The Sun.
London, England, 1842-12-07 00:00:00

quate revenue, is all that can be yielded to its future 9
legislation. n equal or horizontal tariff would afford
sufficient revenue to the. Government, and sufficient
and equal protection to labour; but it would not suit the
purposes of the capitalist, whose love for labour is
extremely discriminating. - He loves the manufac-
turer of iron more than the builder, the rigger, the
navigator of a ship ; he loves the manufacturer of
coarse wools more than the grower of soarse wools.
His love for the manufacturer is a dollar a-yard, and
'for the wool grower, a mill per pound. He loves that
branch of industry the most, the gains of which he
can secure to himself the easiest. He loves anything
that is a corporation.
" The temporary ascendancy of the Whig party
has enabled the capitalist, in addition to a bank and
high tariff, to shadow forth their necessary adjunct, a
national debt. In order to bring labour into com-
plete subjection, the whole three are necessary. The
annual taxation of labour by the Government of
Great Britain, is two hundred and forty millions of
dollars; and of this sum one-halfgoes to the capitalist,
in the shape of interest upon the national debt. The
debt itself is viewed with indifference, but in the
struggle to meet the interest, labour seems to have
sunk into an entailed and grievous servitude. Shall
we not, mechanics and working men, resist here, all
debt, whether state or national, in its incipient stages?
Shall we not work with all our might against a party

THE NECESSITY FOR BETTER
CHURCH GOVERNMENT.
(From the Bishop of Llandaff's Triennial Charge.)
But the distraction introduced into our Church by
the circulation of certain opinions, and by ostenta-
tiously practising forms of no intrinsic importance,
as if they were vital parts of Christianity, is an evil
which requires some more definite and decisive autho-
rity to control it than the actual condition of our
national Church supplies. The dioce3an is in the first
instance the appointed guide in cases of doubt. But
different Bishops may decide differently; and cases of
doubt will multiply, as time goes on, and manners
change, and unforeseen circumstances arise. Even
that serious point of discipline, the repelling communi-
cants from the Lord's table, which by the Rubric is
in certain cases enjoined, often involves doubts for
wh;ch no adequate solution is provided
The question of lay baptism, as entitling a deceased.
person to burial with the rites of the Church, is in-
deed now decided by the highest authority ; and to
that authority it is our duty to bow. But when we
read the reasons upon which the decision is made to
rest, and find it stated, that because the Church has
generally held the validity of lay baptism in cases of
emergency, so far as to preclude the practice of re-bap-
tising, therefore, it is to be regarded also as sufficient,
our knowledge of ecelesiasiastical antiquity makes us
reject such a conclusion, if by it is meant that no
further act is requisite to entitle the party to all the
privileges of Church membership. Whatever the
Church may in charity have conceded to those who,
being baptised by lay hands in infancy, died before
they were formally received into the Church, we ven-
ture to declare, upon the evidence of ancient writers
and of ancient canons, that the practice of the Church
has ever required, as a general rule, such baptism to
be completed, either by solemnly receiving the infant
into the Church, or by confirmation with laying on of
hands by the Bishop.
To infer from a permission given in cases of urgent
necessity, and that too when all the parties concerned,
though laymen, were yet members of the Church,
that, therefore, a heretic or a schismatic may, without
necessity, and acting in open defiance of the Church,
merely by using the scriptural form of baptism, con-
fer the full privileges of the Church, and that the
clergy are bound to give their services in burying,
such a person, though never recognised, directly or in-
directly, as a member, is certainly wrong in Christian
theology, as attested by the uniform practice of the
Church in all ages, however deficient the ecclesiastical
laws of this countrr may now be in providing for
such cases. Before the Reformation such a case could
not have happened.
Yet in the actual constitution of our National
Church there is nb remedy for this grievance. We
must, therefore, obey the law, as expounded by our
lay Judges. The Church, must, to use a phrase inju-
riously applied to her sacred formularies, " continue
to work in chains ;" but we may appeal to the Legis•
lature for emancipation from this bondage, contradic-
tory as it, is not only to the whole tenor of our eccle-
siastical polity, but to the plainest principles of reason
and equity. We have no wish to debar those who
are out of the pale of the National Church from Chris-
tian burial—not even to deprive them of what is said
to be their civil right, burial in the churchyard of the
parish to which they belong—but for the Minister of
the parish to be compelled to read the service of the
Church over those who neither belonged nor wished
to belong to the Church is a grievance far beyond
any which sectaries complain of as imposed upon

which sets no bound to debt and —extravagant expen-
diture—opposes all taxation of capital, ani shifts off
upon labour all the burdens of payment?
" Our approaching State election again calls upon
us to sustain the democratic policy, the true working
man's policy, with reference to State debt and inter-
nal i!Aprovements. Shall we, throligh supineness,
again allow a party to take the reins, which at the
time of its arrest, was trafficking away, at a most ruin- .
ous depreciation, the credit of the State—sinking us
deeper and deeper in embarrassment and debt? The
progress of democratic principles is onward; but it
must not be forgotten that eternal vigilance is the
price of liberty. The conviction that cur principles
are eternal, prevented our glorious democracy from
becoming disheartened when the cohorts of Whiggery
triumphed in the memorable campaign of 1840. The
general defection of the States from the Whig cause,
and their return one after another to the democratic
fold, leaves the Whigs no other boast of 1840, hut
that it marks an epoch of their success in appeal-
ing to the passions, instead of the reason of the
people. Shall we, through divisions in our own ranks,
neglect to secure at the coming election, mem-
bers of Congress in favour of preserving the distinct
rights— the cherished institutions of the States ?
Shall we, from local or personal considerations, or
from sectional jealousies, hazard our ascendancy in
the State Legislature, and fail of sending back to his
post the distinguished democrat who now so ably re-
presents us in the Senate of the Union ? If any in-
centive to duty is needed, we have only to look at the
heartless proscription which our divisions among our-
selves have enabled the bitter enemies of the demo-
cracy, though in a minority of thousands in this city,
to inflict upon us. Let us each one make some sacri-
fice for the common good. ' Let us present an undi-
vided front in favour of regular nominations. Let us
come out in our full strength, recollecting that we
now have to whip the federalists in their last strong-
hold, and in their very latest disguise. We have to
whip them now as the pr•tectors of labour.
" RESOLUTIONS.

"Resolved, That the best protectors of the labour-
ing classes are the labourers themselves, and that to
the Whig capitalist who volunteers in our behalf, we
reply in the language of Colonel Barre, in the British
Parliament, to the officials who claimed to have acted
upon a similar principle of protection towards the
early settlers of America. No ! they grew by your
neglect—the moment you began to care for them,
that care was manifested in sending over swarms of
officers, to eat out their substance, to misrepresent
their liberties, and to prey upon them.'
"Resolved, That we recommend to those protectors
of labour, the old democratic creed, so clearly stated
by Professor Holland, in order that their principles
and practice may hereafter more perfectly agree. 4 A
perfect equality of political rights ; the sovereignty
of the State Governments ; a strict construction of the
Constitution ; no privileges to particular sections of
the country, or to particular classes of the community;
no monopolies, trading companies, or corrupt govern
mental banks ; frequent rotation, strict responsibility,
and small parade in office ; moderate legislation ; a
revenue meeting the wants of the people, and no more ;
simplicity in the laws; and the least possible re-
straint upon the mind, person, energy, and industry,
of every man, consistent with the rights of his fellow-
men.'
"Resolved, That while we hear of a large profit
already secured by the manufacturing capitalist in
the rise of his goods, and of an advance in the com-
mon necessaries of life consumed by the labourer, we
have yet to hear of the first dollar added to his wages.
"Resolved, That the instincts of wealth are the
same everywhere—that the affection of capitalists for
the labouring classes is no more disinterested in Great
Britain than in the United States—that in monopo-
lising the earnings of labour in the former, they
march more boldly to their ob;ect ; while here they
seek to obtain it by tricks in tariff, currency, and debt.
"Resolved, That the democracy of this country are
fast learning to interpret the catch-words of Fede-
ralism. Log cabins and hard cider mean extreme
friendship for the labouring classes everywhere but
in Rhode Island—there it means disfrancisernent ;
protection to labour means the securing to the
labourer ample opportunity to work, and to the capi-
talist, the profits of his labour in the shape of high
duties.
"Resolved, That the selection of William C. Bouck
and Daniel S. Dickinson, as candidates for the two
highest offices under our State Government, meets
our hearty and cheerful approval—that the further
selection of candidates to advocate and represent the
cardinal doctrines of democracy, made in accordance
with long cherished democratic usage, will doubtless
be such as to claim our undivided support—that the
success of our measures is so much more important

themselves.
The best remedy, however, for this and for other
existing anomalies is a topic of such vast extent and
importance, that I must content myself with having
barely touched upon it. It will not be long, I trust,
before some ecclesiastical jurisdiction is framed, com-
petent to decide questions of a purely spiritual cha-
racter ; or a commission, at least, appointed to prepare
such laws, under the sanction of the Sovereign, as the
state of the Church, from time to time, may seem to
call for. Whether a convocation of the whole clergy
of the realm be the form best calculated to give effect
to Church government may well he doubted. Such
bodies have been held by judicious and pious men to
lead to so much strife and ambition, as to defeat in a
great measure the good purpose for which they were
convened. It has been thought that the evil will
always predominate over the good; and certainly the
latest experience this country. had of them tends to
favour that opinion. But the increasing conviction of
the necessity of an efficient Church government will,
if temperately expressed, doubtless lead to this im-
provement, under some form or other.
In the meantime, my Reverend Brethren, be it our
care to strive without ceasing against the prevailingevil
of this part of the country, religious dissension ; to
bring together, as far as lies in our power, the scat-
tered sheep of Christ's flock, and to unite them in
one fold, as the Redeemer willed them to be, and ap-
pointed us his ministers for that purpose. If they still
obstinately refuse, let it not ruffle our temper, or in-
terrupt charity—nay, let it not grieve us overmuch or
be the cause of lasting uneasiness or vexation in our
minds. God forbid that we should cease to pray for
them, although we bear testimony against the sinful-
ness of the course they are pursuing. Whatever the
issue may be here, such labour of love you are sure
will not be unrewarded in Heaven. Your greatest
difficulty will be to induce minds trained in another
school, and long alienated from the discipline of the
Church, to lend an unprejudiced ear to your instruc-
tion. That point once gained, I am certain that
many will be brought to understand the obligation
they are under to join us, in obedience to the last
solemn injunction of the Blessed Founder of the
Church : and what they are brought at first to do as
an act of obedience to him, for conscience sake, they
will soon by habit learn to do from pious affection,
and from a desire of • that comfort to the soul, which
true devotion, under the guidance of the Church, never
fails to afford.

LORD HUNTINGTOWER'S IN-
SOLVENCY.
COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, DEC. 3.
To-day Mr. Commissioner Fonblanque resumed his
sittings in the investigation of this extraordinary case.
He took the business in the Judges' Chamber up-
stairs, and at 11 o'clock precisely it commenced. Lord
Huntingtower being still in custody, was attended to
the Court by two of the tipstaffs of the Queen's Bench
Prson. The course of inquiry pursued on the pre-
sent occasion was the examination of his Lordship's
transactions in the shape of bill discounts, &c., with
Messrs. Angell and Cooper, money-scriveners, of
Warwick-chambers, Beak-street, Regent-street. Mr.
Nias, the solicitor to the fiat, conducted the examina-
tion.. His Lordship was protected by Mr. Marsh-
man and Mr. E. James appeared for Messrs. Angell
and Cooper.
Mr. T. J. Angell examined by Mr. Nias—How
long have you known the bankrupt, Lord Hunting-
tower ?—Since June, 1841, I think. I was intro-
duczd to' his Lordship at that time by Captain Byng,
for the purpose of raising for his Lordship's use a
large sum of money. Oa that introduction we en-
tered
into business for his Lordship. The particulars
of this transaction were these :—I received four bills,
amounting to 1,0001., drawn by Captain Byng, and
accepted by his Lordship, which were given me as
the agent for Mr. Chandler, who gave into my hands
the sum of 8501., which I handed to his Lordship.
This was the consideration given for the 1,000/. bills.
Mr. Chandler is, or was, a money scrivener, residing
at 36, Bury-street, St. James's.
Mr. Angell was here requested by Mr. Nias to
withdraw.
Mr. James took a legal objection to Mr.; Angell's
evidence, but the examination was continued.—What
was your next transaction with his Lordship ?4-The
next transaction, as far as I recollect, was an applica-
tion made by our firm on his behalf to the General
Reversionary and Investment-office, Charles-street,
Regent-street, for 40,000/.
What was your next transaction with or on behalf
of his Lordship ?—I really am unable to furnish you
with a strict account of these transactions, as Mr.
Coorer attended to that particular department.
Did you receive from his Lordship any bills of ex-
change or promissory notes ?—To the best of my re-
collection I received two bills of exchange in addition
to the 1,0001. worth of bill before mentioned. I wish
to say that these bills were our own transactions with
his Lordship—that we discounted them, in faet, in
PEACE WITH CIIINA.—If the Tories really believed consequence of an application from his Lordship, that
the war with China to be the unholy thing which he was much pressed for money. One was for 5751.,
they described it to be, their note of triumph is neither and the other for 1,0001. The 5751. is in the hands
more nor less than an astounding blasphemy, and of Mr. Moss Davis, as trustee for us. •Of the other
deserves all the reprobation which good men can be- bill (I mean the 1,0001. bill), Ido not know what has
stow upon it; while, if, as it should now appear, they become of it, but I believe Mr. Cooper can tell.
only abused it for the sake of vilifying their po- What consideration did you give to the bankrupt
litical rivals, they stand convicted of another mean- for the last-named two bills of exchange, and when ?
ness, in addition to the many others which they —5OOl. was given by us to Lord Huntingtower, and
have so unscrupulously employed to lower the Liberal we can prove we paid 5751., the amount of the bill,
party in public estimation. Not only does Lord to obtain the money for ourselves. We made no profit
Stanley thank the Almighty for giving a triumph of it. His Lordship applied to us, being pressed for
to an unholy (so called) warfare, but he speaks money.
of the Emperor of China being compelled to Did you give the bankrupt any more than the
recognise the claims, mark that, the claims, positively 5001. you mentioned for the two bills of 1,0001. and
the claims of Great Britain, thereby passing a vote of 5751. ?—Yes, most decidedly. 8501. was given by us
censure, in language not to be exceeded in force and to his Lordship.
strength, on his colleague, Sir James Graham, and Do you mean to say that you have given to the
.other malignants of the faction who have so indus- bankrupt 8501. in addition to the 5001. you have men-
triously laboured to prove that the rights of the quar- tioned for the two last-named bills of exchange ?
rel were entirely with the Chinese, while all the wrong Most distinctly. That is 1,356/. The 1,000/. bill
was in this country. We thank the Noble Secretary also we made no profit upon. I wish to explain, in
of the Colonies for the vindication of this branch of I reference to what I have already stated, that the
the foreign policy of the Melbourne Ministry.— 1,0001. bill forms part of the judgment in the war-
Liverpool Albion. rant of attorney taken from his Lordship at the time
A hundred and forty. eight persons, who passed the a settlement of accounts took place between us, and
frontiers with the Polish insurgents, who have not ap- when Mr. Bower was acting as his Lordship's so-
plied from their present places of abode for pardon, licitor. Perhaps you will allow me to say that we
and did not seem to wish to take advantage of the took a bond of indemnity from Lord Huntingtower
indulgent pardon, and the time granted for their re- to secure us against the consequences of our having
turn, according to the Royal Ukase of the 16th Oct., drawn and endorsed the bill of 5751. for his accom-
-1834, are now declared to be exiles from the empire, l modation, and in contemplation of our becoming
and are for ever forbidden to return to Russia ;at the liable as drawers to his Lordship for bills to the
same time all that shall be proved to have belonged i amount of 5,0001. Not to exceed 5,0001. That bond
to them is confiscated for the use of the Government. lof indemnity is in the hands of Mr. Moss Davis. In

than the mere temporary elevation or depression of
any set of men—that, sinking every minor considera-
tion, we will carry the men for the sake of the mea-
sures."
The following reso'utions were submitted by Hiram
M'Collum, Esq., and adopted:—
" Resolved, That as mechanics and working men,

we are opposed to a tariff.
" Because, first, it tends to impoverish the country.
He who asks that a tariff of 25 per cent. be laid to
enable him to compete with the foreign manufacturer
of the same fabric does, by that simple demand, ac-
knowledge, that the labour of the country, as distri-
buted in its various occupations, does produce that
which exchanges for 25 per cent. more of the foreign
fabric, than could be produced by the same labour,
if diverted from the fields and mechanics' shops, and
employed in the home manufacture of the article
sought to be protected. If this be not true, why ask
protection ? Labour is more profitably employed,
else it could be successfully engaged in manufacture
without the aid of a tariff. A tariff, then, does not
enrich, it impoverishes a country. We are opposed
to a tariff because it distributes the burdens of Go-
vernment unequally, shifting its main support from
the shoulders of the wealthy to those of the mechanic
and working men. It taxes them heavily, either for
the support of the Government, or for the support of
the manufacturer.
" Resolved, that the argument most relied upon by
those who advocate a tariff, viz., that the agriculturist,
the mechanic, and the labourer are compensated for
the burthen which it imposes upon them, by relatively
high prices, a home market, increased consumption,
and increased demand for labour, is a fallacy. If the
price of labour and produce rise in proportion to the
protected article, how is the manufacturer benefited
by the tariff? It is evident that he would be obliged
to abandon his manufactory.
" Resolved, that for these and many other reasons
which might be adduced, we are in favour of perfect
and entire free trade, as the system by which alone
the labour of the country can be protected ; and while,
' at present, we do not oppose a tariff sufficient to meet
the necessary and economical expenditures of the Go-
vernment, we trust, that at no distant day, this will
be effected by direct instead of indirect taxation."