Star.
London, England, 1830-04-17 00:00:00

that he cannot endure the indignant castigation which his
own folly, his covetousness, or his selfish practices, may
have provoked from the pen of some individual of humbler
means, but purer principles and more exalted feelings, than
himself;—and he, forsooth, flies to the law for redress !
complains of libel—demands extravagant damages for the
injury inflicted upon his immaculate reputation ; and in-
sists upon the intervention of a Special Jury to vindicate
the honour of one of their aunt class !—The more honest,
but less wealthy, object of hi.; revenge, is thus exposed
to all the prejudice that c.ln be excited against him in
the breasts of those whom he cannot regard as his
Peers, merely because in their chsequious homage to
" worldly considerations" they forget that they are
hex—and feel bound to protect the " caste" from
the deteriorating influence of that censo,ship which the
Press has an unquestionable right to exercise for the
good of the people at large. Thus, all their sympathies
are engaged on the stronger side ;--they are arrayed, not
fi,r the equal administration of j,iiticr.s, b:tt for thr pro-
tection of their order ; and they pronounce such a verdict
as tile" think best calculated to bee;VC their own future
te;emption from a similar visitaticu. It happens indeed-
as we may be told—that a full attendance of those Spe-
cial Jurors is seldom, if ever, obtained ; but just so much
the worse is it for the unfortunate defendant. The Jury
is then filled vp by a Talcs, Nvhich introduces to the box,
a set of men who --if assiciated with individuals of their
own order and habits:, would no doubt deliver upright and
honest and conscientious verdicts. -but when miNed up
with those of a higher grade, flu): lose all consciousness
of their own responsibility, and of the independence and
importance of the station in which they are placed, and
aro sure to be influenced in tlit,ir decision by " what their
Honours may please to say." The consequences, almost
invariably, are, that excessive damages ate awarded ; —the
Plaintiff's counsel moves his Lordship to certify that it was
a proper cause to be tried by a Special Jury; and the De-
fendant is not only mulcted in tho amount of damages for
the alleged injury done to a character that may never have
been susceptible of any injury whatever, but ho has also to
pay for the Special Jury, by which that character has been
estimated at two or three hundred times more than its actual
value. It may indeed occur—and we know it sometimes has
occurred—that the Judge does not coincide with learned
Counsel in thinking it a case that required the peculiar
intervention of a Special Jury ; and the cost of such a
Jury—say somewhat about 501. or 601.—may thus be
spared to the Defendant, and cast upon the Plaintiff's
shoulders ; but still the Defendant benefits little even in
such a case; for the great injury—the award of excessive
damages—and the stigma of being convicted as a libeller,
—where, in all human probability, no other twelve men in
the world could have discovered any thing beyond fair and
legitimate discussion—have by means of this very Special
Jury been inflicted upon him, and subject him be-
sides to the payment of all costs in the action. No :
we declare solemnly, that if the TRIAL nv JURY, in
its original institution, be worth any thing, it is ren-
dered worse than worthless in the majority of cases by
the change of character and of principle which it must
undergo to merit the designation of a Special Jury.—
There is one extensive and opulent county—which we
could name—the Common Juries of which have long
been proverbial for their want of intelligence, and for
their inaptitude to tho discharge of their ordinary duties ;
—but were we to be subject, to-morrow, to the ordeal of
a legal tribunal, we have no hesitation in asserting, that
we would rather submit our fortunes, our characters—nay'
our lives—to the decision of any one of the Common
Juries of that very county, than we would place them at
the mercy of such Special Juries as we have thero seen
empannelled.

These remarks have been drawn from us by some ob-
servations which appeared in an Evening Paper of yes-
terday, and which are in our view obviously calculated to
excite suspicion that some measure is now in contempla-
tion, amongst our Legal Reformers, for superseding Com-
mon Juries, in all cues where Special Juries can hence-
forth be introduced. "If it were possible," says this Minis-
terial writer, " that a Jury should bo always composed of
not only twelve impartial, but of twelve intelligent men—
or, in other Words, if it were possible always to have a
Special Jury—the institution would be as efficient as we
could reasonably desire it to be. But the absolute neces-
sity of having recourse to Common Juries more particu-
larly in the country, too often leaves the important office in
the hands of men, who from their habits or educations are
incompetent to it."—lt would thus seem as if the impar-
tiality of the " twelve men" were but an inferior con-
sideration to their " intelligence:"—but we must own
that without " impartiality" all the " intelligence" in
the world is valueless in our opinion as constituting the
essential qualification of a Juror. There is an inherent
love of justice_a respect for the established opinions of
society—a reverence for the laws, and a sympathy in
that sense of protection which they afford—to be found in
the breasts of the great body of the people—and especially
of that class from which Common Juries are selected—that
no intelligence of the schools could supply ;—and there is,
with all these attributes, a stern impartiality, for which
intelligence, alone, would be but a dangerous substitute.
But, until our contemporary can prove to us that both these
qualities are more certainly to be found combined in the
Special than in the Common Jury, we never can assent
to his proposition that " if it were possible always to
have a Special Jury, the institution would be as efficient
las we could reasonably desire." As it is—we maintain
the very converse of this postulate.

If an opposition to Government could justifiably be or-
ganised and carried on, upon the principle of external
warfare; and it were held a legitimate mode of combating
the injudicious and impolitic measures of a national ad-
ministration, just as we would repel the attacks, or effect
the overthrow, of a foreign enemy, by raising the whole
population en masse against them, and by exciting tumult
and disorder throughout the land, in order to impede their
progress ; then, indeed, we might concur with " AN Oc-
c ASIONAL CORRISPON DENT "—whose second letter we

this day publish—in thinking Mr. O'Con w est " the I
only efficient man of the people ;" and that his system
of hostility to the Government was constitutional and pa
triotic. But we do not hold any such political tenet. If
" the cloven foot or o'CON N EL L'S papistical parti,anship
stood out conspicuously from beneath the mantle of his
Irish patriotism," before ho " tried his own influence in
the House ;"—that cloak has now been cast aside, anti the
embodied Demcn of discord stands confessed before the
world. The demagogue tells us that, it is not only the
REPEAL OF Tile UNION, but the dissercration of the
Kingdom, that he aims at ;—and that he will never cease
till ho has achieved the absolute Imkpcndence of Ire-
land! The Repeal of the Union is but a preparatory step
a mere prelude to the fittal tragedy of which ho would make
his native land the theatre. " Ireland," he tells us, is too
good to be longer looked upon as a province." He would
" achieve her independence—only to make her more wor-
thy the acceptance of England's friendship."—Out of his
own mouth shall be be judged.—At a festive Meeting
which should have been exempted by the charitable pur-
pose for which it was ostensibly held from the intrusion
of political discussion—at the dinner of the friends of the
" Teresian Orphan Charity"—O'CoN N EL L, in an address
by far more Inflammatory than any of those which we have'
lately censured, gave utterance to the following memorable
expressions: "But let it be remembered that I never said,
because I never thought, that every thing was to be obtained
by Emancipation. No—but that it was the first step to-
wards the gaining for Ireland peace, wealth, and consti-
tutional liberty. What ought to be the fruits of our
triumph ? What should be the consequence to Ireland ?
—(Hear.)—Do we not find our country struck oil the
muster-roll of nations by dissensions amongst her chil-
dren ? Every thing is to be gained by a combination
of her sons —nothing can be accomplished by our quar-
rels. Yes—my country was intended by Nature,
and by Nature's Goy, 'to be a nation—she is too
mighty for a province. (Cheers.) Her abundant
fertility, her super-abundant produce, and her inter-
nal wealth, mark her out as an independent nation."_
The absurdity of such language—the titter ignorance it
betrays of the natural position and capabilities of Ireland
—would be scouted in any rational assembly ; but the ab-
surdity and the ignorance are both assumed for the pur-
pose of veiling the deeper designs of the " Agitator" be-
neath the semblance of warm-hearted and incons:derate
enthusiasm. IRELAND could not stand alone as a na-
tion ; neither h'r internal resources, nor her means of
defence, would enable her to subsisist for twelve
months in a state of independence. But this is only
" the merry prologue" to " matter deep and dangerous."
" Ireland has the power of internal self-subsistence—
and if the rest of the universe were annihilated, the little
green island could flourish and prosper. (Loud cheers.)
Our haughty neighbours could not do without us, and we
do not intend that they should—we only want to be bet-
ter company for them."—Mark how gradually he advan-
ces to his purpose, warming the hearts of his hearers, and
insensibly preparing them for the reception of the most
seditious doctrines :—" The morning is approaching, and
the sun will soon shed its splendours upon us in free-
dom and perfect equality—(Cheers.) The repeal of
tho Union would not be a sectarian measure."—This
affected moderation can deceive none who know the
man. With him " conciliation" is but a cloak put on
to hide some project for his own advancement, and
for the destruction of the rights of all mankind beside.
" Let me remind those who hear me, that a country is
never liberated in a moment. First, some persons begin
to hope—next, they entertain strong wishes—thirdly, a
few agitators begin to act—fourth, they are joined by
many persons, some of whom are determined, and others
who are only half-determined—the flame of liberty is at
length lighted up—it spreads wider, and from a small but
fervent centre, it at last reaches the extent of the circle, and
the whole circumference of the country glows with patrio-
tism—and where patriotism is strong and combined, as it
was, and will be, in Ireland, its fires become irresistible,
and nations revive in them.—(Loud cheers.) Grattan said,
that he hnd watched by the cradle of Irish liberty, and he
had lived to follow her to the grave. An humbler indivi-
dual, in repeating his sentiment, declares—lreland is not
dead, she only sleeps, my countrymen.—(Loud cheers.)
A feeble breath may blow the trumpet of her resurrec-
tion, and we may see her again exalted."—This picture
of the progress of sedition, is drawn, it is true, with all
the ability of a master spirit, but with an accuracy of de-
tail which none but an active participator in such scenes,
and in the development of such plans ever could acquire.
Whose the " feeble breath" may be that is to " blow the
trumpet," there can be little difficulty in surmising ; but,
in the words of Junius, we tell Mr. O'Cos NELL that,
though lie" may live to make the experiment, no honest
man can wish he should survive it."

Letters from Naples state that some differences had
arisen between the Courts of Naples and Rome, in con-
sequence of a claim preferred by the Pope to view the
acknowledgment of feudal supremacy, claimed by the
Holy See over his Majesty's dominions. The demand
seems to have been resisted ; and it was reported a Bnll
had been privately fulminated from the Vatican.

By the Hamburgh accounts this morning, to the 10th
inst. it appears that the storm which raged there during
the night from the 3d to the 4th inst.—though not felt
in the North Sea--appears to have been severe on the
Baltic coast—even more than at Hamburgh. In Kiel,
and its neighbourhood, several houses were materially in-
jured; and large trees are represented to have been torn
up by the roots.

The probability of a war between Spain and Hayti, it
is supposed, will operate as a powerful diversion in favour
of Mexico, by occupying King Ferdinand's land and
naval forces in opposing the free blacks of Hayti, and by
the necessity of keeping the black slave population of
Cuba at the same time under subjection—so that no large
force could hardly be spared for a landing on the coast
of Mexico.

According to letters from Madrid, of the 4th of April,
the abrogation of the Salic law, and the disturbances ap-
prehended on that account, have had a great share in the
decline of the Spanish Funds at Madrid.