Star.
London, England, 1830-07-27 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TIM JOURNALS.

t 'toxic tx.—Though Ministers prudently abstained from wast-
ing their strength on places where the suffrage is widely diffused,
they are by no means idle at the present moment. In Scotland can-
didates are relieved from the necessity of canting; they take it for
granted that a minister is, as a matter of course, entitled to the sup-
port of a Scotch member, whatever be his measures. Thus Mr.
111`bcod, in addressing the freeholders of the county of Inverness,
admits that the claims of Mr. Charles Grant to the support of the
freeholders are so superior to his own, in every other respect than his
being a ministerial man, " That under ordinary circumstances (he
bar) I should have considered it most respectful to you to have
withdrawn my pretensions on the present occasion; but I shall
fail in my duty to you, to myself, and, above all, to the Ad-
ministration of the Duke of Wellington, if I did not afford you
an opportunity of expressing your opinion upon the events which
tiavc subsequently occurred. It is no longer a struggle of private
interest ; you are now called on to prove that you feel thaCconfidence
in his Majesty's Government with which I believe that you are im.
pressed."—This is plain language. Mr. WLEop reminds as of
the Scotch Member, who very naively observed, " During the many
years I have been in Parliament, the speeches I have heard have
often altered my conviction, but they have never altered my vote."
In this pact of the island men take occasionally a good deal of pains
to appear more independent of the Ministers than they actually
are. But in Scotland the great point with a Member is to
convince the freeholders that he is thoroughly dependent,—
that he has the regard of Ministers; and, accordingly,—
Mr. Bl'Leod, to satisfy the freeholders that in voting for him they
will not vote for one who can obtain nothing for them, takes care to
have something like a testimonial from the Duke of Wellington.
Though he could have franked his address, being at the time a
Member for an English borough, he had them circulated in covers,
franked "W. Peel." We understand the hon. gentleman's usual
question to a voter is " What do you want ; 1 can get it for you at
once." This brings politics within a very narrow compass. Mi.
nisterial responsibility means distribution of public money to thick
and thin voters. Mr. M'Leod is said to pledge his Grace very
freely to the Inverness freeholders. So much for the friends of
Ministers in the North.

CH now icLE.—lt may not be generally known, that Sir James
Scarlett piqued himself In right of his office, as the King's fast
Law Adviser, on carrying, la the just closed Session, the Adminis.
tration of Justice Bill, which, as it left the Lower House, was alto-
gether hie handywork. Sir Robert Peel was disposed to indulge the
Learned Gentleman's vanity ; but the Dignitaries in the Upper
House did not prove equally complaisant ; and the Bill was sent
back to the Commons, at the last hour, with amendments so
numerous that, as Lord Durham described them, scarcely a
single line of the original draught remained without change.
Under these circumstances, Sir James Scarlett had no ahem-
tive, but either to abandon the measure for the present, or to
stultify himself, by adopting the obnoxious amendments. He
chose the latter, and accordingly moved that they should be
consented to ; adding, in his usual Thrasonical vein, a declara-
tion, that he would have the Bill set to rights in the next Par.
liament ; though with what assurance we know not, of having
then accorded to him a more imperative sway in the resolves of
Government than at the present period. In this stage of the
business, however, was exhibited the extraordinary spectacle of
a direct collision between the two great haw Officers of the
Crown—the Solicitor-General avowing himself of Counsel for the
Amendments, to which the Attorney-General was opposed. There
are persons who, regarding this symptom of Sir James Scarlett's ex-
clusion from the coneiliis seerefieribus of Ministers, predict
his early retirement from office; but they are mistaken. He
has long since cut off for himself all retreat; he has no
friends to fall back upon, and has nothing now for it but to put up
with such treatment as he may receive from the powers that be;
nor is there any servant of the Administration regarded by the
young Whig Nobles and leaders with feelings of more disdainful
aversion than the once burly Leguleius of the Opposition Benches.
Such a situation is, no doubt, to a man of his temper, sufficiently
galling: but Lord Rosslyn has not been comfortable, nor will the
Duke's last accession, Lord Jersey, be at ease, nor any man who
may be in like manner detached from his ancient connections, unless
a considerable modification of the Government shall take place. Of
this, beginning with the Admiralty, rumours are abroad, which we
deem deserving of credit ; and with all the merits of the Duke of
Wellington, which none have beer. more ready to acknowledge than
ourselves, it must not be forgotten that be no longer possesses that se.
softy for the permanency of his rule, which in the past reign he
derived from the indisposition of the King to trouble himself with
the guidance of the state machine. In the Duke of Wellington,
George IV. found &minister the most to his mind ; because he most
completely relieved him from the cares and toil of government ; but
William IV. is a Prince whose activity of mind will not permit him
to fall into this state of inertness—who is likely to look into the
conduct of affairs, and who will not hesitate to place them In other
hands, should any cause of dissatisfaction be afforded to him by the
present depositories of the executive power.

HZRALD.—Considerlag the influence which the Press has (whe•
they justly or not we will not stop to inquire) on public affairs, we
always regret when we see that influence unjustly, unnecessarily, or
mistakenly used. Such we think is the case with that pan of it
which is endeavouring to foment an angry feeling between this coun-
try and France on the subject of the capture of Algiers. We con-
fess we see nothing in that event but a circumstance of unmixed re-
joicing to the whole civilized world ; and, instead of generating lea.
lousy and on the part of other powers, we should unbolts-
tingly say that it is an event which, both in its undertaking and
result, calls for the gratitude both of nations and individuals.
It was evidently undertaken with no views of mere aggrandisement;
nor do we see at best what mighty personal and exclusive object
its possession to France can accomplish; while, on the other hand,
the demolition of a power which has so long been a public nuisance
on the common highway of nations, must be deemed a benefit of
which all must without doubt partake. But the truth, we believe
is, that those who give out so authoritatively that the exploit has
become a source of contention bete-ern the two Governments have
no grounds whatever for so saying. And this,we think, is clear, even
upon their own showing; for the very same paper which states the di&
agreement as a fact, contains the distinct and contradictory avowal
(equally unfounded, perhaps) that since the announcement of
the conquest, no diplomatic intercouse between the Govern-
ments has taken place. And it must be a'• mighty pretty sort of
quarrel," of which both the supposed combatants are unconscious.
NVe repeat that the Press is ill employed when thus employed.
Peace should be the object of all Governments, and that engine
which so powerfully influences public opinion should strenuously
maintain the same object. The French Government has accomplished
a noble a praiseworthy object, and has cut out for itself work enough
and difficulty and embarrassment enough, without those who are to
be so much benefited by the result attempting to enhance either the
one or the other. We have yet to learn how clearing the sea of
i•itates can be productive of injury to any one, or what worse use the
French can turn their conquest to (even were they so inclined) than
the removal of the evil and the nuisance which their arms have eradi-
cased. Away then with the paltry ideas which would perpetuate
national animosities where no ground for them can possibly exist.
We were justly proud of lord Exmouth's attack upon Algiers as a
public benefit, and we ought to be still more satisfied with that of
3larshal Bourmont, as being, as in fact it is,ten times more effec.
teal.

TIMES.- Mr. Buckingham has a defence and recommendation of
his projected enterprise. In an undertaking of this kind it is eel-
dent that every thing must depend upon the personal character of
the projector,— upon his prudence, discretion, and temper in ma-
naging his associates,—upon his disinterested activity and zeal in
fulfilling those engagements towards his subscribers to which he is
bound only by a feeling of duty or a sense of honour,--upon
the sufficiency of the resources at first placed at his disposal,—upon
his exemption from accidents till he arrives at the proper scene of his
Jperationo,—and upon the continuance of his life and health till he
reaps the fruits of his labours. When the subscriptions are all paid
up,—when the good ship Diseovcry lies got their amount on board
in the shape of articles of traffic, specimens of the productions
of manufacturing art, alphabets, and implements of hus-
bandry, models of machinery, and incentives to morality—the seeds
01 useful vegetables and of useful knowledge; and when with this
cargo of trade, civilization, and instruction, she sails from the
'themes fur the eastern world, it is quite plain that those at share
expense she was fitted out, have no power of controlling or directing
her movements. The boasted harbinger of civilization and dis-
penser of useful arts may be converted into a mere coasting trader,
for collecting, in the name of humanity, and under the flag of
science—not the treasures of nautical discovery, but—the gains
of sordid commercial speculation. The character of Mr. Bucking-
ham may be a sufficient gurantee against this abuse of the well-
intended liberality of his patrons; but according to the plan
before us, we see no other security but his honour for the application
of their funds to the objects which they contemplated. When the
tiovernmeirt or an association employs an individual or an agent to
Accomplish certain objects. they can lay down fixed rules, and en-
force their execution. Jr. Mr. Buckingham's ease the subscribers
make a free-will offering of their money, and only look for a book
describing its disposal, on his return home with or without his ship.
But to this absolute power over the resources of the enterprise
we make no objection, as intermeddling interference might be
more injurious than unlimited confidence. The sums sub-
scribed by individuals occasion them no sacrifice—the obkets
for which they vent their liberality are unequivocally good y_
and If they succeed but partially, they will be more than
repaid in the gratification of the best sympathies of their nature.—
But are there any other objections to the scheme; and if so, has It
Any advantages to counterbalance them ? We have always thought
that the distribution a seeds and implements, whichjtasa hitherto

been made partially and scantily by discovery-expeditions, ought to
have been considered a primary object, and to have been systemati-
cally attended to. The ships sent on such voyages should
have been freighted with models, tools, utensils, instruments of hus-
bandry, the seeds of useful plants, and every thing that could benefit
rude tribes, and excite among them a desire of improvement or a
taste for art. In so far as Mr. Buckingham makes this the object
of his enterprise, we are ready to view his scheme with favour. The
suggestion is not original, but systematic attention to it has never
before been practically proposed, We therefore with pleasure ex-
tract the following account of the objects of his plan:
" The objects that I pledge myself to keep constantly in view,
during the whole of this expedition, and the benefits I may hope to
effect by it, of a public and general cants; are the following :
" I. To add to the existing stock of knowledge every new fact
that can be collected respecting the geography and hydrography of
the coasts and islands visited ; and to make the most ample re.
searches that can be effected respecting the statistics, productions,
manners, wants, th.c. of every particular place ; as well as to collect
specimens of whatever may be found to deserve preservation, in na-
tural history, botany, mineralogy, Ike. u well as of the artificial
products and native wares, where any such exist.
" E. To introduce into all the ports visited, specimens itc small
quantities, but in infinite variety, of all the various descriptions of
goods manufactured in England, whether in woollens, silks, or cot.
tons, in metals, glass, or earthenware, so as to ascertain, by actual
experiment, what particular description of goods are suited to par.
Ocular markets, and what are the quantities, patterns, textures,
prices, and other peculiarities best adapted to each; for the want of
which knowledge, all the evils of overtrading have happened.
" 3. To add to this distribution of the specimens of English ma-
nufactures, the introduction of the useful arts of civilized life, in
the shape of models, drawings, and descriptions of all the various
implements, utensils, and conveniences, of agriculture, husbandry.
and domestic comfort in use among ourselves; as well as seeds,
plants, and materials of improvement of every kind ; and to lay
the foundation for the establishment of schools of instruction, for
increasing, perpetuating, and dinging useful knowledge in every
branch."

The great objection to which his scheme, in our opinion, is ex-
posed, consists in the union of trading speculation with these higher
aims of the expedition. It might be impossible to obtain funds
sufficient to defray all its expenses without engaging in traffic with
the tribes whom it may visit; but is not traffic, if profitable, likely to
become the chief object with our scientific adventurers? May it not
lead to misunderstandings with the natives whom we pretend to serve,
and may not hard bargains and unfavourable exchanges create in
their minds an impression that civilization is only another name for
commercial knavery ? In this case the projected expedition, instead
of promoting civilization, and extending commercial intercourse,
would be the greatest enemy to both. Why is Japan hermetically',
sealed against the admission of strangers ? The Dutch and first
European traders to that kingdom could assign reasons for their
exclusion, which we hope will not be repeated under the auspices of
Mr. Buckingham's patrons.