The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

day with former speeches, of which the Noble Lord had
beep the author.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The
present speech congratulated the House and the country
on the state of trade and commerce—the increase of
manufacturing industry, and above all, the state of the
revene--(NTinisterial cheers)--and -he supposed that
• theSe allusions suggested to the Noble Lord reminis-
cences very distasteful to him, and calculated to disturb
that temper in which the Noble Lord usually met the
House at the beginning of a session.—(Laughter.) Ecce
lacrymas istas quia non lacrymabilis ille.—(A laugh.)
The Noble Lord had referred to a quarrel which had
taken place, at a distance of 4,000 miles from Europe,
between a gentleman named Pritchard and an officer in
the French naval service. In respect to that quarrel, and
the matters which arose out of it, the Noble Lord was
of opinion that both Governments were bound to take
steps to prevent so lamentable a consequence
as a war between France and England. Now,
the Noble Lord was also of opinion that the French
officer was justified in taking measures to prevent revolt
in
,an island of which France had the actual sovereignty;
and if revolt was meditated, and that French lives were
menaced, Mr. Pritchard being found to be active in pro-
moting the revolt and the attack upon the French, the
officer had, by the law of nations, the right to interfere,
and if necessary to expel Mr. Pritchard from the island.
But the Noble Lord thought also that the manner in
which the expulsion was effected was a gross outrage.
Now, he (Sir Robert P,el) thought so too.—(Hear,
hear.) He thought that the manner in which Mr.
Pritchard had been treated, and the language which had
been employed towards him, were such as to justify the
language which he (Sir Robert Peel) used in Parliament
last year, when he as well as the Noble Lord, said that
a gross outrage had been committed. But the Noble
Lord sail that the British Government ought to have
required an immediate and thorough reparation—and
should have got it. They did ask a thorough reparation,
and they got it—they asked and they got no more.—
(Hear, hear.)—And they did not want more.—
(Cheers.) He (Sir Robert Peel) should deeply,
regret that they had occasion to boast of having ob-
tained more than an immediate and thorough reparation.
—(Cheers.) He should deplore that any reparation had
been obtained which could be considered as r. ally
humiliating to France.—(Cheers.) The Ncble Lord
said that two months were allowed to pass before repa-
ration was received. Well, he (Sir R. Peel) must say
that, to have effected a reconciliation under such cir-
cumstances—looking at the state of public feeling in
both countries—he must say that, to have brought
things under those circumstances to an amicable settle-
ment in two months, was not unsatisfactory.—(Cheers.)
It could not be deemed unsatisfactory to have in two
months rendered that reconciliation complete—or, ac-
cording to all evidence, so complete that the King of the
French—after the minds of that country had been so
inflamed—came to this Court on a personal visit of com-
pliment and friendship to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) The
Noble Lord said that her Majesty's Government should
have lost no time in making their demand for reparation.
He (Sir Robert Peel) affirmed that they did lose
no time. They lost not one hour.—(Hear, hear.) They
stated immediately to the French Government what had
occurred, and further than - that, they stated only that
they were fully satisfied that the French Government
would voluntarily offer to this country the reparation to
which we were entitled. Although he did not think it
was always quite well to refer to the speeches made in a
foreign house of legislature upon a subject of this kind,
he would say that if the Noble Lord would read the
speech of M. Guizot, he would find that, in point of fact,
the Government of England made no demand, ar.d that
although some time elapsed before reparation was made,
yet still the confidence of the English- Government was
unabated, and they assured M. Guizot of their confidence
that the French Government would make the reparation
of itself.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had also said
that her Majesty's Ministers at the end of last session
complimented themselves upon their wisdom. In that
statement the Noble Lord was decidedly wrong. He
(Lord J. Russell) thought it would be very unseemly
on the part of the Ministers that they should advise her
Majesty to compliment them for their wisdom; and the
Noble Lord acc,irdingly was very angry with the Mi-
nisters for doing so. Now all that they had said was
that this affair of Mr. Pritchard had been settled by the
justice and moderation of both Governments—that of
France and of England. Therefore, all that brilliant
part of the Noble Lord's speech proved to have no
fbundation whatever. His (Sir R. Peel's) opinion was
still unshaken, that it was for the interest of France—

for the interest of England—for the interest of Europe
—for the interest of civilisation—that a good under.
standing, that cordial amity, should prevail between the
Governments of these two kingdoms.—(Hear, hear.) It
was the duty of both Governments to take care that all
misunderstandings should be recor:ciled, and that they
should not lead to war.—(Hear, hear.) But between
France and England, he believed, there was but the alter-
native between cordial friendship and actual hostility.—
(Hear, hear.) There was but a small distance between
this island and France ; the breadth of sea was small,
but this did not diminish the delicacy of our relations.
We were closer to France than to any other nation of
Europe. Our commerce was more connected with that of
France, and our navy in closer proximity to hers than to
that of any other nation. The intercourse between the
inhabitants of the two countries was greater, and was
constantly on the increase. The progress of steam
diminished more and more the space which separated
them ; and the more intimate became our relations with
France, the more difficult it became to be on any other
terms than sincere friendship or avowed hostilities.—
(Hear, hear.) It was the interest of both that they
should be on the best understanding, and that they
should, by mutual concecsions, heal all differences as
they rose, that so, by a cordial and amicable understand-
ing, the Governments may be able to appease the pas•
sions excited by the errors of their agents in distant
situations.—(Cheers.) There was not one of the conces-
sions which France had made that he would not counsel
England to make, if the circumstances had been re-
versed. _ He was sure no one in that House would think

it would be wise to ask of France any reparation which
England would not be willing to make under similar cir-
cumstances. Let them look to the influence which France
and England exercised in another hemisphere. Look to
the influence of these Governments in the %Vest. Let
them consider how important at that moment was their
influence in respect to the South American States—
(Hear)— and they would acknowledge it was of the ut-
most importance that that influence should continue, and
that the good understanding should prevail which was
necessary to maintain it.—(hear, hear.) He believed
that in what he was stating he was only representing
the general opinion of this country. He believed
that there was a sincere desire on the part of the people
of this country to maintain the most amicable relations
with France. For his part, he would not retain those
relations at the expense of honour or interest.—(Hear.)
He would not in time of peace neglect to take precautions
against the pcissibility of war. He would not neglect
the defence of this country. But he would think it per-
fectlynompatible with these precautions and preparations
to maintain the most friendly understanding with the
neighbouring nation.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
(Lord John Russell) had referred to the question of the
Right cf Search. He (Sir Robert Peel) thought it would
be better to postpone the discussion of that question
until he should be prepared to lay the matter before the
House in a definite shape, when the House would be
prepared to fcrm an opinion whether any progress had
been made in that cause, which he confessed ought to be
an object of more importance than a mere political ques-
tion—he meant the suppression of the detestable traffic
in slaves.—(Cheers.) He thought that after the sacri-
fices which this country had made, the Government was
bound to make every endeavour, consistent with the law
of nations, to effect the suppression of that trade.—(Hear.)
But it was to be borne in mind that the French Chambers
had twice decided against conceding this right of search.
Public opinion in France was raised against it, and let
what will be said the right of search had become, in a
great degree, paralysed, when they saw against it the
sense of the organs of public opinion, and of the repre-
sentatives of the nation; although, if it could be carried
into effect with the consent of both nations, no incon-
venience whatever would attend it. But if the Chamber
refused to give its consent, and called on the Govern-
went to find a substitute, it would be impossible that
such an opposition should not paralyse the efforts of the
subordinate authorities. Now what M. Guizot proposed
was this, avowing the anxiety of his Government to
abolish this traffic, and their participation in the anxiety
of the English Government for that object, he asked the
latter to consider if it were not possible to substitute, for
the right of search, a measure as efficacious—or, in his
own words—more efficacious, if possible, than that.
Now, seeing what feelings prevailed on this subject
it France, and how public opinion and the
voice of the Chambers acted upon the subor-
dinate authorities, what course was open to this
Government ? They said that they reiterated their
sense of the obligation upon there to put down the trade
in slaves; and that they must adhere to their opinion;
and that the right of search afforded the best means for
effecting that purpose. However, negotiations pro-
ceeded, and they had arrived at this point, that the
French Government, on their part, had chosen a man
who had shown himself ready to sacrifice power for the
purpose of promoting this object ; he meant M. De
Broglie, who, in 1817, had counselled the formation of a
treaty to this end, and in the present reign had con-
cluded another for the same object—a man who had all
his prejudices, not against the slave trade, but in favour
of that object—that was the man offered by the French
Government to consider with us, on their part, what was
the best and most effectual measure to substitute for the
right of search.—(Cheers.) On the other hand, the
English Government had chosen Dr. Lushington—
(Hear, hear)—a man whose whole life had been devoted
to the extinction of slavery and the slave trade, and who
had ever shown himself ready to sacrifice all political,
professional, and personal feelings, to attain that object.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, what was to be inferred from
this? The French Government had chosen to represent
them in this negotiation, the man who, as a French-
man, had shown the greatest anxiety to abolish slavery
—(Hear, bear)—and who was his confederate ?—(Hear,
hear.) Now, he hoped that if the Noble Lord dissented
from the policy of the Government, he would bring for-
ward in express terms the reprobation of their conduct;
and he would appeal to the British Parliament and na-
tion, whether the Government had not done right in
inquiring if there could not be found a more adequate
means of abolishing the slave trade than they had hitherto
possessed?—(Hear, hear.) He was not aware that he
had left untouched any other portion of the Noble Lord's
been given that be would, on a very early day, take an
' to the house an outline of his
os pf etehcehbroe xv
ecrenpmt
et hnat.t wHhiechthaolulgudhetdthtaottnhoetifieneahnacdial already
opportunity of stating
rels—ierbu thant he April—or
thought,
commercial and financial policy. It had been usual not
certainlyto bring
not untilforward
that
after
in a measure of so much importance as the income-tax,
it would be better not to follow established rules, but
to take the earliest opportunity of stating the intention
of the Government. He thought it was the more
statement
h e est estimates—but
incumbent to take an early opportunity to State that