Star.
London, England, 1808-12-24 00:00:00

•
PROM Mit. CANNING TO 11114 IPIWIPOIT. irate, discussion : however, it might be hoped, that, must repeal the whole of the Embar,
Fla pace, Ser. as. lin their principal abet, they might prove beneficial substitute nothing in the room of -
The undersigned, his Majesty's principal Secretary to America, provided the operation of the embargo his intention may be judged by the
of State for Foreign Affairs, had the honour to re. were to prevent her from reaping that benefit. 1 the subject is brought forward, he ,
ceive the official I
letter addressed to him by Mr. Pink. lt remains for the undersigned to take notice of the .he does, I wish him to come forward
ney, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, last paragraph of Mr. Pinkney's letter. There can. tell us that he and his constituents
respecting the Orders in Council issued by his Ma. not exist on the part of Mr. Pinkney a stronger wish tribute and submit i that they will
jesty on the 7th of January and 11th of November,' than there does on that of the undersigned, and of the pendencoof their country. To
1807. i British Government, for the adjustment of all the now, unless a substitute for the
He has laid that letter before the King, and he is differences subsisting between the two countries. r posed, Mr. S. said he could not
commanded to assure Mr. Pinkney that the answer to I His Majesty hat no other disposition than to culti- 1 fovanre,:othveadt ththaetpreit besidmenatde,s the
the proposal which Mr. Pinkney was instructed to vate the' most friendly intercourse with the United. ,
to
week. In the mean ,
bring forward, has been deferred only in the hope ; States. .
'that the renewed application which was understood I The undersigned is persuaded, that Mr. Pinkney, the subject of consideration, and the 1
1
to have been recently made by the Government of the would be one of the last to imagine, what is often idly prepared to say what course it would
United States to that of France, might, in the new , asserted, that the depression of any other country was Mr. W. Ammon objected to
state of things which has arisen in Europe, have met , necessary or serviceable to the pcosperity of this. The , the subject bad been now introduced,
with such a reception in France as would have ren- prosperity of America is essentially the prosperity of that it would have been more ,
dered the compliance of his Majesty with that pro- ,• Great, Britain; and the strength and power of Great sident first to have considered ,
p?sal consistent as much with his Majesty's own dig. Britain are not for herself only, but for the whole world. since the Gentleman had thus brought
inty, and with the interests of his people, as it would 1 When those adjustments shall take place, to which, question of repealing the embargo law
have been with his Majesty's disposition towards the though unfortunately not practicable at this moment, to meet him on his own ground
United States. Unhappily there is now no longer : nor under the conditions prescribed by Mr. Pinkney, trusted it would then be seen i
any reason to believe that such a hope is likely to be the undersigned, nevertheless, confidently looks for- from whOm the opposition to the
realized ; and the undersigned is therefore cowman- ward, it will perhaps be no insecure pledge for the measure had arisen, and the desire ,
ded to communicate to Mr. Pinkney the decision continuance of the good understanding between the now proceeded.
which, under the circumstances as they stand, his ) two countries, that they will have learnt duly to ap- Mr. DANA presumed the Gentleman
Majesty feels himself compelled, however unwillingly, ipreciate each other's friendship ; and that it will not mont was perfectly competent to
to adopt. I heretafter be imputed to Great Britain, either on the his actions, and the object he had
The mitigated measure of retaliation announced ' one hand that she envies American industry as pre- assistance of the Gentleman from
by his Majesty in the Order in Council of the 7th of judicial to British commerce, or, on the other hand, Really commencing the publicl-
- and the further extension of that measure that she is compelled to court an intercourse with ner did not bode auspiciously to
(an extension in operation but not in principle) by America, as absolutely necessary to her own existence. reason for now bringing this subject
the Orders in Council of November, are founded (as His Majesty would not hesitate to contribute, in reminded Gentlemen of a fact •
has been already repeatedly avowed by his Majesty) any manner us his power, to restore to the commerce of their zeal, they seemed to ha,
on the 44 unquestionable right of his Majesty to retort of the United States its wonted activity ; and if it the season was fast approaohing
upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice ;" and were possible to make any-sacrifice for the repeal of of the northern portion of the U
the consider:is that ig if third - - inci. the - without to deprecate it as a If the embargo was to be

upon uon parties
dentally suffered by these retaliatory measures, they
were to seek their redress from the power by whose
original aggiession that retaliation was occasioned."
His Majesty sees nothing in the embargo laid on
by the President of the United States of America,
which varies this original and simple state of the
question.
If considered as a measure of impartial hostility
'against both Belligerents, the embargo appears to
his Majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, ac-
cording to every principle of ustice, that redress
ought to have been first sought from the party origi-
nating the wrong. And his Majesty cannot consent
to buy off that hostility which America ought not to
have extendo to him, at the expence of a concession
made not to America, but to France.
If, as it has more generally been represented by the
Government of the United States, the embargo is
only to be considered as an innocent municipal regu-
lation which affects none but the United States them-
selves, and with which no foreign State has any
concern : viewed in this light, his Majesty does not
conceive that he has the right or the pretension
to make any complaint of it, and he has made
none. But in this light there appears not only no
reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the
repeal by the United States of a measure of voluntary
self-restriction, and the surrender by his Majesty of
his right of retaliation against his enemies.
The Government of the United States is not now
to be informed that the Berlin Decree of November
21, 1806, was the practical commencement of an at-
tempt not merely to check or impair the prosperity of
Great Britain, but utterly to annihilate her political
existence through the ruin of her commercial prospe-
rity ; that in this attempt almost all the Powers of the
European Continent have been compelled, more or
less, to co-operate ; and that the American embargo,
,though most assuredly not intended to that end (for
America can have no real interest in the subversion
of the British Power, and her Rulers are too enlght-
ened to act from any impulse against the real inter
rests of their country) but by some unfortunate con-
currence of circumstances, without any hostile inten-
tion, the American embargo did come in aid of " the
blockade of the European Continent," precisely at
the very moment when, if that blockade could have
succeeded at all, this interposition of the American
t would most effectually have contributed
to its success.
To this universal combination, his Majesty has op.
posed a temperate bat a determined retaliation upon
the enemy, trusting that a firm resistance would de-
feat this project, but knowing that the smallest con-
cession would infallibly encourage a perseverance in it.
The struggle has been viewed by other Powers not
without an apprehension thaeit night be fatal to this
country. The British Government has not disguised
from itself that the trial of such an experiment might
be arduous and long, though it has never doubted of
the final issue. But if that issue, such as the British
Government conAdently anticipated, has providen-
tially arrived much sooner than could have been ho-
ped ; if " the blockade of the Continent," as it has,
been triumphantly styled by the enemy, is raised even
brfore it had been well established ; and if that sys-
tem, of which extent and continuity were the vital
principles, is broken up into fragments utterly harm.
less and contemptible ;. it is, nevertheless, important
in the highest degree to the reputation of this country,
(a reputation which constitutes a great part of her
power), that this disappointment of the hopes of her
enemies should not have been purchased by any con-
cession-; that not a doubt should remain to distant
times of her determination, and of her ability to have
continued her resistance • and that no step which
could even mistakenly be construed into concession,
should be taken on her part, while the smallest link of
the confederacy remains undissolved, or while it can
be a question whether the plan devised for her de-
struction has or has not either completely failed, or
been unequivocally abandoned.
These considerations compel his Majesty to adhere
to the principles on which the Orders. in Council of
the 7th of January and the 11th November are foun-
ded, as long as France adheres-to that system by which
his Majesty's retaliatory measures were occasioned
and justified.
It is not improbable, indeed, that some alteration
may be made in the Orders in Council, as they are at
present 'framed ; alterations calculated not to abate,
their spirit or impair their principle, but to adapt
them more exactly to the different state of things
which has fortunately grown up in Enrope, and to
combine all practicable relief to neutrals, with a more
severe pressure upon the enemy.
. But of alterations to be made with this view only,
it would be uncandid to take any advantage in the

embargo, . appearing
measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated
its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction
upon the American people.
The undersigned is commanded, in conclusion, to
observe, that nothing is said in Mr. Pinkney's letter,
of any intention'to repeal the Proclamation by which
the ships of war of Great Britain are interdicted from
all those rights of hospitality in the ports of the United
States, which are freely allowed to the ships of his
Majesty's enemies.
The continuance of an interdiction which, under
such circumstances, amounts so nearly to direct hosti-
lity, after the willingness professed, and the attempt
made by his Majesty, to remove the cause on which
that measure hail been originally founded, would af-
ford but an inauspicious omen for the commencement
of a system of mutual conciliation • and the omission
of any notice of that measure in the proposal which
Mr. Pinkney has been instructed tb bring forward,
would have been of itself a material defect in the
overture of the President.
But the undersigned is commanded no further to
dwell upon this subject than for the pupose of assuring.
Mr. Pinkney, that on this and every other point in
discussion between the two Governments, his Majesty
earnestly desires a restoration of a perfect good under-
standing, and that his Majesty would decline no mea-
sure for the attainment of that object, which should
be compatible with his honour and just rights, and
with the interests of his people.
The undersigned requests Mr. Pinkney will accept
the assurances of his high consideration.
(Signed) GEORGE CANNING.

HOUSE OP

'ATIVES, NOV. 9.

The reading of the documents accompanying the
President's public Message of yesterday was resumed,
and at half-past twelve, was completed. They were
then; together with the Message, referred to a Com-
mittee of the Whole House, and 5000 copies ordered
to be printed.
The doors were then closed, and were not opened
till the House adjourned. _ _

Iv. 10.

Immediately on the meeting of the House,
Mr. CHITTENDEN said, he rose with considerable
diffidence to offer to the House a Resolution on the
subject of the Embargo. Having witnessed the feel-
ings heretofore excited by a similar proposition at the
last Session, he said he would assure Gentlemen
that he had no object in view but to bring the sub-
ject before the House, and excite a fair and liberal
discussion. He had hoped that the situation of our
affairs would 'ere this have authorised the removal of
the Embargo. Disappointed in this, he felt it a duty
which he owed to his constituents and to the nation,
to endeavour to elicit an expression of the opinion of
the House, to prevent ruinous speculations, and to
relieve the nation from suspense.
The measure had now been in operation ten or
eleven months, and he had not perceived the
effects resulting from it. The importance ofg(ol
this
subject, its interesting nature to his constituents, who
in addition to the common suffeeings, had the ex-
treme mortification of being represented as in a state
of insurrection, must be an apology for his coming
forward at this early period on the subject of the
Embargo. He then offered the following Raolution:
46 Resolved, That the Act passed in the last Ses-
sion of Congress, entitled "An Act laying an Em-
bargo on all Ships and Vessels in the porti and har-
bours of the United States, and the several Acts sup-
plementary and additional thereto," ought to be hil-
-1 mediately repealed.
On the question whether the House will agree to
consider the Resolution, it was decided by Yeas and
Nays—Yeas 82—Nays 9.
Mr. CHITTENDEN then moved, that it be referred
to a Committee of the whole House on the state of
the Union, to whom was referred the President's
Message.
Mr. Mscon had 'no objection to a fair discussion.
If the laws were wrong, and productive of no benefi-
cial effect, they ought to be repealed. He suggested
to the Gentleman, however, the propriety of moving
a reference to a Committee of the whole, other than
that on the state of the Union. _ _

Mr. CHITTENDEN SO modified his motion, and it
was agreed to refer the resolution to a Committee of
the whole.,
On the question for what day it shmdd be the or.
der, Mr. CRITTENDEN moved tomorrow.

Mr. SMILIE said, he had no objection to meet this
question, but not at so early a period. From the ged
neral state of our foreign relations, fie thought- the
resolution was ill-timed. What could the Gentleman
mean by bringing this distinct question-bow -before
the Haute r Does be mean, said Mr. S. that we

,

up.
of the utmost importance that
promptly—that it should be done
from this time. And whether "
or not, it was of importance to .
this body. Need Gentlemen now
most all the ports of the Union
for sea—that some had even _
having taken cargoes on board
mained in a state of suspence, and
always gave birth to perpetual
a stop to these speculations, it , necessary t,
decision of the question should be had. Hew
it
should be decided at the present time, Mr. D.
he did not undertake to say. The people should km,
as soon as practicable, consistently with the decent
of legislative deliberation, the decision of the Roue
As to the question asked by the Gentleman fies
Pennsylvania (Mr. Smilie) as to paying tribute, ad
as to the Gentleman who proposed the resololia
being willing to pay tribute, if the Gentleman way
AO know the spirit of Vermont, Mr. D. referred hic
to the history of the revolutionary war. Let the Get.
tleman see, if for her numbers, any State gave the
enemy more bloody battles. Let him then suppose
the Gentleman from Vermont to differ from the mass
of his fellow citizens. Mr. Dana censured these
insinuations as indecorous in the extreme. Mr. D. said
the present motion led to a question of sefioas
moment ;—and when they came to a decision he
wished it to be done by comparing their opinions
fairly, frankly, and decisively, if necessary ; and that
they might unite in taking the course wyell wild.
best maintain the rights and preserve the honour of
the nation. On the question of the raising of the
Embargo, it was necessary, however, that there
should be an authoritative dccision one way or other.
Mr. ELLIOTT said it might, for aught he kntw, be
considered disrespectful to the President to urge the
immediate agitdon of this momentous question ; bat
if it were so, a forbearance from so doing on thane.
count would be respect inconsistent with the incites.
dente of sentiment, which elevates and warms the
character of an independent representative of an is.
dependent people. He had read somewhere in the
works of celebrated newspaper civilians of this cons.
try, that " oppugnation" or even disrespect were
treasonable offences. He hoped no gentleman here
meant to advance the doctrine that disrespect partakes
of the nature of . Mr. E. then spoke of a te.
solution which he had intended to have offered, and
which he described as leading to an inquiry into the
mode in which the Embargo had been executed. Not.
withstanding the insinuationwhich the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Alston), which no one could
mistake ; notwithstanding the whole volumes of new
paper denunciation, Mr. Elliott said he trembled not
for the character of Vermont. The great body of the
people ofVermont, though hostile, as he firmly believed.
to the whole system of the Embargo, had manifested&
degree of patriotism that had not been exceeded by
any : they had never failed, when called upon, to
march to the frontiers and enforce those laws which
they disapproved. He thought it due to the these
ter of the nation to investigate this subject, the
stitutionality of the laws, the propriety of there&
tinuance, the manner in which they had beet czr•
tied into execution, and the manner in which theyhad
been evaded. Whilst he did not wish to precipitate,
the discussion, much less the decision, yet he thought
the day mentioned by the Gentleman from Fennel'
vania was too distant. The people had certinll
looked forward to the meeting of Congress with Con-
siderable solicitude, as much excited by the embargo
system as by the situation of our foreign affairs. The
people of the. United States (said he) do not believe
that theyare called upon to decide between the embar-
go or war. We who originally opposed the enlbarg°'
law, believing that it would be ruinous to the nation,
are under no obligation to propose die substitute
which is called for, and which we would have 2t°'
posed, though it would not have been adopted. W.
E. apologized for hi warmth on this subject, by $l,
'edging the sensibility he had felt at the allusion
the Gentleman from North Carolina.
Mr. Aesrox explained, that he had not said °T,
meant that it would be seen from " what quarter of
the Union" opposition came.
Mr. MACON could see no advantage in postponing
`ll decision of the question, being
himself readily 00
suet it at any moment. The very proposition 01 uN
lesolution would excite all the attention of the se
ports, and awaken all their anxiety. He though! it
out of order now to discuss the merits tithe quesr2oo.
_
Mr. Taom . said he felt himself bound at all times
to treat with the greaten delicacy all motions antlPr!
positions of an ordinary nature. But there were Till'
an which his feelings compelled him to depart rtv's___,
the ordiniry rule. This was one. lie had voted

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duced, and so. ra
respectful to ' taken
d the Message. , • tY,
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rgo law, he was e,
and to-ntorrow. • whiu.c,
in what quarto "`:
the Executive of raise
desire for its• •
at 1
gentleman from vt I am,
to spew the eneti,t, , •Y,
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view'
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met North Caro', W'
business in this , as an
to its progress, As Rim
tbject fo7eartuxD.
t which, is the , „ RI
lave overlooked .„tnun
when the navigarle, .7;
Union would be fockei sad
e removed at all, song sat
Ist it should be et, The
lone within a fort yot lx
• it should be re ~•'. d 11,
o know the opinion
now be told that in •
vessels were p io
bent their sails, tam
,ard ? These now re, s
and a state of sospete s •
speculations. To put -Me
it was necessary thn a mai
. . .