The Sun.
London, England, 1829-11-17 00:00:00

SPUtIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL

We have been overrun with letters on Mexico
and its concerns, the principal object of the
writers being to insist on the necessity of Eng-
land taking measures for the protection of
those of the Spanish American colonies whoSe
independence she has recognized, particularly
of Mexico, which is called " her natural ally."
against the attempts of Spain, or other states,
to overthrow it. We cannot notice half of
these communications, or give insertion to any
of them. Great Britain has no business to
embroil herself generally in the politics of
reign countries, though it be for their advan-
tage ; and voluntary meddling (the examples
are not remote or rare) seldom leads to any
thing but embarrassment and mischief. There
is one circumstance only referred to by our
correspondents which seems to deserve consi-
deration from English statesmen, and it is as
follows :—Within these three or four years cite
or more of the new republics (Mexico and Co-
lombia, we believe, jointly) then at war with
Spain, and harassed by her, contemplated an
expedition against the Havannah as the most
effectual means of annoyance to their enemy,
but on feeling the pulse of the British Govern-
ment, were given to understand (as is affirmed)
that " it would not see with indifference any
attack upon the Havannth." In consequence
of this repugnance upon the part of Eng Lind,
an enterprise to which Ferdinand could then
have offered not the slightest resistance, was
abandoned. The British Ministers who are
stated to have shown this disposition, just per-
haps and politic, though the reverse of unia-
vourable to Spanish interests, have always pro-
fessed the most entire neutrality as between her
and the young republics. Now neutrality may
be of two kinds,—viz. an absolute forbearance
from intermeddling on either side, or an inter-
ference equally favourable to both. The case
above alluded to, of protecting the Havannali
for Spain, when that important settlement was
in danger from the Mexicans and their allies,
could be no otherwise rendered consistent with
the obligations of an honourable and upright
neutrality on the part of England, than by her
formally announcing to Ferdinand, that as she
had preserved Cuba for him, so would she pro-
tect Mexico against him, and prevent him from
prolonging within the new state, a condition of
things no less incompatible with domestic order
and prosperity, than with the interests of Bri-
tish industry and commerce. But to tell the
new republic, " You shall not attack your enemy
in the " only way by which you can injure him,"
and to look on quietly the next day while that
same enemy torments the republic with menaces,
and makes that same Havarmah w Lich was to
be held sacred from the arms of Mexico a point
of preparation and departure for a squadron filled
with troops, which actually executes an invasion
of the Mexican soil, is to be any thing but an
hottest neutral. It would be unfortunate if' we
were to raise suspicions—either with regard to
Ferdinand or to Miguel—that where the ques-
tion was between freedom and arbitrary power
the neutrality of England was but an empty
name.—Times..

Sir Richard Phillips has published the third
portion of his Personal Tour through the United
Kingdom. We find in it a very circumstantial
account of the very interesting town of Sheffield,
a place in many respects well deserving of notice.
When the first portion of this work appeared,
we expressed our opinion of the tact and industry
of Sir Richard, i❑ discovering and availing him.-
self of the best information respecting the diver-
sified pursuits of this industrious country ; while
we observed that he had contrived to mix up
with his descriptions and statements doctrines to
which we could not subscribe. The prescnt
portion deserves the same praise, and is open to
the same objections. Sir Richard, fur instance,
has the following singular theory of rent and

prices :
" The Conqueror, however, claimed the lands and
all property as his own; and robbing the people,
divided them and their lands among his Generals
and Courtiers. Pclicy, however, made the burtht
light, arid rents were nominal; but at length a
power of sale was granted, and from that time land
became a speculation of commerce, idleness, and
avarice. High rents were then extorted till they
equalled a fourth, a third, and even half the pro-
duce ; and, finally, tenants, to indemnify themselves,
gradually advanced prices, till all provisions arrived
at their existing rate for the last two centuries.
Again•t this system labour has had to contend ; hut
as provisions arc more necessary than much labour,
so one has prevailed over the other; and the
labourers, the artisans, and the mass of the people
suffer. The contest between hope and avarice—
between tenants and landlords, is also one between
the weak and the strong, and Ilence the system
which afflicts all is perpetuated. Before the power
of alienation, given by Statute of Henry VII., rents
were riot a hundredth of the produce, and often
merely nominal; but since then they have become
so large and so overbearing a proportion, and hope
so deludes tenantry, who calculate on indemnity
from consumers, that nothing short of some enact-
ment, which shall fix a lower proportion between
rent and produce, can restore the community to a
healthful state. Such a measure might give a tern.
porary advantage to farmers, but competition would_
in two or three years, sink produce to its fair and
natural level. At present it is a contest of landlord
and tenant against consumers. Some practised
valuer determines the amount of produce, and he
then assigns a third for his employer, from which
the tenant has no escape; a third for labour, seed,
and cultivation, by which the tenant is brought into
opposition with the labourer ; and :t third for the
profit of the tenant and the sustenance of his family.
This I found to be the genei al rule through the
country, though often it is taken at one-fourth for
landlord ; a fourth for rates, tithes, and taxes; a
fourth for cultivation, and a fourth for the tenant.
Two-thirds or three-fourths, then, are fixed pay-
ments; how, therefore, can provisions become
lower ? If lower, the difference must come from
the aliquot part of the tenant ; while it is his interest, \
and of course the combination of all tenantry, to add
to his third or fourth by high prices."

We confess we are utterly at a loss to con-
ceive how any legislative enactment can fix any
general proportion between rent and produce,
and we are as much at a loss to conceive how
prices would be affected by either raising or
lowering the proportion of produce paid by the
flamers. Farmers would always keep prices high
if they could, but that they cannot always keep
prices high is proved by the ruinously low pike
of stock at the present moment. Prices do not
then depend upon the will of either the landlord
or tenant, but on the proportion between the
suppT,_and the demand. And yet Sir Richard
thinks if the proportion between rent and pro-
ducetion No.efrefalormweeri
sedwboy:sladt: enactment,
in two or ttilreeecc3m.eapres:
sink
itlho produceetbeco
competition
u competition
faire
be all
oo the hlileel
trißte
?uot why should
n
i.
May there
as well as on the part of farmers; and would
not the farmers be very weak to lower the
prices while the demand of the buyers satis-
fied them that they could keep prices high ?

Sir Richard observes of Sheffield, that it
" presents at this time the extraordinary spectacle
of an immense town expanded from a village,
without any additional arrangements for its go-
vernment beyond what it originally possessed as
a village. There is no Corporation, nor even a
resident Magistrate ; and yet all live in peace, de-
corum, and advantageous mutual intercourse.
It is an instance of the gregarious quality of

man without the usual cements of privileges,
and the bonds forged by ambition and law.
There are, however, other cements in reciprocal

inhstry, in the interchange of labour, and in the
joint profits of the community from the products
of combined skill. Hence self-interest seems to be

the common bond here as well as everywhere."
If Sheffield had had a Corporation, it would
not probubiy have been the distinguished place
it now is. Nearly all the distinguished seats of
industry in this country art mere aggregations of
individuals. From the noble situation of Lon-
don it is not in the power of any Corporation to
ruin it ; but if all the city privileges were to be
annihilated to-morrow, the prosperity of the
place would be thereby increased. Sir Richard's
statements are in a great measure an antidote to
his views. We find every where populous
towns, large manufactories, skilful workmen,
good communications by land and water ; and
yet, if we were to believe him, there is nothing
but ruin in all directions. " The increasing de-

mand for articles of cutlery (he observes), and
their multiplied variety, have gradually enlarged
the population of Sheffield to 42,157 in 1821,
since which it has considerably increase:], and may