The Sun.
London, England, 1829-09-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Some of our contemporaries have amused
themselves with reporting, and remarking on,
certain occurrences which seem to have taken
place at or after a dinner lately given at Whitby
to a gentleman of the name of Sadler. This
Mr. Sadler we believe to be the same who got
into the House of Commons in the course of
last session, for the purpose of making a speech
against the Papists and the Ministers, which
discourse gave much satisfaction to the friends
of the Duke of Wellington and of religious
liberty, and sensibly promoted the cause of Ca-
tholic relief. Mr. Sadler so well succeeded in
Parliament as to have obtained the reputation of
diligently collecting and uttering fearlessly those
" ideas" by which the Duke of Newcastle in-
formed the House of Lords, that his Grace him-
self " was sure to be abandoned " whenever he
rose to instruct their Lordships, but the tem-
porary dispersion and suppression of which were
of so much less importance to the commonwealth,
seeing that Mr. Sadler was at hand to recover
and prepare them for their predestined use. In-
deed, the Honourable Gentleman has constituted
himself into a warehouse for the raw productions
of his Noble Patron's brain, receiving them like
cargoes of damaged corn, and grinding them
(for delivery) into flour of nonsense. Such as
he is, however, this personage—the most ac-
complished and ingenious of his tribe—has been
entertained (better, possibly, than his audience
were) at Whitby ; and that we did not notice
him before, -in connexion with the entertain-
ment and with Whitby, it is enough to say
that neither Mr. Sadler nor his hosts ap-
peared to us very likely subjects of public
interest, at any intermediate theatre between
that part of the world where whales are harpooned,
and Whitby, whose merchandize and blubber.
Mr. Sadler undertook, in an after-dinner speech,
to discuss " the state of the country,"—a familiar
and easy topic ! which adventurers of hiS stamp
usually contrive to flounder through .by the
various employment of two fundamental frauds,
—viz , the recommendation of things which are
not remedies for things which are not evils, and
the omission, or rather the studied exclusion, of
real evils and of appropriate remedies, as incon-
sistent with the object of inflaming the vulgar
of all classes, and appealing to inveterate preju-
dice on behalf of the grossest rapacity and corrup-
tion. Mr. Sadler began as a hater of religious
liberty. He goes on as a hater of what he
calls free trade, and he dares to invoke the
great bulk of the population of England, as
sufferers from the breaking up of that hideous
system which for ages monopolized the rights
both of conscience and of commerce. Mr.
Sadler, by a magnificent anti-climax, brings the
names of Bacon, Locke, and Addison ! to up-
hold his notion of that which forms the general
characteristic of the constitution,—that it was,
not struck out at once, but by the wisdom of
successive generations. The meaning, neveithe_
less, of this resort to names, H it has any mean-
ing but of that species which " puzzles more
than wit," is, to prove that commercial mono-
poly was part and parcel of the constitution of
England,—that the wisdom which commenced
with Bacon, was by Locke improved, and con-
summated in Addison : ergo, that not a bottle of
brandy, a pound of wool, a yard of silk, or, above
all earthly things, a bushel of wheat, is ever at any
future age, or under any change of circumstances,
to find admission from foreign count, ies into this
a pretty use of the sacred authority of Bacon
But the mis-statements of fact, as well as theor),,
by this dealer in mere words, are perfectly ludi-
crous from their extravagance. Thore arc tens,
of millions of acres in the country " wholly un..
cultivated ; and millions of them amour: tho
richest soils in the world." Is this true: !a
not its fallacy quite. frightful ? And why is it
alleged by Mr. Sadler ? Why, but to make time
landed interest an object of compassion, to per,
suade his hearers, (what blockheads he must faoev
them I) that it would be good for the half starved
poor to double, by a return to the old positive
prohibition of imported corn, the price to whirl
bread has been already most iniquiteko:ly
raised, by a cruel tax on the import ; anti that
to secure higher rents to the patron of the bo-
rous9h of Newark, would be a step towards our
national prosperity. We have again dished. up
to us the cold grievance of the silk manufacture,
which is known to have trebled in magnitude
since the change of a prohibitory for a protect-
ing duty. The shipping interest, in the face of
the giant evidence of Mr, Huskisson's great
speech, Mr. Sadler is not ashamed to have re-
course to as another instance of the evils of free
trade. He speaks of the low wages of some of
die Lancashire weavers ; how can it be possible,
then, for such wages as the rivalry of foreign
markets impose upon the British manufacturer
the necessity of offering to his workmen—how,
invec-
tives et sh
the
againstcrie of this or
gscshotlinit,;.:
we say, is it possible for such wages to support sa
poor family, at the price to
obfretande
by the existing corn duties' ? But
ti:iouchsafes to inform
a measure of policy,
be amended. Does
he sits down with an apo-
abree
d 0
00rithlai
inop—thiiNig(,) ;
us bow that
So
ogy
mfourchhavfionlF aal,riesadsyp:infailtligg-ujeend;hiosfaaudintoobrslel
" boroughmonger's" brains.—Tines.
This cessation of hostilities between the
militaryne
important
st event
%Rsii,
odi
It:Is:sole:
(aft tiAti;sa
has occurred
rnaoi caclptcl trouletprleril Turks,.4le, is tyh by th
e
eli to
opensf
Most
e treaty te' coofmm peace,eleimt
the war. Though it cannot in itself be con-
the way for negotiations, which, from the temper
of both parties, are confidently expected
to end
in the accomplishment of so e desirabl , an object.
The sultan, humbled to the dust by the unex-
pected disasters of the campaign, and alarm e,',•
et, for
• an explosion of popular fury at the ins.•
Arration
of his old enemies, the Janissaries, Ii
submit-
ted himself to the direction of tl• Allied
Am-
bassadors, who are thus res- efor the rea-
sonable character of tht telins to be proposed;
and the Emperor (lc Russia, on the other hand,
having constantly during the war disclaimed am,
bitioua le.signs or views of territorial „, ,
aegranaize-
, rikent, and repeatedly proposed to renew nego-
ciations for peace on the conditions which he
offered as the 411einative to arms before he began
the conteai, is not likely now to take advantage
of his career of conquest to break his solemn
r pledges and to barter his character for good
faith, magnanimity,moderation, and for the
daneerous fruits of rapacity or
injustice. The
r4,,acry consent of General Diebitech to stop in
' his Victorious career till an - appeal should be
made to Lis imperial master, whose moderation
b may be supposed at once to represent and to
share, may be taken as a favourable omen of the
decisions of St. Petersb tiro 1. The Turkish
Pleidoentiaries,
who repaired to Adrianople
to solicit the armistice,
are said to have returned,
satisfied with the treatment w u ). ch they exp
enced, and the professions which they heard,

from the Russian Commantler-in-Chief. He
required no other reason fir suspending his
march than to be told that, bj, an immediate ad-
vance to the capital, he would endanger, by
popular tumult, the lives of the Sultan, of his
family, and of the Christian residents. The
same motives of humanity, moderation, and pru-
dence, may be expected to act on the mighty
Sovereign who has now the destinies of Turkey
and the peace of the world in his hand.—lbid.
The enemies of free trade would put an end
to all trade. If the advice of Mr. Sadler and
his associates were to he followed, this country
would soon cease to be the greatest commercial
State in the world. This gentleman says—
" Another cause of the present and long-con-
tinued depression of the commerce and manafac-
tures of the country I have already alluded to, and
this also is attributable to the same school of econo-
mists—the bane of the country—ls mean the free-
trade system, as it is called.—(Cheers.)—Circum-
'stance(' as this country is, having to sustain a so
much heavier load of taxation, and paying dearer
for the necessaries of existence, and subsisting its
operatives—at least, till this fatal alteration—better
than any other, it must be obvious that, in all these
branches of industry where we have no count( rvail-
irg advantages—either fom the possession and re-
tention of the raw material, better machines, and
superior skill—f-reigners must be able to undersell
us, and consequently to deprive many of our home
operatives of their work, and of their bread. The
branches so circumstanced are aumerous and import-
ant. It is true there is, for the present, a protect-
ing duty, as it is called, imposed upon some of their
articles, mis-calculated, as I presume to think, if it
be meant as such ; while the circumstances of legali-
sing them at all has given a facility to smuggling,
which it was promised at the time, either in igno-
rance or worse, that it would be put down, and
which had overwhelmed, in many instances, the
home market with foreign goods."
So then nothing short of prohibition will satisfy
these gentlemen. In France free trade is still
more unpopular than in this country, as was
pretty well evinced by the proceedings of last
Session. Prussia seems to be the only great
country, except our own, in which the Govern-
ment has yet ventured to relax the prohibitory
system. Mr. Sadler may be sincere ; but we
cannot bring ourselves to believe that one hun-
dredth part of those who are now declaiming
against free trade believe v.hat they say, or have
any other object in view than to embarrass Mi-
nisters. It is an old trick in this country to
have recourse to pious frauds in matters of trade.
We have a curious instance mentioned in a Re-
port in 1712, by Dr. Charles Davenant, to the
Commissioners for the Public Accounts. While
France and England carried on unrestrained trade
with each otller, both benefitted by it. "It has
never (he says) been popular to lay down that
England was not a great loser by the French
trade ; hut in inquiries of this kind truth should
be more hunted after than popularity ; and I
P31:all endeavour to set this matter in as true a
light as the nature of it will admit of, and which
lies so obscure for want of knowing right of mat-
tent fact. As to the importations and exporta-
tion of commodities between the respective king-
doms, so far is beyond contradiction, that all the
while England flourished and grew rich by an
extended traffic (which was by Queen Elizabeth's
reign down to the year 1640), that the two
countries did not load one another with prohibi-
tioas of, or high duties upon, each other's pro-
duct or manufactures ; which that country' cer-
tainly would have done that found itself any con-
siderable loser by their mutual dealings, which
must have been seen and felt in so long a tract of
time

von J;now, about the year 1660 the face of af-
lairs in Europe changed ; the Spanish Mo-
narchy was declined, and France became the
rising Empire. And it rose so fast as to beget
just apprehensions to England for our future
safety. In the mean time several good patriots
perceiving the Court then fatally running into
French interest and measures, and finding it
would be difficult to engage the people (newly
come out of a civil war) to follow and join with
them in more national councils, by speculations
;nerdy political, concerning the progress of the
yrench arms and power, they thought the best
courts to awaken Englishmen was, to alarm
them about the danger they were in to lose their
trade ; and for this reason, nothing was so com-
mon as to cry, that England was undone by the
prodigious over-balance the French had upon us.
To this purpose divers estimates were delivered
to King Charles the Second, to the Committees
of Council, anil to the House of Commons ;
Oa go metimes the Court gave in to this matter,
when great stuns of money were to be asked in
Parliament to carry on a vgorous war against
Yrance, this over-balance was made use of ma-
4icioualy by some who had a mind to
defame the Government." Dr. Davenant,
after showing how much both France and Eng-
land had injured themselves by these prohibi-
Aens, has the following sensible reflections,which
Alneaet appear as if addressed to the Sadiers of
the present day :—" That a country whose
wealth and strength very much depends upon
dealings extended to all the known world,
should, if possible, avoid losing its traffick with
Any particular country. England may be looked
aileon as a general merchant, who should be
0.0r4 with commodities to invite and please all
-dealers ; and we should have a variety of
geemis to sort our cargoes, which cannot be had,
while there is such a gap as a total intermission
of commerce, with a country abounding in so
products, natural and artificial, as France
bas always been." The trade between England
land France, which, from Michaelmas 1662, to
;Michaelmas: 1663, was—lmports, 6,17,706/. ;
Exports, 375,0651. ; had, from Christmas,
1701, to Christmas 1702, Millen to—lmports,
47,8961.; Exports, 2,266/. The opponents of
Free Trade would have all the countries of
Europe closed against each other in this way.—
.Morning Chronicle.
A Military Court Martial, which, from the
vecniier circumstances under which it was held,
excited ae much observation in that branch of
eervice more immediately interested, as the one
ieeently terminated at Portsmouth did in its pe-
' earlier department, has just terminated at Lime-
rick. The finding of the Court is not yet pro-
mulgated. Colonel Bayley, against whom the
charges have been preferred, is an officer of old
standing, and had latterly commanded all the
Reserve Companies, or what is professionally
called the depot of his regiment. At the last
half-yearly inspection, these Companies were re-
ported deficient in the improved manoeuvres re-
cently adopted, and an intimation was given to
the Commanding Officer that he would be per-
mitted to retire by the sale of his Commission.
This intimation was ostensibly grounded on the
deficiency already mentioned. - Colonel Bayley
at once declined the proposed retirement, and
demanded a Court-martial ; his demand was
complied with, but accompanied by a very un-
common departure from precedent, as a set of
charges were framed having reference principally to
Imputed acts of undue aeverity, which in the previ-

ous stages of the proceeding had never been hinted
at; while the
.original accusation of neglect in
promoting an efficient field discipline was alto-
gether abandoned. This is the peculiarity of
the case to which we alluded, and of which we
are assured by the very best military authorities,
there has been hitherto no example. Until the
finding of the Court shall have been confirmed
and promulgated, we shall hazard no observa•
tion bearing on the charges ; but we may men-
tion, that we know the affair has caused much
embarrassment at Head-quarters ; and that the
most confidential Employe at the Horse Guards
has declared, that it will be a lesson to him never
to attempt an act of kindness toward an unwill-
ing subject, since the alternative proposed and
rejected was resorted to from motives of good
feeling, which proved entirely thrown away. The
sentence of the Court•martial will decide whe-
ther the veteran Field Officer, or the of-handed
Secretary was in the right. As we have already
intimated, the interest excited in the military
circles, by an investigation instituted under such
singular circumstances, has not been exceeded
even by that which accompanied the late naval
expose at Portsmouth.—lbid.

The Meeting at Cork to promote a Reforma-
}ion of the Church Establishment deserves parti-
cular attention. Attached as we are to the interests
of the Protestant faith, we do not close our
eyes to those defects in the system of national
worship which mar its beauty, impair its strength,
and make it, in some respects, more conform-
able with the ambitious inventions of man than
the pure tnodel of Christianity. We are not
among those who overlook the necessity of ac-
commodating an established religion to the cir-
cumstances of society, and who strain perpetu-
ally after some visionary form of ideal improve-
ment. But while we would have religion con-
form itself to the frame and condition of society,
we would not have it make any compromise with
the vices which it is its duty to denounce and
extirpate. Let it preserve those orders which
are adapted to time various ranks of the so-
cial state, and those forms which are the ex-
ternal symbols of authority ; but let it keep itself
free from the defilement of avarice, and the cor-
rupting influence of power. Is it so at present ?
With all our habitual veneration for the Esta-
blished Church, we must say it is not. Do we
complain of time riches with which the Church
is endowed by the liberal bounty of the State,
for the maintainance of the ministers of religion ?
By no means ; but we complain of their ex-
tremely unequal distribution. Do we complain, 1
as Burke says, that " Religion should raise her
mitred head in palaces ?" No ; but we object
to her not maintaining her Christian dignity, but
contaminating herself with the intrigues of earthly
ambition. The Church—even the reformed
Church—has been for a long time past too fluni-
liar with the State, and too neglectful of the
Altar. Worthy and good men haVe there been at
all times in her service—patterns of learning and
lights of religious truth ; yet has the prevailing
influence of corrupt patronage and political traffic
too much confounded a great portion of her
Clergy with the secular pursuers of worldly vani-
ties. Such conduct has lowered that moral
authority which, more than the ceremony of or-
dination or the wearing of cassock or mitre,
should be time grace and support of their pastoral
charge. 1 he consequences are seen in the
growth of infidelity on the one hand, and the
extension of schism on the other. While the
truths of Divine Revelation are but languidly
advocated by the Ministers of our religion, who
can wonder that the insidious poison of infidel
doctrines is daily working its moral ravages
through theless-informed classes of society ?
Who can wonder that new sects of strange wor-
shippers are continually starting up under the
preaching of fanatics, who spread the excitement
of wild delusion, in place of the sober consola-
tions of a reasonable faith ? Lord Mount-
cashel, whose speech on the state of the Church
is a very important one, says, " the Clergy ought
to do good—they are paid for it—yes, lavishly
paid. No doubt time Clergy of the Church of
England, as in all other Churches, exhibited a
variety of shades—there were some excellent
pious good characters amongst them, men pos-
sessed of real religion—and whose efforts in the
cause of Christianity proved their anxiety and
labour for the maintenance of the Church, of
which they were the representatives. He could
wish most fervently that others would copy after
them, and, in place of living for themselves, as
their conduct too much and too deplorably
proved, live for those by whom they were in the
first place paid, and for whose eternal concerns
they had solemnly pledged themselves," The
time has come when it is necessary that the
Clergy of the Established Church should hear
this language, and that from their best friends.—
There is an incidental good arising from the
change which has lately been wrought in the
Constitution of this country, and it is that the
Church is thereby thrown principally for support
upon her own moral resources. The Priests
of Rome, both in Ireland and this country,
are indefatigable in promoting the interests of
their communion. Opposed as we are to the doc-
trines which they propagate, we must do them the
justice of saying we admire the zeal and activity
which they display in support of their system.
Their exemplary attention to the duties and in-
terests of their church ought to be an example
to the clergy of our Establishment. No doubt,
in these countries, the Romish priesthood, when
politics do not engross too much of their time,
are more remarkable for the faithful and zealous
performance of the duties of their office than
their brethren in the Roman Catholic countries
on the Continent ;—and why ? they have no
opulent and luxurious establishment here, as
there is in Popish States—on the contrary, they
have undergone a course of adversity which has
had something of a purifying effect upon the cle-
rical character—and, besides, they arc conscious
of being under the jealous surveillance of public
opinion. The clergy of the Church of England
must now look mainly to opinion for their
support and protection. We must have a
church militant, and not a church dormant.
In order that the good may be worked to so-
ciety which the church is capable of effecting,
she must purify herself—she must get rid of
those unsightly blemishes upon her charac-
ter and fame, which are like spots upon the
vestal's wise, " the worse for what they soil."
One of the topics of' reform which was strongly
alluded to at the Meeting was the " pluralities,"
a luxuriant source of moral mischief and reproach
to the Church. Another was the mode of ap-
pointing Bishops, on which Lord Mounteashel
says, " The appointment to a Bishopric in this
country is generally the result of political mo-
tives. The gift lies in the King, but time King
is seldom suffered to exercise it ; the Minister
of the day has his projects to be supported, and,
looking round bin], he selects the man possessed
1
of the greatest Parliamentary interest, to whom
he says, ' do you support me in the House of

Commons with your Parliamentary interest, and
I shall give you the investment of the nat va-
cant Bishopric.' " This is a traffic as notortou
as it is detrimental and indecorous. It the
heads of the Church are not appointed to
their high station on account of their
superior piety, learning, virtue, and was
dom, but are chosen on the principle of poli-
tical subserviency, it is quite natural that a
corrupting influence should descend to the sub-
ordinate ;classes of the establishment, and that
too many of the inferior Clergy should adopt
other means of recommending themselves to the
dispensers of patronage and preferment than the
simple exercise of the Christian virtues. We
have alluded to the riches of ae Church, but
not in an invidious sense, for we do not think
the 'Church is too rich, and we have always been
of opinion that, if any portion of the property of
the Church were confiscated by the State, the
people would not be gainers by it. Land which
is tithe-free brings at present a higher price than
that which is not, so that the advantage goes
into the cofFers of the landlord—and so would
the whole value of the tithes, if they were taken
from the Church to-morrow. What we insist
upon is, that, to make the riches of the Church
truly available to the purposes of religion, they
must be so distributed as to afford a respectable
competence to the whole body of the working
Clergy, while enough is left to the dignitaries of
the Establishment to support their rank with re-
spectable, but not with luxurious liberality.
How does the Noble Earl whom we have
before quoted express himself upon this
subject ? He says, " What is the state
of the working portion of the Clergy all this
time—those men upon whom the duties of
the parish were made to devolve ? Zealous,
laborious, talented, and pious, they were, for the
greatest part, from their circumscribed salaries,
unable to afford to their children that education
which their own high minds would suggest.
Were they not, in the correct sense of the word,
gentlemen ? yet all who heard him must know
that in hundreds of instances the Curates of the
Church of England—the exemplary, educated,
unpresuming Curates of the Church of England
—were left much worse off than a Rector's com-
mon servant." This is a state of things which
must not continue. The Church has resources
enough to provide respectably for all its Clergy ;
and it will not always be endured that the lives
of two orders of its Clergy should exhibit the
scandalizing contrast of pompous affluence and
sordid poverty. There are other topics which
we cannot, at present, enter into ; but we trust
the spirit of reformation which is abroad will not
cease until the Church, which is the depositary
of the Christian faith, shall also display the ma-
jestic simplicity of the Christian religion,—
Morning Herald.