The Sun.
London, England, 1829-05-25 00:00:00

" You are directed to make out a return of the c:rpen-
diture of the corporation of the city of London, from
the year 1813 to the year 1829, both inclusire,--the
usull sources from whence the funds are derived,—the
purposes to which the expenditure was applied in each
very—distinguishing such estates as the Corpnration holds
in trust, together with the application of the rents, issues,
tied dividen,l* arising thereon."
Poor City of London ! And art thou come to
this at last ? To make out an account of thy ex-
penditure on the order of another ! Well, sub-
mit ;—make out the return required; and then
wait for xhat may come next. However, to
enter a little into the rationale of the subject.
It is certainly competent to the House of
Lords, or the House of Commons, or to any body,
or even to any individual, of whom a favour may be
asked, to impose what condition he pleases as the
price of that favour. The proper mode of proceed-
Mg in the present ease would have been, a negoti-
ation between the authorities of the city and a com-
mittee of the legislative body in question; and then,
in rase the negotiation had terminated in a treaty or
is Compromise, the crder should have been trans-
Initted from those city authorities to their proper
officer to furnish the account required. But an order
from Westminster, or from Windsor, addressed to
the "Zorporation of London, by a body wholly ex-
trinsic to itself, and demanding a return of its ex-
penditure for the last sixteen years, is certainly such
a thing as the city of London never heard of till
the present day. It-is the act of a conqueror or a
supreme lord towards a conquered state or a vassal.
Had Buonaparte, for example, succeeded in his in-
vasion of England, be might in till probability, after
lie had taken up his residence at St. James's or
Whitehall, have addressed such an order as that
which we have selected above, to the city of London,
in order to enable iim to regulate the amount of the
contributions to be imposed : but :-.athing short of
such power as he would then have possessed could
enforce submission. We observe with pleasure,
that the immortal Captain by whom that tyrant was
reduced to his
.just dimension-, has viewed this sub-
.it-te in the same light in which we view it ; for he
says that, " on looking closer into the muter, he
was led to believe that it was not usual to move for
each accounts as the City of London was called on
to produce." As, however, the accounts had
been called for, and the City of London demurred,
it was for the House to decide on what course was
to be taken." This is just and candid. But the
I-louse has been urged by other advisers to perse-
vere. "We have been wrong, but we are too
great to retract ! It is better that the City of Lon-
don should be forced into submission to an unusual
order,' than that we should be brought to acknow-
ledge ourselves in the wrong ! Are we to 6c bearded
by the Corpora:ion of London ?" For our own
parts, we should be sorry, both from moral feeling
nnd political. principle, if any body be found to great
to confess precipitancy and error, to recede from
oppression.
We find that a number of Ultra Tory Noblemen
are about getting up an " Eldon testimonial," for
the characteristic . services rendered to his country
by the Noble and Learned Lord in whose honour
the said work is undertaken. An Eldon testimonial
Good. " And on the base of it an enumeration of all
the motions made in Parliament since his Lordship
became a Member of it, for the redress of any one or
more-grievances,—for the reform of any one or more
abuses,—for the amendment of any law trenching on
the liberty of the subject, or of any legal practice op-
pressing it,—for limiting prerogative,—for promoting
public economy,—for serving the popular interest in
any one sense; and annexed to the catalogue a list
of the votes, and even an abStract of the speeches of
Lord Eldon. Let this be done, and we shall have
indeed .1t " testimonial," with which no record of the
glories, military or civil, achieved by the Duke of
Wellington, from the hoer when he first drew a
sword, can ever be put in competition.
(FROM THE MORNING CHRONICLE.)

In another column will be found Mr. O'Connell's
Address to the Electors of the county of Clare. It
is not for us, destitute as -we are of the necessary
local knowledge, to express any opinion as to the
probability of his re-election. At the same time,
it is difficult to believe the Electors of Clare will be
insensible to the circumstances so forcibly stated by
Mr. O'Connell in the commencement of his Address.
" Electors of the county of Clare, to you is due the
glory of converting Peel and conquering Welling-
too. The last election for Clare is admitted to have
been the immediate and irresistible cause of pro-
ducing the Catholic Relief You have
achieved the religious liberty of Ireland. Another
suds victory in Clare, and we shall attain the poli-
tical freedom of our beloved country." The people
et Clare must be strangely constituted, if they do
not feel both elated at the thoughts of what they
have achieved, and eager still to indentify them-
sekes with the man who enabled them to acquire so
proud a distinction. "in my person (he saye) the
county of Clare has been insulted. The brand of
degradation- has been raised to mark me, because
the people of Clare fairly selected me. Will the
people of Clare endure this insult, now that they
can firmly but constitutionally efface it for ever ?"
Mr. O'Connell promises to do much, and we have
no doubt that he will attempt much. For many
most cogent reasons, it is desirable that he should
find his way into the House of Commons. They
who were capable of the meanness of insisting on
his exclusion ought not to have the triumph of his
failure. But the great reason why he should be re-
turned is, that he cannot settle down into a quiet
spectator of the- evils which press on his country.
The necessity of constant exertion in the cause of
his country is imposed on him by past events.
A Morning Paper of Saturday last contains a very
long and detailed statement of the sittings and at-
tendances of the Master of the Rolls according to
the present usage, concluding with a protest against
the adoption of Lord Lyndhurst's scheme for the
future regulation of the duties of that department.
To this statement, which bears every mark of hav-
ing been drawn up by a member of the profession,
and which might, without any violent presumption,
be supposed to emanate from an authorized source,
the answer is ready and decisive enough. Either
the attendances of the Master of the Rolls do or do
not in the whole amount to that portion of time
which the public have a right to expect every legal
functionary will devote to the business of
his department. Now Lord Lyndhurst's -plan
is, that the Master of the Rolls shall
continuously, throughout the judicial year, sit
during the same hours—namely, from ten tW four—
which the Vice-Chancellor employs in the business
of his Court. This is no more than the just and
reasonable measure of judicial labour; if the Master
of the Rolls gives so much in his present various
and irregular sittings, the proposed change %1 ill de
no prejudice; but if he give a smaller portion
of labour in return for the emoluments, dignity, and

patronage of his office, the country may justly re-
quire that change. With respect to the patent
rights of the Master of the Rolls, so strongly in-
sisted on in this article, they would be with very
ill grace urged by Sir John Leach, whose state of
health having long interfered with, has lately alto-
gether precluded that performance of the duties of
his office which constitutes the condition of his pa-
tent. An able and a learned Judge we admit Sir
John Leach to be ; but with all his ability and learn-
ing, it is well for him that.he is in a situation, the
_ . .