The Sun.
London, England, 1829-10-08 00:00:00

PING, EAST INDIA•IIOUSE„

" Honourable Sirs.,--In presuming to appear be-
fore you, believe me I have a painful task to per-
form ; but impelled by a sense of duty .which I owe
to myself, and xvhich, to surrender, would be almost
criminal, I have no alternative ; and feel bound to
prefer the following charges against Captain Thomas
Larkin., commander of the lion. Company's ship
Marquis Camden:—
" First Charge.—For putting me under close sr-
rest between the hours of two and three o'clock on
the morning of the 13th of November, 1828, whilst
moored in the Whampoa river, and although serious
indisposition was the consequence of this solitary
confinement, and my life was considered by some in
imminent danger, vet it was not until the 25th of
the same month, when, by the interference of the
President and select Committee, an order waa issued
by them for my immediate release.

" Second Charge.—For challenging me to personal
combat on the poop of the lion. Company's ship
Marquis Camden, on the evening of the 2Gth of
March, 1828, during the period that I was officer of
he watch.

" Third Charge.—For addressing me at various
times during the voyage in language the most gross,
revolting, and insulting; demoralizing in its example
emanating from the commander of the ship, deroga-
tory to the character of a gentleman, disgraceful arid
highly censurable as an officer in the Hon. Company's
service.

(Signed) " WM. HAYLETT, Chief Officer,
H. C. S. Marquis Camden."

The Court has sat upon these charges almost from
Clay to day. Nearly all the officors and crew of the
Marquis Camden have been examined at great length,
and separate evidence taken on each distinct charge.
Several of the common sailors spoke to the validity
of the statements preferred by Mr.ilaylett, whilst, on
the other hand the officers and part of the crew
wholly negatived them.
The evidence having been gone through, the
Court proceeded to consider of its judgment. The
complainant ►%as served with two distinct notices,
apprizing him of the day on which the case was to
be decided, but to neither of these notices was at-
tention paid.

The Court therefore proceeded to sum up the
merits of the ca,e in the absence of the accuser, and
through the President, Captain Clarke, the Court
honourably acquitted Captain Larkins, who imme-
diately received the congratulations of his friends.
The Court of Directors of the Company, at the
usual weekly meeting MI yesterday afternoon, con-
firmed, as is understood, the proceedings of the
Court of Inquiry.

FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE.

ARRIVALS AT BRIGHTON

Sir E. Burtenshaw Sugden and Lady and Miss Sugden, Sir
Abdy, Mr. and Mrs. Sheddon, Mr. Price, Miss Hervey, Mr.
and Mrs. Merrick and family, Mr. and the Misses Sands, Mr.
and Mrs. Jones, Messrs. and Mis. Jegon, Mr. Burton, Messrs.
Black, Mr. Sivcwright, Mr. Alexander, Mr. Wallis, Mr. Framp-
ton, Mr. and Mrs. Trivett, Mr. Dyer, &c.
ARRIVALS AT BATH.

Lord Gole, Lord Deerhurst, Lady Southampton, Lady Stan-
ley, Sir John Eustace, Sir John Mordaunt, Sir A. and Lady El.
ton, Gen. and MI s. Shuldam, Lieut.-Colonel Cooper and family;
Captain Knatchbull, Wheatley, Wickham, Wilkins, Bevan,
Colman, Jones, Packer and family, Venerable Archdeacon Moy-
sey ; Rev. Messrs. Erle, Reid, Mangin, Whalley and family,
Ward; Doctors Ingland, Garlike; Admiral Fitzgerald; Yr. and
Mrs. Cook, Deere and family, Mistresses Glover, Mudge, Becker,
Itooke, Davies, Daniells and family, Gaze, Gordon, Davis, Huy-
t horne, Middleton, Methuen, 'lnnen, Pocock, Seddon,Williams,
Young, Marsden, Mackenzie, Protheroe and family.
ARRIVALS AT CHELTENHAM. _

Earl of Wiltshire, Hon. Mrs. Mackay, Hon..Mrs.sßamsay,
Hon. W. Irby, Hon. Mr. Ashley, Lady Gibbon, Mr. and Lady
Mary Stanley, General and Mrs. Dyer, Colonel D'Arcy,
Sargent, Colonel M. Browne, Colonel Croxton, Colonel Bell,
Dr. M'Day.'ell, Dr. W. Russell, D. Wyndham and son, Rev.
John Harris, Rev. J. C. Bradney, Rev. C. H. Taylor, Rev. Mr.
Townsend, Captain Watkins, Captain Villiers, Captain Coult-
hurd, Captain Stanton, Mr. an.l Mrs. J. Capel, M.P. and family,
'Tinder, tioyd, Ellis; Mr. Mrs. and two Misses Twyning, Mr.
Mrs. and two Misses Wartneby, Messrs. J. Oates, 'l'. Davey,
Hudson, D str ell, J. C: rey, Whitfield, Beaman, Hare.

A Cabinet Council was held at two o'clock
yesterday afternoon at the Foreign-office, summonses for
the assembling of which were issued on Sunday afternoon.
The Ministers present were the LORD CHANCELLOR, the
Duke of WELLINGTON, Earls 13ATiri7as-r, llossivN, and
ABERDEEN, Lord ELLENaortormr, Mr. Secretary PEEL,
;ter GEORGE MURRAY, the CHANCELLOR of the 'Excne-
QtrEa, Mr. IlFanles, and Mr. VESEY I'ITZGERALD.--
Tt•e Ministers remained in deliberation during three hours
and a half. In the evening the Cabinet Ministers re-
assembled at the residence of the Duke of WELLINGTON
in Dawnin-street, where his Grace entertained his col -
leagues to dinner. Several of the Cabinet Ministers came
to town to attend the Council ; the Duke of Wri.t.ric-
TON nerived on Tuesday night from his seat at Strath-
fieldsaye, the Loan CHANCELLOR came from Wiltshire,
Mr. Secretary l'Est, from the seat of his father in Staf-

fordshire, and Mr. Hr.rtitirs from Sevenoaks, Kent. Vis•
count MELvii,Lit was the only Alestiber of the Cabine•
absent. His I.,:rdship is at present in Scotland.

A meeting of the Commissioners for the Re-
duction of the National Debt was hrl l yesterday at the
Treasury. The Governor and Deputy-Governor of the
Runk of Eng,land and the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHI7,
QuEn attended. The accounts of the purchases made on
behalf of the fund during the past quarter were made up.

Despatches were brought by an officer from
Sir R. GJanoN, at Constantimyle, to the Foreign Office
yesterday morning.

Despatches were received yesterday at the
Admiralty from Sir P. MALCOLM, in the Mediterranean.

The City library was presented last week with
upwards of 100 volumes upon matters connected with the
city, IT Mr. Ilor.mrs, the High Bailiff of Southwark:
several xvorlzs have very lately been sent in by other indi-
viduals. We understand that a book of desiderata is to
be forthwith laid upon the library-table. If that be the
car, it mint be expected that many of such errors as are
committed at the British Museum will find place., amongst
the desiderata. In nine cases out of ten the desiderata
entered in the Museum-book hare been found in the
lib•wy, and the writers are requested to take the trouble to
look over the catalogue.

On Saturday morning a fire was discovered in

the new building at Ickworai, the seat of the Marquis of
BRISTOL, which app ars to hare originated in souse defect
of the flue leading through the grand entrance-hall: a
superb door was burnt, and it oecasilmd other damage to
the amount of more than 100/.—Bury Herald.

Among other persons engaged in extensive
speculations for a rise in the Public S:curities at the pre-
sent moment, is said to bd a certain Foreign Prince resid-
ing at this Court, under the advice and directions of an
eminent capitalist. This has given rise to much conver-
sation both in and out of the Stock Exchange, Wilt re the
conduct of the Noble Foreigner has been deprecated in un-
reserved terms. Ministers, it is known, were not offi.
cially acquainted with the signing of the Treaty of Peace
between Ilusiia and Turkey, by Sir IL Gonnos, until
the arrival of the despatch:s at the Foreign office yester-
day, and which are dated the 16th ult. ; hot they re-
ceived an intimation of the event from the Foreign Prince
to whom we have referred on Sunday, which induced him
to purebas.. Cot:srls to a very I,rge amount on the fol-
lowing day. The rumour is that certain pat t: are get-
ting out of their accounts, from the apprehension that,
notwithstanding the conclusion of the peace in the East,
the future arrangements may occasion sonic bustle, rn
cloud the political horizon. This apprehension, it i.a
added, has induced the Ptioce 311(1 his fro n..!s to throw a
very lure am mot of stork ll' their bands. Another
rumour is, that the ►peculations are reduced to a partner-
ship account between them,-21forning Chronicle,

SPIRIT or THE PUBUQ JOURNALS.

Attention is drawn in the City to the great
smuggling concern which is now undergoing
investigation. This induces us to revert to the
first statement of it in the French Papers. In
that it is said there were ten cases directed to
Lord Stuart : three were suffered to pass ; seven
were returned to Calais for re-exportation, the
weight of which was upwards of 30 cwt. ! !.! It
cost the Custom-house officers three days to ex-
amine the articles. It is said further, in the
French Papers (we know not on what authority,
for the statement is now denied), that it was at
the demand of Lord Stuart that Prince Po-
lignae opposed the confiscation of toe seven
cases in a council of Ministers. We really hope
that Prince Polignac has not been weak enough
to mingle himself in this affair; for by doing so
he as much injures this country as his own.
France is open to our commodities on paying
affixed duties; and to admit British goods with-
out paying those duties is to defraud the fair
trader on this side of the water, as well as to
rob the industrious manufacturer on the other.
Why were the goods sent back to Calais ? Why
were they not confiscated ? Whence is it as-
serted that Lord Stuart, who ought to
have been most indignant at the dishonest
use of his name, appeared as the advocate
for the re-embarkation of the seven packages.
A cotemporary obligingly supplies us with
an instance of the conduct of a very different
person from Lord Stuart, under somewhat simi-
lar circumstances, and in a cargo of infinitely
less value. " No," says M. David (the Admi-
nistrator of the French Customs), " it is not
the Duke of Wellington who will request,
a mark of courtesy,' that the abuse of the pri-
vilege of embassies be tolerated ; for his Grace,
in 1817, having received in Paris some cases
which had been conveyed to him without being
visited, sent them back of his own accord to the
Custom-house, in order Mat they might be
confiscated, because they contained objects fo-
reign to his service." •Why, as the Cot:rier
newspaper justly infers, with this example upon
record, were the smuggled goods addressed to
Lord Stuart only re-exported on detection, and
not confiscated ? But to whom did the three
packages go ? Not to Lord Stuart certainly,
who lives rather like a person in lodgings than
one keeping house. He could have no need of
three large packages. However, we now find
that what we surmised is the fact—that the
affair is undergoing an investigation. A most
nefarious one it is ; or rather one black act of a
most nefarious system. It is of importance to
the satisfaction of both France and England
that the result should be made public as soon as
possible. —Times.
It is hardly credible, what absurdities some
robJournalsabiii t presentiesl o
n et theiroor
oreaders i
weekly o r
p
Papers have been edifying their subscribems for
some time with the assurance that Ministers
were taking measures for calling Parliament to-
gether shortly. How could such an idea ever
enter the head of mortal man ? Was ever stu-
allievaes, that
th a at of
those
emwein Tmt F( make,
mid
w hat
i Parliament together at this time ?
tpT:ioorisipoystetos"se;hobritel call
bad weather ? It is just as likely
that Ministers should think of' calling the con-
stellations of the heavens together, to make war
upon Aldebaran and the Bull ! However, now
we bethink ourselves, this is periodical folly.
Last year, and the year before, about this sea-
son, the same writers were assuring the same
readers (unless time have thinned their ranks,
for wiseacres die as well as wise men), that Par-
liament was to be called together instantly. Ex•
perience of repeated deception has no effes:t
upon heads of a certain texture. However, ten
all such we address the following statement, And;
if they can read it, let them treasure it up
" Gentlemen Numskulls !—Ministers have no
thoughts of calling Parliament together before
the usual time." What contempt one involun-
tarily feels fur a certain class of our fellow-creas
tures, when we see persons daily broaching, and
others daily believing, the grossest absurdities
and most palpable falsehoods.—kid.
The case of the unfortunate people of Nrsasamk
is coming by degrees before the country, Th©
matter brought out at the meeting on Nfonday
last did one piece of' good at least s it left the
merits of the question naked as noon-day. It
put the motives of the Duke otfis,l2;T6e.
;iial4t"l-1-I.ussrs'iats of Parliament
record, and, in his own language, for an as,t
fni.c)raositsleer:',
ttitilell,:nigre
monstrous oppression ; and it establishes,', as
a%Gvlrmpiacreliein'scisill''sil'ettlipobiniyosolefd'htihtcoehresisresent the Commons of
England would be instantly and absolutely extin-
guished. One sentence, on which so many and
such just comments have been made by our con-
temporary journals, though written by the Duke
of Newcastle, bids fair to be immortal Am
what
interrogatory
riolsogs
tiattloibryyn
i‘yn,
eyor :my
I not," saith this illustrious moralist, " to Flu
n
to b' n'
es c
oulmti would
above
ibootiss,e, the
on
which turned the most important discussions in
the Parliamentary history of England, not even
excepting emancipation. Time Duke of New-
castle's maxim is this,—that a man may openly
employ his property for the destruction of all
those institutions by which property itself (to
say nothing of life and liberty) is secured. The
tir)oiegrl
tiyt
certain
ithatsbaeieelman
ict
irtiaoatstesetels possesses
the
e objects.al an
lyv
,H aell species(i: firy
Ll.aryt
it
sword, and keep it to defend his house ; but ii he
be caught in using it to the injury or oifenee of
his neighbour, little will it avail aim to ask,
" May I not do as I like with lily :MI?" When
Lord Erskine brought in his law for punishing
cruelty to animals, he grounded it on the great
moral principle, that God himself limited our
right in animals to un exaction from them of
such services onl' as they were fitted by nature
to pay. Lord Lon opposed time bill of his
nobler brother, and it was lost, though revived
in a similar shape, and after many years, by 4
different sort of a philosopher from Lord:
.litts:l,4ll,nere
—viz. Mr. Martin of Galway. But the law is
just and wise, and stands on time foundations o.
all enlightened jurisprudence ;as is c
of outrageailtndr
landlord
oolvletrliao
law, written in the understanding of every Lug.
lishnian, which says that a man saould not, under
pretence of exercising the abstract light of pit)-
.
the right (l
pro-
perty, commit a positive wrong upon his neigh-
tl alsoos
those
is.,
abysptei
specific
freedom of the elective franchise. The Duke
le
tteeziith:e butrig
bteesiiidaenst
of hour,Nota.:
ads t
haacsk
iii
hts,
every county in England, certain general and in-
nd
indefensible nature, which belong I •
to um as an
elector. The Duke of Newcastle has a right to
his rent ; lie hits • I
a right to prevent the dilapida-
tion of his premises; and there, even over tenants
at will, the ordinary and accustomed exercise of
power by landlord ever tenant ceases. It the

teaant pays his rentpunctually—if, instead of
b sing a negligent and wasteful, he is a liberal and
improving occupier of the estate; laying' out large
sums of his own money to raise the value of his
landlord's property, in the honourable confidence
that he is himself to share the enjoyment of
it—we would ask whether such a thing was
never heard of as a tenant-right set up by a
court of equity, to " maintain the well-
balanced scale of even-handed justice" as be-
tween landlord and tenant. But the question
does not hang on this ; nor will a court of law
Or equity be the appropriate tribunal before which
the " scale of even justice" must, in such a case,
be balanced. What will the House of Com-
mons say to. a man who claims as " his own"
property the votes by which its members are re-
turned ? I lere is a prima facie offence com-
mitted, in the ejection from their houses or
grounds of all those who voted for a particular
Candidate at Newark, and a continued • forbear-
ance as to all those who gave their votes to his
adversary : the one candidate was notoriously
brought forward on the Duke of Newcastle's in-
terest ; the other, whose voters have been visited
with this ducal punishment, was notoriously op-
posed by the agents and dependents of his Grate.
Are these no facts on which to raise a resolution
of the Honse- of Common's ? Are they not
more damning to the Duke of Newcastle, and
more pregnant of disfranchisement to him, than
ever 'was the receipt of bribes by the voters of
Grampound, or any other contaminated bo-
rough, a fair cause for their destitution ? It is
a promising circumstance for England that this
audacious attack has been made on the frame
and composition of Parliament. The Duke of
Newcastle appertains to a party whose disgrace
will draw sympathy from but few. Ministers
are borne down by these wretched traffickers in
boroughs, the revenues are devoured by them,
and the peop!e at once oppresSed and insulted.
The Duke of Newcastle himself may not have
brains enough to see the full bearing of his own
manceuvreq, but there are other " borough-mOn-
,,ers" who can.---Ibid.

The importance attached to the circumstances
under - which certain packages addressed to the
English Ambassador at the Court of France
have been intercepted, and the rather over-strained
inferences drawn from the want of an explana-
tion, have induced us to direct our inquiries to
n source likely to, of authentic information.
On this much-canvassed topic, our intelligence.
is neither complete nor circumstantial ; but, so
far as it goes, it may be safely relied on ; and,
re have a sufficient assurance, that when the
roper time arrives, we shall be put into full pos-
session of all the parts of this mysterious and
awkward transaction. In the mean time, it may
be as well to state, that a minute and severe scru-
tiny is decided on, and that so much is already
known as completely not only to exonerate the
Ambassador from all participation or connivance,
but to establish indisputably his entire ignorance
of the improper purpose to which the sanction
of his station had been most -unwarrantably ap-
plied. We have thought it expedient to say thus
much in this stage of the business, because we
take the facts on the credit of an authority not
miely- to be in error, and utterly incapable of in-
Lentional deception ; but we are perfectly cer-
tain that public opinion calls for a disclosure of
ial the cireatinstances antecedent, anti accompanY-
ing, in teems 04 distinct, direct, and accurately
pirenmsiantial, as the English language can
ft.tibrd, or rigid official scrutiny can bring to light.
The reason assigned for a temporary suppression
of the facts already established is, that a prema-
ture disclosure might prejudice the pending in-
vestigation, if it did not defeat the ends of it
altogether. In our present state of imperiect
information we are unable to decide upon the
validity of this reason ; but of this we are per-
fectly certain, that the sooner this mysterious re-
piexve is departed from, and the more full and
exikcit the explanations given, the better will it
be for all parties, with .the single exception of
those (ani:l some such there must be) who will
be consigned to well-merited ignominy. It is
satisfactory to learn that the investigation will be
followed with a perfect harmony of purpose and
identity of object on both sides of the water, and
tight ruhhing has hitherto transpired in the smallest
degree likely to disturb the amicable relations of
_the two kingdome.—Moiring Chronicle.
411 the artillery of the Whig Press is pointed
ot the Puke of Newcastle for taking those steps
.t, rants which he thinks necessary to the
pre eevation ,of his influence in the borough of
Yet his !Grace has done no more than
the vC7ig proprietors of hoxoughs are always in
tha habit ^f doing whenever their borough
patronage" is endangered by the intractable
conduct of their tenants at elections. To have
a teza's strong hold attacked by an enemy from
without is a common inisfortune ; but to find
tieachery in a garrison ;,:s an evil of a more
Oarigerous and exasperating :mow. Lvery Whig
owner of Borough-interest can understand • Ole
force of this allusion. The Whig writers, in
the indulge-nese of their fierce animosity against
the Doke of Newcastle, do not perceive that
ley assail with the same weapons the dearest
ii4eWical interests of their cc liberai" patrons. In
NindiAive attacks upon persons they forgt prin-
ciples—s 44 it is a principle of Whig (aloYern,
inent to comeatand votes in Parliament by the
proprietorship of boroughs. The Duke of Bed-
ford, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and other
patriotic" Members of the House of Peers,
are hit by the same k fiafis that are aiarietcl At the
Duke of Newcastle. Vie do not know any instance,:
0; the tenantry of the Noblemen whom we have
'tamed having proved refractory at elections ;but,
if they had, the Whig Press would not have
poured :out tirades of indignant virtue" at
their Lord4iips' attempting to preseive their
pnlitical infinenpi by ejecting them. We are
aware that, in taking up the subject in this way,
we are only using the argunie;:t pd Iwnunem ;
but it is sufficient foe the purpose 4 ;bowing
that, whoever may have P right to complain ti
the proceedings of the Duke Pf 'Newcastle in
the borough in question, the supportßO of the
principles of Whig GOVenment have none,
4,3'e say, moreover, that, as long as the system
;.lose boroughs exists, it inevitably carries
ieh , a
ilto the necessity of a harsh and jealous ex-
ercise of the rights of proprietorship, and the
onfonement of an authority incompatible with
the independent use of the elective franchise,
We do not know what number of voters there
are in the borough of Caine ; but, if they
happened to be induced to give their votes
against the nominee of the noble proprietor, we
presume he would not tamely allow the mutiny
in his camp to °(crox into a total abroirr‘ioil of
his authority. Our objection is to the system
itself, by whatever party it may be upheld; and
we object to it, because it is hostile to the spirit
as well as opposed to tho theory a the Consti-
tution. Freedom of Itepresentation is the basis
of Parliamentary purity. We do-not mean to
confound free-dom of "
_epresentation with the

avild dogmas of Annual Palliaroents and Uni-
vffsal Suffrage; but we certainly cannot identify
it with any thing like the system of borough
patronage. It is a maxim of the Constitution
that a Peer shall not endeavour to influence
the election of Members of Parliament, and
it is, at least in theory, u breach of the
privileges of the House of Commons for
a Member of the Upper House to interfere with
the exercise of the people's right to return Re-
presentatives. • The proprietorship of boroughs
by Noble Lo-ds is directly in the teeth of this
maxim;, but it is not fair that any party should
endeavour to raise the public indignation against
their opponents for doing that which they prAc-
tise themselves. One of the greatest evils aris-
ing from the monopoly of-boroughs, by particu-
lar families, • whether Whig or Tory, is, that
whoever obtains the triumph, the people are sure
to be the sufferers. The system is also a pro-
lific-source of immorality. It puts the dependent
voters in the disagreeable dilemma of acting
against their conscience or acting against their
interests. If Serjcant Wilde were hereditary
dictator of the borough of Newark, it is not
likely that the inhabitants would enjoy more
practical freedom in the exercise of the elective
franchise than they do at present. His energies
are enlisted on the popular side in the present
instance, because his ambition is yoked to the
same cause. His sympathies are all on the side
of his personal aggrandizement. We do not
blame him. He does what most men in his si-
tuation would do ; that is, takes advantage of
existing circumstances in the borough to improve
his own chance of becoming its future represen-
tative. This is all fair, perhaps, in the political
battle which he has to fight. We blame the
system which gives rise to such contests,
in which the moral and social interests of the
humbler classes of society are crushed between
ambitious influences of rival politicians.—Morn-
lira Herald,
• We presume that our readers are by this time
tolerably well acquainted with the conduct of the
Duke of Newcastle towards the people of New-
ark, as evinced in the expose given at the meet-
ing, of which afull report appeared in our Paper"
yesterday ; and there is but little which it is ne-
cessary to add in the shape of comment, to the
reflections which must necessarily occur to every
one en a perusal of the report. The Courier
regrets that " having conceived a change neces-
sary in the existing arrangement of his property
in Newark, he should not have given a notice of
his intention to make it before, instead of qfter,
the late election"—a very civil mode, there is no
doubt, of telling his Grace that the motives for
his conduct cannot be mistaken ; but for our part
we rejoice at the occurrence as one of the most
perfect exemplifications of the mode in which the
Constitution works, and the necessity of a re-
form in the representative system that could be
imagined. What does his Grace say respecting
the right of freemen to exercise their rights
in the choice of a Member of Parliament ?
" According to my interpretation of the adver-
tisement," says his Grace, " you meet to delibe-
rate on an interference between my tenants and
me. Is it presumed, then, that I an: not to do
what I will with my own ? or that I am to sur-
render my property, and the inherent rights be-
longing to it, into the hands of those that desire
to deprive me of it ?'' So that, according to
this interpretation, the right of property involves
the right of oppressing every one who does not
use the privileges attached to that property ac-
cording to the will of the superior Lord—or, in
other words, the right of directing the political,
as the Priests of the Roman Catholic Church
guide the moral, conscience of their followers !
If this be time case, it is full time that the law
were amended, and that instead of rendering it
penal on the part of boroughmongers to interfere
in elections, a clause were added to every lease,
that the holder of it must act on all political oc•
casions as the grantor of it would wish. But
this is contrary to the law of the land, and
most contrary, we should presume, to the
principles of the Duke of Newcastle, who
professes to hold in the utmost abhorrence
any encroachment or innovation upon the
Constitution even though that innovation
should be in ccnformity with its spirit,
and 4.0 r time good of the empire ; and how then,
let us ask, can his Grace defend his present in-
terference ? He says he venerates the Constitu-
tion ; but if he does so, why oppress those who
exercise their privileges in conformity with its
spirit ? He says that Ile and his ancestors are
famed for benevolence to the freemen of the
borough of Newark ; but why, then, let us ask,
destroy the work of ages, and establish by a
single and uncalled-for act, a character for in-
juatace, oppression, and cruelty ? The whole
matter is as open as daylight. There is not a
jury in England, of honest men, who would not
give a righteous verdict upon it ; and further
comment is, in consequence, unnecessary ; but
we cannot conclude without intimating what we
4.optv to be the fact, that 'his Grace's conduct
will be a subject both of legal and Parliamentary
investigation: Mr; Serjeant Wilde has not
threatened in vain ; and tdr once the voice, both
of the country and of the Government, are
against the Duke. There is, in fact, no honest
man—no man of independent senth»ents, who
ti~ ill noa pain issue against the abuse of the
mial43 of property, asserted broadly and openly,
for the first time, by his Grape.- Morning Ads'.