The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-03 00:00:00

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N 16,370 LAM'

MOND A Y 'CORNING SUN, FEBR UARY 3 1845.

PRICR sd.

is Published in Time ror the AFTERNOON TRAINq
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piled as they are by the necessities of the case, they
show a bold front, and avow their unshaken deter-
mination to check all advances in the direction of
Rome? Already, we say, to a civilian are we indebted
for the first impression on the adverse ranks of the in-
novators. They will not easily escape the truth of the
Learned Judge's deductions, nor dispute the propriety
of his decree against their representatives—the Camden
Society. This is a good lesson and a happy omen. The
laity must follow up the timely victory by proceeding in
the calm, temperate, and firm tone they have hitherto
adopted. The surplice in the pulpit must follow the fate
of the altar in the chancel. Insignificant as a mere vest-
ment, it is no longer so when the occasion for quarrelling
and ill-blood between a clergyman and his parish. In-
nocuous in itself, it is no longer so when the laity have
reason to regard it as the ensign of a suspected party.
Good feeling, therefore, at any rate, ought to influence
every parish priest to abandon it, when he peroeives
what extensive, and too often hopeless injury, the con-
tinued use of it will cause. If this motive is powerless,
other more cogent arguments must be found.
CEIRONICLE.—Recent events have confirmed the
impression, that important measures in reference to aca-
demical education in Ireland will be brought forward in
the course of the ensuing session. The erection of one,
or perhaps two Roman Catholic Universities is an object
which Sir Robert Peel is said to have in, contemplation.
We have all along feared that Ministerial ingenuity
would be driven to this mode of evading the real difficul
ties of the subject. We do not wait for the'detailed ex-
planation of the scheme, to express our conviction that a
project for founding new Universities, unaccompanied
by provisions for admitting Roman Catholics to the
offices and emoluments of the, existing University of Dub-
lin. must, in the present state of feeling and opinion in
Ireland, be a complete and signal failure. The expe-
rience of the Charitable Bequests Act otight surely to
show Sir Robert Peel what a deep-rooted distrust of
his intentions exists among the Irish Catholics, and
especially with how fierce a jealousy t'ney regard his
interference in matters appertaining to their religion.
lie ought to know enough of the temper of that people
to be aware that the agitation against the Bequests Act
is a summer calm, compared with the tempest of political
and religious passion which will break out, from all
points of the compass, if the idea once gets abroad that
he is going to tamper for his own purposes with Roman
Catholic education. Even for the wisest and most honest
measure he has some reason to apprehend a bad recep-
tion, from the strong prejudices existing against his Go-
vernment; but a measure neither wise nor just can only
exasperate and envenom those feelings of estrangement
which already make the government of Ireland suffi-
ciently difficult. It will not be a wise or just measure,
as it seems to us, to attempt a provision feear the higher
education of Roman Catholics in Ireland, without open-
ing to them all the adsantaees of the existing Univer-
sity. Whether to look at it as a mater of justice
or as a matter of policy, the ainaissi,on of Roman
Catholics to fellowships, scholarships, and pro-
fessorships in the Dublin University, is the first step to
academical reform. That University not only i at
present, but will long continue, from its antiquity, the
chief educational institution in Ireland. No legislative
fostering can make a new University equal to an old one.
The reputation which attracts numbers, and the social
influences which stimulate their energies when brought
together, are the product, not of years, but of centuries.
It would be as easy to make a British Constitution off
hand, as to make an Oxford or a Cambridge ; and
although the Irish University is of comparatively
modern date, it is old enough to heave secured to itself,
by a thousand ties of habit and association, the educa-
tion of the Irish gentry, and of the higher portion of
the Irish middle classes. Whatever be the peculiar ad-
vantages of this national institution, Roman Catholics
have as good a right to share them as Protestants.
This cannot be denied upon any principle which does
not justify the No-Popery laws and the Protestant
ascendancy of the eighteenth century. Protestant
ascendancy in the University was formerly in har-
mony with the whole system of government. Now it
survives—an unsightly and monstrous fragment of
an
edifice which the legislation of the last fifty years has
nearly demolished. If the policy of the No-Popery laws
was wrong, it is the duty of the English Government to
make all the compensation that is possible for the mis-
chief which those laws inflicted. Full compensation is
impossible. Generations will pass before the wounds
left by that cruel policy can be completely healed over.
But to cure what can be cured is a matter of obligation.
The :penal laws put down Roman Catholic education,
They pursued with the most savage punishments those
who dared to teach according to the faith of the people.
The growth of a Roman Catholic university, which might
have acquired from time a prestige like that enjoyed by
Trinity College, was thus rendered wholly impossible.
How can atonement be made for the wrong of the
past, or what compensation is practicable for the depri-
vation thus wilfully inflicted, except by permitting
the injured majority to share in the advantages
which the support and countenance of the State has
hitherto enabled a minority to enjoy. By adopting
the course we recommend, the Government would be
only following out the example set by the University
itself, when so early as 1793 it threw open its gates
to Roman Catholic students. It will be said that Trinity
College is a Protestant foundation. If this mean that it
has been endowed by private munificence, the statement
is not true. The fact is, that it is a public foundation,
its endowments having been bestowed by English Sove-
reigns out of public revenues. It is absurd to say that
with such endowments Parliament may not freely deal,
having due regard to existing interests. The power
which remodelled the Irish Church. and wiped away at
a stroke all the ancient privileges of Irish corporations,
may surely reform the Irish University. Or, if it be
desirable that royalty should correct what is evil in a
scheme which royalty originated, the charter of the great
Protestant Queen may be adapted to the wants of the
time, by a Sovereign who does not yield to Elizabeth in
concern for the welfare of her people. The legal sup-
pression of Roman Catholic education gives Roman Ca-
tholics a moral claim to a share of the literary advan-
tages of Trinity College ; but if they had no such
claim, prudence would suggest the concession. How
can it be expected that the most intelligent and ener-
getic portion of the Roman Catholic body will be
content, while in the matter of education their po-
sition is one of galling inferiority ? The existence of a
would
not
wmea
haveteria
mentioned,ly ch ange
taketh i this,
thereasons
rank with the present college. It is obvious that it
could not do so, even under the most favourable circum-
for it separate
could
not, university
for w
circum-
stances, until it attracted a large number of students.
Supposing numbers collected, they would be all, or nearly
all, Roman Catholics. Is it wise to separate the edu-
cated youth of Ireland thus into two hostile camps ? Is
it safe to give so powerful a stimulus to the bigotry. of
each party, as would infallibly be given by the establish-
ment of rival universities ? It has been said that Ro-
man Catholics have no reason to complain, because they
may and do receive education, and take degrees in Tri-
nity College. This is surely a narrow view of the ques-
tion. Professorships and fellowships are natural objects
of ambition to students of ability. If literary or scien-
tific talent be deprived of its natural reward, by closing
Fp the avenues through which it might develope itself, it
is a hardship quite as grievous and as unjustifiable as was
formerly the denial of promotion to Catholic barristers or
Catholic officers. The legal and military disabilities of
Roman Catholics have been removed ; but in litera-
ture and science they are still unemancipated. Now, if
there be any one object which a wise statesman would
desire to promote in Ireland, it is the rise of a class of
learned and scientific Roman Catholics, whose main pur-
suits, by bringing them into sympathy with men of dif-
ferent political and religious principles, would create
new links of friendly union between the opposing masses
into which the Irish people are divided. It would be no
small object gained, to direct some portion of the energy
and ambition which are now wasted in political struggles,
into pursuits more peaceful and more productive of last-
ing good. Every motive that can be presented to the
cultivation of literature, science, or art, amongst the
Irish Catholics, will do something to soften the fierce-
ness of political agitation, and to withdraw the na-
tional mind from its exclusive influence. For this
purpose nothing effectual can be done, except by a
reform of Trinity College ; and there would be no
practical difficulty in combining such reform with an
ample provision for the education of the clergy of the
Established Church. There is one strong reason why, as a
matter of prudence, Sir Robert Peel's first step in Irish
academical reform should be to throw open Trinity
College. Such a measure will not raise the embarrass-
ing question of religious instruction, as the proposal of
a new university would. At the first mention of the
latter scheme all the elements of religious discord will
be aroused. A distinct provision for religious instruc-
tion in the tenets of Roman Catholics will provoke op-
position from very various quarters on both sides of the
Channel, and the experience of the Factory Bill ought
to show how formidable such an opposition may be. On
the other hand, the proposal of a new college without
religious instruction, will infallibly be regarded by the
Roman Catholic clergy as a subtle contrivance for weak-
ening the faith of their flocks, and promoting infidelity.
We fear that Dr. M'Hale spoke the sense of most of his
clerical brethren, when upon this ground, a few weeks
back, he denounced Mr. Wyse's scheme of provincial
colleges. But in Trinity College, the Irish public is
familiar with the fact of Roman Catholics receiving a
university education without religious instruction. To
remove the disqualifications under which those students
labour could give no ground for alarm, but,
con-
trary, would tend to disarm suspicion, and would be re-
ceived, we believe, as a proof of real anxiety to conci-
liate. After such a commencement, there would be fo.ind
far less difficulty in the establishment of a new college in
one of the provinoial towns, or in any further
proceed-
ings which might be deemed necessary. on the
HERALD.—" A heavy blow and great discourage-
ment" was yesterday inflicted on the Rornanitungpatty, i
by the judgment of Sir Herbert Jenner Fust,n the
stone-altar and credence•table question, raised by the
Cambridge Cam
den Society. No doubt remains, we be-
lieve, from the known pertinacity of the party, that the
question will be carried to a higher Court, by appeal,
and, in fact, will be fought with a desperation %o mark

clear, be permitted to continue ; and its overthrow,
and the substitution of something better suited both
to the necessities of the sister kingdom and the spirit
of the age, will be matter for congratulation to the
friends of civil and religious liberty throughout the
kingdom.
STANDARD.—It is not for us to disparage our
calling, but we must, in the way of caution, remind
the public of the proofs they have lately had, that
if newspapers are sometimes useful they can be some-
times eminently mischievous. The absurd Otaheite
affair, which really never had any political cha-
racter, was nevertheless very nearly causing an
European war, and though that calamity has been
avoided by the wisdom of the British and French
Governments, the price paid for peace has been
the serious agitation of the French people. Now,
supposing this matter had been fairly reported in the
first instance, is there the slightest reason to be-
lieve that a knowledge of it would have extended
beyond a few hundred people outside the Go-
vernment offices, or that the memory of it would
have lasted beyond a week. Let us suppose it
fairly stated, that Mr. Pritchard, a highly re-
spectable gentleman, who had filled the office
of British Consul at the Court of Queen
Pomare, upon the forcible conquest of that
island by a French squadron, resigned his consul-
ship ; and at the end of a few months from the
French conquest had become, justly or unjustly,
an object of suspicion with the French rulers
of the place, who, in the exercise ‘-,f an undoubted
right of sovereignty, had removed him from
the island. So far, whatever opinion we might
have of the conduct of those who had seized
upon the dominions of a defencelesss female,
we should have no right to interfere in any
manner. The French authorities had as much
right to remove a suspected Englishman from Ota-
heite as the British authorities would have to re-
move a suspected Frenchman from Hong- Kong.
But it is adder, that Mr. Pritchard was re
moved with circumstances of unnecessary hard-
ship, and that he sustained a pecuniary loss
by his removal, and then came the ordinary,
the almo t every day case, of one Government
Claiming a pecuniary compensation for losses
suffered by one of its subjects from the acts of an-
other Government. The compensation was granted
and allowed ; and within these narrow limits the
matter ought to have lain from the first, and within
these limits it arrived at last, after kindling a flame
that nearly spread over Europe—a conflagration to
cost millions of lives, hundreds of millions of money,
and to throw back the civilisation of mankind
for a century. " Behold how great a matter a
little fire kindleth." Well might the A!•ostle, speak-
ing of every organ of falsehood, say, that it is a
" world of iniquity," " setting on fire the course of
nature, and itself set on fire of hell"—" an unruly evil,
full of deadly poison." These are harsh expressions,
but they are not more harsh than just, and they
are not ours ; and what St. James says of the
tongue may be said, even with greater correctness, of
a greedy, mercenary, lying, and incendiary press.
The proof is before us. What magnified the
simple affair of Mr. Pritchard, such as we have
described it, into an occasion of danger to the
peace of the whole world ? The greediness of
one notorious journal, always eager to get hold of
an exciting subject, or to garnish an indifferent
subject with excitement, because, as the profit and
popularity of gin-palaces prove, nothing pays so
well as excitement. By the false representation
of Mr. Pritchard, as British Consul, at the time of
his removal—a statement the falsehood of which
must have been known to the narrator of the even

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their sense of its importance. But more than half the
battle is won by this decision. The character of the
Learned Judge—his entire freedom from "low church"
predilections—and the care and attention which he has
bestowed on the question, render it exceedingly impro-
bable that his decision will be disturbed by the Court
of Appeal. The Romanisers, however, do unquestion-
ably regard this question as one of the last importance
to their cause. An eminent Tractarian, in a western
county, was conversing, a short time back, with
a neighbouring clergyman, on the dissensions in
the Church ; and he plainly expressed his re-
gret that so much commotion should have been
raised about surplices and offertories, and prayers
fbr the church militant, and other matters which he had
sense enough to perceive to be in themselves of small
importance. " But," said he, " upon the question of
the altar I would take my stand. That is a point which
we can never concede, for in it is involved a doctrine of
first-rate importance. The momentous character of the
suit in Doctors'-commons it is impossible to over-rate."
And he was right in this estimate. Any one who con-
sults Dr. Cardwell's valuable collections, will see the
earnestness with which the _Reformers of Edward's and
Elizabeth's days bent their attention to the pulling down
altars, and placing communion-tables in their room. And
the main step to the restoration of the mass—if it be ever
restored must unquestionably be the restoration
of the altar on which it is to be offered up. These
two different and opposite lines of thought and ac-
tion are perceptible even to the eye of a child.
In the New Testament, and in the Common Prayer-
book, we find a supper--a communion, and, of
course, a table. But in the Romish Church we find a
sacrifice—a sacrifice offered up—a priest, a sacrificing
priest, to offer it—and a propitiation for the sins of the
living and the dead included in that sacrifice. Now of
these two distinct and opposite lines we must choose one.
If we prefer to abide by the Scriptures and the Church
of England, we have then a supper ; and, of course, wo
must have a table. Any one who looks at the Prayer-
book will see that our liefoimers carefully excluded the
word " altar," and used the word " table," in a dozen
places where a Romanist would have taken the exactly
opposite course. And we cannot diverge from this plain
course ; we cannot tike back the " altar" without dis-
tinctly implying that we mean to revert to " the sacri-
fice," " the priest." and the "propitiatory offering" again.
However, thanks to the care and fidelity of Sir Herbert
Jenner Fust, this danger is for the present averted. Let
this judgment be confirmed, as we doubt not it will be, •
in the Court above, and thus become the settled law of
the Church, and a barrier will be erected against the
efforts of the Romanisers, which will foil their most
strenuous exertions,

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CHRONICLE.—We hear there is yet " a hitch" in
the Ministerial arrangements. As usual, Sir Robert
Peel's first " difficulty" is with Ireland. The chief se-
cretaryship appears to have been a-begging. First, it
was refused by Mr. Sidney Herbert; then it was refused
by Lord Sandon, who cannot risk a contest for Liver-
pool; and now its acceptance by Sir Thomas Fremantle
depends upon—the Duke of Buckingham. Negotiations
have been going on for the last two or three days, with
a view to secure Sir Thomas Fremantle's re-election, in
the event of his going to Ireland. Without a distinct
pledge from Sir Robert Peel, that ho is determined not
to carry his commercial reforms any farther, it will be
impossible for the Duke of Buckingham again to place
the family borough at the service of the Ministry. Sir
Thomas Fremantle's re-election for Buckingham must
be taken to mean—no change in either the corn-laws or
the tariff. The Treasury newspaper thinks it is "highly
probable" that this pledge will be given; that is, that
Sir Thomas Fremantle will go to Ireland, although it is
yet "premature" to announce it as an arrangement con-
cluded. Nor is it yet settled what they are to do with
Mr. Cardwell. Indeed, nothing can be settled until the
Duke of Buckingham's pleasure is known. Sir George
Clerk, we are told, is to go to the Board of Customs as
Chairman.
TIMES.—Mr. Gladstone's retirement from the Pre-
sidency of the Board of Trade appears to have caused a
great variety of speculation:among our Contemporaries.
It would of course be both premature and unfair, before
receiving the explanation of Mr. Gladstone himself, to
assume as a certainty the motives which appearances
may suggest as having prompted his retirement, or to
build upon conjecture in judging what in one sense is
certainly quite a personal question. But it cannot be
denied that the probable policy of Ministers, and there-
fore the policy which is to prevail over and govern the
country at large, is also connected with what seems at
first sight but the act of an inditidual. Mr. Gladstone's
retirement has undoubtedly been the result of importrnt
political differences with his colleagues ; and to deter-
mine also the question of the course about to be taken
by the Ministry on the matters involved in them. With-
out assuming, therefore, that no other cause what-
ever will turn out to have existed to lead to the
present sacrifice of office by Mr. Gladstone, we may
h. permitted to refer to the two points which common
rumour, we believe not without reason, has assigned as
the matters of differeace between the ex-President of the
Board of Trade and his late colleagues. The first of
these points is said to be an intended variation of the
Ministerial policy of last session on the subject of the
sugar duties ; the second, the quasi recognition of the
state of the Romish Church in Ireland, which may be
thought to be involved in the contemplated measures for
the amelioration of that body. If we are doing Mr.
Gladstone injustice in assuming that these are all the
reasons that have led to his retirement, we can only
say,•that the opportunity for explaining, and, if neces-
sary, of contradicting, the assumption will very shortly
be afforded him. In the meanwhile, we must be under-
stood only to pronounce upon the state of facts
which we find at present before the public, without
in the least prejudging the general and final view of
the whole case which further disclosures may sug-
gekt. On the sugar question oar views are well
known. We have always dissented from the Minis-
terial policy of last session. What is the precise nature
of the alterations or modifications in contemplation is,
of course, at present matter of uncertainty. But any
relaxation in favour of our own colonial interests,
though accompanied by extension in other directions
also, would, in our opinion, be a valuable concession.
Whether Mr. Gladstone be so pledged to the policy of
last session as to render his proposing any change im-
possible, or whether the change contemplated is itself
such and so wide as utterly to preclude his in any way
adopting it, must, of course, be for himself to explain.
It certainly does not appear to us, as at present advised,
that anything in this question needl have led to a rupture.
The Irish question is certainly a most important one.
The series of measures in contemplation, which are sup-
posed to have incurred Mr. Gladstone's objection—sup-
posing the Irish policy to be the :point in dispute—has
already been preceded by some of a kindred nature, and by
which, as we believe, the nature and character of the rest
may fairly be judged. The Bequests Act, which has already
thrown disorder into the camp of repeal, and which, in
our opinion, by liberating the Romish Church in Ireland
from the domination of the mob, premises more both for
the purity of that Church and the prosperity of the
country than any other Irish measure of the present Ad-
ministration, will, it is said, probably be followed up by
one or two other measures of a kindred sort, having for
their object the greater independence and better educa-
tion of the Irish Roman Catholic clergy. Two Roman
Catholic seminaries, upon a more liberal and purified
scale than that at Maynooth, are said to be in contem-
plation, the one at Belfast, and the other at Cork ; but
we believe that nothing which in principle will involve
anything more than this is in contemplation.
Now, we confess that to our minds these mea-
sures are not of that objectionable character
that can altogether account for Mr. Gladstone's se-
cession. They do not put the Romish Church in the
seat of St. Patrick ; they do not confer on her the
throne of the national episcopate ; they do not instal
her in the national churches, or place her in the na-
tional seat. They simply recognise her as a braised'
of the Catholic Church. They do not surely interfere
with the national recognition of the Anglican Church
ie Ireland. At the time when the Anglican Church
reformed herself from the corruptions in practice and
doctrine of the Roman system, a large body refused to
Romanconcur incastuhcohlicraefoarrmae
ttlh
oll;Ofthis
representatives.
Reformed Church has over recognised that stationary
body as still a part of the Church universal—has ad-
mitted their orders, and received their sacraments.
But, if the national Church has done this, why not the
isbody the present
State also ? or how can it be a violation of the duty of
the State towards the national Church to folios/ll:hp:lL-
cisely the same recognition, and no more, which
believe that this is the full account of Mr. Glad tone's
indeed tura out that the secession. It may
manner and circum-
stancesex-
and accessories of the case--the
eiet of feeling or
pression—may have prodhuecede
attraction inevitable ; but
herself has ever led the way ? We cannot altogether
opinion which rendered t
• of the question as dis-
closed—ifwhich we have no reason to
it be disclosed,
by the above facts pointed to by common
disbelieve,
rumour—do not appear altogether to bear out the re-
sultswhich we have seen follow on them.
thats Fremantle,L o r
Germansd
rs
ti
ae
r. will3s,
POST.—Nothing decisive has officially transpired
t.
since we last alluded to the rumoured alterations in the
certainly the substantial merits
personal construction of the Queetcs Government. The
Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade in the place of
yfodt:neelyr eHlaenr.
Mr. Glad-
stone
having refused the Irish Secretaryship, isto become
Secretary at War, to replace Sir T. Fremantle, and have,
Tgrecneneetrh;ael
spbirerel iseeTfnhstotiEml laraissl
a seat in the Cabinet ; and the Earl of Lincoln, retain-
ing his office of First Commissioner
Forests, also to hold a seat in the
Cabinet.
But, having
mentioned the appointments that it is understood have
been accepted, we believe we may state that, among those
that have not, the Earl of Lonsdale declines a seat in the
Cabinet, as Viscount Sandon also did, when the Presi-
dency of the Board of Trade (as a Cabinet Minister)
was offered to him. And here for the present terminates
oar mime of the meowed changes, of which we be-

—an ordinary case of individual injury, which might
be compensated without involving any political consi-
derations, as, in fact it has been, was magnified into a
national outrage, to be atoned for only by a national
submission. In this sense the event was, in consequence
of the first lying report, received by the people of this
country, and all resolved, at whatever risk, to vindi-
cate the honour of the British flag ; while our neigh-
bours, fully as high-spirited and, at least, as excite-
able as ourselves, answered defiance with defiance.
But when the truth came to be known, the reflect-
ing men in both countries became heartily ashamed
of the intemperance into which they had
been betrayed by a stupid falsehood, and the
thing sank in their estimation to an affair of pounds,
shillings, and pence, due to a British gentleman, be-
cause of some losses and injuries sustained by him
through the, perhaps, necessary arrangements of a
French colonial government. The feeling, however,
we see, still rankles in the breasts of many Frenchmen,
and not altogether without some excuse, for the
French authorities were the parties, the gross misre-
presentation of whose conduct bred the original quar-
rel. And yet France is the only party that, under
the circumstances, can make any reparation.
True, as we have some
ten times said, all this
is purely accidental ; true, Mr. Pritchard's
claim is personal, and not in any respect national.
After having ourselves, upon misinformation, con-
founded the two considerations of national and per-
sonal, we cannot expect that all Frenchmen will
speedily distinguish them
; and all this is the work of
one greedy and unscrupulous journal, the share of
which in producing so much danger is already for-
gotten—of one greedy and unscrupulous journal that,
with a like hope of gain and of prompt oblivion and
pardon of its misconduct, would fling another fire-
brand of the same kind to-morrow.

TlMES.—Great things has the Archbishop of Canter-
bury done, and great things has the Bishop of Exeter
done, in allaying the innovation fever, and restoring health
and peace to the suffering Church! As might have been
expected, and was expected, and as we foretold, the im-
petuous zeal of the younger clergy, wherever disposed
to annoy their parishioners, has greedily seized upon the
latitude of Archiepiscopal tenderness for the lovers of
change, and continued those offensive rights which the
laity have resolved to dispense with. Small thanks,
then, to the two prelates for the part they have taken in
the matter—a civilian has done more for the satisfaction
of the laity than either the Archbishop or his suffragan.
The long-pending cause in the Court of Arches between
the Rev. Mr. Faulkner and the Camden Society has been
happily and finally terminated in favour of the former.
The grounds of this decision, reversing that of the
Chancellor of Ely, deserve to be read with the utmost
attention by all who feel interested in the question at
issue. Sir H. Jenner Fust has bestowed the greatest
possible pains in consulting the various authorities upon
which he he has founded the sentence now pronounced.
Some ideas, indeed, may be formed of the carefulness and
extent of his labours from the time occupied by the de-
livery of his judgment in this important case. Thus it
is that patient deliberation, combined with scrupulous
research, has triumphed over the fantastic whims and
hasty acts of a self-constituted ecclesiastical censorship.
In going through his preliminary details, the Learnt d
Judge developed much useful information on the true
merits of the disputed point. And certainly it is a most
remarkable fact that altars are nowhere recognised or
mentioned by the canons or rubrics of our Church. At
the era of the Reformation this was made one of the
substantial differences between the twe churches, and
thus our 82d canon is headed "A Decent Communion
Table," and, assuming that it exists in every church,
gives directions for its being kept in proper repair. The
altar was proscribed for this specific reason—that the
sacrifice of the mass being rejected, there was no further
occasion for its appearance. With what pretence, then,
has the Camden Society, in the face of such evidence,
which it was their duty to have investigated, per-
sisted in setting a rector at defiance in his own
church, and displacing the table which they found
there for the altar, which is entirely foreign
to our Protestant Church ? Indeed, for what one
good or useful purpose was the change attempted,
and why was it contumaciously adhered to, in direct
opposition to the wishes of the incumbent, with 'whom
they had no right to interfere—over whom they could
have no control ? We cannot help fearing that among
some individuals in the Church there seems an inherent
and dogged anxiety to unsettle and confound all that is
tone cbees s
thear
reverent and sacred within her walls for mere confusion's
sake. Nothing can satisfy them but movements of a
y, but which
tcheerteaxinpeterienmain-springs
of endless contention and bickering. They
experience of
darayerperloyvensn
appear to
delight in raising questions of difficulty, to interrupt the
goodwill and good understanding between pastor and
people. For their very tender consciences on subjects
which never before troubled any generation of their
predecessors, we may give them just so much credit
as we are willing to detract from those good men
now gathered to their reward. They served God and
ministered in his congregations faithfully, as we sup-
pose no one will doubt, and yet they stirred not these
evil elements of disorder as a matter of duty. Here,
however, is a severe blow to the fosterers of all ecclesi-
astical novelties. The altar must disappear. Accord-
ing to the principles of the Reformed Church of England
it cannot be execused anywhere. Either we are Roman.
ists, or we are not. If not, we want not their symbols
nor their ceremonies. If we are to play the Protestant,
but look Romish, would it not be far better to throw off
one creed or the other, and proclaim ourselves at once
what we are ? If we are Protestants wishing to be
Romanists, why delay the result ? Why not vow fealty
to the Pope and bo received again under his dominion ?
If we choose to remain what our fathers were, and what
they hare taught us to be, assimilation with Rome can-
not be. It is full time we knew what we were. But
when the bishops are so undetermined, and the clergy so
divided, what is to become of the laity, unless, com-