The Sun.
London, England, 1827-06-09 00:00:00

VOTE OF CREDIT.

On the motion of Mr. CANNING, the House resolved
itseli into a Committee of Supply.
Mr. CANNING moved that the King's Message.should
be read. It was read accordingly.
" G. R.

" His Majesty, deeming it expedient to provide for any-
additional expense which may arise on account of the con-
tinuance of his Majesty's forces in Portugal, and relying on
his experience of the zeal and affection of his faithful Com-
mons, trusts they will make provision accordingly."

G. R.

Mr, CANNING—On a former evening, when he •had
brought forward his statement of the financial condition of
the country, he had taken the liberty of informing the Com-
mittee that he should have to call upon it for an additional
vote of credit of 500,000/. to the Government, for the pur-
pose of meeting the contingent expences 'of the further con-
tinuance of his Majesty's forces in Portugal. The grounds
on which those forces were sent to Portugal had been so
fully explained to the House, and so nearly unanimously
approved by it, that he held it unnecessary to refer to them ;
and he had little further to say to the Committee at pre-
sent, than that the same causes which induced his Majesty
to determine on sending that expedition, though dimi-
nished in their operation, still existed in sufficient force to
render the continuance of our army in Portugal necessary.
On the first occasionii when he mentioned this subject,
lie had taken the liberty of stating, that it was impossible
for him to explain the full extent of the grounds on
which his Majesty's determination was founded, with-
out entering into an hostile explanation of the conduct
of Spain, which it was undesirable to give whilst there
were any hopes of adjustment existing. If in 'the hope
of adjustment at a time when irritation prevailed and
menace was employed, it was prudent to abstain from ir-
ritating discussion, much more prudent was such a course
now, when the most sanguine expectations were enter-
tained that all the causes which we had for distrust were
coming to a speedy termination. The mere fact of send-
ing our troops to Portugal had met, repelled, and anti-
cipated the danger of ruin which threatened that country.
That danger had been •repellettsrtiot by any active exer-
tions—but by the mere presence of the British forces on
the soil of P.Ortilgil. He wmilcf "riol pretend to deny that
there had been differences anavariations of counsels on the
part of the Spanish Government which had threatened
the renewal °Pig same dangers ; but he was now happy
to state that dal/tendency or the King of Spain's counsels
were less danggrem,,and that the country might look for-
ward to a speellY adjustment of differences between the two
nations, and to gliefinkiflit of the causes of them.--I(Hear,
hear.)—He abstained Wm, saying mote upon that expe&
tation, as he was not alto say when it might be rea,1184.;
It would be izitiVious td every gentleman who heard him,
that a state of things Ityltich might not justify them in'
sending an army to Portugal might justify them in not
withdrawing it when it was there; and that it mightlif
prudent to keep ft thhe, not only till the danger was re-,
pressed, but also till the probability of its recurrence was
prevented.--(Hear.)—He had no hesitation in informing
the House, that the prolongation of the stay of the British
troops in Portugal rested upon the very same grounds as
those on which they were sent there, and not upon any
new causes, intentions, or dispositions whatever. Having
made that statement to the-Committee, he was not aware
that it was necessary for him, unless other gentlemen should
object to this vote, to say any thing which would provoke
needless discussion. He should, therefore, concluSe by
moving that a sum not exceeding 500,0001. be granted to
his Majesty to provide for any additional contingent es-
penses on behalf of the British forces in Portugal.
Mr. BANKES senior, said, that it still appeared to him
that the casus firderis was not made out try the statement
of his Right Hon. Friend, and he only saw on this, as on
all other circumstances, the mischief which had arisen
from one wrong and precipitate step. There might, no
doubt, have been many who were satisfied with that state-
ment ; it was, no doubt most brilliant, and not likely to be
forgotten either in the New or in the Old World. Was
there, he asked, any thing like a casus fcederis, when there
never had been any aggression on the part of Spain, nor a
single soldier of her's ever marched over the frontier of
Portugal. The Government having once taken a wrong
step, and precipitately sent an army into the Peninsula,
might not, under such circumstances, be competent to
withdraw them, and certainly, on that account, he would
be disposed to concur in any address to the Crown having
that tendency. Though wrong to send them there, in the
first instance, it was impossible to call them back. Yet he
felt that, on their continuance in the Peninsula, a war
eventually hung. They could not be kept there with jus-
tice, nor could they be broUght back with safety. His con-
jecture was, that Ministers intended to double, or treble
the force in that kingdom. It was most extraordinary,
and by no means called for by the circumstances of the case.
Though such were his conviction, he would he far from
putting his individual opinion in opposition to the general
sense of the House, but he could not help prottsating
against it, as unnecessary in the commencement—as plac-
ing it in such a:situation, as that it was less obliged to 1,
the wisdom of its own Councils, than to the moderation
of France.

Colonel DAVIES contended, in opposition to the Hon.
Member for Dorsetshire, that the cases fiederis, which
enabled the Portuguese to demand the assistance of the
British Government, had bee!) completely made out by the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. He maintained, that if
there ever was a time in which England was called upon
to send troops abroad for the maintenance of her honour
and the protection of her interests, such a time occurred
in December last. He could not sit still and hear it publicly
stated, that the.Governmentof Spain had acted with good
faith and moderation towards us.—(Cries of" Mr. Bankes
said France, not Spain.")—The Hon. Member for Dorset-
shire had said, that no Spanish soldier had crossed the
Portuguese frontier. But then was it not notorious that
a large Spanish army was assembled upon it, and that the
Spanish Government had aided and abetted the Portuguese
rebels in all their attacks upon the Government of our ally?
He was persuaded that the departure of our troops from
Portugal would be a signal to the Spanish army to com-
mence its march to Lishon.---(llear.)—Unless we were
prepared to see Portugal, as well as Spain, made a pro-
vince of France, we could not have acted otherwise than
we had done. He was convinced, that if we had acted as
we ought to have done in 1822, by preventing the unjusti-
fiable aggression which France made upon Spain, we
should not have.been under the necessity of either sending

an army to Portugal, or of asking for a sum of 506,0001.
for its support.—(Hear.)
Col. LINDSAY made a few observations in opposition
to the grant, which was very indistinctly heard in the
gallery. We understood him to say, that the declaration
which Mr. Canning had made, that if that constitution
were attacked, he could let loose all the passions of Europe
in support of it, had caused it to be viewed with great
jealousy and dislike by all foreign Powers. He condemned
the sending of our troops to Portugal, which, he said, had
placed the peace of the country in a very precarious situa-
tion. All the despotic Governments of Europe looked
upon us with fear and distrust in consequence of that mea-
sure. He wished the Right Hon. Gentleman would in-
form him whether our troops were now kept in Portugal
to repel foreign invasion or to support .the present constitu-
tion. That constitution was unpopular among all classes
of Portuguese, and ought not to be thrust down their
throats by the assistance of British bayonets.
Sir:JAMES MACKINTOSH said, that after so long a
silence and absence from the House, he should not have
felt himself called upon to speak on the present occasion
by anything which had fallen from the two Hon. Gentle-
men who had spoken on the other side, had he not been
desirous of taking an opportunity—which he regretted that
he had not been able to avail himself of before—to declare
his opinion to the Committee, and indeed to all who
thought his opinion worth notice—that he considered the
prompt and vigorous succour recently given by the people
of this country to their old ally Portugal in a crisis of great
danger to be one of the brightest pages in its recent his-
tory. He said the prompt and vigorous succour—for he
did not think that the mere performance of the obligations
which the faith of treaties imposed upon us wanted any
eulogium at all. God forbid that he should be so forgetful
of the honour of his country, of the reputation of former,
and of the character of the present Ministers, as to suppose
that the mere fulfilment of a treaty on our part required
commendation ! He confined his . approbation to the
prompt and vigorous measures which had been taken to
render the performance of our duty effectual—measures
which reflected the highest honour upon the Government
that had planned and executed them, and which, if they
had not been sanctioned by all the individuals who com-
posed the British-Parliament, had been sanctioned at least
by all the parties into which it was divided.—(Hear.)—
With regard to the speech made by the Hon. Member for
Dorsetshire, he must begin by observing, that the princi-
pal part of his argument was historical and retrospective.
It was an inquiry into the result of the measures taken by
the Government in the December of last year, and had no
reference to the vote of that night. Indeed, he did
not see how the Honourable Member for Dorsetshire
could oppose the present grant, unless he were pre-
pared to show that Government ought to retract all the
preparations which it had already made, and to ac-
knowledge the injustice of every measure which it had
hitherto approved. The Hon. Member must have satisfied
the Committee that what he had just said had no reference
to the present vote; for he bad boldly avowed that if an
address were to be proposed to his Majesty, calling on him
to withdraw his forces from Portugal, he could not agree to
it. In a Parliamentary sense, then, the Hon. Member for
Dorsetshire had no opposition to this vote ; in a Parlia-
mentary r.-nse he must be considered as giving it-the benefit
of his assent. With respect to the considerations which
the Hon. Member had offered to the House on the amount
of the vote, and on its distribution, man by man, among
the soldiery in Portugal, he was not so good a calculator
as to be able to decide off-hand upon its accuracy. It was
most unfair and unreasonable, to say that this vote of credit
was given to meet the expence of the army. It was not in
the contemplation of either Government or Parliament that
all of it should be expended; it was merely asked, to
meet any unforeseen exigency which might suddenly
arise. A vote of credit which armed Government with
large and extensive power, was calculated to lessen
its expences. By voting a large sum, the House was taking
the best means to prevent a larger stun from being, ex-
pended. Foreign powers might be controlled in their mea-
sures by seeing that the British Parliament continued
their support of these measures with the same liberality
which they displayed at the outset. The Hon. Member for
Dorsetshire had not taken into his arithmetical calculations
the expense of, the transports Which would be wanted to
bring our forces back from Portugal. He believed that it
would amount to a large sum, and that though it might
not swallow up all the vote now asked for, it would
swallow up a large proportion of it. An Hon. Gen

tleman on the other side had said, that in a moment of in-
toxication the House had voted that which he (Sir J.
Mackintosh) trusted that it would vote again in a state of
coolness—namely, succours to our ' ally and performance of
the obligations of treaties. He confessed that he partook
of the intoxication, if intox%Ation it were, which the Hon.

Member so loudly condemned : and was afraid that he -was
now, after the lapse of several months, still in the same un-
fortunate state. He rejoiced greatly in soul when he con-
templated the skill with which that measure of assistance

bad been devised, and the promptitude and vigour with
which it had been executed. He should have been ashamed
of his country, he should have considered it overwhelmed
with unprecedented disgrace, if it had hesitated for one mo-
ment in taking that part which the Hon. Member contended
it had taken in a moment of intoxication. --( Hear. )--He would
not stoop to argue the question whether our troops had been
sent to Portugal to support the Constitution. That duestion
had been long since anticipated and answered, and a reply
to it at present was quite superfluous. It had been Wilted
by his Right Hon. Friend, in the most precise termethe
language could afford, that the troops now remained' in
Portugal to secure the very object they bad been 'suit to
accomplish. Now the House had been infornied, not
merely once or twice, but repeatedly, time after time; that
the British forces were sent to Portugal with express in-
junctions to repel foreign invasion from it, and not to (inter-
.

fere in its national affairs. They were sent to Portugal for
that purpose. His Right Hon. Friend declared tliat they
stayed there for that purpose ; and whlrfurtlier,answer
could the Hon. Member seek to obtain cirom his Right
Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the EXchequer7—(Hear.)
His Hon. Friend, the Member for Dorsetshire, must excuse
him for expressing his surprise at the simplicity with which
he (Mr. Bankes) hail asked whether any Spanish soldier
had been sent across the Portuguese frontier. He admit-
ted that no Spanish soldier had crossed the frontier ; but

was not the assembling of a Spanish army on the from

. _ -
tier, at a time when rebellion, excited by the intrigues
and gold of a Spanish party, was desolating the interior of
Portugal, a proceeding of a most alarming nature? Did not

the Hon. Member know that the assembling of an army by
one power on the frontier of another was always considered
just ground of demanding explanation in the first instance,
and, if explanation were refused, of .taking further mea-
sures sulriequently to enforce it? He should like to hear
any prudent statesman deny that the assembling of a great
military force on the frontier of a power whose deserters it
supported, and even provided with munitions of war, was
not a menace to that power, seriously affecting its internal
security, and: giving it the right, if it chose to exercise it,
of appealing 'at once to arms.—(Hear.)--If no man could
deny the principle of national jurisprudence which he had
just laid down, it settled the question of our duty to our
ally. The duty of England rested on the right of Portu-
gal. If Portugal had a right to demand explanation from
Spain on account of the military force which the latter

Government had assembled on its frontier, a,qd if the ref;

sal of all satisfactory explanation by Spain were ti sufficient
justification of Portugal going to war—which no man

would deny that it was—they was England bound in duty
to afford the same assistance to Portugal as if she bad been
openly and directly atthclt•ed.—(Hear, hear.)—The duty
of the ally to give assistance rested, he maintained, on the

right of the principal to go to war.—(Hear, hear
hear. )—lt had been said, however, by the other side, that
in case our troops continued in Portugal, they must, if we
adhered to our doctrine of not interfering in the inter-
nal arrangements of independent states, confine their hos-
tility to Spaniards alone. Now from this doctrine, lie
must beg leave, under certain limitations, to dissent. Sup-
posing Spain were to invade Portugal partly with Spanish
soldiers, and partly with Portuguese deserters, whom she
had taken into her pay, would any man contend that our
cannons and our bayonets should make spy distinction be-
tween the real Spanish soldier and the rebellions Portuguese,
whom lie had taken into his pay? No : the Portuguese
must be considered as the allies of the foreign invaders ;
and as such our troops must treat them.—(hear, hear,
hear.)—He admitted no interference between the two con-
tending parties in Portugal. If no menace bad been made
by a foreign power against the existing Government of
Portugal, we should not merely have had no duty to meddle
in the struggle,—we should also have had no right.—
(Hear.)—As soon, however, as a foreign partisan appeared
on the stage, and dealt in menaces which endangered the
security of the existing government, we were compelled by
the obligation of treaties to become the domestic partisan
of that Government against all foreign invaders, no matter
how they were supported by its discontented subjects. If
it had not been for the very extraordinary doctrines which
hail been inconsiderately held on this subject by some per-'
sans who ought to have known better, he shout* have been
very brief on this part of the question ; but as it was, he
should beg leave to illustrate it a little more at length. If
a foreign army were to land in England as auxiliaries
to a pasty in rebellion against the Government, the Go-
vernment would immediately obtain the right of calling
upon all its foreign allies to bring their forces to its aid.
He did not allude to Holland merely,' which was .bound to
support the Protestant succession to the Throne of these

realms, whenever h was endangered, but to all our foreign
allies, who would be bound in such a case -to send over
their contingents, not merely to attack the foreign inva-
der, but also his domestic partisans. Thus it would be
with our own forces in Portugal. The invader, with all
his aiders and abettors, would be the legitimate object of
the hostility which we were bound to wage there for the
benefit of our ally.—(Hear.)—He had already answered
the question which the Hon. Gentleman opposite had put
to him as to whether our troops were in Portugal to sup-
port the Constitution, by reference to the declarations of
his Right Honourable Friend both in December last and
upon the present evening. He would now carry his
reply a little further. He would point out a circum-
stance which had occurred in the year 1823, and which
proved decisively that it was not in support of the Con-
stitution of Portugal, but of Parliament itself, that we
now gave to the Government of Portugal our assistance.
He would beg Honourable Members to recollect what
the condition of Parliament was at that particular time.
He had no doubt that many gentlemen would recollect,
that among the papers which were laid on the table of the
House in that year, relative to the negotiations to prevent
the aggression on Spain, there was a letter of Mr. Canning
to Sir C. Stuart, in which he desired him to inform the
French Government explicitly, that any act of hostility
committed by France upon Portugal would bring England
with all her forces into the field.—(Hear, hear.)—Was it
in behalf of the present Constitution that we threatened to
interfere ? No such thing : Portugal was at that time
under a democratical form of government, which it was
well known that the British Government by no means ap-
proved, and which constituted a subject of regret to all the
real lovers of liberty in England, however hostile they were
to its amendment by foreign interference—(hear, hear) ;
and yet in favour of that Portugal, then so democratically
revolutionised, England declared to France that any a‘t<Lck
upon its territory would bring her with all her forces into
the field.—(Hear, hear.)—Could there be a more conclu-
sive demonstration that we were not now in arms to sup-
port the Constitution of Portugal, but only the right of
Portugal to give itself a free constitution, uncontrolled by
the interference of foreign powers ?—(Hear.)--He would
ask any gentleman who would condescend to reason the
matter temperately, whether, because we were bound to
support the government of Portugal, we were therefore
bound to approve of its constitution. He himself
should be afraid to pass any judgment upon it, for
he knew very little about it. The Honourable. and
Gallant Member, who had addressed the House for the
first time that evening with so much promise, would dis-
cover, before he became so old a member of the House as
he (Sir James Mackintosh) now was, that it was a diffi-
cult matter to learn what was the real opinion of a fo-
reign people—what was their real condition—and how
far they were or were not fit for liberal institutions. These
were often difficult questions, God knew, with respect to
our own countrymen, but were so much more difficult
with regard to the people of foreign countries, that a wise
man would not undertake to answer them. There was,
however, another point in the speech of the Hon. and
Gallant Member that surprised him exceedingly. The
main objection which he urged against the conduct of the
present Administration with respect to Portugal was, that
in maintaining the faith of treaties with our ancient ally,
we were offending those great Powers of Europe who exer-
cised despotic sway over their respective countries. If this
were true, if this great nation, so long renowned for its
good faith and strict observance of treaties, dared no longer
perform the sacred obligations which its treaties imposed
upon it, lest it should thereby displease the great despots of
Europe, then he must say that not only Portugal, but
England too, was unfit for the enjoyment of
(Hear, hear.)--If England had so far lost her ancient pride
and spirit as to he influenced by a bare fear, lest the per-
formance of her duty should cause displeasure to any
Prince, Power, or Potentate whatsoever—if she allowed
such an unmanly and dastardly consideration to be present
to her mind, when she was consulted on the destinies of na-
tions, she might be sure that the day of her glory had de-
parted—that the sceptre of power was passing from her
grasp, and that she herself was " cito peritura."-=—(Hear,
hear.)--Whenever that sordid fear shall come over her,
she will have lost all power to preserve her liberty at home,
and to make her independence respected abroad.—(Hear,
hear.)—He would imitate the example which had been set
him by his Right Hon. Friend, and would abstain from en-
tering into any observations which might provoke a discus-
sion on the conduct of the great States of Europe. He valued
the existence of peace as much as any man. He would
perform the duties of amity to every other Power in Eu-
rope as well as he would perform them to Portugal. The
duties of courtesy, which were included in those of amity,
he would perform to every Government, no matter wha

opinion he entertained either of their form or of their con-
duct; but he would not be discouraged by a fear of their
resentment from advising his country to perform that duty
which was required of her by the faith of ancient treaties.
--(Hear, hear.)—He would not, at this time of day, go
over the contents of those treaties. Every body must know
what they were ;—and he would venture to affirm,—nay
he would be so bold as to challenge the most expert jurist
in Europe to disprove his assertion,—that if there was any
one proposition in the law of nations more demonstrative

`than another, it was the obligation of Great Britain to give
her.support to her ancient ally Portugal, when she was
required to do so in December last.—(Hear, hear.)—The
law of the ease was clear, the facts of the case were clear,
and the application of the law to the facts was, he might
almost say, self-evident.—(Hear.)—He was therefore asto-
nished—nay, he was more than astonished—he was pained
at hearing the doctrines which were propounded on this
subject, when the House appeared to be representing the
general feeling of the country, by his Hon. Friend the
Member for Aberdeen, for whose useful labours in behalf

of the public lie should ever entertain a grateful esteem.
His Hon. Friend had called on the House to deliberate care-
fully and cautiously before it ventured to the arduous and
complicated question, whether it should violate the ancient

good faith of the country or not.—(Loud cries of hear.)—
He had never heard that his Hon. Friend had attempted to
show that the obligation of treaties did not bind us to assist
Portugal ; on the contrary, he believed that his Hon. Friend
jumped at once to this conclusion,—that if we did assist
Portugal, we should be guilty of a wanton interference in
the internal affairs of another country. He did not know
whether he ought to admire the boldness with which his
Hon. Friend overleaped, or the discretion with which he
overlooked all the obstacles which stood between him and

his conclusion. He rather thought that he ought to ap-
plaud his discretion, because it would require greater ta-
lents than even his Hon. Friend possessed to produce -any
effect upon the House, whilst he attempted to show either
that we were not bOund by the faith of treaties to assist
Portugal, or that if we were bound, we ought to seek the
means of evading them.—(Hear.),--In justifying the mea-
sures which the present Administration had taken upon
this subject, so much to their honour, he did not mean to

justify them on the ground that the force we sent out was

sent out to maintain-either liberal or any other kind of in-
stitutions. He would ask no more, under these treaties,
than if they had been entered into with the Emperor of
Morocco ; he would demand no more under them, than if
they had been entered into with a power which was en-

hdeavouring to destroy a free Government, instead of one
that was aiming at the establishment of a liberal system.—
' (Hear, hear.)—lf he were asked, why he rejoiced in the
interposition of this country, he would frankly avow that
lie did so, because that interposition must have the effect

of checking a system by which it was attempted to prevent
the establishment of flee institutions in Europe.--(Hear
hear.)—The only plausible topic urged against this pro-
ceeding was one that would hardly be used op any other
occasion, and which, he conceived, was advanced with a

. •
peculiar ill grace on this. What was that topic ? Why,
that England was interfering to give liberty to a country,
that was not prepared to receive it, and that did not re-
quire it. But the fact was, that this attempt to introduce
a liberal sytem was the work of the King and people of
Portugal, and our interference was called for by the Po-
yernment of Portugal, under the faith of treatiee.—
The effect of such an argument as that which he

had quoted was, that they were scrupulously to ob-
serve the stipulations of all treaties that required the
most odious and reyolting interfffence,--:7an interference
thnt might lead, in its operation, to the most unfortunate

consequences; and the m;ly treaties, with respect to which
some few gentlemen were willing to relax this strict prin-
ciple appeared to be those under which the interference of
England might be called for to prevent any ally from being
crier-rifled by 'a hoStilepOwer, when that ally was making
an attempt to give to his country a just and free Govern-
ment.--(Hear, bear.)--Was such a doctrine as this agree-
able to the ears of the Committee?—(Hear.)--Was it in
unison with the generous feelings of this country?—(Hear.)
H 6 approved in the highest degree of the step which the
Government had taken in sending troops to Portugal to
.• .

prevent the sggresiion of *hi. If those troops were
suffered to remain there one moment after the ob-
ject of their mission was accomplished, Ministers would

be guilty of a flagrant wrong ; and if they were recalled one
moment sooner than that object was effected, they would be
guilty of gross per&dy.--( Hear, hear. ).Such an act might
leave Portugal in a far worse situation than that in which

they found It. The presence of the British troops might
have incited thousands of individuals to exert themselves

to save their country from a despotism ; and if the protect-
ing force were prematurely withdrawn, those persons
would be left at the mercy of their most implacable ene-
mies.--(Hear, hear.)—He trusted, that the feelings of

a generous, manly, and honourable fidelity, whisk'
produced those measures, would never suffer
to listen to the plea of retrenchment, or of they
priety of non-interference with the affairs of 4tai
nation, or to any other doctrine, however, plaoliti,
might he advanced, for the purpose of inducing t'
to change their course of policy. A gallant officer (;
lone! Lindsay) had said, that, according to his ln
region, the governments of Europe, or the natioso
Europe, he (Sir J. Mackintosh) knew not which-4'
haps both—were dissatisfied with the part which Fuel";
had taken on this occasion. Now he had heard, onll
hours ago, from as good authority as could he cited-'3
authority of an English gentleman who had recently tr,
t;
veiled through some interesting parts of Europe--a St'
't+
directly the reverse. He had not the permission ,
that gentleman to disclose his name, and therefore he sh°,
withhold it ; because he had ever made it a rule net
name an individual without permission, nor to produce,
written document without the writer's leave.—(Hear.).
But if he had had permission to mention his name, he ``.;'
quite sure that there was no quarter in that House in ‘o,:lej,
the opinion of the individual, to whom he bad alleu„;
would not have weight. The impression of the mind
that gentleman was very different from that which they 'be
heard that night. He stated, that in the capital where 01
resided, every Englishman, 24 hours after the neWa
succour having been afforded to Portugal, had arrio"a '
found himself in a very different situation, in point of
nity and importance, in every society he entered.--(He;i
hear. )—And those who had business to transact with t{
public authorities, also perceived, that this event create,'
for them additional respect.—(Hear, bear.)—ln short, t!r!`,
just, honourable, and brilliant conduct adopted by tIY
country, had raised the national character all over the cgli
tinent of Europe to as high a pitch of honour as it I°,
attained at that glorious period, the seven years' gills
when the great Lord Chatham was at the head of
1 t
administration.—(Hear, hear. ) Some individuals wig
consider these little particulars as of no weight--of
importance. —(Cheers. )—But he contended that they werere
of great and high importance, because they were indicati%..
lined fthewgoernld neraolths feelingi apnadrttiheua
the general
neneiraelajsuudrge,ment of the civr
lightlf
they might he viewed, or however cheaplyhothweeyvetnr
held, by a few gentlemen in that House.—(Hear, hear.) .
Such marks of respect and esteem tended to exalt time chs7.
racter of the nation, and to strengthen and secure the beat
interests of the State.—(Hear.)—They gave a moral esti-
mation, in the highest degree conducive to good Coves '''.
went,—in the highest degree conducive to the preserw,
tion of that tranquillity and peace which, after 1100°7,
should be the chief object with every Member in the
House, and with every English Minister. —(Cheeri)"
There never was a measure more likely to secure peace
this. A retrospective view had been dragged into the
cussion, in the course of that evening's debate ; but wh's
was he to understand from all that had been said again''
this measure ? Why; that by it England had saved
ally, and instead of being exposed thereby to war, had gived
herielf a tenfold security against it.—(Hear.)—He
assert, on the honourable and impartial authority toWlucr
he had before alluded, that the proceedings of the Minifit'
for Foreign Affairs, and of his Majesty's government, Or
ported by that House, were calculated to send an -Fur
lishman to the Continent more proud of his cal''
try, more closely and naturally attached to that
country, and more anxious for her fame and Wooer'
than he would have been if those measures had never
been adopted.—(Hear.)—He had begun by observing'
that all the parties in that House were agreed in the prho;
priety of this Act; and he could not entertain a doubt '
that the policy of the country would support it, unless 6°l
extraordinary and unexpected alteration in the state of of
fairs justified the Government. in -abandOning it. 'IP,-
House, it was true, had been originally divided on
question ; but those who had so divided it immediately 03 d
the utter futility of so feeble an opposition. Much his
been recently said_ on the subject of coalitions. New, '
saw no objection to coalitions, in the abstract. If thq
were mischievous in their nature, then he must say
this was a most unfortunate country ; for one-third of t 11"
years that had elapsed since the Revolution had seen Au"
ministrations formed by coalition. He was the less shaker
by the frequent use of the watchword, because he recn,
lected that coalitions• had not given to this country th,v
worst Administrations. It was not a coalition 11/ioistll
that signed the peace of Utrecht, and endeavoured to elg- "
elude the House of Hanover from the throne of thesea
realms : it was not a coalition Ministry that dismember
the British empire, and lost North America by acts of in'
justice and oppression : but it was a coalition Ministry:
composed of the Tories or Jacobites, Lord Godolphin and
the Duke of Marlborough, and of the Whigs
or Revolu-
tionists, Lord Somers and the Duke of Devonshire, that
achieved all the victories of the reign of Queen Anne, 04
planned all the measures which secured and established, the House of Hanover on the throne of Great Britain.—(get
hear. )—lt was not a coalition Ministry that attempted
.1- ,;
defeat those measures, but that fortified and strengtllol7 !
them.—(Hear, hear.)—There was another coalition, or 3
more recent date—that of the immortal Earl of Chatban%
He had formed- a coalition with those against whom he had
long contended in a fierce, acrimonious,and personal oppe,`;
tion ; and that coalition claimed, and justly claimed,
the glories of the seven years' war.—(Hear,hear.)_But ije
meant not to confine himself to warlike operations or War"
like successes—
" Peace has her victories as well as war,"
and many of those victories might be boasted of within the
last few years. The question of coalition to which be ba
just referred, was deeply interesting to men of generous a?:.
independent natures. Were such men, because their
nions did not assimilate on points of policy, to be co" ;:nually
;
nually estranged? Were they to keep ep a perpetual po'vo
tical enmity ?—(Hear.)—lfe knew that, with respect :6,
exWihsitg. a nEdx
tTreonriyel
ya a
rivsetroyergarteiact
odpi
iffneilo.ennsc‘evewrenasiaisugPnPedused
to Oe
c
party, and highly liberal opinions to the other. 11,
question was whether they might not he blended in °4
P.,
system ? . Now he entirely agreed in the opinion given "
Pr. Johnson, as stated in a work which was, after all, t,:);
greatest monument of his fame—he meant his Life)
Boswell, where he said—,, A reasonable Whig and a n"1:-.
derate Tory differ only in degree. The doctrines of an
treme Tory are unintelligible—and those of an eetresn
Whig render Government impracticable."—(near.)l '
They were both within the pale of the Constitution, .31]`A
both might be useful in preserving it, as was clearly pr°Te
by the proceedings of the great coalition in the tiro,_e,
Queen Anne. For his own part, he gave his very below:
support to the present Administration, because he 6°l_
ceived their course of policy to have for its object the ho •
nour and interests of the country. He approved of the (/'
reign and of the domestic policy pursued by Ministers'
The trade, manufactures, and commerce of the countrif •
were placed under the superintending vigilance of one °,,.
the most deserving public servants that this kindom eve
~e
possessed (Mr. Huskisson.),—(Hear, hear, hear.)Alt,
must also say, one of the most ill-requited men t" ,
ever filled an important situation in the State,---itl.
hear.)—He (Sir J. Mackintosh) concurred in al thati
Gentleman's measures; and he admired as much the sonwr,
ness of his general principles as his wariness and exPernE_
ness in applying their details to the complicated
of the country.—(Hear, hear.)—He supported Minister ,
because they were anxious to do every thing that
favourable for religious liberty ; and, whatever circurn.,:
stances would admit, for the pacification of one of the priol
cipal members of the empire—Ireland.—(Cheers.)
all they had hitherto done, he entirely approved. He en`
tirely agreed in the wisdom of their foreign policy. L
ipg i 0 the recognition of the independence of the Sou
American States—looking to the succours and suPP-111
that had been sent to Portugal--conel49oo. the. go9,`.
for
which, he hoped, was silently hilt •snrely 'WnrIPO.S he
Greece—(hear, hear)—he came to this conclusion, wheo._;
systc
cast Isis eye over the page of history, that no three precolo,
years could be compared with the three which had elapse:
since the invasion of Spain by France, in point 4 br is -
liarit, beneficial, and successful policy..-7(Hear, ••••
his opinion there were no three yeees, pot even in the l'o
of Elizabeth herself leaving war entirely out of the cost
that were so highly distinguished for a liberal and brilli';
policy as those three years.--(Hear.)—The interests of tie,f
country, the interests of independence,•and the isater ti ti
the human race, had, during that time, beer? sepeorieroot •
improved. lie was, therefore, happy and joyful to aloe
h e
tpadlinrhaps, hurriedistershteburn away
bleandbythe w
feeble
ainh
supportr owf
templation of such principles naturally excited., vr,„.
se-,-. •
induced to intrude too long qn the time et the '
(Hear, hear.)—Btit, after so long an absence from Pa
ine•
ment, he was very desircins to take an opportunity al at of
.
panodrtudg4ilasasud alsoionatelywsitathtirnep
gsleietis
toopitnhieonmoeansutrlesie
asduobpJ
tecoa
re/
that Government to which he meant to afford his supP°
—(Loud cheering.) • . aiies re'
Mr. HUME expressed a doubt whether the tie et
ferred to were or were riot binding on this countrYn.e
sti-
plated, on the part of Holland and England, that
tawppeteanreHdorlanatda, tproipartuartiatel, treaty hnagdian
clp
the Portuguese territory was invaded by France
then, and then only, should Greet Britain and u."La
afford assistance to the Portuguese. Now Hollatiga_;.,
withdrawn from that treaty, and the question boom
to
ther under these circumstances, England IV"
the tribal
•
carry the treaty into execution ? In his opinion thq
ought in point of law to have lapsed !what Qll9 Q 4 • •
been
letn‘tes!".edtliieirnr:

Nib

parties withdrew. The 4Bight Hon. Gentleman (Mr,
Canning) had asserted that the people of Portugal were in
favour of this new •Constitution. But did he or could he
give any proof of that fact ? The fact was, this country_
was supporting a constitution which the people did not re-
quire. It had been forced on them by the King of the
Era2ils, and our troops were called in to prevent it from
falling. When France invaded Spain, what language had
been used with respect to that Act? The most severe terms
were applied to it. Now he could not help thinking that
the conduct of Great Britain was precisely similar to that
of France. He could not separate them. They ought to
withdraw their troops from Lisbon; for, small as the
numberer was (only 5,000 men), it was a body sufficient to
Ovawe the people. If the fact were that the Portuguese
wanted a Government of this nature, they would support it
h art and hand, and would not require the aid of a few
strangers. Upon these grounds he should oppose the
grant. The' Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating, that
when the report was brought up, he should record his sen-
timenont, by moving an amendment against granting half a
milli of money in the absence of all information.
11Ir. H. TWISS rose to answer the question of the
lion. Gentleman, which the absence of his Hon. and
tearned• Friend (Sir J. Mackintosh) prevented him from
noticing. The Hon. Gentleman asked, " Does any man
believe, where three parties sign a treaty, and one of them
afterwards withdraws, that the treaty remains binding on
the others ?" How then the Hon. Member could ask such
a iesstion, he was at a loss to conceive, particularly looking
to7he three powers in this case. He mould suppose three
parties to a defensive treaty; one of these parties might
afterwards wish to evade the other; and, according to the
doctrine of the Hon. Gentleman, he had only to withdraw
himself from the treaty to effect his purpose with impu-
nity, because in that case the treaty ceased to nding
on the ally, who would have no right to interferehe hi.
Such
was the effect that the Hon. Gentleman's doctrine must
have. Ile stated this, because it would be most inju-
rious, if it went forth to the country that such an under-
standing prevailed in that House on a point of international
law.

Mr. CANNING bad been asked by a Gallant Officer
(Colonel Davies) why he did not find means to prevent the
French invasion of Spain,,as he had done to prevent the
invasion. of Portugal by Spain. Now, supposing the circum-
stances to be in all other respects equal, there was still this
essential difference—that in the one case obliged to interfere bwe were not
Y
treaty, and in the other we were--
(hear, hear ;)—and as their whole case rested on the ob-
servance of treaties, he thought this was a very fair answer.
Another question asked was,—as no army was sent into
Spain to support an attempt to form a snore democratic
Government in 1823, why an army was subsequently sent
into Portugal to defend liberal institutions in that country ?
In answer to this, he would say, as he bad said before, that
the army was not sent to Portugal to support any institu-
tions, but it was sent to save the kingdom of Portugal from
invasion by Spain—Spain menacing invasion at the time,
and this country • being bound by treaty to prevent it.—
(Hear, hear.)--.115 thought the cases were sufficiently dis-
tinguishe; and on these grounds he deemed it unnecessary
to enter farther into the subject. He had been asked
early in the debate, whether the two commissariats were
now going on ? The English commissariat were making
disbursements on account of the English troops, and the
Portuguese commissariat were also employed. If in the course
of this co-operation a balance should appear on the accounts
in favour of this country, to that amount there would be a
claim on
Portugal. On a former occasion, such a balance
aPneared in favour of England ; and he begged leave to
nd gentlemen that it had been most honourably dis-
charm],
Air.
ions expressed his disapprobation of the
Iltle3tion which existed between the Bank of England and
the Government. The Bank had lent the Government
meshyl its capital, in return for which it possessed a
"'°oopoly injurious to the country. The moment the ex-
thaeges 'went against us, the Bank would be obliged to
Foetract its circulation, which it could only do by carrying
Ic,t° the market the Exchequer Bills, held as securities of
c'vernment--a
great alarm in the proceeding which must inevitably create The resolution mercantile world.
seas then agreed to. The House resumed,
and the report was 'ordered to be brought up on Monday.
The COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS.
allt;liellanosu,se having resolved into a Committee of Ways
of !Ir. RtRRIES moved a resolution authorizing the issue
, 't)0,00/. of Exchequer Bills, to furnish the vote just
-gr_eed to in the Committee of Supply.
In answer to a question f Mr. Hume
Ali, HERTITP,R .aid, thc urn 0 in which the Exchequer
hilla would be lasued, must depend, upon the state of the
learket at the time wl it should be considered necessary
to issue them. lea
the Mr. HUME asked the Right Hon. Chancellor of the
Sinking Fund quer why he did not get rid' or the humbug
iii of the
?
Mr. of
thought it Was quite unnecessary for
r, i to state why he did not in the present year make a
Ilelv arrangement in financial matters!, when, with the ex-
'eptiola of the Honourable Member himself, it was greed
°a all hands .-hat it was expedient to defer the considera-
tion of that question till next session.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. question
said, that the Right Hon. Gentleman
tletthasp Pledged himself to the appointment of a Committee
sesmior, which ought to satisfy the Honourable Mem-
for Aberdeen,
IL The i esowaslutio ordered
to bed received on Monday.
,: COVENTRY MAGISTRACY BILL.
R.,-,'l. C. WETHERELL moved that the Coventry Ma-
-1-4tes he beard at the bar by Counsel.
110 olotion was agreed to.
13i4.11, House then resolved itself into a Committee on the
at 4,111". Harrison and Mr. Talfourd (the Counsel) appeared
ti the
on behalf of the Magistrates. The former ad-
Nseu the Committee.
v At twelve o'clock Counsel withdrew, and on the ques-
-011-4" the preamble of the Bill being put by the
4 trgam,
11% REATLICOTE rose, and contended against the Bill.
.11r t.r TT
litabi . •40SON GURNEY
• -eft of th • the inure contemplated
thought that the circum-
ul the NI, e case did not justify
jt/r. PYI.ER.
P. es. ~._ objected to theprinc
viol
.`" i wOOD read from the report ipletloife evidencethe Bill.
of the
4'Anoet-seat- Wuich had been committed during the electi.cin, and
Sir C, the Iril
-.1-nt-ir e' he
said, that before the Notting-
case these tetter.a • was no instance of the House having in-
°, ,l 1 In
man When that case came before the
posed 14.1• Po; inner. very able speech, opposed the pro-
ore Bill, and contended that the House ought not to in-
di l'e
41 a eme where a remedy could be obtained in the
ird 'I course ofThe Nottingham Rill, however,
temp use but then there was no analogy between the pre-
oler se and the Nottingham one. Whoever thought
A w", ‘rs mistaken, and it was ridiculous to talk of
t "ding upon that as a precedent. He opposed the Bill
ouSeientiousl.
iZ6,l‘',lr- S. RICL denied that to disfranchise Coventry would
tO?eonfiscate the charter of the corporation. For the
120 years, at every Coventry election the most air_
riots had occurred. . Mr. CAVE spoke against the Bill.
kr. GOULBURN o
Sir pposed the Bill.
The :JOHN WROTTESLEY supported the Bill.
It
eq c),ca!Td ommittee then divided on the first clause, when
In favour of the
Majority 22.
clause 61 i Against it 29
!hen resumed: and I
The other clauses
were then agreed to. i he Honer
o be taken into the report was ordered t
lerther consideration on Monday.
The Bill to annul the mareaee is
Alen Turner was read a third timean7 G.,„eWd.akefield and
The Corn Averages Bill was read a thirirtim and passed.
, lir. PALLMER (Surrey) gave notice for leave to bring
4, two Bills—viz. a Bill to regulate houses for the recep-
tiork
4 of Insane persons, and a Bill to regulate Estreated
ee4goizances.
ill the
Sir GEO. HILL moved for and obtained leave to bring
Apropriation Bill.
The othper lit'. House adOrdets of the Day were then disposedo4 04 journed at Four o'Clock.

IITY -
TAKING THR P.LECTIVI
Rae, Sir W.
Sibthorpe, C. D.
Seymour, Henry
Saunderson, A.
Townshend, Non. J.
Van Hcimrigh, P.
Vivyan, Sir R.
Wyndham, W.

.. ._
Lon,, ,o 4,IST OF THE MINO,
..411,15T L°
- "OWN RUSSELL'S MOTION FOR
A:It!._NCRISE FROM THE BOROUGA OF PEI
Ark,:. W.
laelf 'ght, R. '
.1
Forbes Sir Charles
titlast, Earl of Forbes,Grant,Sh.r• A.
tonir% C. h.
gai,eitaile, R. Hastings, Sir C.
tlinr)httn7Ci,ord Lrevgigi.llejc.lc, G. A .
Cierk:l,.C. F. Martin, Sir T. B.
(I,a l' 3" CI Maxwell, H.
C4rLin, C, ' Pettit, Lewis Pt.
Perceval, S_.
11reketl,b. Sir E. Penruddnek, J. H.

TELLERS.
Barclay, David
Manning, W.

i,
for the. "Ve no hesitation. in informing our reade_rl,
o'wn benefit, that SALE and Co., of 332,
tostrand, are now making to measure, WELLING-
• 4 13°O'rs, of the best manufacture, at one
4urea the pair. We give notice of this fact, as
, would analysed it, and we know it," and
t" wish our readers to do the same.