The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-08 00:00:00

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.

Great success of Lord Byron's '‘ Werner," and First Week of a New
Nautical Drama.
THIS EVENING, MARCH 8.

Will be acted Lord Byron's Tragedy of WERNER ; or, the IN.
MERITANCE.—Werner, Mr. H. Hughes; Josephine Mrs. Vining.
After which, a Comic Ballet, entitled OPPOSITION; or, the
RIVAL, DANCING MASTERS.

To conclude with an original Nautical Drama, called SAM SCUD;
or, PERILS by SEA and LAND.—Sam Scud, Mr. H. hughes ;
Betsy, Miss Martin.

THE WEATHER.—NOON, MARCH 7.
ROYAL GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ADELAIDE-STREET.
Thermometer... 51 Highest 53 I Lowest
Barometer 29.87.—Wind S.E.—Freezing Point 22 Deg.

HIGH. WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
JiLarning......4o minutes after 11. I Evening ...... 0 minutes after 0.

LONDON-
TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 8, 1842.

Mr. FERRAND again drew the attention of the House
of Commons last night, to some of the evils to which the
working classes of England are exposed. He again
talked of the truck system, of the overwork in factories,
and much of cloth made firm with paste, and much of the
" devil's dust." That happened then which we foresaw
would happen, A manufacturer, and one who reprobates
the oppression of which individual manufacturers are
guilty, and is guilty of none himself; Mr. FIELDEN, while
he admitted the sufferings of the workmen in some
occupations, referring them to the general poverty, drew
from his pocket an account of a case of oppression in the
agricultural districts, and proved that cruelty and ty-
ranny prevail there, as well as in the manufacturing
districts. In fact, industry is universally tyrannised
over by property ; the master—for the hand of man
makes all wealth—has become the slave of his own
creature, and the cases quoted by Mr. FERRAND are only
examples of the general usurpation.
For upwards of twenty years there has been a contest,
which is no secret, and not confined to a narrow spot,
between capital and labour. Books, pamphlets, news-
papers have been written on both sides of the question;
the controversy is but the representative of many practices;
and Mr. FERRAND has undertaken the task, having no
conception, apparently, of the origin of the contest, or
of the principle on which it hinges, of making known
to property a few cases of the hardship inflicted by it on
industry.

But why does Mr. FEanaND mix up these cases
with a defence of the Corn-laws—one of the most
outrageous examples of property tyrannizing over
industry by moans of legislation ? Why does
ho found on these cases a personal attack on
a few men of property, who, feeling in their own case
the injustice of this law, ask for its repeal ? Mr. FER-
RAND by his course of proceedings demonstates his own
ignorance of the principles of this question, and his ter-
rible unfitness for the office he has undertaken of alvo
eating the interests of the working classes.
If he rightly understood the question, he would
not confine himself to attacking some mill-owners
of Dewsbury, or some remote part of Lan-
cashire, or harp continually on an economical
mode of making inferior cloth (the shoddy trade),
or dwell on cloth being filled up with paste ; if he
touched it at all in Parliament he would go into the
whole subject. He would examine the foundations of
the capitalists' and landowners' claims. He would prove
that the disease is general. He would show that in
mines as in mills, amongst grinders as well as amongst
shoddy workers,—that metropolitan scavengers as well as
fitetory girls—that the lumper-fed Irish as well as the
half-starved hand-loom weavers—that, in short, the
labourers in every branch of business and every dis-
trict of the country, are sorely vexed by too much
and very often disgusting and painful toil, and are too
poorly paid. But so to treat the subject is far be-
yond the power of this loud-bawling young man, who is
obviously unacquainted with the principles on which the
whole depends.
In treating it, a reflecting and kind man, who
knows how essential to the well-being of society are
many of those occupations which Mr. FERRAND repre-
sented as disgusting or irksome, and who is
well aware that to toil is the lot of man,
from which he cannot wholly escape,—would
be careful to say as little as possible against the
occupation, however much he might insist on unpleasant
toils being handsomely and adequately paid. Mr. FER-
RAND is most injudicious in his advocacy, for he selects
one or two noisome occupations, and one or two cases of
individual oppression, and on them founds charges
p,gainst all the manufacturers of England.
With respect to this shoddy trade, of which he
it ij no secret, and no fraud. On the contrary,
we speaks,re
member very well reading the account which was pub-
',gibed of the plan at the time that it was introduced.
mitek praise was then bestowed on the inventor, as hav-
ing economised the resources of the country. As to un-
pleasantness, it appears to us that those who gather and
sort old rags of all kinds for paper-making, when they
gre converted into a pulp, are jut as much exposed to
unpleaopt consequences as those who pick them and
throw them !nto a teasing mill, to reconvert them into
wool. Nobody ever says anything against the former occu-
pation, but some persons who are envious, like the Whit-
ney to
manufacturer referred by Mr. ;ERRAND, of the
success of the Yorkshiremen, attack the shoddy manu-
facture because it is new. Mr, FERRAND appealed by his
remarks to the ignorance of his auditors, and at least he

raved his own.
We are not on the whole, however, sorry, that the
manufacturers have been exposed to his fire, though we
could have wished the attack more judiciously made.
a.
No class of men have in general,
we regret to say, been
-`4 :09,4T,f9rrarci to imitate most of the bad habits of the axis-

tocracy, from whom they have borrowed the vile practice,
1 amongst others, of treating their workmen like slaves.
I'7 t agree with the Editor of the Leeds Times, who writes
IV
from the midst of them, and expresses the sentiments of
, a discerning friend :
At the same time, we shall not say that the master manufac-
turers have been without blame as respects their relations with
their workmen. They look upon them too generally in the
light of mere machines—as instruments to make money with,
rather than as sentient, rational, immortal beings like them-
selves. They have mixed too little with their workmen ; they
have not cultivated their sympathies and affections ; they
have not taken care enough to promote their well-being and
happiness. Hence the now isolated position of masters and '
men, and the sullenness, reserve, and suspicion, with which
they mutually regard each other, in this country.
The slight and contempt, however, with which the '
aristocracy and its writers have of late treated the manu-
facturers, will, we hope, awaken in them a true sense of
the manner in which they degrade themselves by. aping
the nobility. Their best friends are their workmen.
They are the soil in which they take root. Without
them they cannot flourish ; with them they have a coin-
mon interest. They are embarked in the same boat,
though one steers, and the others row at different oars ;
and if they pull different ways, how shall the boat go
a-head ? They perform different parts of a common
operation, which grows from the great natural system of
division of labour. They are to one another what the
two legs or the two hands are to the body ; and if one
be mutilated or destroyed, the other becomes inefficient
or powerless. Let us hope, therefore, that the maAer
manufacturers, now openly insulted and injured by the
landlords, will turn from them to cultivate friendly rela-
tions with their workmen ; so shall both be strong in
their own natural strength, and great in their own natu-
ral greatness. They belong to each other, and form
parts of a vast and harmonious system. If they be united,
they may bid defiance to landlords or legislators, and
to every extraneous and foreign power which shall seek
to domineer over them, or lay down laws for the exer-
cise of their useful callings.

We publish only one of several communications which
have been addressed to us, while we know that similar

communications have been made to the total repeal
Members—recommending them to withdraw from Par-
liament and leave the monopolists to pass their own
enactments unopposed. Without joining in the recom-
mendation, for we have many doubts of its propriety,
the Liberal . Members being able to send advice from
Parliament through the entire country, which they can

do from no other point, we notice it as another illustra.

tion of the fact, that the Parliament is fast sinking into
public and universal contempt. It is branded as the in-
strument of the monopolists, as a contrivance to per-
petrate class wrongs, and only those will continue to
respect it or long obey its decisions in whose favour they
are given. Such is the inevitable result of its narrow ccn-
stitution, and its unjust proceedings. Acts of Parliament
cannot alter the human mind, which has been consti-

tuted to despise and hate injustice. We may look, there-
fore, for a natural and necessary decay of every autho-
rity which persists in perpetrating injustice. The pre-
sent conduct of Parliament, consequently, directs
attention to the probable future fate of society, and ex-
cites some alarm for the continuance of that social order
which is supposed, perhaps erroneously, to depend exclu-
sively on Acts of Parliament.

It must be gratifying to the public to observe, that, as

the respect for the authority of Parliament has dimin-
ished, order has not been disturbed, nor peace violated.
It is now four years nearly since the Chartists fih st
formed themselves into a distinct body, and the basis of
their union was a declaration against the existing repre-
sentation of the people. It is two years since their Con-
vention met, and during the whole four years the bulk
of the people have been exposed to the severest priv a-
Lions. What, then, has been their conduct ? In general
most peaceful and praiseworthy. The following is Mr.
ROEBUCK'S testimony, given at Bradford, on Friday last,
confirming a similar testimony, given both in and out
of Parliament, at other places :

Those who live by rent have set themselves in opposition to
those who live by labour, and have thought themselves bene-
fited. The labouring classes have been deeply injured by those
who have the monopoly of power. Millions have petitioned
the Legislature to put down the monopoly, and their petitions
have been determinately refused. The working classes have
said, we will let the middle classes fight out their own battle,
though not one intelligent man in this class doubted that the
Corn-law was a bad law. But a question of still deeper im-
portance lay behind it. We will hear the ills of our present
conditian,—thus speak the working classes—we will put
up with poverty and all its concomitants, rather than
be diverted from our fixed aim, the obtaining of political
power. Their firmness and fortitude had commanded
the admiration and respect of all other classes. Their sufferings
had been great, but their fortitude had been still greater. We
might speak of the great deeds of former ages, but history re.
cords nothing equal to the fortitude and perseverance with
which the working classes of this country have stuck to a great
principle. Want has invaded their houses; they have seen
their wives and their children in want of daily bread; but btill
they have said, we will submit to all this, but we will not sub-
mit to barter our rights as freemen.--( Cheers.) We will stand
out for these rights, and let the middle classes try themselves.
Their fortitude in bearing suffering, their perseverance in
a good cause, their continued peaceable behaviour, obi
ously are not the offspring of that law or that authority
which they despise, but of their own love of peace and
order. But not only is the law losing its authority, it de-
serves to lose it, because it is in many cases a mere abuse.
It becomes, therefore, of greater importance, perhaps, than
ever to cultivate good dispositions in the people, and by
all possible means to strengthen in them those motives
to good behaviour which must supply the 'place of de-
caying authority.

If it be true that the bulk of the people proclaim
aloud their contempt for the law and authority which
makes it, the State cannot any longer rely on teaching
obedience to the law as a means of preserving order and
peace in society. It must address itself to higher mo-
tives. The people must be enjoined and instructed, as
they were by Mr. THOMPSON, in that speech wst published
yesterday, to avoid violence, became it is in itself hateful;

they must be encouraged, as he encouraged them, to look
to a quiet demeanour and a peaceful development of
moral power for their success ; and they must be as-
sured that they will give a triumph to their enemies if
they pass beyond the bounds of prudence and justice.
If the authority of the Legislature, as now constituted,
fall into disrepute, it will be for society a fearful circum-
stance, if its place be not supplied by increasing know-
ledge and good dispositions in the people.

A return, issued yesterday morning, to an order of the
House of Commons, throws some additional light on
the sliding scale of Sir ROBERT PEEL. It is entitled a
" Statement of the quantities of foreign grain of each
kind, and of what flour, which paid the several duties,
together with the per centage proportion which those
quantities bore to the total quantities of the respective
kinds entered for home consumption, from July, 1828,
to the sth of January, 1842." The total quantity of
wheat imported during that period has been 13,558,181
quarters, or about one million of quarters each year,
nearly one half of which, or about 43 per cent.
was not taken out of bond till the duti fell to
Is., wheat being at the enormous price of 735.
and upwards per quarter, and more than three-fourths
(7867 per cent.) was not taken out till wheat was 725.
per quarter. No better proof can be given that the
sliding scale acts virtually as a prohibition to the im-
portation of grain till it reaches a famine price ; for the
total amount imported at the lower duty does not exceed
250,000 quarters each year, the greater proportion of
which was sold at or above 695. This small quantity,
as compared with the total consumption, hardly deserves
to be taken into account. Will the new sliding scale
act differently ? The corn-dealers will lay their heads
together under the one law as well as the other, and
keep back grain till it can be imported at the lowest
duty. It is a fact, too, worthy of notice, that the total
amount of wheat imported at 18s. Bd., about the highest
end of the new scale, was only 77,140 quarters for the
period of thirteen years. The landlords may strive to
keep up the mock cry against Sir ROBERT PEEL for de-
priving them of protection and ruining agriculture, but
they know well, at least those of them who know any-
thing about the matter, that they will be protected as
much as ever, that no additional impulse will be given
to British manufactures, that the home consumption
will diminish yearly, and that they will be the next
class of sufferers after the operatives. The coun-
try, however, must, in the meantime, submit. The mis-
guided electors, even in manufacturing towns, combined,
with the Tory landholders to return a House of Commons
which will not allow Sir ROBERT PEEL, even if lie would,
to grant them any relief, and on their heads, therefore,
be the consequences. The very silence of the Duke of
RICHMOND, and the high-price party that threatened to
oust the Prime Minister, if he failed to do their bidding,
is decisive on the merits of the scheme which, in a few
months, will be in operation, and which we fear will con- j
firm our worst anticipations.

We find the following leading paragraph in the last
number of the Naval and Military Gazette :
We have just heard a rumour that her Majesty has it in con-
templation to raise to the Peerage a few of our most
distinguished Admirals, namely, Sir Robert Stopford, Sir
George Cockburn, and Sir Edward Codrington. We sincerely
hope that this report will prove correct, for when we bear in
mind there is not at this moment even one flag-officer upon the
list who has received this proud reward for Isis services to his
country out of the 200 Admirals that we now have in the navy,
whilst in the sister profession many Generals and Lieutenant-
Generals have been justly honoured with this high distinction
for their gallant services in the field, we cannot but be sanguine
that the Royal favour will be extended towards the distinguished
officers that we have named at no distant period, and which we
are assured will be hailed with the highest satisfaction by the
whole navy.

In the hope expressed by our contemporary of the truth
of this report we cordially join. Since the days of PITT
it has been too much the fashion to recruit the Peer-

THE SUN,

age from the Bar, from behind the counter, and
from the Stock Exchange ; and the result has been
a growing contempt, on the part of the people,
for that once-powerful section of the Legislature.
If we are to preserve the Institution of the Peerage,

we ought by all means to endeavour to make it worthy
of the confidence of the country. No moans of doing
this can be adopted more effectual than to recruit it from
meritorious officers of a branch of the public service,
which more than any other enjoys the confidence and
esteem of all classes of Englishmen. But why does not
the name of Commodore Sir C. NAPIER appear in the
list of proposed creations ? The rules of the service
are surely not binding upon our Gracious SOVEREIGN.
By the junior members of the service such a mark of the
Royal favour would be felt as a stimulus to valorous
achievements. As regards family, the Hon. and Gallant
Member for Marylebone stands on as equality with
some of the proudest names in the Peerage of Scotland.
As for Admiral Sir E. CODRINGTON, no honours which
the Crown could confer upon him would be other than
gratifying to the Navy and the Country.

We have received a curious piece of news from Spain.
It is a statement, by a member of the Madrid Cabinet,
made in the Cortes, to the effect that Lord ABERDEEN
had at first espoused the side of M. SALVANDY in the
etiquette quarrel, but finding his pretensions un-
founded, his Lordship declared for the REGENT
The Noble Foreign Secretary was doubtless start-
led at the way in which the Liberal press
dealt with the instructions which he was reported to have
transmitted through Lord COWLEY to the British Am-
bassador at Madrid. Certain we are that but for the
English press the Tory Government would at that time
have joined France against Spain.

The duties on home-made brandy are to be abolished in
Spain from the Ist July, 1843.
Madrid Bourse on the 26th closed at 28i for cash, and 29h
for 60 days.

Nothing can exceed the rage with which the French
Opposition journals comment upon the statement of Sir
ROBERT PEEL, in the House of Commons last week, that
Lord ABERDEEN had not recognised the claims of France
to the possession of Algiers. Some of their paroxysms
of passion are really ludicrous. They hurl defiance at
England in one sentence, and affect in the next to treat
decisions respecting Algiers with the utmost contempt.
They tell us that we want Algiers for ourselves, and
they invite us to take it, if we dare. There is little
dignity in the employment of such language respecting
a nation like England. However, that is a matter o
taste, about which we are not disposed to quarrel with
our Gallic contemporaries. We are sufficiently satisfied
with ourselves to care very little what the French Oppo-
sition papers say about us. Did they not dread us in
their inmost hearts, they would never take the trouble
they do to tell the world how much they despise us.
M. COUSIN, the French Peer, and Membei of the
Institute, is appointed Member of the Royal Board of

Instruction, in the room of M. JOUFFREY, deceased. No
man in France is better qualified for a seat at that
Board than M. COUSIN, whose works on popular educa-
tion have obtained an European celebrity.
The number of French Peers at present is three hun-
dred and six. Of these one hundred and twelve were
created before the Revolution of Juiy. These have all
seats in the Chamber. Of the Peers, ninety-nine are
generals, or superior officers in the army or navy ;
twenty-five are diplomatists ; twenty members of the
Institute ; twenty-four who are, or were prefects ; and
thirty-six who are magistrates. The rest are landed pro-
prietors, paying taxes to the amount of three thousand
francs. In proportion to its numbers, there is far snore
learning, knowledge, and practical habits of legislative
business in the Chamber of Peers, than in that of
the Deputies, but as the Peers are for the most part the
submissive slaves of the Court, these properties only
make them the more dangerous to the people. The ma-
jority of them are poor and unprincipled.
The Chamber of Deputies adopted by a majority of
229 votes against 10, the Bill for calling out, in 1843,
80,000 men of the class of 1842.

The arrival of Bishop ALEXANDER in Jerusalem is
noticed as a most important event in all the French
journals. The Journal des Debats says :
" The Anglican Bishop is more the representative of the
British Crown than of the Protestant religion. We were right
in raising the cry of alarm. Need we repeat that religious
conversion is a political conquest for Great Britain ? And
wherever the Anglican religion prevails, it absorbs the nation-
ality of the country. Behold a Bishop, who has come to take
possession of Syria, Chaldea, Egypt, and Abyssinia, and who
receives his investiture from Queen Victoria. The English
flag will follow the English Bishop, and under the shade of that
flag will grow the tree, just planted on the Mount of Olives.
At the moment that the Anglican prelate was entering Jeru-
salem, cannon was announcing the celebration of the Courban-
Beiram. Was not this a sign that the sterile and stationary
spirit of Islamism is about to give way before the fruitful and
invading spirit of Christianity ?"
A missionary cannot leave the shores of England
without attracting the notice of the. French press. And
yet the Journals which denounced so angrily the ap-
pearance of a Protestant Prelate in Syria, wonder that
England should have the shadow of an objection to the
seizure by France of several provinces of the Ottoman
empire.

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