of the reasons that had been stated as a cause which clogged the
country in competing with foreigners was, that the people
were so heavily taxed. He was not going to say that the people
of this country were not taxed, but as far as a per centage was
concerned he did not think they were so heavily taxed as other
countries.—(Hear, hear.) If there was any argument
more than another why they should be exempt from
taxation he thought that the strongest.—(Hear) The wages
in Coventry in 1823 fell 25 per cent., from 1625 to 1829 they
fell 10 per cent. ; from 1829 to 1834 they fell 15 per cent. ;
and from 1834 to 1841 they fell thir'..y per cent. more.—
cheaps that when corn was
( Hear.) It was remarkable, too
wages retained their standing.--( Cheers. He had been
rather curious yesterday morning ie looking over the. averages,
d, he found that, taking the
for they served both ways, an
actual consumption of the torn in England at sixteen
millions of quarters of wneat alone,
years 1834, he found that in the
had 7 io,l more
pa
siado, d I,
nfsourl
c,
food
00dc,
aoipOniOtt:lh.
theyhad paid upwards of 230,000,00( 1.,
1835, 18361 and 1837, for those four years they
:v,.laass
t while
taken
ahkianennliBno3But
out of
eloBff3ot9rhm,
e1e8,4)0,
rasn. tl
manufacturinglNB4
o wi,
making nearly2,ooo.ooo/.
districts, the result must be that wages would fall.—( Hear.
In Coventr, too, another singular cause had occurred ; for,
crime, he,6lifound, that in 1836, there.were
7C6o;vearnitdryin
1840,per3soons ;
insis 9- istt hh; e respectipnrliprisons
In&too2f
in 1837, 230; in 1838,
B..pokßeutwthlel
fmost singular
or the city,
part of e'ne matter was, and it
thel number
that tiAe increase of crime was not equale to
of •eersons imprisoned for debt.—(Cheers.)
tliere were thirteen debtors in the gaol of cze 1836
in 18.37 there were 34, in 1833 23, in 1839 28, in 184n0%;
and in 1841 111. That such was the state of the prisons of
Coventry at the present moment he could vouch, because he had
examined the returns himself. The arguments that had been
esed that the repeal of the Corn-law would have the effect of
sending our machinery into foreign countries, and thereby
enable them to compete with this, was futile in th I ex-
treme, inasmuch as the machinery of this country had
le en long since sent into foreign parts.—( Hear.)
Ile ( Mr. Taunton) found, from Parliamentary Returns, that
t in the year 1832 the value of machinery exported from this
(
country amounted to 92,000/., in 183.3 to 127,0001., in 1834
to 211,0001., in 1835 to 307,100/,, in 1836 to .302,000/., in
1837 to 493,0001., in 1838 to 627,0007., and in 1839 to
6e3,000/., making a difference in the amount of the value of
machinery exported from this country between the years 1832
and 1839, _of 591,000/. Thus the total difference amounted to no less a sum than 2,845,987 e for machinery alone. So
far, then, as the argument went, machinery had gone, and
1, as going, and that in spite of all which certain per-
-sens said or did.--(1-1(ar. ) Increased civilization called forth
hew and artificial wants which should be satisfied, and 110
power on earth could restrain its progress. Another argument
wed was that we could produce for all the world. Yes, if all
the world would be so silly as we had been, to allow the aris-
tocracy to state how much we consumed, it would then be
t, ue that we might produce for all the world.—( Hear. )
But supposing, by an increased power of machinery, and neer
modes of creating and distributing wealth, we could produce
for all the world, was man for ever to struggle only for the first
element of existence—food? Was the great moral principle,
implanted by the great Creator in the human breast,
never to be brought into action? Were they, in the
-nineteenth century to continue etruggling for food just as the
barbarians did in the feudal times? Was there to be nothing

for the mind ? 'Was the mind it to be cultivated by educa-
tion? Was it not a disgrace to the Eng:ish Legislature, that
in the nineteenth century—this boasted 'era of civilizasion—
we should find ourselves struggling for a morsel of ford. The
mind had higher, nobler claims; and in his (Mr. T.'s)
short period of existence he remembered many prejblices
which had been broken down—many links of tyranny which
had been knocked off ; and he hoped to see many more. They
had learned to forget the silly distinctions of Englishmen,
Scotchmen, and Irishmen. They had learned to forget the
folly of drawing a dagger to cut the Frenchman's
throat. All those influences were increasing and tend-
ing to the triumph of that spirit of moral sympathy
which would make the whole world one family, and all its
inhabitants brethren—a sympathy which would -know of no
alien. Another argument used was, that they were living
upon less on the Continent than we were. Was it, he
would ask, necessary that because the beggar came in contact
with the aristocrat, the aristocrat should imitate the beggar?
Was it not more likely that the beggar should be rather in-
clined to imitate the aristocrat? It was false reasoning to
suppose, that because we came in contact with the serfs of
Poland we should adopt their mode of living.
All past
and of R us ia
astexperience proved' that to be a fallacy—that, on the
contrary, when one nation came in contact with another, the
barbarian became more civilised, and not the civilized
more barbarous. —( Hear, hear.) There were various systems
and sophisms advanced for the purpose of deluding them and
drawing them off from the main point. There-were men who
seemed to have their minds made up when the flood came—
that they never would progress at all. Those men never could
make any calculation whatever, but what "had been in the
beginning, was now and ever should be. "—( Cheers
and great laughter.) Men of weak minds, timid, and
of narrow views, had in every age and clime spent their puny
efforts to stop the rotation of events, and check the glorious en-
gine had clung to the mighty wheels of
progressive ofres civilization.sivegood, Theyand idiot-like fancied, that the; iron-grasp
of their individual selfishness would stop its course and stay
civilization ; but how vain the effort ! While they
cried stand still, and with reckless tenacity struggled
to retard the steady and majestic course of the wheels of civi-
lization. They were whirled round, and fell crushed into their
native nothingness. As well might the highway robber, when
railways were established, have issued forth to his vocation,
crying " that he would stop the steam-engine and rob every
mother's son of the passengers." Who would have regretted
if the robber had fallen crushed beneath the wheels of the
steam. engire.—( Loud cheers.) He would not detain them
much long-cr. The consideration of endeavouring to rescue
from immediate and utter starvation the starving artisans of this
country, their wives ar,d children, and if possibl to raise man in
the moral scale as an intellectual and dignified being,was a g-arious
consideration. Theirs was the glorious task to seek to make
justice triumph over injustice. Let them remember that there
were periods of patience—that to those who were starved out of
existence, society had violated its duties. The social compact
supposed'social security, and social justice, and if the laws did not
give that justice and that security, the compact was broken, and
allegiance to it dissolved.—( Cheers.) He was not there as the
advocate of physical force, but rather of the physical force of
the moral power of numbers. The Legislature seldom yielded
anything save but to fear ; they should note therefOre be too
demure in their demands. It was only when murmurs ran
from mouth to mouth, and the passionate whiteness of in-
dignation and insulted human nature was seen on every
face—when men gathered together united as one man and in
one cause—when millions discovered their moral strength and
determinationt—hen it was that hypocrites in power became
honest—(Cheers)—then it was that the tyrant prepared him-
self to grant concessions—then that justice triumphed over injus-
tice, virtue over vice, truth over error, principle over prejudice.
then it was that society took anothers glorious s'ride for-
ward in civilisation, which should be the prelude to eternal
and lasting triumph, and enlightened humanity.—( Cheers. )
Were the people who had conquered the proud, corrupt bo-
roughmongers —they who made them run like rats--(Laughter
and cheers)—to be treated in that way ?—( Hear, hear.)
Would it be said that they were to be subjected to
ill-treatment and injustice for a remote - good—a good
that could' not be immediately attained ? Would it be
said that the people who could do all they had
over and over again done should be defeated on this question,
which was a question of life and death ?—no,_they could not
—.they should not be defeated.—(Cheers.) But the result
which must inevitably follow; the moral result which must
fellow from the agitation of these laws must be attended with
the best possible effects. Ile had not the least apprehension upon
his mind as to the favourableresult of the agitation of this question,
and if it,did not do all the good which the enthusiasts of the
country wished or expected, it was manifest at all events that
the interests of the country were progressing, and if there were
any obstacle to prevent their progress for the future, down with
them.—( Cheers.) Unless the question they were now agi-
tating be at once decided, he (Mr. Taunton) should
be very much displeased with the friends of the
people who were in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.)
tle should be very much displeased indeed if those gentlemen
were in favour of the tallow-chandler's scale—the slippery
sliding scale.--( Laughter and increased cheers.) If they were
for such a scale, he dared say they would, like the tallow-
chandlers, cut it rather fat—(Renewed laughter)—but the
people of the country had made their minds up
against all slippery and sliding scales—they were
determined to have a large loaf—( Great cheering)__
and that loaf they would purchase by the fruits of honest in-
dustry, if the Legislature would let them have it.---(Hear,
hear.) But if the Legislature opposisi the people they would
commence an agitation all over the c try for the thorough
and complete purging of that corrupt House.—( Tremendous
cheering, which was continued for several minutes.) II the
people commenced such an agitation they should adopt pre-
cisely the same principle of action as he was now
proud to see actuated the respectable gentlemen whom he then
had the honour of acting with. They should not give up the
Corn-laws for the Suffrage question, but they should say the
people should have both the repeal of the Corn-laws and the
extension of the Suffrage too.--( Cheers.) They would insist
upon the Suffrage question because it would ensure the
repeal of the Corn-laves.—(Loud cheers.) They would have
no sliding scale of Suffrage, but they should have a complete
suffrage for the entire people—(lncreased cheers)—he would
ii..t say the " universal' people, for he did not approve of
that term ; the word " entire" was better. It was true
there were many mistaken people who might be invested with
the privilege of the suffrage, but though there were, he thought
the entire people should have that privilege. If there were here
and there a distracting firebrand in the country, that
was no more proof that the "entire" people should not
have the privilege of the elective franchise, than it was to say
that the sun should not shine upon the murderer arid the just
man alike. Thu people—the " entire " people—should have
the suffrage question carried, and they should also have the
Corn-laws repealed. These questions, particularly the
latter, could not be postponed—there should be no
sliding scale.—(Great cheering.) The sliding scale
might be very good for such men as Sir James Grahame—
( Hear, hear.) It might do very well for such gentlemen as
that, but it would not do for the people, and the wants and the
interests of the people should be attended to.—( Loud cheers.)
Suppose a hungry child said to its father, " Father, I want
some bread."—( Hear, hear, hear.) " Well," says the father,
" You shall have bread—you must have plenty when the
Corn-laws are repealed."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear."
The child says, " And, father, when will that be—when will these Corn-laws be repealed ?" The father must say he does
not know, until Sir Robert Peel propounds his measures and
calculated the averages ; and, of course, the child could not be
very much pleased with that answer__( Hear, hear)—for it
was not very likely it could be able to wait for
bread until Sir Robert Peel thought it right to introduce
his measure upon the subject of the Corn-laws. Were not all
those who composed that meeting—was not every man in the
country, as fathers and husbands, liable to he asked the same
questions by their children ?—( Hear, hear.) They were all
subjected to the same consequences, and he was pure they could
be no longer trifled with. He fully appreciated the character of the
clergymen who had cooperated with the people upon this trying
and important occasion. They exemplified the character of
Jesus Christ, " who went about doing good;" and he rejoiced
to see that the time had arrived when the clergymen of this
country had come forward to minister teethe wants of their fellow
man, and assist in the assertion of their just and indisputable
rights. Mr. Taunton concluded a very able and eloquent
speech amidst the most enthusiastic applause.
The Chairman then iutroducsd the Rev. Mr. Burden) of
Stroud, to the meeting.
The Rev. Mr. Bo it DEN presented himself In support of the
resolution. He said after some prefittory observations that
it was by no means necessary that he, though he cordially'
supported the resolution before the chair, should coincide with
all the views which had been so ably acrd
elotllleiltly
expressed by the gentlemen who had preceded him ;
he could not give his hearty atsent and consent to every word
which had fallen front his able and eloquent friend. He thought
it sufficient if he approved of the objects of the resolution,
and of the means which the meeting adopted to obtain
those objects. He (id most cordially approve of those
objects ; and he had much pleasure in supporting the
resolution.--(Hear, hear.) lie was no party man. By that
he did not mean to say that he belonged to no party, for he
was convinced, br the necessity of parties iii order to uphold
the interests of society at large; but these parties should act
temperately and moderately.—(Hear.) He thought that the
evil was not the existence-of parties in Church and State,
but the manner and the feeling which actuated those parties,
It was hardly to be imagined that in a country like this all
should he of one mind. It was eXceedingly questionable,
whether even if such a monotony existed in this country
it could be of advantage to society.—(Hear, hear.)
Ile stood there as a Conserrative.—(Hear, hear,) lie did
not affirm that he was a Conservative in the Conventional
sense of that term, because he believed firmly that the more
the meeting steered clear of all party or _ political
questions the better.—( Hem-, and cheers.) Ile did not, however, blame the speakers who had travelled a
little
out of what he considered, strictly speaking, a prudent line of
argument; for himselfs he (the Reverend Gentleman), said
he would, not affirm or deny that he belonged to any
party—he called himself a Conservative, but he did not
know what meaning the meeting might give to that
term ; he did not look into Johnson's .Dicticinary to
see what meaning he gave to that word—(A laugh)—.,
but he believed that all those who belonged to the Cons-law
League were true Conservatives.—(" Hear" and cheers.)
'He was convinced that repeal of the Corn-laws would
have a decidedly Conservative effect upon the country, and more
than that, he rather doubted that anything short of atotal repeal
of those laws would have that effect.—(
minister he
cheering.) As a Christian always thought him-
Hear, hear, and loud
him-
self called upon in troublesome times to plead
efoard epdencevaaintd
good order, and in his own locality he had not .
be pl
his duty to be
of
e
his - fellow
men, esa
ne e
abandle
he
himself, mv i na
as tee
ds
r convinced,
re e mb eel
ti
ee v ept dhe
that
tet
peace
tot
hamongst
agitation
ent, and were
neighbourhood where poverty aboseudndtoedi where
.
this question must have a most
th at
thousands
eeffs eucl .
were either wholly or partially out of emp .
Ile lived in a neighbourhood
a large
ported
bpyo rmt i
ao
nn uof
af
tt
ree e
Heo w
wellere,konr
erwa t hnleoerywmu
suffering most severely. He admired their patience and he knew
that during the last thirty years, where he lived, the Place had
almost been without an outrage. Ho knew, to his
knowledge, that no outrage whatever had occurred. To
the best of his k nowledee anti recollection, about
40 Otto people dwelt in the borough of Stroud, and out
of that number there hail not to his recollection occurred one
instance of burglary. This he attributed partly to the influence
of religion, partly also to this very agitation, because hope was
kept alive in their breasts.--t Hear, hear.) So long as
hope was cherished, so long would the people be patient ;
but he feared for the result if the time should
come when hope was so long deferred es to make the heart
sick. When such was the case lie would not answer for the
results, but he would answer for his doing his best to maintain
the peace of the country, whatever might be the end of this
agitation._(Loud cheers.) Ile stood there as a religious
msn, and he did not feel that he was going beyond his
duty as a religious man by occupying that situation
at that meeting. According
to his humble, and they might be
mistaken, views of duty, he should think he would be guilty of
dereliction of duty did he refuse to Come forward and contri-
bute his humble quota of influence towards the abolition of
these cruel and injurious laws.—(Cheers.) He quite agreed
in the remarks of the last speaker but one, who said that these
restrictions--these cruel restrictions, were a crime, and had a
great influence on the religion of the country. There were
to his (Mr., Biirden's) certain knowledge many children who
were kept froM religious worship by a want of clhes, their clothes having
gone to
.thp pawn-shop for of
the
purchase of food. These. laws evets orsected religion abroad--
all their missionaries in foreign let ass's ,0.1 they found that un-
less some beneficial a,lsaratepu ei;stook place they would
- -

feel the effects of those laws more and more. Friend as he
was to religious Instruction he desired that every man, woman,
and child, should have the means of attending religious Worship,
and he felt that these unwise and injurious restrictions
bn the commerce Of the country, kept the people in a state of
dep,adation and l liserty.—( Hear, hears) He stood there as a
friend to the poor, and he felt hirnset highly honoured that
morning in being allowed to do so. He saw many of his
Brethren around him. They represented this poor people in
their neighbourhood, and those poor people were delighted to
think that they felt sympathy with them in their troubl- e.
They not only felt sympathy, but they were determined to exert
themselves for the removal of those troubles. He read in
the Bible many severe denunciations against oppressors and
oppressions, and-while those denunciations were issued against
individuals merely, it equally applied to large bodies of men,
and to legislators. The country had strongly expressed its
wishes upon this subject, and he felt, that wgile he lifted up
his voice against individual oppression, it was equally his duty, on
the same principle, to lift up his voice against oppression of the
Government. He did not thirds that any one present would
differ upon this important question, and while he said
that many of their opponents were actuated by selfish
motives, still there were many opposed to them to
whom he gave credit fur different views. He had
great pleasure yesterday morning in being present in that
House. As he was coming there he carried in his hand along
the Strand a large bundle—larger, perhaps, than he ever car-
ried along the streets of London before. That was a bundle
of petitions, twenty in number, signed by 13,000 persons.—
( Cheers.) He could wish to see such petitions from all parts
of the country, for he confidently expected that great
good would be the result.—( Cheers. ) It was now
that the views of the country should be expressed. Some
years ago the people were deluded on this subject, being told
by their opponents that high prices were identical with high
wages, and that cheap bread was identical with low wages;
but that delusion was no longer felt. The ground on which
he felt the cause was a jest one ; it was the will of God that
no such restrictions should be placed upon the commerce of
countries, God had given to some countries benefits which
he had denied to others, and vice versa, although there
were no direct terms in his Word respecting it, yet he thought
there were many passages which proved it to be his will, that
trade like religion should be free.—(Loud cheering.) He
thought that the best thing in such a meeting as that,
where there were so many persons such able speakers—
he thought the best course lie could adopt was to cut his speech
short ; therefore having thus expressed his views, and again ex •
pressing his full concurrence in the resolution before the meet-
ng, lie would sit down.—(Loud cheers.)
The resolution was then put from the chair, and carried
unanimously with great cheering.
Mr. DImMETT, of Wolverhampton rose to propose the
next resolution which had been committed to his hands. The
resolution was originally intended to have been moved by Mr.
Greg, the late Member for Manchester, and perhaps that
would be a ground of claim for indulgence for him (Mr. Dim-
melt), because he did know, till ten minutes before that resolu-
tion had been put into his hands, he was not aware that he was
to occupy that situation. As the last speaker had recom-
mended, he should cut his speech short, merely introducing a
few facts relating to the iron trade, with which he was con-
nected, and which might be interesting The resolution
he hed to propose was, that the . Deputies present connected
with the staple manufactures of the country, whilst they de-
mand the removal of all restrictions upon the importation
of corn and provisions, declare their willingness to aid in
the abolition of all duties imposed for their own protection.
With the spirit of this reeolution„his opinion was that protection
was rather inimical than beneficial to manufactures. It was
like keeping a nurse for
-an infant after it had ceased to need
one, and he would as soon expect to see a healthy manhood
after such a childhood, as that manufactures should rise and
prosper under protection, with regard to which he agreed in
the opinion of Demosthenes, when Alexander requested him to
ask a favour. Alexander was standing between. him and the
sun, and Diogenes said the highest favour he could confer was
to stand out of his way. This was all that the ma.
nufacturers desired of the Legislature, that they would stand
out of their way and permit them free scope. The present
Assembly were not such debaters as Sir Robert Peel and his
supporters, but he thought they understood the plain principles
of trade quite as well. Trade to be prosperous should-] e free,
andl there never will be a period in this country, and
there never has been one in its history when trade was pro-
tected that its prosperity also increased. He did not allude
to such trades as the Spitalfields silk trade. The trade with
which he was best acquainted was the iron trade,
of which he knew a little. About a century ago
the number of tons produced had been 17,000 yearly, and
employed but a very small number of persons. For the fifty
sears following the iron trade had ken protected, and its
prosperity declined. After that time, and down to the present,
when they had disclaimed protection (though there was still
a nominal duty) the trade had gone on gradually
increasing till its amount now was 1,500,000 tons. But it will
be said, If your trade has so increased, what reason have you
to complain, at late meetings, of the iron masters in various
parts of the country ? It was resolved by iron, masters to raise
the price 25 per cent., and thus lessen the number of workmen.
Ile would not say their trade would be lost to the country, but
unless the Corn and Provision-laws were repealed, it surely
would decline. At a meeting at New York, of iron-
masters, they reselvel to send an address to Congress intimating
that the duty must be increased, or their works must
stop. There was a duty in the United States on iron, which
had increased the iron trade there to 300,000 tons yearly,
while they took hut 70,000 tons from England, while if the
duty on iron in:America were good at home England should
send 400,000 tons of iron to the United States an-
nually, instead of sending only one-sixth of their consumption.
He would claim for the borough of Wolverhampton the honour
of giving rise to the free trade principles, and he was glad that
its excellent representative, Mr. Villiers, was to be the organ
of that meeting. If the Legislature removed the Corn and
Provision-laws, the country could compete with any country
in the making of iron, and that they would successfully hold
the markets of the world.
Mr. ACKROYD, of Wakefield, said, he never found protec-
tion to answer the purposes for which it was intended. Com-
merce should be free as the winds and the waves, and then the
industry of England would fear no rival, and England would
be England still. He knew the labouring classes of Halifax,
their industry and value, having been engaged in the
worsted trade there, which was a branch of the woollen
trade, and from his own experience he knew that the la-
. bouriog classes had borne their distresses with infinite
fortitude and credit to themselves, which demanded the sympa-
thies of every one. All they wanted was the bread which
their industrious hands could earn, and the principal
' question now asked on every side was, how was
the distress to be 'relieved. The expectations of
the distressed were raised to the highest pitch through-
out the country, and if disappointment should foi-
-1 low those expectations, he dreaded the consequences.
Ile could net contemplate the consequences of those expecta-
tions with composure of mind, of the despair of the people,
and the desperation that wou'd ensue, and there was
no saying what its results would be.—([Dear.) Among
the masses of the people, the people will say, What
are we to do? When ,the father beholds his family
looking to him for bread, and no means of providing it, he was
dismayed when he considered the feelings of that father.
He should recommend perseverance in the good and holy
work. Their cause was the cause of charity—it was the
cause of humanity ; and its advocacy was a duty
which they owed to their fellow-subjects.—( Hear, hear.)
The first want of man was to satisfy the craving of hunger.
They might talk about education or morality, but men
should first of all be fed.—(Hear, hear.) He had, he
confessed, rte great confidence in the Government,
but as the time for the development of their measures was
drawing near, he did not wish upon that occasion to be a pro-
phet of evil. It appeared to him that the agricultural bodydid not
truly understand their own interests. What had given this country
its prosperity, and raised her to the high position which she
now filled ? It was the untiring industry of the people—
' ( Hear, hear)--and that prosperity would inevitably decline
if commerce were banished from our shores.--( Hear, hear.)
The consequence of such a calamity would be that
the capital engaged in trade would be transferred to other
countries, where it would be better remunerated ; and, with
capital, the most industrious and the most valuable portion of
the community could forsake their native land.—( Hear,
hear.) And when commerce was pat alyzed what would
be the value of landed property ? What had been
its value previous to the introduction of commerce? It was
far beneath its value at the pfesetit day. Neiter
could it be Supptised that it trade declined it couhld
rernein in the, state in which trade had found it.
The national debt had since been contratted.--(Hear, hear.)
There was a legislative provision for the poor, and the necessity
of contributing to it would fall with a tremendous weight upon
the landed interest. It should also be remembered that we hadnow
competitors in the race of commercial improvement; and in
reality foreigners had this advantage over us, that their ma•
chinery was all manufactured upon the best and latest
principles, while there was in England a large portion
of old and inferior machinery, which our manufacturers had no
encouragement to improve. The truth was, the Retest-nen of the
present day did not clearly see their duty. They had
to be driven to the adoption of those measures which the
Imperious and pressing netesaities of the times required J
and it was only by the rce from without that they could be
engaged to repeal the present iniquitous Corn-law. The
Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst cheers, by calling on the
meeting, in the name ofjustice and of hutilanity, brit tb relait lii
their efforts until they
.had been crowned with complete success:
Mr. BALTIit came fehward to second the resolution. He bee
liered that if the people of these ebtintritit Were resolved to
obtain any measure of justice, their efforts would be successful.
They had obtained Catholic Emancipation, and the emanci-
pation Of the slaves in the West Indies, after long and glo-
rious struggles.—(Cheers.) The history of those strug-
gles was prepitot with instruction for the present.
—c Cheers,) history or the Sieve-trade agitation o#fired
outdo lesson. They might learn, in the first plate, that half
measures, such its tilt) Appfehticesiiip, Were Worsd theft the ori.
ginal ; and they might next learn that interested parties,
like the planters, in opposing improvement, mistook
their own interest. The sugar estates had been increased in
value since the slaves had been etnane'pated and he
sincerely believed, that in like manlier, if the Coth-iaws Word
repealed, the landed proprietors would therebe, be benefited
If there was orie thing more clear than another, it was that
the success of Agriculture depended upon this prosperity of
trade, and it was impossible that the one could flourish in the
decline of the other. He hoped the advocates of repeal *otild
never be content With anything. short of total and eattipletitistice:
Sir Robert Peel, as Mr. O'Connell had told them, would try
to throw dust in their eyes ; but they should bear In mind,
that if any half-measure were tioW tarried, years Would
p. ass away before eoteplete justice could be obtained.
Atotal repeal of the Corn-laws St as required by the OoostitUg
tion of the country. He had lately received reports of the con:
dition of the poorer classes in
Maeneliestere which road;
his heart ache.—(Hear, hear.) He had seen some
in want of food of any . kind, and he had seen
others almost without • a single article of clothing to
cover them. He had been to the hospital, where he
had brew assured by the medical gentlemen that there were
many in the town whree only disease was want and poverty.
With these things before his eyes, he shoeld consider himself
accessory to murder, if he did
not exert himself to obtain
a repi;ai of the laws to which those evils were attributed.
It appeared that Sir Robert Peel was to bring forward a
motion to-night; he was happy to say that Mr. Villiers
is as to bring forward an ametrdment, the tenor of which
would be for a total repeal. —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The
question, then, was what course they should pursue if they were
defeated at all points—if Mr. Villiers' amendment
should be lost, and Sir R. Peel's plan be crammed down
their throats. Some people were of opinion that if they could
not get the precise thing they wanted, they should take
the next best, and that was just Sir R. Peel's motion. In his
opiiiion, however, that would be the very worst thing
they could do ; if they could not get Mr. Villiers
amendment, he trusted that the country would still con'
tinue to agitate. He, for one, would never cease to 'agitate
until they got a different House of Commons.—(Hear.)
Here was one matter of . egret to him ; it was, that in all their
proceedings they had not made use of the words " Free
Trade" instead of the abolition of the Corn-laws onl •he
would have all kinds of protection removed from every only;
He did not think that protection did any good either for
or against the landlord ; but if they had always gone for
a total repeal of all kinds of protection, the landowners
would not now have the (rely leg to stand upon which as it
was was left them.—( Hear.) He was grateful, however,
that the general feeling seemed to be for ' free
trade, and he could wish that all their proceedings
had been werded for free trade, They had now rubbed off