The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING-, JUNE 21, 1842.

allow him to say
Lis precedents he had
he thought that in the selection of
had been peculiarly infelicitous. He
Vlllnot go back
.to precedents in the time of Henry
' lire but he would say a few words on the more recent
eines. The lion. Gentleman had referred to the silver re-
c()inagP, which had taken place in 1816. The principles
on whieli the gold and silver coin of this country were
regulated were totally distinct and separate. The silver
coin was a mere token, which the Government issued at
lteensiderable advantage; it was a token issued by the
Government„ upon whicit they made a large profit, whilst
the
6°"l-win was always a legal tender. The two spe-
cies of ceinago, therefore, stood upon a totally differ-
ent "WI g• The course pursued in 1775 was
Rl,- fact,. if not in terms, precisely that which
tind ibeen pursued on the present occasion. Notice was
ven by proclamatio that coins below a certain
eight would be taken at the Min, received at
c !lint and delivered to the public, and the public
iinetri.ved then, as they do now, the advantage of having the
gy,ld delivered taken at the rat 17s. 101 d.
The effect of that proclamation was toed' ide the loss ker.ween the holder and the public.. That was the prin-
?Ple acted upon in 1773, and that was the principle
tteted upon.. If the Hon. Gentleman had consider:A
:r•
at he stated to he the expense at that time including
e-coinage, namely, 151,0001., he would have seen
bil I
;fiatr the public in that character did not bear the loss,
thet that the largest proportion must have been borne by
coin Individuals who were the holders of the coin.• The
thri, '`Sued from the Mint weighed five pennyweights
e -46 grains and a fraction. As issued to the public it
iv- •
Ponnyweights two grains and a landfracion. There
0u:1:e:sat:. difference between the present case . that of
✓ enrs 177.5 and 1776. At that time the coin was uni-
depreciated, and it was in order to avoid re-
Acing the present coinage to the same state I
re-
that the present favourable oortunity had been
eojell for withdrawing that portion of the gold
Win. which was depreciated from the circula-
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not com-
titatilned of the mode the Government had pursued, I e
uomplained of the proclamation as giving an abrupt
tow
"cstY notice, as having taken the public by sur-
0-one wished to surprise the public less than
(the' Chancellor of the Exchequer) did—(A laugh)
ha.• at lie would be glad to know how such a notice
thald have been given without exciting surprise. If lie
t told the' Hon. and Learned Gentleman in confidence
ebl • etta S'eriOUS depreciation had taken place in the gold
the f,e, he doubted very much whether within a week
ero_ act would not have been proclaimed at Charing
• • The best way of dealing with the people of this
beginner'vv(Chtors
o act in an open and straightforward
It the present state of things had
Permitted to go on it would eventually have fallen
ten-fold force upon those very classes who were
t,rl:,:ltiftering from the pressure. He was. sorry for the
• ," which they were enduring, but it u•as
.the
t4Qle consequence of the dishonesty of certain per-
aulit(y• The non. and Learned Gentleman, it seemed,
ell e' that he could propose a plan which would have
eled the desired object in a manner better than the
,4 PtePosed the Government. The Hon. and
tsaTtrned Gentleman proposed to send down to every
t:1 the the country a large sum of gold.
guld :t a certain day people might have their t
ay,`xecanged for full weight. Now, that would only
- elk] (.)Pecing for fraud to an enormous extent. It
in its ‘.,IrUPOSO on the public an enormous charge.whic_ h
would operate on the very classes which the
sax toAtember wanted to protect, by subjecting them to a
make good the deficiency.
the I.* e• 'HULLER explained that he had not said all
*er Ight coins should be exchanged, but only those that
11 light to a certain degree of deficiency.
eve, CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER believed,
In th 9"n to a certain deficiency, there were gentlemen
,zEtute'City, who knew how to reduce a sovereign to the
the s ,weight required.—(Hear, hear.) Not only would
of full now in use be sent in exchange for those
6Peedii- weight,. but also the new ones issued would be
as he vs:: returned to the Bank as light. He regretted
titan, bud said before, that there were persons dishonest
and tt.t° take advantage of the state of the currency
Ite
uh din)
Pose upon the ignorance of the working classes.
they erstood, that not only were deductions made. from
but a'ne of the ligh t sovereigns below their real deficiency,
that
those .of there: were people who refused to take even
~ow.°, legal weight, without deducting sixpence each.
' that was illegal ; and he was glad to have that
te't°„r,tutlity of making it known, that those who refused
in.iscuse the legal coin of the realm, were liable to im-
ita)htlient.—(Hear, hear.) Arrangements had been
th.ge with the banks throughout the country, and with ,
the receivers in the different towns, to enable the people
endxehange their coins. He believed the inconvenience
rttL. gilarna had greatly subsided ; that the people knew
er the value of their gold, and would not be any
cei? e were r
imposed upon by dishonest tradesmen. If the light
it ere not withdrawn, the evil would go on increas-
ee, and would come shortly with greater severity upon
te Working classes, whilst the derangement of the cur-
ehni eY would become such as to produce incalculable mis-
Pcf to the commercial an trading classes He knew
4t they should get rid oft he load which. at present
ed so heavily on the monetary interest of the coun-
t,,t"s and it was with that feeling that the measure was
ted.
NMI'. B. HAWES said the Hon. Member for Liskeard
he C. Buller) was perfectly justified in the course
ti; nid adopted ; for if he had not done so, the whole of
bZ"hjects, for which the subject had been discussed,
1,1 have passed away. The Right Hon. Gentleman
Lad hit undervalued the importance of the subject, nor
but tie stated that Government had no right to interfere,
(1%4111441 deprecated the adoption, on the part of the
;:,"t, of this proceeding, without any previous
1-Ittri nfi given to the public. The Right Hon. Gen-
G ''"d said that the proceedings quoted by the
greater met ectleman were not altogether in point ; that the
e,.Puriaber of those proceedings referred to the
had b..-411' Granted. Take the case of 1774. What
Had Ell the the course then taken by the Government ?
ittlept-d" ueen
in airy way similar to the course now
vit wasent was,s said thatthat th en the differtheence
gold was umbetween tlit
s,ltiral the pre-
Itfteet ctreeted, whereas now only a portion of it was
tts,, Ile could see no distinction between those
Its fOr the effect of the present proclamation
the,()4, discredit the whole coinage or the country.
te3fill,t;`)ll"er case that had bden referred to, a series of
Ithti tens was Passed by the House, a Bill was founded
iao and the whole matter was brought under its
4ree b-ration, the decision being that the loss should be
frqtrt thY the public. He could not separate the public
tst• ise-i! Government' and he could see no ground in
%l by s'Y which the loss ought to be charged to the last
tattee • The Eight Hon. Gentleman appeared to. have
he e,rle't) inquiry, and he had taken no steps to facilitate
4111 t t-„Tlge of depreciated coin. He proceeded by a
veaiell disturb the coin of the realm, to the great incon-
fartaeree of all classes, and of the poor in particular. All
kaki, Precedents were in favour of the principle. of
i 5. the public bear the loss of the depreciation ;
teent aPPeared to him in addition, that the Govern-
e should have taken some precautions to facilitate
the eellan.ge of light coin, and, if • possible, to prevent
l,ltty tereetation of gold for the future. He ventured to
ot, this this was a subject of much importance, and his
the r,''riend wasperfectly justified in bringing it under
takeexclisideration of the House. He thought the course
%two by the Government deserved the most serious
?het., eration of the House. He really thought that
ItttO•ti,"ght to be a Committee of the House to inquire
lAtr' subject.
keel T. BARN, who spoke o low as o be
audible, sal G d he concurred s
with what' had
saient the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite when
vision. that the gold coin of the country required re-
,,tll4t the The Right Hon. Gentleman said he considered
that
,_,Present moment was peculiarly fitted for taking
lat ti.7Ps on the subject. He (Mr. Baring) believed -
tills ~ne turn of the exchanges, and the value of gold in
Let°,dre :011,11trYt placed it in the power of the Government
n and he thought they were justified in doing so
's ••
, was caused. He con-
t. red • erious public injury gav, triat the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not
ft4itioeen just to himself if he had delayed longer in
Palo that course. Havin said thus much, he should
parsgrrate that he consideredg his Right Hon. Friend
eetlY justified in bringing a subject of such im-
-I,ld, vtmtet) before the House. He thought it was an
IZRue‘ tts the public to have the que.stion discussed in
fq•. 1-te;', in order that the public might not be mis-
S 3 lyfi
_,agreed with the Hon. Gentleman that the
•-Lclvided between the holders of coin and the
thtcto„Tv_eoue. With respect to the secresy to which
at ati," triend had referred, he did not mean to say
;angenients could not have been made for afford-
"• .kPI.-4;ter convenience to the publi.!, but ho thought it
v"1-'ec't3"31c that secresy itself would have led to incon-
At` results --(Hear )
t TIP • •
e(),,t tote,: 1\ AL said he thought there was no
.occasion
.'„"etiorlng into any elaborate view of the subject, the
14'1i.v was a practical one, and related solely to the
eliich the public. had been compelled to
t fthea, n this occasion. His Right Hon. Friend the
,f' r, of the Exchequer had stated the law and the
Otlete; like
case with his usual accuracy ; but in a
vktter L'll'ce this there was something besides the strict
tl,lll4'neel e law to be considered—there was the con. -
ey thust°l the public, and in order ti.s secure this,
1
1
i
,t s'snetiines depart from the strict letter of the
tinit! 'light lion. Friend had stated that it had for some
dill rotvezi
hs,j-"own that the Bank and some departments of
_coe would not receive the light gold ; but he
is I'e 'h 1"
that there was any
of sovereigns
which would
Olt , refuse a tender of sovereigns prior to the
t (q. h re. ,t 0
whether they were below the stand-
the
1-41•I'ae-04-1,.s 11.18 Ri'ght ....t-ton. Friend must know. that the
L Iliea6 of the metropolis were not carried on solely
kr great Bank, but by meal's .of private
it(e),t,l)a_nk-112.es proclamation came as a surprise upon the
Pert of the metro_polis.—(`• Hear, hear," from Sir
41') ecoid e') He was looking to the interest of those
teDitalist not bear the loss, and not to that of the great
etta4 s ; and what he, complained of was, that no
NIA.' were tak
th. le at • en for preventing inconvenience to the
,elt tee,
lavr.g". bid not his Right Hon. Friend know
i...1,1ain 0, 'thin the last three days the pressure upon
1441 e s____',lsises in the metropolis had been almost intole-
b-illess }..,(14!ri 'war.) The little petty channels of
para' been dammed up and choked ; trade had
Vld atilt
It had been found impossible to pass
'4ll whether the proper or of inferior weight ;
itti were little to
iniPose
t%1.:-,t,(T,sltorttri,itiil,esinen had chosen to avail themselves of
t.
upon their fellow-subjects,
firs, e able to bear such imposition.—(Hear.)
iptiqh :•_,sniii.iuncement from the Bank, after the precla-
o)ere ""I:ss ssued, was that 501. would be taken in.
h(eske(,,,‘e`i!. however, a large class of petty
that "',llO had in their possession nothing
then worki,umper—(Hear)— and there were, besides
ig men, who received 205., 305., or 355. for
6i,thgel; who were all paid in gold, and who could
bee coin exchanged. Even the order which
11,titketr.:111 issued, lessening the amount to 201., did
‘‘tit4 tIL who were suffering inconvenience, and in
le 1"5 matter assumed the character of a ave
lie begged of his Right-Hon.

Friend to understand that the evil was nJt yet cured,
ald that he ought to do everything in his power to meet
an evil of which everybody complained.
Sir. R. PI4EL observed that, if the evil occasioned by the
light coin had been allowed to go on, it would have been
impossible to have imaeined the consequences. Every
hour of delay would have increased the evil in the
country, and it therefore became the advisers of the
Crown to take some decisive steps. The Hon. Gentle-
man seemed to think that her Majesty's 'Government
had suddenly determined to issue the • proclama-
tion. They had done no such thing. (Hear,
hear.) It was true that parties on that side
of the House did not know of that intention, and
instead of looking upon that as a charge against the Go •
vernment, he thought it was the highest compliment that
could be paid to them, us the worst results might be ex-
pected from making such a circumstance public. Now,
in order to show that the principal bankers in the metro-
polis were aware of the inconvenience from. the light
coinage, he would read a letter sent by them to the
Lords f the Treasury, dated in January of the present
year. (The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the letter,
which urged upon the attention of the Government the.
alarming depreciation of the gold currency, • and recom-
mended that the bankers should be encouraged to clip
all the light coin which came to their hands, and that
the Bank of
.England should take all the light gold
brought there at the full value of 31. 17s. lOd. per ounce.
The letter was signed by Messrs. Masterman ant. Co. ;
Glyn, Halifax, and Co. ; Smith, Payne, and Co. ; and
several o' her London bankers. This showed how sen-
sible the bankerS were of the danger, of the present state
of the currency. The Hon. Gentleman, however (Mr.
C. Buller), thought that the distress of the country was
a strong objection to the time which the Government.
had chosen. But he did not look to the fact that • the
very favourable state of the exchanges rendered the pre-
sent time an exceedingly convenient one for effecting
the change.—(Hear.) The influx of gold into the country
greatly favoured the operation of calling in the coin:,
with the least possible inconvenience. (The Right Hon.
Baronet then read a letter from Mr. Horsley Palmer, in
which he also pressed most strongly on the Government the
necessity ofsome such measure, and expressed the strongest
apprehensions for the consequence if it were delayed.)
On this part of the case, he (Sir R. Peel) would not dwell
longer after the very manly and sensible speech of the
Right Hon. Gentleman, the late Chancellor of the
Exchequer, who had said most truly that continued
representations had been made to the Government as to
the alarming state of the currency ; and that he only
delayed such a measure on account of the peculiar posi-
tion in which, he was placed•—(Hear)—and the_Right
lion. Gentleman (Mr. F. Baring) only doubted whether
the Government ought not to hive taken some minor
measures of precaution against inconvenience. As to
the period of the proclamation, the evil would have been
increased by Aelay. They were aware of the suffering
of the country, but that could not operate with them as
a justification for not applying a remedy to the evil.
Ile totally differed from the lion. Gentleman in his
opinion that the Treasury ought to bear the loss. The
Treasury was the greatest safeguard against a
lavish expenditure of the public money, and
not the House of Commons. The Hon. Gentleman
had referred to the silver.coinage of reign of William
the Third, and had stated that the Government took the
opinion of Mr. Locke upon it. They did so : they con-
sulted Mr. Locke, but they did not act on his opinion. He
advised that the silver coin should be called in and taken
at its value according to weight. But the Government
preferred a more liberal resolution of the House of Com-
mons, am? the consequence was, that an encouragement
was given to the clippers to continue their practices.
Ha had shown them what the consequence was of reject-
ing Mr. Locke's opinion. The nation was thrown into
such' a state of confusion, that our people were ready to
pay out of the public purse in order to relieve
themselves from .the difficulties to which their con-
cerns were exposed. The consequence of delaying
the proclamation would be, that every man would
immediately apply himself to the clipping of gold,
which would be carried on to a greater extent then be-
fore. With respect to the motion of the Honourable
Gentleman, he (Sir R. Peel) did not think it right, as it
involved an attack on the Government, to insist upon the
technical rules of the House for preventing the course
sought to be adopted by the Hon. Gentleman. He
trusted, however, that the example of the Hon. Gentle-
man would not be followed up by any other Hon. Mem-
ber, as great inconvenience to the public business would
result from it.

Mr. C. BULLER explained. He felt obliged to the
House for the indulgence extended to him on the present
occasion, arid he agreed with the Right Hon. Uaronet,
that nobody else ought to follow the same course.—
(Laughter.) With respect to the observations of the
Right Hon. Baronet upon what had fallen from him (Mr.
C. Buller), he must state that he never proposed that any
private intimation should be given of the course meant
to be pursued by Government in this affair. He com-
plained of the want of proper preparation being made for
the proclamation.
After a few words from the CHANCELLOR of the
EXCHEQUER,
Mr. HUME said that he admitted it would have been
unwise of the Government to have taken any course
which would have come into effect at a distant period.
He believed the Government had no other choice hut to
issue the proclamation at once. ,He only, regretted that
that step had not been taken sooner, as it bad been well
known for some time that a: considerable depreciation
had taken place in our gold coin. He also thought that
precautions should have been taken to facilitate the ex-
change of light gold. He believed that many of the in-
convenien.'es which had followed the issuing of the pro-
clamation might have been obviated if the Government
had appointed an officer in each town, whose duty it
would have been to pay the full value for gold according
to its weight. As the matter had I:een managed, he be-
lieved that the holders of depreciated coin had suffered
three times the loss they ought in justice to have incurred.
He thought that the currency ought to be under the sole
management of the Government, and no individual
should be allowed to have any profit from it. Instead of
the coinage being allowed to circulate for 25 years, as
had been the case at present,' the coin should he called
in from time to time. However, he gave the Right Hon.
Baronet great c edit for meeting the difficulty at once ;
but he thought that there ought to have been a better
preparation, by enlarging the silver currency, and by a
small issue of 11. notes. He hoped the Government
would not let the matter go on again as it had gone on
heretofore; but the proclamation should, he thought,
keep people always on their guard. He regretted that
the motion was brought forward in the present form, be-
cause he thought that there ought to be a Committee of
Inquiry. One thing before he sat down he wished to
say, that, up to the last moment the Government continued
to issue light gold in the payment of its own servants.
Captain BERKELEY explained that what he had
stated in an earlier part of the evening, as to the loss en-
dured by the crew of her Majesty's :hip Pique. and the
artificers in the dockyards, in consequence of being paid
in light gold, was confirmed by a letter which he had re-
ceived that day from Mr. Harrison, of the Hampshire
Telegraph. It was not to be supposed that the pro-
prietors of the Railway would acknowledge any share
they had in such an extortion.
Sir GEORGE COCKBURN said that he had it on
the authority of Admiral Bouverie himself, that there
was no truth in the statement that 37 light sovereigns
were paid to the men in the dockyards on one night since
the issuing of the proclamation, and he thought that the
Admiral was better authority than the Editor of
the Hampshire Telegraph. He (Sir G. Cockburn) had
made all the inquiries he cciuld on the subject of the
Pique, and he believed that the Gallant Gentleman op-
posite was misinformed.
Lord EBRINGTON thought, in the present state of
science some more effectual remedy might be adopted
than an annual proclamation.
After a few words from Mr. .Attwood, Mr. Turner,
and the Chancellor of the Excheqner, the subject dropped.

greater degree to the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary
for the Home Department, who was one of the Adminis-
tration of Lord Grey, by whom the Bill was brought in.
The Right Hon. Baronet then brought the whole weight
of his ability in support of it, and he •now brought 'for-
ward the measure as the measure of her Majesty's Ad-
ministration. He (Mr. Whitley) therefore said it' was
unfair to single out the Right Hon. Baronet as the only
author and foster• father of the Bill in the House.' Now
if this was the case, how did the Tory party stand with
the countrY. ? Did they believe that the principle was
less obnoxious because that party upheld it ? No; its
principle was equally hateful and detestable. It was
obnoxious to public liberty and self-government in this
country. He therefore entertained a strong hostility to
the measure, and his animosity was not in the slightest
degree abated by this Bill being upheld by the Tory
party in that House. The question before the House
was simply with reference to the Speaker's leaving the
chair ; but there was an incidental discussien, and he
thought it a most desirable thing that every obstacle
should be thrown in the way of the fu. ther progress of
this Bill. He thought thtft. those who were really hostile
to it, and who felt what was the nature of the me tsure.
were bound to undergo sumo peril, and incur very
considerable responsibility, before they allowed it to pro-
ceed a single step. He regretted the division of Friday
night, and he regretted that he had not an opportunity
of participating in the discussion on that-occasion, and
he exceedingly regretted not recording his vote against
the second reading. This Bill was sowing the seeds of
revolution in this country, and he believed that it was a
measure fraught with the greatest danger to the institu-
tions of England. They were passing, in point of fact,
a Coercion Bill against the poor of' England—against all
the labouring poor of England. There was something in
the votes given for the second reading which he could
not comprehend. They decided five to one in favour of
the second reading. The tradesmen, the persons who
gave the votes and returned Members to that House, all
denounced it. Nine out of ten tradesmen denounced it.
—(No, no.) Ile spoke from his own experience—let
those who said No, speak from theirs. These persons
all denounced it as a tyrannical and detestable mea-
sure. Still those very voters returned • gen-
tlemen to that House who voted in favour of
the measure. There was something very incompre-
hensible in this. Was there a compact, an- alliance
going on between the aristocracy and the voters against
the poor ? Was there an understanding between these
parties that the poor should be oppressed beca::se these
men woula support that which would benefit the middle
classes of society? He feared that there must be so:1 e
implied understanding of this nature, otherwise lie could
not believe they would support such a measure in that as-
sembly. He feared that the Members of that House studied
the interest of the voters at the expense of the poor man,
and he thought the result would be must disastrous.
Were they prepared in Y. e present state of the country,
with the most frightful distress amongst all classes of
Society, the people almost starving—were they prepared
to say that the poor man should be oppressed because
he was poor? Was that tin. -announcement they were
prepared to make considering the prese:.t aspect of the
country? •Yes, this was the announcement they made to
the people of England. The Act of Elizabeth was a
benevolent measure. The• fault was that the Govern-
ment appointed improper individuals tocarry it into exe-
cution. There were incompetent individuals, and the
Government well knew it. such were the magistrates,
and yet these were the persons selected as ex-officio to
form boards of guardians. Now, considering that there
were defects with reference to the administration of the
law, this measure was a violent outrage on public feel-
ing. Why did they reject the Act of Elizabeth,' and in-
troduce one wholly unknown to the Constitution of Eng-
land; by which a power Was given to the Commissioners
at Somerset House which. the Crown and the two Houses
of Parliament did not possess? and this, not to protect
the people, but to grind the poor into the dust.
He repeated that that was his conviction. He said that
he was not for continuing this Commission one year;
his conviction was that it ought not to be retained a day.
Their power expired on July 31. If he had the power
he ivould continue the agitation of the question until the
31st of July. If he could devise any means—if he bad
the physical strength, nothing would deter him from
continuing that agitation until the 31st of July, in order
to get rid of that abominable institution. He-spoke not
of the persons who composed that Commission; he had
nothing to allege against their individual characters.
He made no attack on them. He spoke wholly of the
law, to which he gave his most determined and violent
opposition. Now, • look to the various parts of the
country for information. Had they petitions praying for
the Commission to be continued ? And if they had such
petitions, what were the allegations in support of the
prayer ? He had seen no such petition during that ses-
non. He heard on all hands that there was no necessity
for the continuance of the Commission if they would but
enact a good poor-law. Now, if they could legislate for
their own property and individual interests—if they
could legislate tbr all the great powers in the country,
why could they not legislate for the poor also? Why
not put the poor within the pale of the law instead of
allowing them to be tortured at pleasure?—(Hear,
hear.) The object of this Bill was to form an
instrument of torture to prevent the people from apply-
ing fur relief. He had heard that the first object was to
raise the wages of the working man. Had the law
done it? Had it not entirely failed? How was it to be
otherwise ? Any man of common sense would have
known this. How could it be otherwise, when the poor
man was called upon to choose between whatever wages
offered, and a gaol ? The poor hungry man had not a
long time to consider. His children were crying for
bread, his wife in a state of destitution ; lie had but to
choose between starving on the highways, or taking
what wages offered. But' the Commissioners informed
them that they had a discretionary power of granting
relief according to the -.peculiar nature of the - case.
The Secretary for the Home Department said this was
what they were called upon to do. The di, tary was not
high where there was low wages ; but on the con-
trary•, and the variation in a dietary was from ss. lid.
for adults down to Is. 7d. Was not this monstrous ?
They found that the amount where the agricultural la-
bourers' wages were 55., 65., and 7s. was Is. 7d. This
was raising the wages of the poor man. The poor man
had to choose between low wages, or the miserable
pittance of ls. 7d. a Week. If the Commissioners had
done their duty they would hare adopted a contrary rule.
Now, in London, where the wages varied from 18s. per
week to 405., the dietary was 21 ounces of meat, of
bread 112 ounces ; while in Cirencester it was 98. The
meat in London was 21 ounces, in Cirencester 5 ounces.
An Hort. MEMBER—What date is that?

Mr. WAKLEY—That was last year. In Cirencester
211bs. of potatoes, in London elbs. In London 4 pints of
soup, in Cirencester 2 pints. In London 14 ounces of
cheese, in Cirencester 7 ounces. In London 14 pints
milk porridge, in Cirencester none, and no equivalent.
In London 71bs. of pudding, in Cirencester none, and
no equivalent. In London 11 pints of beer, in Ciren-
cester none, and no equivalent. In London butter, tea,
sugar, &e., were allowed, in the country nothing of the
kind. Now did they consider that the Commissioners
had discharged their duty to the public? The Com-
missioners in the last report stated that the Old Poor-
law was characterised..by a causeless difference. A dif-
ferent system of management was formed in parishes
perfectly similar and in the same neighbo:.rhcod. It was
to abolish the causeless difference that the central board
was appointed. And yet they found that the dietary in
erre place was 21 ounces, and in another 5; and this latter
in a place where wages were so low that a man could
scarcely subsist upo:. it. Now, he asked the Right Hon.
Baronet if he could vindi ate such a system? and yet it
was proposed, to renew the Commission for five years, in
fact, with a view to its becoming perpetual. He said
again, that it was monstrous that here in London, where
wages were three times the amount, the dietary should
be so much higher. Were they so ignorant as to be
entirely incapable of legislating for the poor ? If so, let
them abdicate at once. If they could not accomplish
this, it was their duty to resign. How were the Com-
missioners, sitting in a closet in Somerset House, to
judge of the circumstances of cases so well as the
rate-payers, who were fully competent to go into
the merits of a case, who knew the districts ? If
there was a discretionary power, it ought to be
exercised by Justices alone. There was something
preposterous and repugnant to common sense in giving
this tyrannical power to parties incapable of using it.
There was no court of appeal for the poor man. It the
guardian refused to give him relief the Magistrate could
give him none. He had condemned the conduct of the
Magistrates, but it would be better for them to have some
power. The poor man made application to the relieving
officer, and he was told he could get no relief, but he
must see ' the Board ; • he does see the Board, and
having heard his tale they may refuse him relief.
Why not leave it in the hands of the guardians them-
selves ? IV tell the poor they would be anxious to
give relief if they were allowed by the Commissioners ?
and the poor visited all their execrations on the Board
in Somerset House. But they themselves deserved more
execration if they permitted this. Where was the court
of appeal for the poor? He wished to have that question
answered. And this was the law they were to substitute
for the Act of Elizabeth. It was that law which brought
so much odium upon the Whig administration, and ob-
mined such popular favour for the party opposite at the
last election.—(Hear, hear.) If there was a similar
occasion now he did not think they would experience
the same reception at the hustings. Their greetings
would not be very musical. He should be glad to be
present at some of them.—(Laughter.) The Whigs
were hated, despised, and detested—and justly so—for
that law, and now the party opposite were following
their footsteps.—(Hear, hear.) They were glad of the
iniquity of the Whigs for a time, and they came into
power in consequence; but they would not be there long.
—(A laugh.) Before that day twelvemonths addresses
would be presented t 6 the Queen praying for a dissolu-
tion of Parliament, and if the Queen acceded to the
wishes of the people, he thought the House would be of
a different complexion from what it was at present. He
would ask the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham)
whether there was any provision in the present Bill to
meet the various objections urged against the working
of the present system? The Right Hon. Gentleman
alluded particularly to the appointment of District Local
Committees. What were their functions to be ?
(Hear, hear.) It was a mockery. The Right Hon.
Gentleman did not so mean, but it was a mockery.—
(Hear, hear.) Their functions were to receive com-
plaints and transmit them to the Boards of Guardians,
who were to report to the Commissioners.—(hear, hear.)
But what in the mean time was to become of the poor ?
(Hear, hear.) 'Those unions were too large, and even
the Commissioners had not the power to reduce them to
convenient sizes. The poor were put to great torture in
consequence of the size of the unions, which in some in-
stances were sixteen, or eighteen, or twenty miles in
diameter, and there was no power to reduce them.
This was a great grievance, and nothing was done to
remedy it. Several petitions had been presented to the
House complaining of this evil from the West Riding
of Yorkshire ; from St. Nicholes, Deptford; and from
Kinsinton,Vhich union comprised Hammersmith, Ful-

hair, Paddington, and Chelsea, which alone contained a
population of 40,000, and obtained an Act of7Parliament
t enable it to separate from the union. Kensington
itself now complaining of the evil, and the Commis-
sinnefs would not interfere, nor, he believed, would they
allow the Parliament to interfere.--(A laugh.) He
wanted to have a full, distinct, plain, broad, and unqua-
lified declaration as to the object of the Commission. At
one time it was said uniformity of practice was a desir-
able thing ; at another time they were told that diversity
of practice was what was wanted.—(Hear.) What were
they to rely on ? Was there ever such a thing heard of
before as to give to three individuals a power to repeal
Acts of Parliament ?—(Hear.) What were they to do
next ? He believed there was nothing they would not
attempt. Why was the Commission to be continiud ?
Was it to prevent the ratepayers from exercising a dis-
cretionary power with regard to the giving of relief ? or
was it to control the guardians, from a desire to see jus-
tice done to the poor ? He would not detain the House
any longer on the general question.—(Hear.) He would
now only allude to what was dOne with regard to medi-
cal relief.—(A laugh.) And though he knew that Sir
Edmund head was a valuable and estimable public officer,
yet he regretted, considering the character of Dr. Kay,
that he was not appointed Commissioner instead of Sir
E. Head. The people had the highest possible opinion
of the ability of Dr. Kay, and his appointment would be
productive of the greatest good. The order he held in
his hand showed what sport could be made of an Act of
Parliament.—(Laughter.) He would be glad to hear
the opinion of the Commissioners with regard to that
Assembly. He thought they must consider them the
most contemptible set of blockheads in the wor4l—
Laughter)—to give them a power they could not exercise
themselves. There were some good points in the new order
• relating to medical relief. They were very dull not to make
them out before.—( Cheers. ) But it required some hammer-
ing of the brains to get them out.—(Laughter.) This order
was dated two or three months back, and was to come into ripe,
ration next March. Heretofore the medical men were paid
very badly—at Id., 2d., 3d., and sometime 15d. a-head. Such
a system acted most injuriously with respect to the poor. Now
they were better paid, and received six or 'severs shillings. The
detestable system of tenders was also done away with—(Cheers)
—a system which had been severely condemned by Sir A.
Cooper. But, by this order, the medical attendant was to re-
ceive, besides his salary, certain sums for specific purposes,
according to the following scale :—For the amputation of a leg,
arm, or hand, Si. ; for stricture or hernia, 5/. ; for trephining,
; for compoundfracture of the thigh, Si. ; ditto leg, 51.; for
simple fracture or dislocation of the thigh, 3/. ; ditto of the arm,
It. This held out an inducement to young practitioners to per-
form these operations with impunity. He believed the last
orders of the Commissioners, if carried out to the full effect,
would be attended by the worst of consequences. Many of
the diseases inctd?nt to the human frame were completely lost
sight of; and this, in his opinion, showed that the Commissioners
were incompetent to perform their duties. He would infinitely
sooner leave these matters to the Board of Guardians living in
the districts, than to the Commissioners at Somerset House.
Be most cordially seconded the motion made by the Gallant
Colonel, believing that the present Bill would be productive of
the most pernicious effects.
_ _

Viscou.nt COURTENAY supported the motion for going
into Committee on the Bill. One of the evils of the old law
was, that it encouraged idleness, by giving indiscriminate re-
lief. Considering that the present measure would remedy that
evil, he should give it his support. With respect to the Com-
missioners, he believed, notwithstanding all that had been said
to the contrary, that they had most effectilely performed
their duty.

Mr. LAWSON believed that, in many counties in England,
the Posr-law Bill had been a total failure. He knew that such was
the case in the county in which he lived, and he could not,
therefore, give his support to such a measure.
hir R. PEEL said lie regretted that Hon. Gentlemen had
considered it their duty to renew, upon that occasion, a dis-
cussion which, he thought, more properly belonged to the mo-
tion for a second reading of the Bill. He should be sorry,
however, as the discussion had commenced, that it should ter-
minate without his taking the opportunity of expressing his
views upon the subject. The Hon. Gentleman the Member
for Finsbury said, as he (Sir R. Peel)kthought, very justly,
that Hon. Gentlemen ought not to throw the responsibility of
the present measure singly upon that Minister by whom it
was proposed, and that there had been a disposition mani-
fested on the part of some gentlemen to describe his Right Hon.
Friend the Secretary for the Home Department as peculiarly and
personally responsible for the proposal of the measure. Now, he
( Sir R. Peel) said at once that the responsibility of the mea-
sure did not rest solely or personally upon his Right Hon.
Friend.--( Hear, hear.) That measure was the measure of
her Majesty's Government.— ( Hear, hear.) It was the mea-
sure of the Government, concurring in opinion that it was
for the public interest—that it was for the permanent welfare of
the industrious classes—that it was far the real benefit of the
poor of this country that the present law should remain in
force, and that a sufficient interval had not elapsed
since the abuses of the old system of Poor-laws, to make
it wise to disperse at present with the superintendence
of the Commissioners. His Right Hon. Friend, the Secre-
tary for the Home Department was in office when the mea-
sure had been originally proposed. He (Sir R. Peel) was
not then a Member of the Government ; he was opposed in
general politics to the Government by whom the measure was
brought forward, but he did give his support to that Govern-
ment in the introduction of the present Poor-law, from a deep
sense of the growing evils which were engendered by the old
system. And his opinion since that period had been uniformly
given that it was impossible, without danger, to resort to the
tormer system, or to the principles upon which that system
had been conducted.—( Hear, hear.) One would have in-
ferred from the speech of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, that
the new Poor-Law deprived the poor of some great advantages
they enjoyed under the old system; the every thing had been
perfect under that system ; that the sifhation of the poor was
one of complete comfort; that the superintendents of the law
were vigilant and honest ; that there was then no abuse, no
peculation ; and there were many gentlemen in that House—
gentlemen who had entered upon public life since the abuses
of the old system had been removed—who were apt to form a
judgment respecting the alleged detects of the present law w ith-
out being luny aware of the law which it superseded. It
was absolutely necessary that , those gentlemen should
be reminded of what those abuses were.--(lessr, hear.)
The argument of the Hon. Member for Finsbury was, that the
poor were happy under the administratioia of the law of Eliza-
beth ; that, the House ought to place confidence in the people
ef England—( Hear)—in the rate-payers; that those whq lived
in certain vicinities and certain localities, were the best judges
of what was suited to the poor ; that the poor might be safely
trusted to their superintendence. That was the argument of
the Hon. Gentleman against the Commission. Now, after
those statements, it was absolutely necessary they should in-
quire what was the operation of the old system. Let them first
bear how the law was carried out in small districts ; and
what was the condition of the poor in those districts. First,
he should read a general account of the workhouses under the
sld system, taken from a Report written, not by the present
Commissioners, but by such men as the Bishops of Chester
and London, and others appointed to act with them. (The
Right Hon. Baronet here read an extract front the Report in
question, which denounced, in the strongest terms, the mis-
management of the less crowded workhouses under the old
Poor-law, men and women, the young, the aged, and the blind,
were indiscriminately mingled, the rooms were filthy,
the children were uneducated; while, in some cases,
no Governor was employed to maintain regularity
and order.) That was the manner in which the law
was carried into operation- in the rural districts, under the
superintendence of the local authorities, who were stated to be
cognizant of the condition of the poor, of their habits and their
wants. That was the state of things in the smaller parishes;
and what were the facts in the larger unions—in the metro-
polis, for instance? They had the evidence of Mr. Lee, who
had for 17 years held an office in the workhouse of St. Pancras,
that it was a common remark among the paupers, previous to
the alteration of the law, that they lived better in the work-
house than they had ever lived before. There was a liberal
expenditure; but that was at the cost of parties who were
scarcely above poverty themselves. What were the social re-
sults of such a system ? No doubt there were great enjoy-
ments. No doubt it was a hardship to those who had par-
taken of those luxuries to find them curtailed. But in a social
point of view, what were the results upon the character of the
poor? Their children, it appeared, if they got situations,
either threw them up or misconducted themselves to as to lose
them, in order that they might return to the workhouse. The
o s less
e H, authority, ir
sot,
believed,h
f ri
thinktas
young were exposed to the contamination of abandoned cha-
racters. These were several persons so depraved that it was
impsssible to maintain them ; and those parties were sent out
to live among housekeepers, who permitted them to stray
about, paying them a small allowance. Now, Gentlemen
might extol the Act of Elizabeth, they might make
the poor dissatisfied with the new law, they might
tell them that they had the first claim upon the estates
of the country ; but all these doctrines, if 'practically en-
forced, would end in their degradation and their ruin.—( Hear.)
Was it possible to read those accounts of misplaced indulgence
in the large workhouses, and of misplaced indulgence in the
smaller ones; was it possible to recollect' the condition of many
of those who contributed to the rates. namely, of those who
supported themselves, perhaps with difficulty, by their honest
industry, but who were too proud to derive their subsistence
from the poor-rate; was it possible toloOk to these circumstances
and not to see that in the year 1834 the time had come when
some effort should be made to alter the system? His opinion
was, that it they were now to abolish the Commission, and again
to intrust_the management of the poor to the local authorities
in small districts, they would have no guarantee that all the
abuses which prevailed previous to 1834 would not shortly recur.
This measure was not proposed for five years with a ,
fixed determination to render it permanent. The present
Unisters could have no motive of their own in making it so.
Indeed, if they had ary motive of their own it would be, for the
sake of a short-lived popularity to join in the cry against the
Commission, and to allow a temporary return to the former
state of things.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the abuses
of the old law were so inveterate, that the continuance of a
superintending authority was necessary. He thought that the
that the Corn-
to 'dispense with
the nCootintmhiinsk.
continuance ought to be for five years, andy,thhaet
did
de
shim should be under the supervision of Parliament, but that
its authority should not be more limited than it was, because,
—that by means
wittnlhiiieitsshciiooncl
nodaen
rtalrhboti
o.rstneegschictteeo rumtldnd:d eradicatedboberneowt:lathh check
upon
(Hear, hear,
local guardians,
hear.) He believed that, with their aid, many improve- i
ments could be made, which, without the Commission., ,
well-consi-
dered benevolence of the
of a benevolent Commission, and such he believed the present
one was, great improvements could be effected. Benevolent
he believed the Commissioners to be, notwithstanding the
charges which had been made against them, and the injurious
language with which they were . assailed.—
(Hear, hear.)
But he believed, also, that great and 'inveterate abuses could
not be removed without producing some individual hardship.—
( Hear, hear.) Snch were the hard conditions of our nature.
The Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. -Wakley) had said that
the medical profession would have bailed with satisfaction the
appointment of Dr. Kay to the Commission. Why, he (Sir
R. Peel) had thought that those gentlemen, with the Hon.
Member at their head, were altogether opposed to any. Com-
mission at all ; and yet their objections would-be removed by
the appointment of their own favourite. In that book, from
which he had just read, the House would see what were the
combinations between the overseers and the tradesmen, so much
that 40 per cent. was considered a moderate profit upon
all the commodities supplied for the use of the poor. If a man
unconnected with the locality was sent down to fill an office in
which he saw that it was necessary to enforce economy and
care, there was immediately a combination against him, and a
longing for the old system of 50 and 40 per cent. profits was
immediately manifested. If gentlemen were prepared to act
upon the principle recommended by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Wakley), that the people of England and the rate-payers were
fit to be entrusted with the management of their own affairs.
they mint expect the revival of the old system.—( Hear, hear.)
Look to the system of accounts--(Hear, hear.) I that re-
spect hat re-
spect alone, the existence of a „perintending Commission was
of great importance.—(Heir, bear.) It was, perhaps, the
only means of preventing a profligate expenditure. The same
superintendence was also of the utmost impprtance in securing
proper medical attention to the ponr.--( Hear, hear.) Be-
lieving that, for the permanent improvement of the condition
of the poctr, this Commission was. Wes_ sub he gave his cor-
dial and chnsistent support to the Bill of his Right Honourable
Friend.--(Mear, kw.)
•

. The House then divided, when the numbers were—
For the amendment
Against it
Majority for going into Committee
On our re-admission to the gallery we found
Mr. FERRAND on his legs, moving that the debate be
adjourned till this day week. In moving that adjournment he
considered that he was doing his duty to his constituents as an
independent Member of that House, and he thought he should
be able to convince the House that he was justified in taking
that step. On Thursday evening last he had given his reasons
for opposing this Bill, and in the reply of the Home Secretary
to his remarks he regretted that the Right Hon. Baronet had
found no better reasons for pressing on this Bill than those
he had adduced. He had founded all his reasons on the alleged
gross mismanagement of tbe'Keightley Board of Guardians;
but he would challenge the Right Hon. Baronet to lay his
finger on a single instance in which that Board had
misconducted themselves towards the ratepayers or the
poor under the Act of Elizabeth. The Right Honourable
Baronet, flushed by the Report of Mr. Mott, who had
for some weeks been in his (Mr. Ferrand's) neigh-
, hourhood for the purpose of getting up these charges had
brought accusations against himself, and a relative of his on
the opposite benches—the Hon. Member for Bradford—
(Laughter )—and against four Magistrates acting with himself
and the Hon. Member for Bradford in the Keightley Union.
Three of these gentlemen were opposed to him in politics,
hut however he might differ with them in opinion, yet he
trusted he should never be wanting in the generous feeling of
an Englishman that would lead him to defend his brother
Magistrates against as foul a calumny as was ever brought
' against the character of au independent country gentleman.
Ihe Report of Mr. Mott wal the sole ground of those
charges—of the Magistrates having, for the sake of popularity,
! increased the allowances to the poor in an extravagant
manner. Ile had denied those charges as a Ma-
gistrate and Chairman of the Union; and he again
asserted that that report was, with a few exceptions, a
tissue of falsehoods.— ( Hear, hear.) If he could prove that to
the House, he had a right to demand this adjournment till the
Magistrates themselves and the Board of Guardians should
have an opportunity of replying to that Report. He had moved
for its production, and he trusted it would be placed on the
table to-morrow ; and he pledged himself that all he had as-
serted should be confirmed, not (holy by the Magistrates, but by
the Board of Guardians also.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member then proceeded to read extracts from a letter from the
Clerk of she Keightley Union, referring to some passages in a
speech of the Secretary of State for the Home Department,
when
'rho SPEAKER called the Hon. Member to order. He
could not read references made out of the House to any former
debate.
Mr. FERRAND continued, by reading only such extracts
as denied the charges alleged, and concluded by moving that
the debate be adjourned till that day week.
Mr. FIELDEN seconded the motion, in a very low tone of
voice. The Bill was of a most important kind, and he pro-
tested against its being hurried through Committee with such
breathless haste, when they had heard a letter read confirming
the comments the Hon. Member had made on Thursday even-
log . He told the House that he should do all he could to
cause as many divisions on this Bill as possible. If this measure
passed, he had no hesitation in saying that the House would re-
gret it. He was one of those who contended for the absolute re-
peal of this law ; he thought it ought to be burnt by the common
hangman. He was no modifier. There were many Hon.
Gentlemen in that House who thought that modifications
might be made in the Bill, which would make it acceptable to
the people. Ile did nut believe any such thing. He con-
tended, that under the present circumstances, they had no
right to pass that measure. After the bribery and corruption
which was proved to have taken place at the last election, he
doubted whether they had any authority to pass a Bill of such
importance. For his own part, he would vote " no confidence"
in any Administration which upheld the unconditional powers
of the Poor-law Commission, and the Bill, as theh pro-
posed, should receive all the opposition which it was in
his power to give to it.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.")
He denied that any man had an absolute right to property.
The land was liable to the maintainance of the poor when
labour failed to support them. He assured Hon. Gentlemen
opposite that they were on the verge of a volcano, for nothing
could be more calculated to create disaffection among the
people, which would doubltess end in revolt, than the passing
of the present measure. He thought that if the Right Hon.
Gentleman would take the same time to consider the Poor-
laws as he had to the Corn-laws and other questions, he would
never have retained the Commissioners one day longer. The
Right Hon. Gentleman said that experience should guide the
persons who had the administration of the Poor-law in their
hands. But what experience could the Commissioners have in
Somerset House ?
Mr. M. PHILIPS said he could not allow the Hon.
Member for Oldham to misrepresent him or his constituents.
He had referred to a petition signed, certainly by a great num-
ber, which came from Manchester; but he must say that that
petition did not represent the opinion of the whole of Manches-
ter. It he (Mr. Philips) were elected a guardian, he should
feel it a great relief to have it in his power to confer with the
board of guardians, men peculiarly acquainted with the Poor-
law system ; and he should not consider himself degraded in
applying to them for assistance from their experience; and in
doing so he felt that he would be discharging his duty to the
poor and to those whose property furnished the means of sup-
porting the poor. He could not concur with the Hon. Gentle-
man who had just sat down in saying that the distress of the ma-
nufacturing districts was attributable to the Poor-law. No
one could be more fully alive to the present unfortunate posi-
thin of the country, but he could not attributeit to
the Poor-law. There were various ether causes to which he
attributed it, and which causes he wished the House would
consider; but he could not do injustice to the operation of the
Poor-law Bill, and as the representative of a large, body, he
could not hear that assertion, without entering his opposition.
He must say, that he regretted these assertions, which had the
the effect of exciting the people in their sufferings, which had
been borne with a degree of patience which he could hardly
find woids sufficient to admire.—( Hear, hear.) But be was
not one of those to turn against that system which was intended
for their relief. He not could suppose that the intention of the
framers of that Bill was to injure the poor. Had the Govern-
ment of Lord Althorp brought in the Bill with that intention,
he ( Mr. Philips) would have been the first to desert such a
party, and they would deserve the contempt of every man. He
did not think that it was the feeling of the poor themselves.
( Hoar, hear.) With respect to the labourers from the sister
country, he thought that if a man had continued in one place
for 15 years, he ought not to be transported against his will.
He felt that those who drew them there had a right to main-
tain them.—( Hear, hear.) Was not this the case in other
places? Was it not the case in London, which obtained many
of its labourers from the agricultural districts? He protested
against the statements made by the Hon. Member for Old-
ham. (Divide, divide. )
Sir J. GRAHAM wished to call the attention of the House
to the spirit of the motions made. The Hon. Member for Lin-
coln declared a decided preference for the law before the late
Poor-law Act, and the Hen. Member for Finsburydeclared his
intention to give every obstruction to the Bill, till the 31st of
July, when the Bill for the continuance of the Commission was
to expire, and when the machinery for the relief of the poor
would be thrown into a state of confusion. The motion of the
Hon. Member for Knaresborough was grounded on his desire
to have the Report, relative to the Keightley Union, laid on the
table of the House, and, in an early part of the evening, he
moved for the production of the Report, to which he (Sir J.
Graham) at once acceded. The Right Hon. Gentleman then
referred to the circumstances under which the Report of Mr.
Mott was made, respecting the Keightley Union, andsaid that he
had also in his possession the Report of Sir John Walsham,
which confirmed that made by Mr. Mott ; and sinless he was to
be disbelieved as well as Mr. Moot, there was as much misma-
nagement to be met with in the Keightley Union as was re-
ported by Mr. Mott. It was his (Sir J. G.'s) intention to
move for the production of Sir John Walsbam's Report, and
therefore if the Hon. Gentleman grounded his motion for the
adjournment for a week, until the production of the Report, and
till a Committee was appointed to inquire into the mode of ad-
ministration in the Keightley Union, he (Sir J. G.) begged to
assure him it was not necessary to detain the House on that ac-
count, for he would have a full, fair, and ample inquiry.
Mr. FERRAND said that the Right Hon. Gentleman mis-
understood him.—(Oh, oh.) None of the Magistrates at-
I tempted to interfere with the Board of Guardians of the Keight-
ley Union. He still maintained the inaccuracy of the Report.
Lord BARRINGTON (as we understood) deprecated
making such motions as the present, which could only be inju-
rious to the cause they were intended to serve.—( Hear.) He
entertained a strong opinion on the subject himself, but he still
respected the opinions of those who differed with him. He
would advise his Hon. Friend to take a legitimate time for dis-
cussion, and not have recourse to motions of fhe present na-
-1 ture.—(Cheers.)
Mr. COLVILLE would support the motion, particularly as
the i3ill contained a clause to do away with the Gilbert Unions.
Mr. ',ERRAND said. if the Right Hon. Baronet would
give him the Committee he required, he would not divide the
House.
Mr. FIELDEN said (as we understood), that if the Hon.
Member for Knaresborough did not divide the House upon the
motion, he would.
Sir J. GRAHAM observed, that the only Committee he
should feel inclined to agree to was one to inquire tnto the ma-
nagement of the Keightley Union.—( A laugh.)
Mr. FERRAND—Then, Sir, I shall divide.—( Laughter.)
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House di-
vided, when the numbers were—
For the amendment
For going into Committee
Majority for going into Committee .---237
The House then resolved itself into Committee, Mr. Greene
in the chair.
Mr. WAKLEY wished te ask the Hon. Gentleman in the
chair, what was the order in which the question would be put,
for continuing the Commission for five years, as well as the
amendment of the Hon. Member for Rochdale, that it should
continue only for twelve months ?
The CHAIRMAN said, that if the question was put that
the Commission should be continued for five years, and if an
amendment was moved that it should be continued only for
twelve months, he should put the amendment first, according
to the forms of the House.
After a desultory conversation, in which Mr. \Vakley, Mr.
Duncombe, and Mr. Ferrand took part,
Mr. lIROTHERTON moved that the Chsirman report
progress and ask leave to sit again.
Mr. WAKLEY gave notice that if the motion for reporting
progress were carried, he would, on the next occasion, when the
Chairman took his seat in Committee, move that the first clause
be postponed, because it was impossible that the Committee
should be able to decide whether the Commission was to last
for five years or for three, until they knew first what were the
provisions of the Bill, and what were te be the powers of the
Commissioners.
The motion (Mr. Brotherton's) was then agreed to, and the
House resumed.
The Perth Prison Bill was read a third time.
The Railways Bill Report was brought up and received, and
the Bill ordered to be engrossed.
BONDED CORN.
The Report on the Bonded Corn Bill was brought up.
JUSTICES JURISDICTION BILL.
The Justices Jurisdiction Bill was read a third time.
CUSTOMS ACTS.
The Report on the Customs Acts was brought up, and or-
dered to be received.
The House then adjourned at a Quarter to One.

The decay of the Teeth and Gums arises from
various causes; but, principally, it may be attributed to early
neglect, ill health, and the use of Tooth Powders containing
mineral and other deleterious acids, which give a momentary
whiteness to the Teeth, while they corrode the enamel!—The
extreme prevalence of this last cause is too well known to need
comment. To this fact, indeed, is principally to be attributed
the long Botanical research, which was happily terminated by
the most felicitous discovery ever given to the world for the
preservation of the Teeth, Gums, and breath, viz. —Rowland's
(Montt), or Pearl Dentifrice; this Powder now occupies a dis-
tinguished place at the Toilets of the Sovereigns and the
nobility throughout Europe, while the general demand for it at
once announces the favour in which it is held by the public
at large.
MONEY MARKET.—GoId was in a feverish state,
owing to the process of sweating, and parties who expected to
find money extremely heavy were surprised at its uncommon
lightness, which they only perceived when bringing it into the
market. Sovereigns with the coupons (or little pieces) cut out
were freely offered for 205., and as freely declined, and many
persons made fruitless endeavours to turn the scale by filling in
tke crevice!.—Punch.

All Advertisements of a Disgusting Character,
or Immoral Tendency, are excluded from
the Columns of " The Sun."

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