The Sun.
London, England, 1829-05-27 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS.--(LAST NIGHT.)
THORNDIKE'S DIVORCE BILL.
Witnesses were examined to-day on this Bill.
Lord SHEFFIELD presented a petition against
the importation of foreign wool, from the owners
and occupiers of land in the county of Sussex.
The Earl of MALMESBURY presented four
similar petitions from flock-masters in the neighbour-
hood of Salisbury, Swinton, mid Shaftesbury.
GAME BILL.
On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE the
receiving of the Report on the Game Laws
Bill, which was ordered for Thursday next, was
postponed till Monday.
The NOBLE LORD also gave notice that on Thurs•
day next he should draw the attention of the House
to three standing orders which were already on
their Lordships' table.
ANATOMY BILL.
Lord MELVILLE presented a petition from the
Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh,
against the Anatomy Bill.
The Earl of ROSEBERRY had been requested
to support the petition, which honour he had de-
clined, as he firmly believed, when the Bill went
into a Committee, it would be so altered and re-
vised as to obviate every objection raised to it by
the petitioners.
The Earl of HADDINGTON was placed in the
same situation, and took the same view of the sub-

ject.
Lord CAWDOR presented a petition against a
Private Bill.

culties of the country that se many individuals
not long ago had been brought to the greatest state
of hardship, a recurrence of which, it was to be
feared, would very soon take place. The petitioners
proposed as a remedy that Government would
review all their former arrangements respecting
the currency, or that Parliament would relieve them
from a considerable portion of the taxes they were
now paying. On former occasions he had stated
his opinion as to the effect of the alteration of the
currency; and then he had stated, that after the
alteration had existed for a number of years, when
new contracts were entered into and new debts con-
tracted, that then it would be more injurious again
to alter the currency than to allow it to remain. It
should be recollected that the larger part of the
National Debt was contracted in a depreciated cur-
rency, and it was therefore neither just nor equi-
table to pay that debt in a currency of the full value.
In 1800, the last year when there was no sensible
depreciation of the currency, the amount of the
National Debt was not much above 300,000,0001.

CORN LAWS.
Lord KING presented petitions from Stone,
Staffordshire, and several other places, against the
Corn Laws.
The Duke of NORFOLK presented petitions
from the wool growers in Suffolk, and several
other places, against the importation of Foreign
Wool.
Several Bills were read a third time and passed.
SION COLLEGE.
The Earl of HADDlNGTON,according to notice
which he had previously given, presented a petition
from the Kirk of Scotland, relative to certain ancient
records belonging to that Church. This petition
would have been presented before now, had it not
been for an understanding that the Noble Prelate
opposite (the Bishop of London) and a Noble and
Learned Lord now in his place, would make a com-
munication to Sion College. A communication was
made by the Secretary of State, the answer to
which was, that the College neither could give up
the books required of them, nor allow them to be
copied, nor allow them to be seen, in consequence
of the existence of a trustee. The Kirk of Scotland
had adopted the only resource they had left for the
recovery of them, and applied to Parliament. The
books which the Kirk of Scotland wished to get from
Sion College, were three vols., entitled " The Book
of the Universal Kirk of Scotland." The Noble
Lord here went at some length into details of a na-
ture precisely similar to those stated when an ap-
plication of a similar nature was made to the House
of Commons.
The Bishop of LONDON rose—He had no
power to interfere in the administration of the
affairs of the Fellows of Sion College, but believed
that he bad information enough to vindicate the
line of conduct they had
bo adopf
tted. He
he Fell beows
lieved that the great dy o
would be extremely pleased at being released from
the charge of these books altogether. But under
the circumstances by which they had been placed in
their hands, they did not think themselves at liberty
even to permit a copy of them to be taken. Whe-
ther they were right or not in pursuing that line of
conduct, their refusal was to be attributed to a
strict desire on their part to fulfil in every particu-
lar the former agreement. There was one point at
i.sue between the Kirk of Scotlan material the Fel-
lows of Sion College, a most point,
namely as to the originality of the documents
of which they were possessed. It had been
stated by some that they were the original
documents; by others they were called original
copies. Their originality was extremely question-
able. There was no clause empowering the Fellows of
Sion College to deliver a perfect copy to any body.
The correspondence that preceded the deposit of
thosjooks in Sion College Library, prevents any
copy being given to any body but to the Bishops of
the Church of. Scotland, if even they would pay
the expenses of it. By that correspondence the
Noble Prelate thought they could not deliver them
sip, except by an order of the Legislature. At the
same time he thought, if his Majesty were to order
his Law Officers to make inquiries with reference to
these documents, and ascertain to whom they be..
longed, if the Fellows of Sion College were told by
such authority that they were the property of the
Church of Scotland, he (the Noble Prelate) thought
there would be no difficulty, nay, that the Fellows
would be inclined to deliver them over to them.
The Rev. Prelate read a portion of the terms of the
covenant under which the Fellows held theca, since
the Noble Lord who presented this petition had in,
timated his intention of doing so, he (the Rev.
Prelate) had had an opportunity of communicating
with the President and Fellows of Sion College;
and the result of that communication was that, as
Mr. Campbell had said, a copy of the volumes might
be delivered to the Bishops of Scotland upon their
paying for the transcript ; they had no objection to let
the Kirk of Scotland have one new on their paying
for the transcript; at the same time they disputed
all legal pwer to compel them to deliver up the
volumes themselves, or indeed to act respecting
them at all.
Lord HADDINGTON moved that the petition
might lie on the table, reserving to himself, after
what had been said, the opportunity of taking what-
ever other step he should deem expedient.
Lord LAUDERDALE held that if the Church
of Scotland could identify the volumes to be theirs,
that as original records could only belong to the
Court of which they were such records, the Church
of Scotland could compel Sion College, or any other
person or body of persons, to deliver theni up. The
only doubt was, whether they were not copies, and
he thought that measures ought in the first place
and forthwith to be adopted for the purpose of ogee**•
taining for a fact whether they were originals or
copies.
Lord ELDON had applied to Sion College on
the subject during last Session, and he was
then informed that there were objections on
the part of the College to delivering up the
books, which they could not get over. He
agreed with the Noble Lord who had spoken
last, that the College could tZly retain them upon
the ground of having a property in !hero. Lf they
had a property in them, and were at ;;:ZrtY
tc
detain them, if lie were their adviser, he shouiti
recommend them not to deliver them up.—(Hear.)

has ventured to recommend for adoption, except an
alteration in the state of the currency. But the
Noble Lord himself admits—as I understood him—

that it is impossible now to revert to the state in
which the country stood in that respect before the
year 1819. My Lords, I was a Member of the
Committee who, on that occasion, recommended

, .
the reverting to cash payments; and I can assure
the Noble Lord that he labours under a great

mistake if he thinks that the Committee came

to the resolution of expressing that recommen-
dation, of returning to the condition in which
the country was placed before the Bank Re-
striction, without due deliberation, and without
considering the subject in all its bearings. The
Noble Lord is also greatly mistaken if he supposes
that the whole of the debt of the country was con-
tracted in the depreciated currency to which he has
adverted; and I say, my Lords, that if it had been
so contracted, the good faith of the country requires
that it should be paid in the existing currency. But,
my Lords, the alteration of the currency has not
had the effect on the state of the country which he
supposes, and I am convinced that the alteration has
had little, if any thing, to do with the actual distress

There were two modes of calculating the deprecia-
tion. The first was, by comparing the paper money
in circulation with bullion at the Mint price ; and
the second was, to attempt to ascertain the depre-
ciation in the value of the bullion itself. In conse-
quence of the precious metals being banished from
the circulation in this country the value was depre-
ciated in the markets of the world; and the
real depreciation of our o am currency was to
be estimated by this depreciation, added to the
depreciation of our paper as compared to the Mint
price of bullion. He should confine himself to the
depreciation as estimated by the comparison
between our paper circulation and the Mint
price of gold. The unredeemed National Debt of
Great Britain in 1800 was 303 millions, and the
amount of debt created during the next eighteen
years was 635 millions. Taking into consideration
the operation of the Sinking Fund, the proportion of
the debt contracted in the depreciated currency was
as six to four. It was also to be considered what
amount of the debt contracted in a currency of the
full value was transferred and purchased durirg the
eighteen years in a depreciated value. He could not
pretend to ascertain the quantity of stock so trans-
ferred, but he thought he might assume that one
half of the old debt had been transferred during the
eighteen years subsequent to 1800. It was neither
equitable nor just to pay this portion of the debt
purchased by a depreciated currency in currency of
the full value, and we ought either now to reduce
the national debt to the extent of the depreciation,
or to take off taxes to an extent to countervail the
increase of burdens occasioned by the reformation of
the currency. There was no justice in paying a debt
contracted in a depreciated currency in an improved
currency. He thought also that when the subject
of the currency was formerly discussed, the parties
came to discussion heated by controversy, and over-
looked some points which, were the subject now to
be taken into consideration, would have considerable
influence on their Lordships' judgment. Every con-
tract made, for example, and every debt incurred
between 1800 and 1819, was made and incurred in
a depreciated currency, and the reformation of the
currency virtually imposed on the debtors an
obligation to pay a greater sum than they had con-
tracted to pay. It was a virtual abrogation of
those contracts. He was disposed to think, that of
the whole debts and contracts in the country, four
out of five were made during the depreciated cur-
rency; and, therefore, while the return to a sound
currency did justice to one creditor, it did injustice
to four debtors. The depreciation of the currency,
and the subsequent reformation of the currency, must
therefore be considered as having caused much of
our distress. He did not, however, agree with the
petitioners that this was the only cause. During
the same period we were engaged in war, and con-
tracted more debt than ever before was contracted
in the world. During that time, therefore, a large
portion of the national capital was borrowed and ex-
pended, aril all classes felt that sort of prosperity
which an individual feels when he is expending a
large capital. At present we were in the situation
of that individual after his capital was expended ;
we were suffering from our greatly diminished re-
sources. The prodigality of a former period was
therefore another cause of our present sufferings.
The relief which the petitioners called for was a re-
duction of taxation. Now see what the Ministers
had done. It had been said that eighteen millions
of taxes—some said twenty-four millions—had been
taken off. With respect to that he referred to a
pamphlet which had much less circulation that it ought
to have, and less than it would have had, if the subject
of which it treated had appeared in the shape of a
speech from the Noble Duke. In that pamphlet it was
stated that the Revenue in 1815, while the property
tax existed, and all the war taxes, was sixty-eight mil-
lions and a fraction; and that in 1826, it was fifty-
two millions and a fraction. One would think at
first that hare was a reduction of sixteen millions,
but, in point of fact, the real Revenue had increas-
ed by an addition of 552,000/. during the peace.
But what the people of Birmingham called for was
an alteration of the currency, or a real reduction in
the amount of taxation. But he did not feel bold
enough himself to propose any measure of this kind
to their Lordships, but he trusted the Noble Duke
would, before the next Session, look narrowly at the
subject, and make some attempt to apply an effec-
tual remedy to the present distressing state of affairs,
in which prosperity was closely followed by adver-
sity. We ought not to have prohibited the circu-
lation of small notes. They formed, in many re-
spects, a better kind of currency than any other.
They could not be exported, and the man who de-
pended on them could not export himself and his
capital, but was bound to the country. It was
manifest that the people had a preference for
them, and had even resorted to expedients to
supply the want of them ; and had it not been
for the measure resorted to by Parliament for put-
ting them out of circulation, the confidence in the
Banks who issued them would soon have been re-
stored, and many of the failures prevented. But
the measure of Government relative to the small
notes, and the attack on the country bankers had
greatly increased the difficulties of the country. An
opportunity of returning to a paper circulation, un-
der proper modifications, would be afforded by the
expiration of the Bank Charter, now close at hand
—of which opportunity he hoped due advantage
would be ta4n. Another alteration of great ad-
vantage would be to make silver a legal tender for
some considerable sum, and to increase the amount
of the larger pieces, so as to fill up a gem space in
the currency. He threw out these observations
merely as suggestions for the consideration of their
Lordships, and particularly for his Majesty's Mi-
nisters.
The Duke of WELLINGTON-4 am very
thankful to the Noble Lord for his having stated, at
.the conclusion of his speech, that he did not expect
that 1 shed at present follow him throughout
every topic ,:; on which he touched in the course of
the various suggestionswhich he has thought it his
duty to throw out for the consideration of your
Lordships generally, and that of his Majesty's Mini-
sters particularly ; for the Noble Lord himself hes
stated that he considers them only as suggestions
thrown out for consideration, without any intention
on his part to provoke a discussion at this time, I
am not prepared at this moment to enter on the
discussion at length of topics of so much import-
ance on occasion of the presentation of a petition;
and should not think it proper in myself, nor re-
spectful to your Lordships, to go at large into the
subject without being prepared with the documents
necessary to explain and confirm the statements and
opinions to which I might have to call your Lord-
ships' attention. But, as the Noble Lord has ad-
verted to so many topics of great interest and len-
portance, I shall, with your Lordships' permission,
trespass on your Lordships' time for a few moments,
taking a brief notice of some of them. The ohLo
Lord, in the observations which he has made in the
course of his discussion' of the state of the country,
has suggested a variety of different remedies for the
distresees to whichniany parts of the nation are now
exposed_n,:,!le whith; h9weyer; the Noble Lord

. .
of the country. My-Lords, notwithstanding a re-
duction of taxation to the amount of 27 millions—

whether real or nominal I do not at present stop to
inquire—the revenue of the country has increased.
It is higher now in real currency than it was when
these taxes were taken off, which is a proof of a real
increase of prosperity. But in every branch of
manufactures, in every description of commercial
transaction, and in every species of industry, there
has been an enormous production, exceeding the
average of the three preceding years, notwith-
standing the remarkable, and even prodigious pro-
ductiveness of these years. The Noble Lord cer-
tainly must look to something else than the alter-
ation in the state of the currency in estimating the
causes of the existing distresses of the country.
His Lordship has said, and truly said, that be-
fore the year 1815, any one might obtain money
for any kind of speculation, however wild and
extravagant--and, consequently, these specula-
tions were carried to an extent which could not',
continue for any length of time without terminating
in the destruction of the country; but in conse-
quence of the impulse at that time given to the spi-
rit of speculation, it became extremely difficult for
the national mind to return to the other habits of
thinking and acting which prevailed before the cir-
cumstances occurred which gave rise to that extra-
ordinary spirit of speculation, and to which the
people must at last return; and that, I apprehend,
is the real cause, or at least a principal cause, of the
present distress of the country. Besides, let it be
considered how much the population of the country
has increased, and how prodigiously the power of
production has been increased by the use of machi-
nery ; so that now more is produced in the course
of one year than was but a short time ago produced
in five years, and more than can be taken off the
hands of the producer in a year and a half, or even
two years. The consequence is, that notwithstanding
the immense commercial intercourse of this country,
do occasional glut is produced, and alterations in
the state of demand and supply take place,
which cause the condition of the great mass of
the people to change rapidly at different periods from
the extreme of riches to that of depression. The
Noble Lord has said that it would afford a great
alleviation of the evils to revert to the circulation of
One Pound Notes. But your Lordships will recol-
lect the proceedings which took place in Parliament
on that subject in the course of the year 1826. Par-
liament, finding that the worst effects resulted from
the facility of speculation afforded in consequence of
that description of circulating medium, and that it
gave rise to the numerous bankruptcies which hap-
pened in that and the preceding year, thought pro-
per to pass a law to put an end to the small note
circulation, at the end of three years from that
period. The Noble Lord has said that the law in
question occasioned the breaking of the Banks;
but when he says so, he does not correctly
state the fact, for the breaking of the Banks
took place for the most part before the meet-
ing of Parliament, so that the measure for put-
ting an end to the circulation of small notes did not
occasion the bankruptcies; but the bankruptcies
produced by the small note circulation gave rise to
the measure, and there is now more currency in
sovereigns and Bank of England five-pound notes,
than there was at any period during the war, or at
any time previous to that period. The effect of the
measure has been as it was intended to be, to
put an end to the facility with which those
could raise money, and engage in speculation,
who had neither capital nor credit. Those who
are possessed of capital and credit can now ob-
tain with perfect facility all the money that can
be required for any proper purpose. Those who
have riot capital and credit have not the same
facility as before in raising money, from the want
of persons to supply them with these one-pound
notes, and assist them in their extravagant specu-
lations. That is what has been done by the
measure of 1826, and I hope it is a coarse in
which Parliament will persevere. The Noble Lord
says, and I think justly, that the best kind of cir-
culation is a paper currency founded on a metallic
security ; but that is exactly what we have got at
present, arid while it continues I hope we shall soon
find that the prosperity of the country will revive,
and that so much distress will not again be pro-
duced by ruinous speculations. But the Noble Lord
has left out of view one great cause of the present
depressed state of the country; arid that is the im-
mense capital sent out of it in loans to foreign States
the principal of which will never be paid, and in
some instances not even the interest. This has oc-
casioned a great loss of capital, and consequently
employment, in all parts of the country, and has
produced a glut in the foreign markets by the im-
mense quantity of exports made in the advance of
these loans. A great loss also resulted from the
coming back of the interest where it is paid in a
manner not requiring any exports. These things
ought to be adverted to in tracing the causes of the
pre-ent distresses—for the effects are pernicious, not
merely to the manufacturing and commercial inte-
rests of the community, but also to the persons
themselves who engage in such speculations, who
often lose both their capital and the interest for ever.
I shall not follow the Noble Lord at present any
longer, not deeming this at present a proper occa-
sion for discussing the subject at any length; but as
to the Noble Lord's recommendation to the Minis-
ters of the Crown to take the subject into consi-
deration, I can assure him that they will consider it,
and keep it always in their view ; and for myself, I
can sincerely promise, that whatever measures may
occur to me likely to alleyiate the distresses of the
country, I shall most eagerly and gladly adopt them.
Lord KING recommended that the corn laws
should be repealed, which was the measure that
would afford the greatest and the most speedy relief
to the country. As to capital going out of the
country, that was the necessary consequence of the
low profits of capital here. Wtth respect to the
corn laws, it was a great consolation toliim that the
Noble Duke could not have a high revenue and a
high price of corn at the same time; for when corn
became dear, the people could not afford to consume
the Noble Dukes excisable commodities, arid the
VON, in explanation,
diminished.
Earl
was,
revenuesaiTd hthea
t‘lh musta
tobfleied(iht
that if the small
note currency had pot been put an end to by Par-
liament, the banks would soon have recovered their
credit. He did not think that the circulation of the
small notes had any thing to do with the distresses
of the country, which resulted_ rather from the cir-
culation of fictitious bills of exchange; and he in-
stanced the case of two individuals, who were not
worth a shilling, having bills of exchange afloat to
the amount of three millions, The Noble Duke had
mentioned the fictitious prosperity that had been
pro4ecpd in the country; but theNoble.Dt i,.k:orn4ouusts
pow, instead of a fictitious
the same time that g • •
be aware, that it Isla g
wee had a real debt
debtdebt
andw. as ca o tc rt tveuds
parods
peaity?
and real adversity, agai::4t .country could

-

:__ '-

not bear up, unless 901118.1118a118 of relief were found.
Paper,. founded on a metallic currency, was the best
kind of circulation ; and without it trade would soon
quit our shores and fly to others. There were six
millions of sovereigns in circulation ; and the people
had to pay their taxes in that dearer currency. He
thought a cheap currency, well secured, preferable.
The petition was laid on the table.
WOOL TRADE.

A petition was presented by the Duke of RICH-
MOND from certain wool growers of Gloucester
and Somerset, praying for a higher duty on the im-
portation of foreign wool.—Laid on the table.
The Duke of RICHMOND then rose and soli-
cited the indulgence of the House, while he stated
his views on this subject, which he had promised to
bring before them at an early period of the present
Session, but had not till now had the opportunity. He
owed it to the petitioners upon this subject to state
that their complaints were strictly true, and their
Lordships would perhaps bear in mind that he had
last year intimated his intention of bringing the
question under the consideration of the Legislature
early in the present Session. But the important
communication contained in hiq Majesty's Speech,
on the opening of Parliament, prevented him from
bringing it on at an earlier period. He now came
forward to redeem his pledge. In introducing the
subject, he wished to observe, that the smaller duty
which he was anxious to impose would fall partly on
the Continental grower of wool, and partly on the
rival exchequers of the two countries. He assured
their Lordships that there was not, either within
that House, or without its walls, any man more
anxiously alive to the distresses wider which the
manufacturing districts laboured than himself, and it
was with a view to relieve them, as well as the
wool-grower, that he introduced his present motion.
This, he conceived, would cause some stir and spirit
in that trade, which was now a mere drug in the
market. He had been told that no good could be
obtained from the course he was about to pursue;
but he had undertaken to make out a strong case,
and he now pledged himself to do so. The Noble
Duke at the head of his Majesty's Government had
dwelt much upon the deterioration of the quality of
wool in this country ; but with deference to the
Noble Duke, he considered this to be a mere fallacy.
He maintained that the reduction in the price and
quality of our wool was owing to the enormous im-
portation of foreign wool. This was proved by the
fact, that what was called Hoggett wool, in which
article there was not a competition in the foreign
market, still continued to maintain its price. The
Noble Duke here read some letters in support of his
argument. The Noble Lord (Wharncliffe) had on
a former evening expressed his satisfaction at having,
as he termed it, stolen an enemy out of his camp,
but he would refer that Noble Lord to the evidence
given before the Committee on this subject; pre-
mising, however, that those who had been tutored
at Leeds and other places could not be looked upon
as impartial witnesses. The Noble Duke then read
the fol owing table of calculations :

ACCOUNT OF BRITISH WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES
Exported during the last Eight Years, distinguishing
the periods when the Sixpenny Duty was existing upon
Foreign Wool imported, from the period when that
Duty was reduced to One Penny.
Years beginning the 6th of January, when the Duty on Foreign
Wool was Sixpence.

I Won!. Total
Pieces. Value. Yards. Value. lens at declared
Value. Value.
- --- --- --
1821... 1,598,891 5,724,022 6,321,723 603,162136,740 6,41:3,94
1822... 1.705,248 5,6(06,493 8,432,924 721,673 160,507 6,489,673
1823...1,695,9`22 4,857,977 8,135.399 646,516129,978 5,634,471
1824...1,856,201 5,280,518 7,335,259 628,566 133,327 6,042,411
-----..
6,836,262 21,469,010 30,225,305 2,599,917 560,552 24,629,479

Years when the Duty on Foreign Wool was reduced to One
Penny.
Wool. Total
Pieces. Value. Yards. Value. lens at declared
Value. Value.
1825* 1,741,983 5,334.485 7,798,610 717,938142,503, 6,194,926
1826-, 1,617,746 4,466.299! 4,936,9-a 404,235 112,375' 4,982,969
1827... 1,850,687 4,561,809' 6,09,353' 540,735 175,257' 5,277,861
1828...!1,819,2461 4,393,613 6,828,t5.31 527,336 143,033 5,063,982
rwo .14,3,4 1011.1 i 57.4.11 RA 21_519.61/3

i;,0~,t;

18;756,266126,023,3431V,190,2441573.168 21,519,678

* Year of speculation.
From the above statement it appears—
That during the Four Years, 1821, 1822, Yards.
1823, and 1824, when the Duty on Foreign
Wool was Sixpence, the British Woollens
exported were 30,225,305
And that during the Four Years, 1825. 1826,
1827, and 1828, when the Duty on Foreign
Wool was One Penny, the British Woollens
exported were 26,023,343

Being a Decrease in the period of the Penny 4,201,962
Duty of Yards, or nearly 14 per Cent.
And that during the Four Years, 1825,1826,
1827, and 1828, the Number of Pieces ex- Pieces.
ported were '7,029,664
And in 1821, 1822, 1823, 1824 6,856,262

,~ .

and a fraction,' to every on of English Wool ex-

ported.- -
English Wool exported "(Including woollen
and worsted yarn, and yarn of wool or
worsted mixed with other materials) in
the year ending sth January, 1829 2,106,110
Proportion of Foreign Wool imported, fourteen pounds
and a fraction (i), to every one pound of English wool and
woollen, and worsted yarn exported.
He wished not any exclusive advantage to the
wool-grower; all he asked for him was equal justice
and equal protection. Was the wool-grower less
taxed—was he less liable to contribute his share to
the well-being of society than any other individual ?
He implored their Lordships not to reject the reso-
lutions; if they refused to take them into their con-
sideration, they would take away the only remaining
hope of a large, an industrious, and a suffering class
of society. His Grace concluded, by moving the
following resolutions :
" That it appears from the evidence laid before the
Select Committee of this House appoin:ed to take into con-
sideration the State of the British Wool Trade, that since
the year 1824, there has been a fall in the prices of South-
dawn wool of one-half, added to a general depreciation, in
a more or less degree, of all wool of British growth.
" That this depreciation has befallen the occupiers of
sheep farms over and above that which occurred, nearly
equal in extent, simultaneous with the alteration of the
currency in 1819, and simultaneous with a general nomi-
nal reduction in price of all produce and of articles of
commerce at that period.
" That it appears from the same evidence, that very
large tracts of light lands cannot advantageously be con-
tinued in cultivation, without such a price for the wool
grown upon them as may enable the fanner to make the
breeding or feeding of sheep a constituent and principal
feature of the agricultural economy ; that the result ef
such lands being thrown out of cultivation, would not only
deprive the population of those districts specially of the
means of their own existence, but in discouraging and di-
minishing the breeding of sheep, would enhance to the
labouring classes the price of one primary article of food,
and at the same time to a considerable extent place this
island, more than it is at present, in dependence upan fo-
reign countries for subsistence.
" That it appears, likewise, from the same evidence,
that the owners and occupiers of sheep farms are protected
in a less degree from the overwhelming competition of
foreign countries (not being the dominions of Great
Britain), than the generality of proprietors of indigenous
produce, and are thus excluded from the general rule of
moderate protection by duty, adopted and practised in
modern times by the Legislature of Great Britain, in re-
spect to her commercial policy.
" That whilst it appears by this evidence that the price
of South Down wool is reduced at this time to one-half
of the rate it bore in the year 1793, it is notorious that
the various State burthens of parochial assessments, and
of general taxation, have, within the same period, more
than trebled upon the agricultural interests.
" That under a continuance 'of the present depression
in the price of their produce, it would be distressing and
ruinous to the wool-growers of England to be obliged to
submit to these increased burthens of the State, aggra-
vated as they have been by the necessity imposed upon the
country by the Act of 1619, of paying in a metallic Cur-
rency of full and sterling value the interest of an enormous
debt contracted in a currency of greatly depreciated
paper.
That it is, therefore, highly expedient that Parlia-
ment take into its serious consideration the distressed con-
dition of the wool growers of this empire, with a view
to their relief "
The Motion having been seconded,
The Earl of HAREWOOD said, it was not his
intention to contradict the Noble Duke as to the
general distresses under which the growers of wool
at the present moment laboured ; but on behalf of
that class of the community, as well as of the wool-
len manufacturers, he felt called upon to state that
any attempt to tax the introduction of foreign wool
would have the effect ef injuring both the one and
the other. The trade, it was true, was distressed,
but the question was, could our manufacturers do
without the aid of foreign wool? He maintained
that they could not ; the moment they attempted
to impose a duty upon foreign wool, they would
drive to the Continent that supply which we were
at present furnishing to foreign markets, and what
then would become either of the wool grower or
the manufacturer ? Whatever might be thought to
the contrary, it was a well-known fact, that the
wool of this country had deteriorated in quality, and
with that wool alone unmixed with foreign wool it
would be impossible to supply foreign markets. He
should upon these grounds oppose the Resolutions
of the Noble Duke.
The Duke of NORFOLK thought that there
was riot such a deterioration in the growth of wool
in this country as had been stated by some Noble
Lords. He had considerable means of judging
from having attended a good deal to his own flock
of sheep, that some alteration for the worse had
taken place in wool, owing to the amelioration in
the food; for it was well known that, when the
animals were well fed, the wool, though it increased
in weight, would deteriorate in quality. He had
kept an account, from which it appeared, that, in
1810, the clip of a flock (not of fat sheep) averaged
31b. 30z.; and in 1828, the last clip, it averaged
31b. 2oz. With respect to the distress under which
flock farmers laboured, he believed it to be very
great; greater, indeed, than of any other class of
subjects in this country. Under these circumstances,
he felt called upon to support the Resolutions of
the Noble Duke.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE and Lord MANS-
FIELD rose at the same time; but the call for
Lord Whanicliffe having become loud and general,
Lord Mansfield gave way, and the other Noble
Lord proceeded to address their Lordships. He ad-
mitted that the flock farmer and wool grower were
labouring under distress, owing to the low price of
wool ; but the question was, how was the evil to
be remedied ? He very much feared that the mea-
sure proposed by the Noble Duke (Richmond)
would have the effect of still further lowering, in-
stead of raising, the price of the home produce in
that article. He must observe, that he had re-
ceived the evidence of the wool grower with cau-
tion ; and so he should the evidence of the manu-
facturer, who told him that his cloth was as good
now as it was twelve years ago; he should judge
from the material, and not from the statement in
either case. The Noble Duke had urged it as an
argument against the importation of foreign wool,
that Hoggett wool, im which article there was little
competition with foreign markets, still retained its
price. But the Noble Duke should bear in mind
that Hoggett wool was of two years' growth ; and
being longer and better in quality, could be used to
greater advantage than the other wool of this coun-
try. It was a notorious fact that the wool of this
country had deteriorated; and unless Ministers
were prepared to pass a Bill to prevent the people
of England from wearing as good cloth as their
neighbours, the French and the Dutch, it was im-
possible to prevent the importation of foreign wool,
which was so necessary to be worked up with our
own. He was not exactly aware of the forms of
their Lordships' House, but he hoped the motion
would be met with something like what was in the
House of Commons called " the previous ques-
tion." Noble Lords must be aware that even their
servants would not now wear cloth which they them-
selves would not have objected to forty or fifty years
ago. It was because we had a nearly free importa-
tion of wool, that we were enabled to supply not
only our own markets, but the markets of Europe
and the New World.
The Earl of MALMESBURY supported the
motion, and maintained that the wool-growers did
not receive equal protection with the other branches
of trade. He conceived that a large import duty
should be placed on foreign wool.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH believed that the two
Noble Dukes and the Noble Earl were the greatest

Being an Increase in the period of, the Penny 173,402
Duty of Pieces, or rather more than 2i
per Cent.
Average Export of British Woollen Manufactures, com-
puted by the Real and Declared Value, during the Pe-
riod of Four Years of the Sixpenny Duty's existence, as
compared with the Average of those Four Years since
that duty has been reduced :
Average of Four Years, comprising
1821, 1822, 1823, 1824 £6,157,369 15 0
Ditto 1825, 1826, 1827, 1828 5,379,919 10 0
Exhibiting an Annual Decrease on the ----
latter period of £777,450 5 0
Aggregate Number of Pounds of Sheep and Lambs' Wool
exported in each of the same periods of the foregoing
exports :-
1821 34,226 lbs.
1822 38,208
1823 28,563
1824 53,743

1825 112,42411 n.
1826 142,980
1827 278,552
1628 1,669,389

2,203,345
154,740
Shewing an Increase during the Pe- 2 --
riod of the last four years of S 2,048,605 lbs.
or about 1388 per cent.
Aggregate Quantities of Woollen and Worsted Yarn (in-
cluding Yarn of Wool or Worsted mixed with other
Materials) exported in eaeli of the same periods :-
1821 17,678 lbs. 1825 76,961 lbs.
1822 31,078 1828 131,002
1823 18,1381 1827 255,659
1824 20,060 1828 436,721

154,740

36,9541

900,343
86,954}
Shewing an Increase during the last Z
four years of
or about 935 per cent.
Aggregate Number of Pieces of Cloths of all sorts exported
in each of the same periods :

1821 375,153 i
1822 419,748 i
1823 355,6974-
1824 40'7,1541

1,5.'9.7,741
1,417,418

1825
1826
1827
1828

384,598 i
327,968 i
370,850
334,0011

1,417,41$

140,3251
Shewing a Decrease in the period of the lut four yeors
of 140,3251 pieces, or about nine per cent.
Aggregate Quantity of Wool imported in each period of
four years of the last eight :-
1821 16,632,028 lbs. 1825 43,795,281 lbs.
1822 19,072,364 i 1826 15,964,067
1823 19,378,129. 1827 29,122,447
1824 22,558,222 1828 30,235,915

77,640,744 119,117,710
Inc
grrepags o
ae
tef
(1,
fVtoheel nn ported
last
fr p
rd
yearsuonan g-
of at
he 11, ,7L4
last eight, a 4 compared with the 41,476,96614

first four years of the same period j orahouts3 per cent.
Average Number of Pounds of Foreign Wool imported in
each Year of the last Four Years, of the last Eight, and
of the first Four of the same Period :

sufferers by the depreciation of the price of wool
but that depreciation was greatly caused by the
improved breed of sheep, which produced more
wool than formerly, and by the fact, that more sheep

Average per Year, for ihs• I were fed than at any previous period. There was a
1821, 1822, 1823, and 1824, 19,410,186 . material difference between the depreciation of the
1825, 1826, 1827, and 1828, 29,779,427}
South Down wools and those of a coarser descrip-
Foreign Wool imported in the Year ending ' tion,—and in both cases the depreciation had arisen
sth January, 1829 30,246,89S
from other circumstances than the importation of the
Eriklish Sheep and Lambs' Wool exported
the Year ending sth 4a'nuary, 1829 1,669,389 foreign article. The importation of cotton had in-
inpoporiion of Fort* Wool imported, eighteen Punch creased enormously, and the labouring classes that
. .