The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-18 00:00:00

i
liament who resided here during the session of Parliamekt, and
for forty days before and forty days after, were exempted. IYII,
how did this act with regard to Irish proprietors resida."'g
abroad ? Why, it was a bonus to them to reside abroad.
The Irish tunas not being taxed, and yet being part and parcd
of the funds of thiikountry, an English fundholder cou'd evade,
the tax by transferring into the Irish funds. On the other
band, cases might arise in which an Irish fundholder-
residing in this country might be obliged to pay double. He,
therefore regretted that the tax had not been directly extended
to Ireland. He bel eyed that a large portion of the wealth of
Ireland was spent in this country and Ireland would not get
credit for her real share in the contribution.

The Earl of CLARENDON would occupy the House but
a very short time ; yet there had been some charges against
the late Government, which he hoped the House would allow
him to remark upon briefly. He was glad to observe that the
embarrassed state of the finances was not attributed to the mis-
management of the late Government. The scheme of the late
Government was to increase consumption, and thereby to aug-
ment the revenue. Their first measure respected corn, and
he was glad to see that the rrescnt Government commenced
th. ir scheme with the same item.—( Cheers.) With respect to
sugar, the estimates of the late Government were never
disputed. The Budget' of his Right Honourable Friend was
nor, therefore, the contemptible thing that it had been de-
scribed. It was not conceived with recklcsness, nor brought
forward without an intention of earning it into effect. There
was no more doubt then than in March, 1842, that the system
of protection by which our country was so long oppressed must
be broken down. He was glad that the present Government
had come into power.—( Cheers.) He was glad, because no
measures of general utility could have been carried by the late
Goverment in the face of an opposition which now supported
the same measures, and asserted upon the hustings, and in the
other ticuses of Parliament, that they voted, as the supporters
of the Noble Duke opposite voted in 1829, against
tie ir coesciences, to keep their party in power. It
appeared to him that the scheme of the Government was
one which would drive industry into unnatural channels,
end thrive it from those in which it hal formerly flowed. He
was convinced that the new Corn-laws would afford no benefit
to the country ; whilst by the new tariff most of the articles of
general consumption were left untouched. It was impossible
to regard the tariff as a compensation for the Income-tax. The
necessity for this measure might easily have been obviated by
acceding to the alteration in the sugar duties, which was pro-
posed by the late Government. The policy of this country on
the subject of the slave trade was carefully watched by
every country in Europe ; they were watching
eagerly for the financial, caring little for the phi-
lanthropic results of it ; and if they found that we de-
rived no pecuniary advantage, they would have little induce-
ment to emancipate their slaves.—( Hear, hear.) The only
plan of putting an effectual stop to slavery, was to show that
sugar and other articles could be produced cheaper by free la-
hour than slave labour. If they proved to the world that their
experiment had failed, they would give a greater impetus than
had ever been given before to slavery and the slave trade. In
conclusion, he would ask the House whether it was proper,
having refused to relieve the country, by means of an altera-
tion in the sugar duties, to impose upon the people a tax of so
inquisitorial a character as that under consideration
Lord Fitzgerald, Lord Melbourne, Lord Brougham, and the
Earl of Clarendon explained,
Lord WHARNCLIFFE raid he had thought, up to the
time when the Noble Earl (the Earl of Clarendon) had risen,
he had never heard a debate conducted with so little party
seirio The Noble Farl stated that they had adopted the mea-
sures of the late Government. He denied that such was the
case. Wiser, the budget was proposed last year, they did not
deny that it would be a benefit to relieve commerce from its re-
strictions ; but they stated that those who brought forward the
a easures of relief were not fit persons to carry them into exe-
ctrion. Why ? Because they had lost the confidence of both
Houses ; because they were occasionally in a minority ; because
they had thrown themselves on the support of individuals who
declared that. they were squeezable.—( Hear, hear.) In
his opinion there could not be a worse Government than r.e
which did not possess the confidence of the country —( Hear.
The mode of proceeding by Noble Lords opposite was to make
experiments. sugar was one, corn was another, and timber
was a third. What the present Government said was, The
country has a debt to pay—it has a deficiency to make up ; be-
, fore you try experiments make up that deficiency. In the case
in which they were placed, the Income-tax was
the most suited to the emergency. They were
satisfied that the ptopositions of the late Government were
entirely failures. With respect to corn, which had been al-
luded to by the Noble Marquis; the Noble Marquis said they
could have tamed 500,0001. lie ( Lord Wharncliffe) did net
doubt this; he might have made 1,100,0001.; but then this
was of all taxes the least to be depended upon. It wholly de-
Wpended on the seasons and the weather. Now with respect to sugar,
'What they said with respect to slavery was, that if, an the pre-
sent state of slavery they imported a large quantity of sugar
from foreign countries, they gave a great encouragement to
slaetry. 'they must re collect that there were other places
hick produced sugar Lesides the West Indies ; there was the
sugar from the East Indies, which was not slave-grown. He
fully believed that the treasures they had proposed were calcu-
lated to benefit the country at large; and finding the state of
the country was as they found it, they would have been blame-
able indeed if they had not brought them forward.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE thought there had been
great waste of time by the party on the opposite side. Ho
would not go into the question of the Income-tax then, es there
would be another opportunity of doing so.
Lord LYTTEL'I ON could not bring himself to oppose this
tax, on the ground that it was adequate to meet the deficiency,
wiihout pressing on the working classes.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, in reply, said, that as he
had been accused of being an uncompromising opponent to the
Income-tax. he begged to say that he did not think there were
any circumstances justifying an Income-tax. There were
such circumstances, but they did not consist in a deficiency
of 3,500,0004 He had never said that slavery ought not to be
a constant subject of solicitude ; what he had said was, that, on
the subject of the sugar trade negotiations for the suppression of
slavery were contracts on paper, anal as such were waste paper,
and would obtain nothing for the unhappy people on the coasts
of Africa.

The Earl of RIPON explained. He bad stated that the
whole of the plan was erroneous, and justified him in calling
upon the House to testify their want of confidence in the Go-
vernment.

.....
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided un the amendment, when there appeared—
Contents
52
Non-Contents

Majority against the amendment. . 60
On our entrance into the gallery the Marquis of CLANRI.
CA RDE was on his legs, and moved the adjournment of the
debate till; Tuesdry, amidst loud cries of " Go on, go on," arid
Question, question."
Lord KINNAIRD said that he understood the Noble Duke
to say that there should he a sepal ate debate on the third read-
ing.—(" No, no." from the Duke , f Wellington.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he could not govern
the debates a the house. What he said wa, that the Noble
Lord might c:cli:er his sentiments, but he did not say that a.
debate was to take }}place.
The Earl of RADNOR did not understand the Noble Duke
to say that there should be a debate on the third reading.
The Duke of WELLINGTON had certainly explained him-
self clearly on the poi t, though he might have been misunder-
stood by the Noble Lord.
The Alirquis of CLANRICARDE said if his motion
were resisted he should certainly take the sense of
the House upon the subject. This Rill had been hurried
through the House in a most unyrecedented manner ;
the discussion had been taken upon the merits of the financial
measures of the Govmriment generally compared with those of
the late Ministry, and as they could not discuss the third wad-
ing of the Bill at that late hour, he should, for the sake of de-
' cern', press for a division upon his motion.
The Duke of WELLINGTON contended that clear and
sufficient notice had been given of the third reading.
The Earl of BADN( /It supported the adjournment.
The Marquis of LONDONDERR Y could not see any rea-
son for such anxiety for deferring the thirst reading.
The Earl of RIPON said that the object had been already
discussed at great length ; and he did not see why the Bill
should not be read a third time that evening.
The Earl of WICKLOW hoped that the Noble Duke would
accede to the proposal ;or an adjournment of the discussion.
There were, it appeared, many Noble Lords who were stia
anxious to address the House on the subject; and under those
circumstances he did riot wish that the debate should be at
once brought to a conclusion.
Viscount MELBOURNE would remind their Lordships that
a majority, however powerful, was cot omnipotent on a question
of adjournment. He had often been made aware of that by
his experience in another place.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he was in the hands of
the House ; but he could see no reason why they should net
immediately come to a decision in conformity with the under-
standing which had been come to on a former occasion.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE raid he would take every op.
port unity of voting against the Bill.
The question having then been lee that the debate should be
adjourned until Tuesday next, the House divided. The num-
bei s sec re for the adjournment :
lc. tent.....
Proxies
N 4 c n'ent
Proxies. 9l-186
Mcjority f —l3l
On tur return to the gallery we found Lord DENMAN
stating that he should vote against the Bill on every stage, and
objecting to the House preeeeding with the Bill at that hour.
' •lhe Duke cf WELLINGTON said it would be very incon-
venient if the Bill did not pass that night. The motion had
been postponed from Thursday to Friday to suit the conveni-
ence of Noble Lords, and he trusted the 13ill would be passed.
Lord RADNOR suggested that if the Bill were proceeded
with, either then or on Monday, no inconvenience would arise.
The Duke of WELLING"! ON said he was not in the habit.
of stating what he did not believe to be true. .He repeated
that great inconvenience would rt-suit if the Bill did not pass
that night.
The Marquis of CLAN RICARDE said he thought it was
too much to ask the House to pats the Bill at that hour.
Lord CAMPBELL said in the other House it was a mat-
ter of course to adjourn the debate upon the statement that
there were several lion. Members who wished to deliver their
sentiments, and he did not see why there should be one :rule
in that a lembly and another rule in the other. He thought
that to force on the third reading of the Bill without giv-
ing an opportunity of further discussion, would not tend to
raise the character of that House.
Lord FITZGERALD considered that the principle of the
Bill had that evening been fully discussed. He would
leave it to the imblie to decide whether the debate of
to-night hail not been substantially on the merits of the Bill.
To whom was the lateness of the hour to be imputed—to whom
vc,;s the loss of time to be attributed? Had no time been lost
by the motion for adjournment—had no time been lost by the
call for proxies on the motion ? He protested against the as-
sertion that the Bill had been improperly forced forward. It
had been postponed this night selnnight, out of courtesy to a
Noble Marquis. He would leave it fur their Lordships to de-
eiir e if this motion for adjournment was calculated to add to the
dignity of the House in the eyes of the country.
The Earl of RADNOR did not impute it as a fault to any
body that the Bill had been repeatedly put off. The postpone-
ments had been occasioned by the illness of his Noble Friend
and of the Noble Earl opposite. The debate on the amend-
ment of the Noble Marquis had lasted until one o'clock in the
morning. They had had no discussion on the principle of the
Bill, and he would ask if it was decorous that they should enter
upon that discussion
explained.
at half-past two o clock in the morning?
The Duke of WELLINGTON,
Lord CAMPBELL did not impute any blame to any perm
for what had occurred, but he t houglit that if it were now
e l
at l e et
eighted that
o'clock
idivision
the
morning, o n
Ruf,
forced on at this hour, blame certainly would be imputable to
thoseloorrm Lord
who
jfichrhcEaeisdi
DittaAkfoLernE owialrradece.
,: wheiit
so that they 11:1,1 five hours good yet for debating.
lord WII A lINCLIFFE said it was very necessaryg to past
this Bill at once, as there were arrangements entered into at
the Bank for the 14th of July.
The question
iiiqieostuie,en
dChit the debatehebenuamb djoeurrsnewderweasfortisreenadpiuntg,
and
the Bill a third
ts
Tuesday—
Proxies
11— 36
Not content
Prosier
Majority. ..,....123
On our return to the gallery,
82-159
The Earl of RADNOR was on his legs, and moved the ad.
jourment of the House.