The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-27 00:00:00

had lost the name of slave, and did not Work more than
they thought At; which., in point of filet, was inadequate
to the cultiratiOn bt still so fruitful, and of so extensive
a Colony,
Mr. VERNON SMITH said the Hon. Gentleman
had introduced various topics in,to the debate, hilt he had
not stated which way he itittilded to vote. He (Mr. V.
Smith) did lett intend to follow him, but he thought the
Report to which the Hon. Member alluded would never
furnish the Noble Lord good ground for legislatiom He
(Mr. Vernon Smith) would support the Bill, be-
cause he thought it required eVery exertion on their part
to procure fcr their possessions a sufficient supply of
labottt'. At the same time, he would not do so if he
thought it interfered with the comforts or happiness of
any individual ; and he thought that everything which
had occurred since 1840, made it more perilous to pass
the Bill now than at that titne,
Sir A. GRANT roso to do an act of justice to the
Noble Lott'', the Secretary for the Colonies. He (Sir A.
Grant) termed one of a deputation to the Noble Lord
rmin the great body of the West Indian proprietors,
calling upon the Noble Lord to sanction the appointment
of a Committee to inquire into the state of the West In-
dies ; and the Noble Lord consented to the appointment
of that Committee with considerable reluctance. When
the Report of the evidence taken before that Committee
was published, it would afford a complete refutation to
the assertion of the Hon. Member for Lambeth, that a
West Indian proprietor could not do justice to an eman-
cipated slave.
Mr. HAWES explained.
Mr. BINGHAM BARING complained that the Hon.
Member for Lambeth was too apt to impute unworthy
motives to those who differed from him in opinion. lie
(Mr. Bingham Baring) had on a former occasion re-
luctantly voted against permitting those persons to emi-
grate, and he had been induced to do so because the
Hon. Member for Beverley had given it as the opinion
of the Court of Directors, that some delay was neces-
sary in order to institute an inquiry before legislating
on the subject. He agreed with the Hon. Gentleman,
that unless security was taken that all the abuses which
had been complained of should be put down, that it
would be improper to permit the immigration of Hill
Coolies into the Mauritius ; but he contended that
by the precautions adopted, a proper administration
of justice in the Mauritius was secured, and the
recurrence of abuses rendered impossible. The
system of contract and bounty had been done
away with, and the labourer on his landing in the
island was free to engage with any master he liked. If
a man were a bad master he would get no slaves.—
(Hear, hear, from Mr. Hawes.) The Hon. Member
was very willing to take advantage of an inadvertent
word. Under the former system those bondmen were
slaves ; under the present system, however, they were
free labourers. The Magistrates in the Mauritius were
impartial, and the comfort of the labourers would be se-
cured. It was not the object of the Indian Government
to encourage emigration from India to the Mauritius,
and whenever wages in India should be higher than
they were in the Mauritius that emigration would na-
turally cease.
Mr. MANGLES had been anxious to hear by what
argument the Hon. Member for Lambeth would oppose
that which all political economists allowed to be the
right of every man, namely, the right to take his labour
to the dearest market.—(Hear, hear. He had not heard
a single argument from the lion. Member on
that subjeet, the Hon. Member having confined
himself solely to mere as iertions. (Hear, hear.)
In denying to the planters the right of seeking for
labour elsewhere than in the colonies, they were doing
the planters less than justice. It was unjust to expose
them to the competition of slave labour, and to deny
them the means of procuring an adequate supply of free
labour. It was also unjust to the Coolies to refuse to
allow them to seek employment in the colonies. The
Coolies had been improved by having been in the Mau-
ritius ; they had become more muscular and healthy ;
their moral faculties had been also improved, and they
had become a prudent and a saving race of men ; many
of them had remitted money to India, and all of them
had become possessors of some property. He never
knew an instance of a Hill Coolie being dissatisfied with
his condition after he arrived at the Mauritius. He
thought it right that the natives of India should he
allowed to choose what employment they pleased, and to
go where they pleased in search of it.
Mr. HOGG.—The lion. Gentleman opposite com-
menced his address by saying that he was a friend to
free trade ; but he (Mr. Hogg) was not so much a friend
to free trade as the Hon. Member, who would carry it
to the extent of exporting his fellow-creatures.—(Cheers.)
If the motion of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Lam-
beth, were carried, and the objectionable clause were ex-
punged, the measures of the Noble Lord (Stanley) would
still be in absolute operation, and the legislative pro-
ceedings which followed the Order of Council, issued to-
wards the end of last year, he rendered nugatory. After
the discussions which had taken place upon this subject
in both Houses of Parliament, after the interest which
had been excited in the public mind out of doors, he did.
contend that the Noble Lord was bound to take the opi-
nion of the House before he introduced any measure upon
the, subject. The Government were bound to prevent a
recurrence of the frightful scenes which had occurred in
India. He complained that the Home authorities had
adopted a course different from that which they had led
the public to expect. He was sorry to oppose a measure
supported by so many, in whose acts he generally con-
curred ; but he was not to be blamed for the inconsist-
ency of the Government. He had never shown any great
confidence by his votes in the general policy of the Noble
Lord, the late Secretary for the Colonies, but, where the
great cause of humanity was at stake, he felt bound to
say, that he had always felt the greatest confidence in
that Noble Lord.—(Hear.) Every one admitted that
evils and abuses had existed in India ; there was no dis-
pute on that point. The very hesitation shown in
legislating on the subject, was an admission that abuse
had existed. The lion. Member then referred to :he
evidence taken before the Committee, with respect to
injuries inflicted upon the Hill Coolies, and the general
results of the system. How was it that they never heard
of' the Coolies in the Mauritius renewing the contract ?
Why that fact itself was the most powerful against the
system.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to those who re-
turned to India, they were picked men who were sent to
induce others to go to the Mauritius. He admitted
that the provisions proposed by the Noble Lori were
calculated to remove many of the evils which had existed
in the passage as well as in the Mauritius.
There was not one word in the instructions of the Noble
Lord relating to the lodging of the Coolies. He would
suggest the. establishment of district hospitals for their
reception and for their medical assistance in the sick-
nesses incident to a new and unwholesome climate. He
was not opposed to free emigration ; on the contrary, if
any plan of voluntary emigration could be devised it
should have his most cordial support. He knew that
the population of India would be benefited by such a
relief ; but he was convinced that under the proposed
plan free emigration would not be sufficient for the pur-
pose. Besides, he was greatly dissatisfied with the pro-
visions made for the return of the Coolies to their own
country ; nor were the precautions taken to guard the
natives against the impositions of crimps by any means
sufficient. They ought to he fully apprised by the
Government authorities, before their departure from
India, of the conditions upon which they were about
to leave their country. It would amount to an
entire prohibition of the emigration, if the Indians
were compelled to take their families with them. It
would be much better to make some arrangements for
the transmission of part of their earnings for the support
of their families, the latter remaining at home. He would
also recommend that besides a careful survey of the ships
to be employed in the transport of labourers to the
Mauritius, it should be made peremptory that the passage
should be limited to the time of the monsoons. The
Hon. Gentleman apologised to the House for having
taken up so much of its time in the discussion of a
subject in which few would feel so strong an
interest as he did. He hoped that whilst
our motives in promoting the abolition of the
African slave-trade were misrepresented and misunder-
stood by other nations, the House would do nothing to
give a colour to the assertion that we were keeping slaves
in our own possessions.
Lord STANLEY would not reply to the personal
attack of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman upon him, in
a spirit of equal bitterness. There could be no question
that, after the passing of the Slave Emancipation Bill, in
1835, great numbers of Coolies were induced, by fraudu-
lent representations, to enter into contracts for labour
with planters in the Mauritius. The abuses were so
flagrant, that, in 1838, a law was passed absolutely pre-
venting the emigration of native Indian labourers, Hill
Coolies and others, under any contracts. The object of
the present Bill was to modify that Act, to allow the emi-
gration, but to secure, at the same time, perfect protection
to the emigrants.. He voted against the law of prohi-
bition, because he thought that it was against every
principle of freedom that the natives of India should be
shut up within thelimits of their own peninsula, and ex-
cluded from intercourse with the rest of the world.
Having all the information from India which could be
procured, there was no inconsistency, that information
being fully matured, in adopting in 1842 that measure
which he did not think there was sufficient grounds to
introduce before. So far as the passage was concerned,
the Hon. Gentleman did not make any objection. He
(Lord Stanley) did not take up the subject for the sake
of the Mauritius, although he knew that the Mau-
ritius would suffer if it had not a sufficient supply
of labour; but he did so because he knew that
while the Mauritius would be benefited, no injury
would be done to any one.—(Hear, hear.) The lion.
Gentleman, the Member for Lambeth, complained of
the deception practised upon the people of India, and
the manner in which they were induced to embark. He
thought he would be able to show that all those
grievances were removed. The system of kidnapping,
as it was called, took place in consequence of private
persons paying for entrapping the labourers and making
advances to the Coolies, which was the main stay of the
trade. But the system of advances was prohibited
by the present proposition. The Hon. Gentleman also
complained that the Hill Coolies were intoxicated and
imprisoned. The most effectual means were taken to
prevent such practices by the present Bill. The Hon.
Gentleman also objected that persons were taken on
board while the vessel was going down the river.. How
did the present Bill propose to deal with that evil? Why
if the Captain of the vessel took any person on board
whom he ought not, he forfeited his whole freight ; so
that he had now no inducement to take any persons
on board.—(Hear.) When it was said the contracts were
unfavourable, what was the contrast between the two
systems ? By confining the labourer to his own terri
tory, and not allowing him the liberty of spontaneous
emigration, he was able to earn only 41. 16s. a year, but
being allowed to emigrate he could obtain 361. 10s. a
year, so that the real hardship and cruelty of the case
was in not giving him that liberty.—(Hear, hear.) That
was the view also taken of the matter by the India Cora-
inittee. —(Hear, hear.) The Coolies going to the. Mau-
ritius went there now as free men, free to return or to
st.,p as they pleased ; but if they returned within five

not offer any opinion as to its correctness or incorrect- 1
ness, but it was quite possible, from the manner in .
which the work was reported, that erroneous statements
might be conveyed. But, be that as it might, he ven-
tured to say, that no man was more capable of defending,
or less likely to shirk from any statements that he hid
uttered, than the Rev. Gentleman, He begged to say,
that the allusions made to the Coen-laws were mostly
incidental, occurring in a sermon, which was preached
with no view to publication.; that they occurred in a semen
which was preached in behalf of the distressed Manufac-
turers ; and that, as a proof that Otte was no want
of sympathy or seal on the part d the Rev. Gentleman
in advocating their cause, the result of that one sermon
was a collection of more than two hundred and thirty
pounds.— (Hear.) The Hon. Member, in the coarse of his
observations, represented his Rev. Friend as a man in
close connection with her Majesty's Government. He
did not know that it would be any disgrace to him if
such were the fact, but he believed the only foundation
for the statement was the fact, that he had been ap-
pointed by the Duke of Wellington to the Chaplainship
of the Tower, and though he highly estimated that ap-
pointment, as coming from so illustrious an individual,
it was totally unsolicited on his part, and the pecuniary
advantage which he derived from it was exceedingly
limited. With respect to the statement that the clergy
were interested in supporting the Corn-laws, he begged
to state that Mr. Melvill derived none of his emolu-
ments from tithes, the chapel of which he was the mi-
nister being conducted ou that principle which was so dear
to Hon. Members opposite, namely, the voluntary prin-
ciple. It was not for him to say whether or not it was
right for clergymen to interfere with politics, but cer-
tainly no man could be more free from the charge of im-
properly interfering with politics than the Rev. Henry
Melvill. He ventured to say that he had never attended
any political meetings whatever ; that he had never
engaged in any political controversies ; any reflection,
therefore, upon his character on such grounds was
extremely unjust.—(Hear hear.)
Mr. M. GIBSON said he could assure the Hon,
Gentleman that he had not the least intention to cast
any injurious reflection on the character of the Rev. Mr.
Melvill. The language which he had used was rather
eulogistic of his character than otherwise. He h::d
spoken of him as a distinguished and talented clergyman,
deservedly enjoying the confidence of his congregation ;
he scarcely knew, in fact, how he could have expressed
himself in terms of higher approval. With regard to the
publication called The Pulpit, he begged to submit to
the Hon. Member whether the point to he considered
was not rather the accuracy of the report, than whether
the sermon was or was not published under authority.
He believed that the work from which he had quoted
contained as nearly as possible a verbatim report of the
sermon of the Rev, H. Melvin. He did not understand
the Hon. Gentleman to dispute its accuracy. He must
take that opportunity of saying that he thought, as a
general rule, that House had a right to complain of doc-
trines propounded in the pulpit by the clergymen of the
Established Church ; and that if political eco-
nomy was to be taught in the pulpit, they
ought to take sonic steps for securing that the doc-
trine should be sound. (Laughter.) He begged
to assure the Hon. Gentleman that he had no A ish to
speak of the Rev. Gentleman's personal character in
this respect, and he would be very sorry to say anything
of him which could, in the smallest degree, wound his
feelings. But Mr. Melvill, in his pulpit, and as a
minister of the Church of England, was public property,
and was responsible to that House and to the country for
the doctrines which he preached.—(Cries of " No, no,"
and laughter.) Then what became of the connexion
between Church and State ?—(Hear, hear.) Was the
ecclesiastical or the civil power to be uppermost ? He
thought it was a misapplication of the funds ofthe Church
to make its pulpits a means of supporting the Corn-laws,
and teaching the political views of any particular party.
He said they were employing public property in doing
so. Those on his side of the House employed lecturers
to teach their views of the Corn-laws, and the other side
might do the same.—(Hear, hear.) They might employ
lecturers from their private funds, and print and circu-
late tracts to support their views, but he did not think
they ought to sanction the clergy of the Established
Church in supporting their views of the Corn laws, and
their system of political eeonomy.—(Hear, hear.) Ile
did not think any person could demur to the soundness
of the views he then laid down. He would adhere to
the opinion he laid down respecting Mr. Melvill's ser-
mon. To say the least of it, he thought it was indiscreet,
and when he made allusion to the clergy having a pecu-
niary interest, he begged to remind the Hon. Gentleman
that he did not say Mr. Melvill had any pecuniary in•
terest in supporting the Corn-laws, but what he said was,
that if the clergy maintained the Corn-laws from the
pulpit, their congregations may ask themselves if they
had not an interest in supporting them. Mr. Melvill was
a person of weight and influence, and therefore his
opinions were of more importance. He did not think it
was any slur upon Mr. Melvill, to be in the confidence
of her Majesty's Government, and his appointment to the
chaplaincy of the Tower was a proof of that. He had not
the slightest intention of casting any reflection on the re-
lative of the Hon. Gentleman.
Sir R. INGLIS said that having been appealed to by
the Hon. Gentleman he begged to say he did not see
what would be the use of articles of political economy to
the clergy of the Established Church. Articles of poli-
tical economy made by the present House of Commons
would not, he conceived, be much respected by the Hon.
Gentleman. He denied the position laid down by the
Hon. Gentleman that the clergy were responsible to that
House.—(Hear.)
The conversatton then dropped.
COLONIAL PASSENGERS BILL.
Lord STANLEY moved the Order of the Day fi r
the third reading of the Colonial Passengers Bill. The
Bill having been read a third time, on the question that
the Bill do pass,
Mr. HAWES moved that the Bth clause be struck
out. He hoped to have not only the consent of the
House, but of many of the Members of her Majesty's
Government to that motion. Last year a similar clause
had been proposed by the then Secretary to the Colonies
in bringing forward a measure on this subject, and that
clause had been opposed by the Noble Lord the present
Secretary for the Colonies, by the present Secretary to
the Board of Control, by the present First Lord of the
Treasury, by the Secretary to the Treasury, by a Right
Honourable Gentleman now absent, the Secre-
tary of State for the Home Department, who
had all been anxious to avail themselves of
the casual assistance of those who differed
from them in political opinion, to oppose the then Go-
vernment as far as regarded that measure. The objec-
tion then taken to the measure was that there had been
no definite plan for regulating the transportation of these
Hill Coolies, and that was precisely the objection he
(Mr. Hawes) took to the present measure. He could not
but contrast the conduct of the former Secretary for the
Colonies (Lord J. Russell) with that of the present
(Lord Stanley.) The former Noble Lord had not in-
troduced
his measure until Parliament had had a full
ooportunity of discussing the subject ; while the present
, Secretary for the Colonies had introduced the measure
without any discussion, and had it not been that certain
papers had been moved for, the Bill, under the title of the
Colonial Passengers Till, might have passed without dis-
cussion. The Noble Lord had objected to the measure
of Lord John Russell, that there was no definite plan for
regulating the deportation of the Hill Coolies, and that
was precisely his (Mr. Hawes') objection to the mea-
sure of the Noble Lord, and he would ask the Noble
Lord what plan had been propounded on that subject
since the measure of Lord John Russell ? Had the
Noble Lord any plan—had he indicated any ? Cer-
tainly not. The Noble Lord had certainly written a
most remarkable despatch on the subject, and that was
all he had clone. It would have been wise to have sub-
mitted to the House the conditions the Indian Govern-
mept Lad entered into as the reason for passing the Bill,
B:.a they had a right to know whether those conditions
had been fulfilled. He thought the Noble Lord ought to
wait till he had the assent of the Indian Government
and the Government of the Mauritius to the measure.
In these statements he was not saying a word against a
system of emigration conducted upon proper principles.
If they could accomplish justice to parties emigrating
to the Mauritius, he should not object to the emi -
gration of Hill Coolies, . but he contended that
so desirable an end could not be obtained. He
did not make that statement solely upon his own
authority, because he found Lord Normanby stating, in
1839, that the Government was decidedly hostile to any
project for removing emigrants from the Mauritius ;
and again, Lord Auckland had stated, in a despatch, that
he feared such a system could not be carried out with-
out inflicting grievous injustice and fraud on a helpless
people. Lord Auckland had said that no police regu-
lations would ever be sufficient protection to the negroes
in the Mauritius. The negroes were not provided with
hospitals, and their living was extremely bad, and they
were generally very badly treated, and their complaints
about the non-payment of wages were often passed by
without notice. It could not be said that it was neces-
sary to send labourers to the Mauritius with a view to
the increased production of sugar. There had been no
falling off in the production of sugar in the Mauritius,
and there could not, therefore, be any necessity
for the importation of labourers into the colony.
He contended that if they passed the present measure,
they would run the risk of a renewal of slavery, that
they could not adequately protect those poor people from
fraud and oppression. He entreated the House, there-
fore, to pause before they passed the Bill, and to wait
at least until they should receive further information on
the subject. The Hon. Member concluded, by moving
the alteration of certain words, which would virtually
defeat the object of the Bill.
The motion having been seconded,
Mr. G. BANKES supported the Bill. He was per-
suaded that the time was come, when they should pro-
vide for a fresh supply of labourers in our West India
colonies ; and he believed there was no quarter
from which that supply could be so conveniently
or advantageously derived as from the East Indies.
There were but two sources of immigration to which
the West Indies could look for a supply, and those
sources were, the one the coast of Africa, and the other
the East of Asia. They had had the evidence of Sir Chas.
Metcalf; who had passed many s'ears of his life in high
office in the East Indies, and who had subsequently
been Governor of Jamaica, and who, consequently, was
well acquainted with the social position of both coun-
tries, to prove that there could be no objection to the
introduction of labourers from the East Indies into the
West Indies, except the length of the voyage, and that
difficulty the Legislature would speedily remove. The
present Bill, it appeared, did not provide for a supply of
labourers to the West Indies, but he hoped
that a Bill would be introduced for that pur-
pose early in the next session of Parliament.
As respected the Mauritius, he was not so qualified to
give an opinion ; but as respected Jamaica, he thoubt
he might venture to say that the result of all their in-
quiries was, that there was no fear of oppression to per-
sons of this description. When they were introduced
ljovinent
as labourers they would be in the immediate e
.ef equal rights and privileges with those 'freed en kivho

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 27, 1842.

years, they had this hardship inflicted upon them, that they
had to pay thier passage back. He admitted all that had
been said in praise Of Sir Lionel Smith; but the present
Governbr of the Maurititta,, Sir Air: Gorden; was a man
iii *hOin the greatest confidence could be placed, and he
was sure the House of Commons and the country might
rely upon his governing the colony is a proper and up-
right manner. He could assure the House that every
precaution had been taken to protect emigrants, the
contract systetn hid been annihilated, free labour had
been established, and medical men had bet& appointed
to every ship taking out emigrants. The Court of
Directors and Proprietors of the East India Company
had given their sanction to this measure, notwithstanding
the opposition of the Hon. Member for Beverley;
and such being the case, he trusted the House
would follow so excellent an example. He had now
fully stated the case, and he confidently left the decision
upon it in the hands of the House.
Mr. HOGG explained.
Mr. HASTIE made a few observations that were in-
audible in the gallery.
Sir R. H. INGLIS opposed the Bill. It appeared
from the Report of the Committee which had sat upon

the subject, That the people for whom they were legis-
lating were incapable of understanding the nature of the
contracts into which it was proposed they should enter.
He believed that the system would only give rise to a
new slave trade.

Mr. HUME supported the Bill. He saw no reason
why the natives of India should be prevented from
going to a foreign country, where they might find that
employnient which they could not obtain at home. What
would be said if a law were proposed to prevent Irish-
men from leaving Ireland, or a law to prevent Scotchmen
from leaving Scotland ?—(A laugh.) He did not see,
however, why the same principle should not be extended
to the natives of India as to the inhabitants of Ireland or
Scotland, or any other portion of the empire. Ile could
not consistently, with the principle of free trade in la-
bour, consent to the rejection of the Bill.
Mr. BROWNRIGG supported the Bill.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment
Against it
Majority against the amendment -94
The clause was then agreed to, and the Bill was passed.

SUPPLY.

IN RE WILLIAM PAINTER.

IN RE HENRY JESSE TAYLOR.

dient to put in force the provisions of this Act, either in
the whole county or in any riding or division thereof ;
arid on such resolution being duly registered in the mi-
nutes of the proceedings of such General or Quarter
Sdssitihs, or adjournment thereof, then and after the
passing of such resolution the provisions of this
Act shall cease to take effect within such county,
riding, or division, during so long as such resolu-
tion shall remain unrescinded. Provided also, and
be it fnrther enacted, that it shall and may be
lawful for such Justices, at any subsequent Ge-
neral or Quarter Sessions of the Peace, or at any ad-
journment thereof, after having given notice of their
intention so to do, to rescind such former resolution, and
thenceforward to proceed to the appointment of con-
stables in manner and form as hereinafter by this Act
directed, as if such former resolution had not been
passed."
Sir JAMES GRAHAM felt bound to oppose the
clause. The Rural Police Act by no means intended
to do away with parish constables, and the present Hill
was intended to make the parish constable an efficient
officer instead of an efficient one, as ,he was at present.
The principle of the clause was diametrically opposed to
the principle of the Bill.
Mr. PACKE supported the Bill.
The amendment of Mr. Burroughes was then nega-
tived without a division.

Several verbal amendments were made in the remain-
ing clauses, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third
time this day.
. TOBACCO REGULATIONS BILL. _

The Tobacco Regulations Bill was read a second time.

The Report of the Committee of Supply was brought up.
THE ECCLESIASTICAL LEASES BILL.
Sir J. GRAHAM said he should proceed with this
Bill on Friday next.
BONDED CORN BILL.

This Bill was read a third time, and passed.
Mr. G. W. WOOD moved for copies of the correspon-
dence and communications which have passed between
the Treasury and the Chancellor of the Exchequer re-
spectively, and the University of London, through its
Chancellor, Senate, and Registrar, relative to the esti-
mates for the service of the University for the current
year.—Ordered.
The other Orders of the Day were disposed of, and
the House adjourned at Half-past One o'Clock.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
COURT OF CHANCERY. July 26.
(Before the VIOE»CHANCELLOR of ENGLAND.)
His HONOUR took motions to-day. No case requiriug special
notice came before the Court.

VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, July 26.
(Beiore Vice-Chancellor BRUCE.)
His HONOUR was engaged during the morning in hearing
and disposing of a number of causes and petitions. The cases
generally involved purely technical points. A great number
were set down in the paper for hearing.

INSOLVENT DEBTOR'S COURT, July 26.

The insolvent in this case appeared on his petition to be
discharged. He described himself in his schedule as clerk to
a broker and bill discounter, with a salary of 21. per week.
A great number of creditors' names appeared in his balance
sheet, to whose benefit there appeared not a fraction available.
None of them, however, appeared in opposition.
The Learned CHIEF Costatisstomt commented severely
upon the nature of the insolvent's liabilities, amongst which
were the names of five tailors, to whom he owed the sum of
58/. There also appeared 221. due to different tobacconists
fur cigars; 71. for perfumery; 9/. for umbrellas and walking-,
sticks ; 71. for rings and other small articles of jewellery ;
and 181. for the hire of horses and cabs from two jobmasters.
He (the Chief Commissioner) sad it was fortunate for the
insolvent that none of the tradesmen whom he had duped came
forward to oppose him, for if they did he should certainly
have received the fullest measure of punishment which the
discretionary clause permitted, for his reckless and unprin-
cipled extravagance. As it was, the Court now had no dis-
cretion but to order him to be discharged.

7 heinsolvent then lett the Court, evidently felicitating him.
self on his fortunate escape.

The insolvent, who was described as a builder, applied to be
discharged. He attributed his insolvency to unsuccessful spe-
culations in building,
After a few questions from the Learned Chief Commissioner
with respect to the disposal of some houses in Kensington, the
further hearing of the case was ordered to stand for the 3d of
August, the insolvent to be allowed in the intermediate time to
remain out on bail.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
BOW-STREET.

Two very pretty specimens of the lower class of Irish resi-
dents in London, named Biddy itf' Cabe and Judy 0' Callaghan,
were brought up in custody of police-constable F 126, charged
with committing a breach of the peace by fighting in Long
Acre, on Monday night.
The policeman having stated the case, the fair pugilists were
called upon for their defence ; and as their defences afford an
excellent example of the manner in which the statements of
people, in their particular walk of life, and in their peculiar
situation always coincide, we make no apology for subjoining
them.

Mrs. M'Cabe was the first to speak —" Yer Hanner," said
she, " I was coming down Long Acre last night, when I met
wid a frind. Come and have the share of a pint o' beer,' sea
she, Wid the greatest pleasure in life,' ses I. Wid that we
Toes into the public-hou-e, and partakes of a pint o' beer.
his woman, yer Hanner (looking fiercely at Mrs. O'Calla-
ghan) cums up to me, and ses to me, Will you take a glass o'
liquor?' sea she. No,' ses I, your a woman I don't like, and
I'll have nothing at all to de with you.' She followed me out
of the public-house, please yer Hanner, and called me a b—
and all manners o' names, ver Harmer, and said I lived
with a man. ' Hit's a lie to you '-ses 'ls it?' ses she ; and
she makes no more ado, yer Worship, than she strikes me ; she
tore the eyes out o' me baby, and kilt me entirely, yer Worship.
Ale child and I can't pass the street, only she'll be after me.
I ain't fond o' fighting, 'pon my honour, yer Worship, I never
struck her nor any other woman in me born life."
The policeman said, the prisoners were both down on the
ground, and were striking away at each other as hard as
they could.

Plase yer Harmer's Worship," said Mrs. O'Callaghan,
" she's a false swearin woman, that's what she is. I went to
the public.house to put me clock right, when this woman here
and five other people, all blind drunk, yer Worship, corn tumblin
in ; a gentleman that was wid her ses to me ses he, ' Will
you have a glass n' ale, Mrs. O'Callaghan ? ' ses he. I don't
mind if I do, if you place,' sea I. 'Mrs. M'Cabe,' ses I, Do
you owe me any animosity?' To be sure I do,' says she, go
out you nasty wretch.' Wid that I went away, and was goin
to me own home, No. 9, Leg-alley, yer 1-I,nrirr' when she
followed me, and struck me, and abused me, and knocked the
baby out o' me hands, yer Worship, but I niver touched her
at all ; I'm as quiet a woman's to be found in all the alley, and
that's Gnd's own truth."

Mr. JARDINE here put a stop to the case; no doubt they
were both of them very harmless, innocent creatures, but he
should, to prevent the possibility of the recurrence of such a
transaction, make their husbands become bail for them to keep
the peace towards each other for two calendar months.
Two hodmen became the necessary bail, and the belligerents
took their departure, intending, we very much suspect from
the ferocious glances they ever and anon tLrevr at each other,
to " have it out " more comfortably at some convenient oppor-
tunity when the ' Palers is out o' the way."
T CLERKENIVELL.
A man named Hagin, was charged under the following cir-
cumstances.

'Monday night tit 12 o'clock, police-constable 300 N, found
the prisoner fighting, his coat being off, on the Liverpool-road.
There were 200 persons assembled. The constable endeavoured
to separate the combatants. The prisoner knocked him down,
and so inflicted a deep and severe wound on, the con-table's
head. He was obliged to go immediately to the hospital and
have the wound dressed.
Mr. CoMae remarked that it was a most brutal assault.
The prisoner should pay a fine of 21., or be imprisoned for six
weeks to hard labour.

Patrick Connolly, an Irishman, was charged with violently
assaulting police-constable Farren.
It appeared that at one yesterday morning, the prisoner
was asleep on a door-step in Russell-square. The constable
roused him up, telling him that if he slept there he would be
probably robbed by the bad characters who were walking there.
Instead of thanking the constable, he suddenly turned on
him, and gave him several severe blows on the head and
arms. The complainant then sprung his rattle, other con-
stables came to his assistance, and the prisoner was taken to the
station-house.

He was sentenced to three weeks' imprisonment and hard
labour.

EXECUTION OF TAMAR DICK
FOR THE MURDER OF HIS MOTHER.
Richard Edwards, alias Tamar Dick, who at the last
Glamorganshire Assizes was found guilty of the murder
of his mother, Tamar Edwards, underwent the extreme
penalty of the law on Saturday morning last on a gallows
erected in front of the county gaol, Cardiff. Since sen-
tence was passed upon him, this wretched man, whose
life has been one continuous scene of dissipation and
crime, has manifested a sullenness of disposition for
which he has ever been characterised ; but, as the awful
period fixed for his execution approached, he yielded to
the expostulations of the Rev. Mr. Stacey, chaplain of the
gaol, and has directed his thoughts to his sinful and
wretched condition, and the necessity for supplicating
pardon at the Throne of Grace for his great and mani-
fold transgressions. He had promised on the Sunday
preceding his death, and on the 18th he made the con-
fession which is subjoined to this account.
On the morning of his execution the culprit maintained
a firm, and, as some consider, even a hardened bearing.
At six o'clock he ate his breakfast, consisting of tea
and bread and butter, after which he asked far his pipe,
which he sat down and smoked, occasionally conversing
with the Governor, to whom he said that he felt in very
good spirits. At about half-past seven o'clock the She-
riff arrived, and proceeded to the condemned cell, to de-
mand in the usual form the body of the convict for exe-
cution. Edwards was then pinioned, during the pro-
gress of which operation he repeatedly protested his in-
nocence of the murder. The melancholy procession
then proceeded to the platform, preceded by the chaplain,
who read the burial; service. The convict then said in
Wesh, " Hear me ! I have been guilty of every crime,
except thieving and murder." The rope was then
placed round his neck, and in a few moments the bolt
was withdrawn, and he unhappy criminal launched into
eternity. He 'struggled for a moment, but very slightly.
A very large concourse of persons had assembled to wit-
ness the execution, from Merthyr and other parts, and
from 8,000 to 10,000 were estimated to have been present.
The following is the confession of Richard Edwards,
taken this 18th day of July, 1849, before me Thomas
Stacey, chaplain of the county gaol of Glamorgan :
"I was not alone when my mother came by her death.
There were three present beside me. My child (ten
months old) was in bed in the room. My mother died
on Thursday night. When dead, two women placed my
mother in bed beside my little boy. where the corpse re-
mained until the Monday night following. The two
other persons present besides me and my wife, were the
nearest relations of Peggy (my wife). Peggy and the
other person had been in the womb of the other. These
three persons told my father-in-law and my mother-in-
law's sister that they had pa.sed that night on Cefn
Coed Cymmer. I gave my mother a blow about the jaw,
because Peggy cried out- that my mother was beating
her. My. inuther fell down under my blow. Peggy, her
mother, and brother, then laid hold. on my mother.
My mother did not speak. She groaned for some time.