The Sun.
London, England, 1842-01-25 00:00:00

MORNING SUN

then be required to create, by
a system of emigration, ex-
panding fields of employment.
We have now pointed out some of the false assump-
tions and the erroneous data on which Colonel Torrens
has built his arguments, which _all fall with the founda-
tion into the general Limbo of vanity, and are quite un-
worthy of further notice. It argues little, we think, for
the critical acumen of our Liberal Contemporaries, that
they have troubled themselves to discuss arguments which
have nothing to rest on.
Colonel Torrens, in truth, is one of a large class of
writers, who reason correctly enough from the premises
they assume, but who assume premises which have no
foundation in actual existence. Ricardo, Mill; and
others, belonged to this school; and all readers, before al-
lowing themselves to be entrained by their deductions,
should subject their principles to a rigid scrutiny. Con-
cede to Mr. Mill or Mr. Ricardo the accuracy of his defini-
tions, the propriety of his first principles, and you are
puzzled to find a broken link in the long chain fastened
on to the worthless bolt. Of all books, perhaps, such
long trains of deduction from false assumptions make the
most worthless. They are neither warmed by imagina-
tion, enlivened by fancy, nor made instructive by me-
mory, and when the worthless bolt is drawn, they fall to
pieces a shapeless mass of jumbled ruins.
Such writers, however, and their disciples, are as mis-
chievous as they are erroneous. They all demand, in the
spirit of their masters, some positive results, and look at
every deduction as incomplete, unless it end in some
enactment. Natural laws are for them no laws at all, till
they have received the Royal assent. Their craft con-
sists in their knowledge of the deductions of these teachers
from false premises, and their application of them. Hence
they invariably require other writers to incorporate every
political truth into an Act of Parliament, and they re-
gard all mere doctrine which does not end in a law as of
no value. This is one source of the dislike expressed by
some quasi Liberal writers to the conferences of ministers,
to such animated orators as Mr.G. Thompson, and to the
" thorough paced declamatory" writers and speakers
against the Corn-laws. 'When public sentiment is rec-
tified. and the public mind informed, without any refe-
rence to some new enactment, their craft is endanfivred,
and they become even bitterer enemies of the Liberal
cause than the most bigoted Tories.

NECESSITY TO REPEAL THE
CORN LAWS.
TO THE RIGIIT 110 N. LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
JANUARY 22, 1842.
MY LORD—The opening of the approaching
session of Parliament is waited for by the vast
population of these realms, with unprecedented, in-
tense, and fearful anxiety, grieviously tugmented
by unnecessary and heartless procrastination, and
now wound up to the verge of despair by the sad
foreboding that her Majesty's Ministers will refuse
to concur in the only measure that can arrest the
progress of the wretchedness and destitution which
prevail throughout the land. The patient endur
ante and Christian fortitude with which the poor
of the country have so long borne their se-
vere privations, must command the admira-
tion of every good subject, and happily leaves
the Government without an objection to put forth,
which might in the slightest degree invalidate the
claims of justice, or prejudice the sacred cause
which the nation has now taken up, in a tone that
proclaims the fixedness, the firmness, and the high
import of her resolves. Surely our present rulers
will not madly imitate the conduct of Pharaoh of
old, and harden their hearts against the cry of the
poor for bread, until the anger of the Almighty is
kindled against them, and they, their adherents and
supporters, be swept with the besom of destruc-
tion, and the innocent plunged with the guilty into
all the horrors of civil strife.
I shall not adduce quotations from the Inspired
Volume to prove that our existing Corn-laws are
directly opposed to the laws of God, because
I consider that to be a fact placed beyond the reach
of controversy, by the conclusive and momentous
testimony of the many hundred clergymen assem-
bled in Manchester, and Edinburgh, and in Wales,
of whom several are eminently distinguished for
theological learning. In the minds of religious and
thinking persons there is now no doubt ; and since
the sinfulness of those laws has been so ably, so
incontestibly shown, who can hesitate to pre-
dict the final resulty Public discussion has
awakened the consciences of millions of sin-
cere Christians, who will not violate their
duty to God and to their neighbour, and in whose
breasts will henceforth reign such a hatred of the
accursed bread-tax, that no human power can long
maintain it.
But we must gird on our armour, and prepare for
a bitter struggle. I know our opponents too well—
the constitution of their minds, their thoughts, their
feelings, their habits, their prejudices, their self-love
—to indulge the least hope that any concession of
importance to the welfare of the people, in this
case, will be made by them. Their very existence,
as a party and as a Government, depends upon a
close adherence to the vile policy of duties—spe-
ciously called protecting, but which, in truth, are
prohibitory—enriching a few thousands, but im-
poverishing millions. Those men have neither
sufficient patriotism nor moral courage to recede.
Their course has been long determined, and no
change for the better will be accomplished until the
union and resolution of the people become strong
enough to extort submission.
In combat for sacred rights, for glorious ends,
we shall shortly be engaged ; but before the trum-
pet sounds for the onset, it will be well that the
armed host should distinctly knew and acknow-
ledge their leader.
To you, my Lord John Russell, the Anti-Corn-
law Members in the House of Commons, and that
mighty party in the kingdom, look as their cham-
pion. they have read your reply to the address
of the inhabitants of Plymouth, and they there find
sentiments which, coupled with your great talents
and ability in debate, have decided them to commit
the working out of their destinies to your hands.
You have thrown down the gauntlet with a spirit
worthy of your most renowned ancestors, and you
will, I am confident, be found at your post to de-
fend the opinions you have unreservedly and ho-
nourably propounded, and will not cease to
agitate for the repeal of the Corn-laws until your
efforts are crowned with success. You will take
your station on a dangerous eminence, and your
adversaries will assail you with powerful weapons.
The eyes of your countrymen, nay, of the civilized
world, will be rivetted upon you ; and while the
greatest earthly felicity, that of providing for, and
extending the happiness of, your fellow-men, and
the personal enjoyment of honours which will be
coeval with :time, await you if triumphant,—re-
member, that any deviation from the principles you
have avowed, any compromise of the people's inde-
feasible rights, will involve you in irretrievable ruin.
In contending for the supremacy of the violated
laws of heaven over the iniquitous statutes of men,
you will be sustained by the truly great, the wise,
and the good ; but you must show that you are
thoroughly imbued with this lofty principle, by in-
sisting on its truth, and claiming obedience to it.
However much may be pleaded, on moral and poli-
tical grounds, yet such are only secondary
_consi-
derations in this great question, which must, and
will be, decided by the persuasive force of the in-
junctions of Holy Writ on the haughty mind of man.
.---You,-my Lord, are doubtless at liberty to decline
the championship in this fierce contention, and
leave another to climb the giddy precipice ; but
if you do accept the office, you must draw the
sword throwing away the scabbard, and manfully
fight the battle of the people until you obtain the
repeal of all and every kind of duty on the
importation of foreign corn. Upon this vital
point the country is determined and inexorable,
and one modification only can or will be ratified
out of doors. The people would still be generous
enough to agree to a fixed duty of ss. per quarter,
diminishing ls. annually for five years, to give
time for landlord and tenant to see how their re-
spective interests were affected. Be wise, short-
sighted statesmen, and purblind landowners ; adopt
this plan, and restore peace and plenty to your
distracted country. And now, my Lord, having
viewed you as our General, and considered the jus-
tice of our cause, let us examine your armour.
You are girded with the representation of the ca-
pital of this mighty empire, buckled on by six
thousand fearless men : your rival is elected for a
borough, adjoining his family property, by a small
constituency, bound to him hand and foot. A two-
edged sword, the Word of the Lord, is yours : the
hapless shaft of oppression is in your adver-
sary's hand. You command the willing hearts
of twenty-four millions of your countrymen : your
opponent heads a phalanx of a few thousand des-
perate men. You are surrounded by those whose
allegiance is secured by every motive to truth and
faithfulness : the enemy's camp has already many
well-known traitors within it. You plead the
cause of the widow, the fatherless, and the poor :
the Minister advocates the continuance of spolia-
tion.by the rich and powerful. Finally, you con-
tend for Liberal opinions and just rights : the
Lord of the Treasury fights for place, patronage,
and monopoly. . And now for your banner,—
" Patrix fidelfs ;" the Baronet may as-
sume 14 Quid pro quo,' As best descriptive of his.

My Lord, there never were such exalted inte-
rests at stake—so excellent a prize to contend for.
Victory is not doubtful. Be not dismayed, there-
fore, by the issue of a first campaign. Retire
within your lines—(remember Torres Vedras) ;--•
reassemble your forces ; augment your resources
--(supplies will be enthusiastically brought to
your assistance) ; and return again and again to
the charge ; and you will assuredly obtain a glo-
rious triumph for your country, and imperishable
fame for yourself.—l have the honour to be, my
Lord, your Lordship's most obedient humble ser-
PHILO-JUSTICIA.
vant,

FELICITY.—There is no such thing as perpe-
tual tranquillity of mind, while we live here ; because
life itself is but motion, and can never be without de-
sire, nor without fear, any more than it can be without

sense.
THE NEW IRON STEAMSHIP.-^The Direc-
tors of the Great Western Steam:•shp Company last
week bestowed the name of the Great Britain on their
noble vessel. It is expected she will be floated out of the
building yard in the course of April next.
The General Steam Navigation Company's
vessel the Columbine, W. Norwood, from Rotterdam,
arrived off the Custom-house on Sunday with the Dutch

mail.
A converted Chinese has lately presented to St.
George's Church, at Lyons, a picture painted by him-
self, representing the late massacre of the Christians

in China.
Loft!) MORPETH FOR D6BLIN.—A numerous
and highly influential meeting of the electors was held
to-day in the Adelphi Theatre, for the purpose of mak-
ing arrangements for securing the return of Lord Mor-
peth. At one o'clock the chair was taken by the Right
lion. the Lord Mayor amid loud applause. After several
appropriate resolutions had been paged, the meeting
separated.—Dublin Evening Post.
We hear that Mr. Denison, the Member for
West Szrrey, is seriously indisposed at his seat, the
Denbies. The Dowager Marchioness Conyngham has
been sent for express in consequence.
Wisdom cannot be obtained without industry
and labour. Can we hope to find gold upon the surface
of the earth, w hen we dir; almost to the centre of it to
and lead, and tin, and the baser metals ?
KING'S COLLEGE HOSPITAL, PORTUGAL•
STREET.—The value of this excellent institution, situated
as it is amongst a very densely-populated neighbour-
hood, is, indeed, deeply felt and appreciated at this in-
clement season. The number of patients from disease,
brought about by privation and aggravated by cold, may
be said to be daily increasing ; while the promptitude
and kindness with which every applicant is treated does
alike honour to the supporters of the charity, and to
those who distribute its funds.

We are' authorised to announce that circum-
stances have occurred which Mr. Bassett states oblige
him to decline contesting the western division of the
county.—Cornwall Gazette.
DIABOLICAL OUTRAGE.—Some evil-minded
wretch, having gained admission to the flax-spinning
mill at Beer's-bridge, placed a bar of iron between the
cogs of a wheel attached to an upright shaft, by which,
when the mill was set on, a horizontal shaft was smashed,
and other parts of the machinery seriously injured.--•
Ulster Times.
BURTON CONSTABLE.—Sir John and Lady
Hanmer, Sir Henry Vavasour, Mr. and Mrs. Bosville,
Hon. Mr. Lawlev, and Mr. Broadley, M.P., have arrived
on a visit to Air. Clifford and Lady Constable during
the meeting of the Yorkshire Amateur Festival.
Lord Lilford has been placed in mourning by
the death of his Lordship's uncle, the Hon. and Rev.
Lyttleton Powys, who died on Thursday last, in his
61st year.
The Duke of Northumberland, Earl of Elgin,
and Viscount Reedhaven have been elected members of
the Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland.
The ball at Wynyard Park, given on Monday
last, in honour of the birth-day of the Marchioness of
Londonderry, was brilliant in the extreme. All the
principal families in the neighbourhood were present.
The Noble Marquis and his amiable lady were, we un-
derstand, unremitting in their attention to their guests,
and joy and hilarity prqvailed till a late hour on the fol-
lowing morning.—Durham Advertiser.
Shortly after the commencement of the last war
a tax was laid on candles. A Scotch wife in Greenock
remarked to the chandler, Paddy Macbeth, that the price
was raised, and asked the reason why. " 'Tis a' owins
to the war !" said Paddy. " The war !" cried the asto-
nished matron, " gracious me ! are they going to fight
by candle light ?"
We understand the Lord Bishop has received an
invitation, by command of her Majesty, to be present at
the christening of the Prince of Wales and at the Royal
dejeuner.—Norwich .Mercury.
The English language consists of about 38,000
words, of which about 25,000, or nearly five-eighths, are
of Anglo-Saxon origin.
Mr. Benry Betty's health, we are happy to state,
has lately much improved; he is at resent in the coun-
try, byl the direction of his medical
Attendant, using
strong walking exercise; and when the wOther opens a
little it is intended that he shall visit Paris in: company
with the " Young Roscius," his amiable father •
after
which it is not improbable that the inhabitants of thei..'e-
tropolis may have a peep at him " before the curtain."
FATAL ACCIDENT.—On Friday evening last,
a fatal accident occurred at a coal pit, belonging to Mr.
Goodwin, at Birchwood. A large piece of bind fell in
from the shaft, adout 10 yards from the bottom, and
killed one young man, named William Dane, aged 19
years ; and another, William Anthony, about 20, was
so seriously injured that he is not expected to recover.—
Derbyshire Chronicle.
A LONG TALE.—A patty agreed to dine at
the Old Hats, on the Uxbridge-road, two of whom pro-
posed walking, as it was a fine day. Just as they cleared
Oxford-street, one began a family tale, which he con-
tinued to relate until they arrived at Ealing, when the
other ventured to say, " You must be thirsty, I should
think."—" Not at all," replied the story-teller, and on
he went, unceasingly gabbling, without a semiquaver
pause, until they arrived at the Old Hats, when the lis-
tener said to himself, " Thank my stars, there will be
an end to this fellow's tale now ; " but he was mistaken,
for while they sat at dinner the narrator whispered to
his companion, "Let us walk home together, that I may
conclude my story."
CORN-LAW LECTURE IN LONGTOWN.—" On
Thursday last the celebrated Lecturer, Mr .G. Thompson,"
says the Carisle Journal, " gave a lecture on the Corn-
laws in Longtown, the preserve of the famous Corn-law
renegade. Amongst the persons present, who were as
numerous as the chapel would hold, were several of Sir
James Graham's tenants, and a very great number of
the labourers employed on his estates. In the
course of a long and able lecture, Mr. G. Thompson
made a large use of Sir James's pamphlet on
" Corn and Currency," to demonstrate the injurious-
ness of the Corn-laws, and was warmly cheered for
the happiness of the application. On one occasion,
when he described the wages of agricultural labourers
at 12s a week, he was corrected by some of the labour-
ers present calling out " 6s. and Bs. a week." Mr.
G. Thompson has added to the many claims he has al-
ready on the gratitude of the Corn-law Repealers, by
thus instructing Sir James Graham's tenantry and la-
bourers, and procuring from the latter the information
concerning their small wages.
Numerous inquiries were made at Marlborough-
house yesterday respecting the health of her Majesty the
Queen Dowager, who, we are happy to state, is,quite
restored to health. •
LORD MELBOURNE.—It is stated in the Court.
circles that her Majesty insists upon the vacant Garter:
being given to Lord Melbourne. That the Ministers
should have the bestowal of every office of trust and
power, is obvious ; but Royalty would be a most imbe-
cile pageant if the personal wishes of the Soyereign
not be consulted, at least occasionally, in ccaireyring.a.
mere mark of respect like this.--Scotsman. ;„1-
va
znent are this week visible, but they are yet very faint.
TuAbz.—symptoms of • improve-,
STATE
Several buyers from London have been in the market,
and have been purchasing to a limited extent, and some
also from Manchester. It seems to be a general impres-
sion that stocks are lighter than they have been for some
years past, and holders are getting rather firmer in their
demands. Several houses have been taking on a few of
their old hest weavers.—Paisley Advertiser.
KINROSS—TRADE.--Most, if not all, our ope- •
ratives iu the wollen trade, arc working half hours, and
as they have hitherto been more highly favoured than
in almost every other part of Scotland, they are pa-.
tiently looking forward to an improvement in the spring
montlis,by which time, in addition to other reliefs, it is
to be hoped the Corn-laws will be in a fair way for being,
for ever, blotted out from the statute-book.—Glasgow
(Saturday) Post.
WEST CORNWALL ELECTION.—Mr. Basset
has refused to be made a tool of by the Cornish Tories.
He refuses to oppose Sir Charles Lemon. The Re-
formers have the field before them, and will return their
man without opposition, to represent the western division
of Cornwall in Parliament. Thus the phalanx of Tory
members, one by one, is being reduced.
[ADVERTISEMENT.}—TO THE LADIES.—
Tht results of inclement weather are frequently subver-
sive of comfort and attraction to ladies, by causing a
naturally delicate skin to become rough and red, and
frequently accompanied by chaps and chilblains. These
innovations are successfully opposed in their progress,
and thoroughly eradicated on their completion by the
use of that inestimable production, " Rowland's Rely-
dor," which possesses the most radical and purifying
qualities for effectually excluding and resisting with a
rapid energy truly astonishing all disorders which dis-
organise the beauty of the countenance, and as increas-
ing the fairness and transparency of the skin exceeds all
competition.
AFFECTING SCENE.—In a former paper we
mentioned the deaths, within seven hours of each other,.
at the respective ages of twenty and seventeen yeah.
of Emma and Sarah Evans, the eldest daugliw
ters of John Evans, Esq., furnace manager to
Dowlais Iron Company.• They were consign tthteo
" the house appointed for all living," on
Bth instant, amidst the sympathy of
and highly respectable assemblage on the mowur.
The ex-
soifdteh agoniseds.d.
daughters
unusual sympathy.'
treme affliction of the worthy m<i)th
sion. It was, indeed, a scene of deep sao
and the anguish-
al moleStrystun:°ccarlosuaos,
intense watching
ta3rotahnedg7hey
wrung ejaculation —oh !
father, over the grave, by eon
grave, by
01 ofnsgicdkanyess
sal) d
_noydhetsearthaf,
81%7111: el
laid,
their last earthkria;4,ratelin
Cambrian.

MORNING SUN

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.

SPEECH OF M. TRIERS ON THE ADDRESS.
M. Thiers addressed the Chamber. He began by say-
ing that, as the Eastern Question had been argued so
fully, he would confine himself to general remarks, and
would, above all, avoid recrimination and personal al-
lusions. He then said, I will commence by reminding
the Chamber that what I said on this subject has been
completely verified. I said that the Cabinet was about
to return to the European compact, under the induce-
ment of an act of slight importance, viz., the closing of
the straits. I said this on the 13th of April, and on the
4th of March the initials of the Government to the draft
of the Convention were affixed. I was perfectly correct,
therefore, both in the fact itself, and in the details. It has
been said, in the course of the present discussion, that the
solution which has been come to—a solution which some
think bad, others a little less bad, but which no-
body considers to be absolutely good—is due to the
friendly disposition of the German Powers. Whether
this assertion be strictly- correct or not, I will assume
it to be so. I will allow that the German Powers
were desirous that France should again become a
party to the European compact, and I will crave permis-
sion to remark on the useful information which this fact
conveys. I will, gentlemen, on this point, speak with
perfect candour, for it is my duty to be frank on so seri-
ous a subject ; it is not my intention to give offence to
any person, but it is necessary that the truth should be
told. There are three Powers always ready to unite,
I will not say against us, but against our influence.
A fourth Power is sometimes with us and some-
times against us ; but, from the nature of its Govern-
ment, it ought to be with us more frequently than
against us. Amongst the Continental Powers is one,
Russia, with which we are at peace, but with which
all our friendly relations have ceased, either on
account of our revolution of 1830, or on account of
Poland. Russia is opposed to our influence in Europe.
As to the two German Powers, they have attempted
to seek for support from Russia against France ;
and here it is necessary that I should draw the line of
distinction between the people of those countries and
their Governments. The people of Germany have a
great deal of sympathy for our principles ; but if it be
true that our principles have made great progress in
Germany, the people also remember our invasions under
the Empire. They are, therefore, in some respects
with us, and in others against us. As to the Govern-
ments of Germany there is not one which does not regard
us as an enemy who will soon become very formidable
to them. There are two motives for this—motives of
territory, and motives of principle. At the present
moment nearly all the Governments of Germany are,
from the partition of territory made by the treaties of
1815, necessarily against us, for they have, nearly all,
possessions beyond the Rhine, and they feel that, sooner or
later, France will endeavour to make of the Rhine her
frontier. France is in their eyes the type of revolution.
When France stirs, there is effervescence in Italy. Thus,
in the eyes of the German Governments, you represent
a formidable question of territory, and a still more for-
midable question of principles. All the great Powers
of the Continent are, therefore, against you, not because
there is any person on the Continent or elsewhere bold
enough to assume the initiative ; but there is always the
desire, when the opportunity presents itself of doing
so without great danger, to weaken and annul your in-
fluence, in order that other nations may reckon less upon
you. As to England, you have the chance of finding her
sometimes with you, and sometimes without you. She
assisted you in the Belgian question, and even in the
Spanish question, because the Whigs had contracted en-
gagements towards Spain. What the Continental Powers
have been aiming at was to detach England as rapidly
as possible from the cause of France. And do you
know what inspired the Continental Governments with
confidence on this point? I will tell you. On the
Belgian question, you began with grandeur, for it
must not be said that since 1830 nothing grand has
been done by France, although, when one speaks of one's
country, we must not use the word beTandeur too com-
placently.—(Disapprobation from the Left.) I repeat, that
we did a grand thing in Belgiuni. Europe, which could
not prevent it, retained it, however, in bitter remembrance,
and had at heart the taking its revenge, by seeking
the first opportunity to annul our influence in Eu-
rope. The good understanding between France and
England, in the affairs of the Peninsula, was an extra-
ordinary occurrence,!which increased the unfriendly dis-
position of the other Cabinets of Europe, and at that
period the efforts of the German Cabinets were directed
to exciting suspicion and jealousy in the French Cabinet
of Lord Palmerston, who, it was said, was going too far
in Spain. Austria succeeded in separatine. England
against us. Then came the Eastern question. How has it
happened that on this question you have had every body
against you? Did you say that you were determined alone
to bring about the solution of it ? Did you say to Eu-
rope that it should obey your dictation ?—No. You said,
through your diplomatists, that to crush the Pacha of
Egypt, was to crush the only Turkish power existing in
anything like an organized state; that fresh disasters
would arise in the Archipelago, and that Egypt would
be given up, not to the Sultan, but to anarchy. This
was the language of all the diplomatic documents.
Austria acknowledged that France was right in demand-
ing
Egypt and Syria for the Pacha ; Prussia adhered to
the same view; Russia had not explained herself tho-
roughly, but she did not appear to offer any opposition
to the proposition. Do you know what I thought of
the subject? If only the Pacha had been concerned in
the question of Egypt, I should not have been inclined
to take it, up so seriously as I did; but when I saw that,
as regarded the East, all the Powers were leaguing
against us, I said to myself that if France, even on a ques-
tion of influence, should refrain from showing that she was
disposed to enforce her influence, that influence would be
gravely compromised. Let my opponents say what they
will, here lies the whole question. If you do not show,
when an attempt is made to annul your influence, that
you are ready to incur every sacrifice to make it re-
spected, you are no longer France—you are no longer a
great nation. This was the question with me. I had a
profound conviction that if we did not show that we were
still la grande France our influence would be lost in
Europe, and I predicted that if one day or other, upon
one queston or another, we should not resolve to display
all our energy, the regime to which I am devoted would
have to bear the shame of having come into the world to
degrade the country.—(Approbation from the left.) Now
where could a case of war arise in Belgium ? The des

tiny of that country is fixed by treaties. In Spain, ex-
citement as to that country is calmed down. The only
case for war was in the East, for there was the
question of territory, there was the question
of influence, and you ought not to have al-
lowed Europe to coalesce against you to settle
the question of territory, and annul your influence. Be
convinced then that, in abstaining frbm the course which
I declare to have been necessary, you have not removed
any danger, you have only rendered it more formidable.
It has been said that the Cabinet of the Ist of March
was insulting, and that it gavi provocation to the Powers.
On this point, however, I can appeal to the Minister of
Foreign Affairs himself. From the moment when I and
my collftglies came to a decision that it was necessary
to assume an attitude of energy, we used only pacific
and moderate language towards Europe. I never ut-
tered the word war on any occasion. But w hen tho
Powers saw that without menace, without boastings,
we were preparing for war, and that we were re-

. . -
solved coute qui coute to fortify Paris ; when Lord
Granville was convinced rather from my silence
than from my words that our resolution was serious,
and that we would not retract it, the language
of England was changed, and the hereditary right
which had been refused to the Pacha of Egypt was con-
ceded to him. I do not say this for the purpose of
showing that the Powers were afraid of France. Every
Power is respectable, and ought to be respected ; but
they saw that the peace of the world was seriously
menaced. There were, therefore, in the English Cabi-
net, two parties, that of Lord Wellington, which wag for
pushing things to the utmost possible extremity, and
another which accused Lord Palmerston of imprudence
for being willing, for such an interest as that of the
East, to place the peace of the world in peril, and break
off the alliance with France. The latter party pre-
vailed on account of our demonstrations. Our arma-
ments were what induced the German Powers to aban-

don their first determination. It is true that to France
the Pacha owes the possession of Egypt, but it was to
France resolute, not to France timid, not saying, "We
will yield every thing rather than go to war." lam
convinced that if a few days more had been allowed
to pass by without acceding to an arrangement, the
Pacha would have obtained, if not brilliant conditions,

yet certainly better conditions than those which have
been granted to him. I was perfectly prepared to see the
Paeha defeated on the coast., but, although defeated on
the coast, he was not lost. He had still 70,000 men
between Aleppo and Damascus. His enemies had only
the coast, and it was not known what France would do,
It was not known whether the Pacha would give way.
He was still strong. It was not because M. Guizot came
into office that difficulties ceased. It was not because
M. Thiers went out and M, Guizot cams in, that the
position of things changed. It was because the Ministry
of the Ist March had resolved upon energy to the end, and
the Ministers of the 29th October consented to accept con.
ditions which had been rejected by their predecessors.
M. Thiers here reviewed the present condition of the
Pacha, which, he said, was not powerful and indepen-
dent as it ought to be, and said that, with such a small
army as he was allowed to keep up, he could never de-
fend himself successfully if he should be attacked; conse-
quently, said M. Thiers, all the conditions which had
been granted to him were illusory, as he could be re-
moved at the pleasure of those who granted them. M.
Thiers said, I repeat, that if there have been any con-
cessions, they are due, such as they are, only to our
momentary display of force and energy. The empire of
the East has come out of the hands of its protectors
more sickly than it was. There is in the Turkish

piro a
i
gr/;admont of disorganisation. So long as
the • existedNahan a state of power, the Sultan
could avail himself of it against the encroachments of
T
the Greek race. e mo
they are onlymentwill come when the
Christian rac, will rise, and waiting for
the opportunity. At
Constantinople there are neither
finances nor an army. Th
of civilisation, which has to is only a commencement
struggle
and ignorance of true Turks. with all the routine
We
ing France who have acquired onheavlae had Turks visit-
toms, and our civilisation. These Turks are ridiculous
in the eyes of true Turks. What, then
ex-
pect from them ? Tho Russians know , are we to that the
not
of Constantinople is a terrible one for them. question
i
that so long as the question of Poland shall am sure
be defini-
tively settled, they will not go to Constantino •
Constantinople , but
Russian diplomatists aro resolved to
expend their last
rouble, their last man, to prevent any Power from going to
Coastautinople. In three days Russia can send an army
to the Orfinea, and in three days. she can hare an army
in Constantinople. Russia, then, is in the same position as
if she had every day an army at the gates of Constantinople.
N
ew
,
I ask you, if France had constantly an army ready
at foot of the Alps, the English a fleet before Alex-
t'', tike Austrians an army constantly ready upon the

I Po, would Europe remain indifferent ? The closing of the
Straits is a mere farce when Russia can, in three days,
reach Constantinople. Two months are necessary for a
dispatch to France from Constantinople and an answer,
but in a week Russia is ready for action. The closing
of the Straits protests her from the resistance of more
distant Powers. In what does the interest of Russia
consist ? In the closing of the Straits. What have you
adopted ? The closing of the Straits. You have, there-
fore, adopted the interests of Russia. What then are
your treaties as regards the question of the East ?
Nothing. What is something, however, in order to pre-
vent a great act of usurpation, is that there is a nation,
France, which, cruelly treated in 1815, so unfortunate
indeed at that period, that even misfortune was not re-
spected, and which having lost a part of her terri-
tory has not protested against the treaties of 1815.
And I also have been o opinion that no protest
should be made, for there is something immoral in say-
ing to the world our territory is too limited, we cannot
breathe in it. But if France has thus suffered herself,
she will not permit the violation of treaties which were
made to fix the limits of the territories of the other
Powers of Europe. If an attempt of this kind should
be made, I will defy any Ministry to say, as is said now,
" Peace every where and for ever." I will defy any Mi-
nistry in France to co-operate in a great act of usurpa-
tion. When Frederick proposed to the nations which
surrounded him to divide Poland, he was asked, " What
will France say ?" he replied, " France sleeps." She
does not sleep now, however, and when it shall be pro-
posed to divide Turkey, France will by her arms oppose
it to the last extremity, and th( n Turkey will be better
protected than by all the treaties in the world. Yes, gen-
tlemen, when we shall be thought strong as we were a few
months ago, peace will be better guaranteed than by all
your treaties. Yesterday the Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs said that right was necessary with might. Certainly,
for moral right constitutes power, and therefore it
is that for 50 years we have been the strongest nation in
Europe. Our revolution was legitimate in principle,
whatever were its excesses, and the Powers who com-
bined against it had the right against them. At the
present moment, after 25 years of peace, to say to the
country that it should rather attend to its material in-
terests than to its greatness, is to hold a language which
might have been proper in 1812, but which is now much
misplaced. On the contrary, we should say to France
that she should be great and powerful, and resolved
upon any sacrifice in support of her dignity. Yes, this
is what should be said to France, and there is more
courage in using the language which I hold than that
which you (pointing to the Ministerial benches) indulge
in. I have now done. I have only obeyed the voice of
my conscience. I speak with a profound conviction,
and, although it may be disagreeable to many persons to
hear it, I will say to my country—Remember your glory,
flmiember your exploits ; do more than remember them
—prepare yourselves.—(Applause from the left.)
M. Passy ascended the tribune, but there was for some
time so much agitation in the Chamber, that he could
not be heard. He could not agree with the last speaker
in the opinion which he had expressed of the feelings
of the other Powers towards France. He was convinced
that there was none of the hostility which had been
ascribed to them, but he had no hesitation in say-
ing that, if they should find France anxious to go to
war for a slight cause, there would be a general
league against her.—(Cries of " Yes, yes.) It was true,
said M. Passy, that France had lost her alliance with
England, and he would not deny that this was to be re-
gretted ; but neither, on the other hand, should it be
taken too much to heart. It was an evil, not without a
remedy. The remedy was to live in harmony with the
other Powers. Prudence should be mingled with firm-
ness. The real strength of such a policy consisted in
rejecting exaggerated pretensions at home and abroad.
This was the best way, he said, to secure respect from
foreign nations and domestic welfare. Under any circum-
stances he would boldly affirm, that the closing of the
Straits was a better policy-, as regarded Europe gene-
rally, than the opening of them, which M. Thiers had
advocated. By the convention for the closing of the
Straits, Turkey was brought under the collective protec-
tion of Europe, and if Russia, abusing her proximity to
Turkey, should at any time attempt to enforce ambitious
designs, by this convention all the other Powers were
bound to resist the aggression.
M. Berryer said that the question of the East was of
high interest to France. He maintained that France
had much to defend and protect. Above all she had to
assort her influence against that of others. Had this
influence been upheld ? He replied—No ! France has
gained nothing, defended nothing, preserved nothing,
and, on this account, he objected to its being said in
the Address that the question of the East was con:.
eluded. M. Berryer then drew a comparison between
the advantages of an alliance with Russia and an alliance
with England, which latter Power, he said, had
never entered into any alliance with France except
for her own interest- It was England, said M.
Berryer, that France should watch, for on every
point her,influence was preponderating; on every point
therefore should France oppose influence by influence.
It would be remembered that he had defended those who
had fought at Waterloo, and that lie had not been to
Ghent.—(Great interruption.) I am a Frenchman,
added M. Berryer, but I am attached to a principle of
government, and I have never changed my colours.
M. Piscatory said he approved of the principle laid
down by M. niers, and thought that whilst France
spoke of peace to the world, she should have her hand
on the hilt of her sword. He was for a more dignified tone
than the advocates of the Address were disposed to use.
A call for a division was now raised, and the first pa-
ragraph of the Address was put to the vote. It was car-
ried by an immense majority. About 50 deputies only
stood up when the vote on the negative was called for.
The Chamber adjourned at Six o'Clock.