The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-18 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

WINDSOR, WEDNESDAY.—The Queen and Prince
Albert took their early morning walk in the vicinity
of the Castle pleasure-grounds.
The Royal Family went out for their usual riding and
walking exercise before the rain came on this morning.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert took equestrian
exercise in the riding-school this forenoon, attended by
Major-General Sir Ed ward Bowater.
The unfavourable state of the weather has prevented
her Majesty and the Royal Family from taking their
afternoon airings.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her
Majesty this afternoon. Lady Fanny Howard and the
Baroness de Speth were in attendance on the Royal
Duchess.
There was no addition to the royal dinner circle at
the Castle this evening.

The Duke of Cambridge visited her Royal Highness
the Duchess of Gloucester yesterday, at Gloucester-
house.

The Marquis of Lansdowne had an interview with
Lord John Russell yesterday evening, at his residence
in Chesham-place. The Right Hon. Edward Ellice and
the Right Hon. F. T. Baring had also interviews with
his Lordship yesterday.
Lord John Russell dined with Mr. Russell on Tuesday
evening, at his residence in Be!grave-square.
The Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, the Earl
of Lincoln, and the Right Hon. Sidney Herbert, had an
interview with Sir Robert Peel yesterday.
The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England had a
meeting yesterday afternoon, at the office in Whitehall-
place. There were present the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, the Bishop of London, the Bishop of Ely, the
Bishop of Llandaff, the Bishop of Rochester, the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, the Judge of the Prerogative
Court, and the Right Hon. Sir George Grey.
Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the Stamps and Taxes,
had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer
on Tuesday, at his official residence in Downing-street.
Dispatches from the Governor-General of Canada, and,
also from the Governors of the other North American
Provinces, were received yesterday at the Colonial-
office. Dispatches were also received yesterday from
the Governor of Gibraltar.
Sir Charles and Lady Mary Fitzroy and Mr. George
' Fitzroy left Farrance's Hotel, Belgrave-street, yester-
day, for the Duke of Grafton's seat, Wakefield Lodge.

THE LATE MINISTET.—Sir Robert Peel had a
meeting of certain members of the late Administration, yes-
terday morning, at his residence in Whitehall-gardens. Th e
meeting took place at the early hour of ten o'clock, and
among those present were the Earl of Aberdeen, the Earl of
Lincoln, Sir James Graham, the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, and the Right Hon. Sydney Herbert. The meeting se-
parated at half-past eleven o'clock. Lord Stanley is expo; ted
in town this afternoon from Burghley House, the seat of the
Marquis of Eseter, The Earl of Aberdeen leaves London to-
morrow for Brighton. Lord Wharnchffe is very ma ch
indisposed at his residence in Curzon-street. Lord Granville
Somerset has left town. His Lordship has not attended to
his of duties since the members of the Cabinet tendered
their resignation.
ST RO-EGTPTIAN SOCIETY.—A very numerous
meeting was held on Tuesday evening, Dr. John Lee,B.R4S.,
President, in the chair, when a paper was read by Mr. Joh n-
sbn on different types of the Mongolian race, particular ly
ilhistrated by remarks on the analogy of the Bushmen, of
South Africa with the Congas of Abyssinia. There ncre
exhibited two interesting juvenile specimens of the former
race, which, on account of the unremitting hostility pr ic-
tised against them by the Kaffirs and Hottentots, and by t be
' whites prior to the occupation of the Cape of Good Hope mid
its depeildenties by the English, are fast becoming extin
The parents of the two children were killed by a Kaffir tri
by whom they were sold to a Dutch Boer
i for a gun. An i.n-
ly
teresting conversation followed, in which t was satlsfacto
proved that they formed an important connecting link in the
scale of an universality of the origin as well as the religtal t of
the human race.
FREE-TRADE MOVEMENT.—We are glad to fi lid
that active committees have been formed in Bath and Bristol
since the recent free-trade meetings in those cities, for the
purpose of promoting the enfranchisement of free-traders in
East Somerset, West Gloucester, and North Wilts—a pro-
n
ceeding at all times constitutional, and more than ever e-
cessary at the present crisis. A forty-shilling freehold may,
by means of these committees, be so easily obtained, that we
hoe to hear of many hundred applications, and that th e
conveyances have been duly made before the 30th of Jvatia ry
next

GREAT MEETING

OF THE

ANTI-CORN-LAW
LEAGUE

IN COVEN r-GARDEN THEATRE.

The first great aggregate meeting of the League took
place last night, in the Theatre Royal, Covent-garden.
1t has been our lot to visit, as the faithful chronicler for
the public information, every meeting of the League
that has taken place within this spacious building ; but
we must confess that, of all the demonstrations we ever
witnessed in favour of free trade, and the principles pro-
pounded by the League, the one of last night exceeded
all. We had anticipated an immense meeting, in conse •
quenee of the lately -published opinions of Lord J. Russell.
Lord Morpeth, and others, in favour of a repeal of the
corn-laws, but we were astounded by the demonstration
of last night. Long before the opening of the doors evei y
avenue to the theatre was choked up by masses of
human beings, all anxious to obtain admission ; and when
the doors were opened the rush was tremendous, and
the house in a very few minutes was filled to suffocation
in every part. The arrival of Mr. Cobden, Mr. Villiers,
Mr. Pattison, Mr. Milner Gibson, and other influential
and prominent members of the League, a as hailed with
loud plaudits. The theatre, before the commencement of
the meeting and through its duration, presented onei of
the most magnificent spectacles it is possible to magine.
On the platform we noticed the lion. C. P.Villiers, M.P.;
R. Cobden, Esq , M.P. ; John Bright, Esq., M.P. ; T. C.
Grainger, Esq., M.P.; Henry Metcalf, Esq., M.P. ;
Howard .1, Iphinston, Esq, M.P.; Benjamin Smith, Esq,
M.P. ; Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P. ; James
Pattison, Esq., M.P. ; Arthur Pattison, Esq. ; W. J.
Fox, Esq. ; William Metcalf, Esq. ; Adam Smith, Esq.;
Captain Cogan ; John M'Clode, Esq. ; W. A. Wilkin •
son, Esq. ; P. A. Taylor, Esq. ; Norman Wilkinson,
Esq. ; Dr. Stoner ; IVilliatu Leaver, Esq. ; Colonel
Gardner ; Dr. Lobb ; George Stephenson, Esq. ; A.
Stone, Esq. ; 11. Fowler, Esq. ; Henry Staples Foster,
Esq., Cambridgear ; J. Phillips. Esq ; Henry Lloyd
Morgan, Esq. ; Rev. S. Luke ; J. A. St. John, Esq. ;
Bo} le St. John, Esq ; Wm. Mortimer, Esq. ; Wm.
Pollard, Esq., Hertford ; B. M. Roberts, Esq. ; J. Per-
ratt, ha.q , Somerset ; J. Somers, Bridgewater ; J. Col-
verwall, Somerset ; Alfred Levibond, Middlezoy, Bridge-
water ; Sir Wm. Baynes, Bart. ; T. M. Robinson, Esq.;
J. M'Call, Esq., Manchester ; Hugo Reid, Esq. ;
Hills, Esq., Stilton ; F. Scheer, Esq., Cherapanot,
Eatrinorburg, Siberia ; Ralph Ricardo, Esq. ; James
Brotherton, Esq. ; John Moss, Esq., Derby ; P. Davy,
Esq , Crediton ; H. L. Keeling, Esq. ; Sylvanus Par-
tridge, Esq. ; Robert Price, Esq. ; and Summers Har-
ford, Esq.
At seven o'clock, the time appointed for commencing
the business of the meeting,
Mr. COBDEN came forward, amid tremendous cheering,
and stated that Mr. Villiers had kindly consented, in the
absence of their friend Mr. Wilson, to take the chair.—
(Cheers.)
C. P. VILLIERS, Esq., M.P., took the chair amid great
cheering and some confusion, and cries of "Open the doors
of the boxes," occasioned by the extremely crowded
state of the house. When silence and order had
in some measure been restored, he said—
Ladies and Gentlemen, a person has been di-
rected to open the doors of the boxes, which
some persons seem anxious should be done.—(Cheers,
and cries of " That's right.") Ladies and gentlemen, the
only purpose for which I have to ask your attention for
one moment is to explain the reason why I should oc-
cupy the chair this evening. It was only a few minutes
before I entered this theatre this evening that I was in-
formed by my friends around me that the gentleman
who has so frequently, and so efficiently, presided as
chairman of these meetings, was seriously and
suddenly indisposed ; and the gentleman who in-
timated that to me, stated that it would be convenient
if I would supply the place of our friend Mr. Wilson
for the evening. Ladies and gentlemen, when the re-
quest was made to me to preside over the meeting, I
had some misgivings that it would be no easy duty to
discharge, and I at first declined to discharge it ; but
subsequently I assented to occupy the chair this evening,
and I do 60 upon the principle which I—(Great noise and
confusion, occasioned by the over-crowded state of the
house, and the anxiety of parties to obtain admission.)
Ladies and gentlemen, this confusion does not
arise from any spirit of disrespect to the
meeting or its object, but only from an over-zeal on the
part of persons to obtain places where they can see and
hear. Ladies and gentlemen, I knew it would be no
easy task to preside on this occasion, and I really did
assent to do so when the request was made to me for
no other purpose than that which, for the last six or
seven years, has always actuated me with respect to the
Anti-Corn-law League—namely, to cordially co-
operate with them whenever my humble services
could be made available.—(Great cheering.) I
remember the difficulties that beset the repeal of the
corn-laws before the establishment of the Anti-Corn-law
League, and I have been always of opinion, that if some
such powerful, intelligent body was not originated, there
was not any prospect of success for the cause of the
corn-law repealers—(Cheers)—and because I earnestly
desire to see the repeal of the corn-laws, I have thought
it my duty to place my feeble services when they were
required, at the disposal of the Anti-Corn-law League.
—(Great cheering.) Notwithstanding the errors
said to have been committed by some of the gentlemen
composing the body of the Anti Corn-law League, I am
of opinion now, that if our opponents should come to their
senses, and consent to the abolition of the corn-laws be-
fore the people are maddened by starvation and want,
it would be the measures that have been adopted by the
Anti-Corn-lawLeague that had brought about so glorious
a consummation.—(Cheers.) One of the reasons for which
I so sincerely regret the absence of our respected friend
Mr. Wilson is, that I know it was his intention to detail
to you the extraordinary exertions which have been
made by our friends, and those who represented
the League in the provinces, and which afford clear and
indisputable proof of the extent to which conversion to our
opinions and conviction of their truth has gone.—(Cheers.)
I hope it is satisfactory to our friends to observe that,
wherever they go, or their names are mentioned, their
valuable services are duly appreciated and gratefully
acknowledged.—(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, it would
probably have been one part of the address of my friend
Mr. Wilson to congratulate you, as I do myself, most
cordially, upon the accession of strength we have lately
received to our cause, in the conversion of some of the
most eminent statesmen existing in this country to the
principles and views propounded in this theatre by the
Anti-Corn-law League.—(Loud cheering.) We do
learn now that those persons who alone could be referred
to by the Crown to form an Administration, have come
to the conclusion that they would be no longer
parties to withholding one of the most obvious
rights of the people of this country —the plain
right of feeding themselves.—(Cheers.) We have now
the only men who can, in the present state of affairs, be
called to the councils and the assistance of their Sove-
reign, recording their opinions in favour of free trade,
and condemning the existence any longer of a duty on
foreign corn.—(Cheers.) Lord John Russell, there can
be no doubt—(Great cheering)—is a free trader, and in
favour of the repeal of the corn-laws. He has, in a bold,
manly, clear and intelligent way, made that manifest to
the world.—(Great cheering.) You have all, no doubt,
read his recent address to the electors of the City of
London, by which he has plainly shown what his
opinions are, and leaving no doubt as to what his inten-
tions for the future are also.—(Cheers.) It was with no
surprise that I read that Noble Lord's address, be-
cause I cannot but recollect that in the last
session he voted with the motion that I made for the
repeal of the corn-laws ; and by the speeches that he
made also during the last session he exhibited himself
perfectly alive to all the injury and miscief
that the corn-laws had produced—(Cheers)—and pre-
dicted that a time might arrive when they should be
precluded from calmly considering the question of the
repeal of the corn-laws, and that when scarcity came
they would be obliged at once to act, and repeal those ob-
noxious laws. I did not therefore read this address with
surprise when the emergency arrived.—(Cheers.) All
believe that that emergency has arisen, and that, unless
something be done, and that without delay, it is obvious
the people of this country, will be put to considerable
privations.—(Cheers.) Lord John Russell has come
forward at a most opportune moment to declare that he
will be no party to obstruct the procuring of food
for the people.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, it has
been asserted--it has not been contradicted—
and it has received the strongest confirmation,
by the resignation of Sir Robert Peel, that he has
brought his great mind to the conclusion that the peo-
ple ought to feed themselves.—(Tremendous cheering.)
How this conversion and conviction has been brought
about is matter of indifference to us.—(Cheers.) It
may have been the bad potatoes—(Laughter)—or the
good arguments that have been used in favour of a repeal
of the corn-lass s.—(lncreased laughter.)—Be that as it
may, the fact of such a conversion and conviction has
been announced, and it is for the people to turn that
circumstance to the best account.—(Cheers.) This
seems to be the great difficulty: we have arrived at si
crisis, and nobody knows what will be the result.—
Now, I say, that ,if these public men are true to you,
and you are true to yourselves, there can be no difficulty
about it.—(Cheers.) If Lord John Russell is of opinion
that the corn-laws ought to be abolished, and
he has been summoned to the councils
of his Sovereign and commissioned
to form
a Government, let him declare that he will form it on
the principle of abolishing the corn-laws.—(Great cheer-
ing.) If Sir Robert Peel has been properly represented—
if he has really been convinced that the corn-laws ought
to be abolished—then let him come forward and strenu-
ously and faithfully support Lord John Russell.—(ln-
creased cheering.) If we can be thoroughly con-
vinced that these two men, of these two parties,
are really earnest and honest in this purpose,
it becomes the duty, as it is the interest, of this great and
powerful and intellectual association—the Anti-Corn-law
League, to devote their energies in support of Lord John
Russell and Sir R. Peel.—(Great cheering.) Now Ido
believe, if we can found the common ground of the total
abolition of the corn-laws for each of these parties to stand
upon, the month of February will not pass over before
we shall relieve the statute-book of one of the foulest
blots that ever stained it.—(Great cheering.) If I
might be allowed to offer one single syllable of advice,
it would be, let the people depend upon themselves, for
of this I am assured, that if the people of this country
depend upon anything—upon any person or persons—
with more confidence and reliance than upon themselves,
they run the greatest risk of being deceived and disap-
pointed.—(Cheers.) The time has now arrived, the pre-
sent is the moment.—(Cheers.) We have got these great
parties in such a state of confusion—we have got these
public men in such a fix—(Great laughter)—that if we
only do justice to ourselves in this cause, nothing will
i
prevent our succeeding.—(Cheers.) This s the moment
when every person—when all men &re required to make

~--

every effort ar.d sacrifice, in order to cons ey
,„ho in power the unmistakeable determine
the poupie tlu longer to put up with a tax on t 4
Gentlemen, I bad no intention of presiding at
ing ; I was not advertised to do so, and I will
for a moment in the way of other members
more eloquent than myself, and who are anxio
dress you. I beg at once to call upon Richard
Mr. Cobden then came forward, amid rei
cheering, and attempted to speak, but for several n
he was totally inaudible. He attempted oft and eosin
to address the meeting, but every new attempt ir 7kg
drowned in acclamation. silence being somewhat re•

stored,
Mr. COBDEN spoke as follows :—I think some of thee
protection sccieties would be glad to have our overflow-
to-night.—(Cheers.) If this agitation continue we shalt
have to build an edifice as large as St. Paul's to hold the.
Leaguers.—(Enthusiastic cheering and laughter.) I be-.
lieve to-day we have had applications for 30,000 tickets/
of admission. There are many thousands around this
building who cannot be accommodated, and!
there are a great many more inside than cam
be comfortable.—(Loud cheers.) But I have fei(
confidence in the disposition of all good Leaguers to ac-.
commodate each other, and I must say, that I have seem
in front of ma every disposition to be quiet ; but it seernsi
to-night, as I have observed it generally in my great ex-.
perience of public meetings, that if there be any disorder,.
it is always amongst the aristocracy on the platform. X
think this meeting is a sufficient proof of the cireum...
stances under which we meet to-night. The manner ire.
which we are gathered together; the excited feeling whicl.
animates all present, indicate something peculiar in thee
present phase of our movement. I do not know how it is,.
but if I see others excited and inclined to throw up their'
hats, it makes me look grave and serious, because L
always think there is most danger when the people arm
least on their guard in this wicked vs. orld.—(Cheers.)e

Doubtless we have brought our cause to a new
have got it i❑ the hands of the politicians ; the ins.
and the outs are quarrelling over it ; but I an/

anxious to impress upon —you and upon oar
friends throughout the kingdom (for what we*
say hero is read by hundreds and thousands elsewhere)
that it is not our business to form Cabinets—to chooser
individuals who shall carry out our principles. We:
are not to trust to others to do our work. We are
not to feel confident that the work will be done until it
is done, and I shall not consider that it is done until I
see the Act wet from the printer's containing the total
abolition of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) Now I
have always expected that in the course of this agita--
tation we should knock one or two Governments on the:

head before we succeeded.—(Cheers.) The Government
of IS4I can hardly be said to have been killed by ties
corn-law ; it took the corn-law as a last desperate;
dose, in hopes to cure it of a long and lingering dis-•
ease.—(Cheers.) But it proved fatal.—(Renewed cheers;
and laughter.) I think, however, that we may say that;
the lust Government has died of the corn-law, and our
business must be to try and make the fate of the last:
Government a warning to the next.—(Cheers.) Wcv
certainly do not yet exactly know why Sir Robert Leer
ran away from his corn-law. We have had no explana—
tion. I thought when I came from the country that E
mighrget a little behind the scenes, and learn somethimg•
about it. But lam as much in the dark now as when:

.1

I was in Lancashire.—(Loud cheers.) I can't learn
why Sir Robert Peel " bolted."—(Great laughter.)
It was his own law. He passed it in:
1842, after considerable deliberation. It was nil

asked by the people, for I know that some two or threes
millions pctitioned against it. It was his own handiwork,.
in defiance of the people ; and now, in 1845, with the
. .

same Parliament Co back him, he suddenly runs away„
and leaves his sliding-scale as a legacy to his successors.
—(Cheers.) NOW, if he had carried his corn-law withi
him—(Cheers)—if be had only carried off his sliding-.
scale to Tamworth—l do not think we should have macho
many inquiries about him ; but he has left his law, anti
no one knows how he is going to deal with it
in future. When we meet in Parliament, whiche
may be early next month —at all events I
should say the sooner the better—(Cheers)—the -first:
thing for which I shall look with great interest will be-
the reason of this sudden dissolution of the Cabinet. L
shall await Sir Robert Peel's explanation with great
interest. He, doubtless, will be able to tell us whether
the facts collected by his Commissioners in Ireland an&
in England were of a nature to impress him with the,
idea that we were verging on a probable famine in one.
country, if not in both? If that be the case, I suppose
he will tell us that he at least was ready to subvert his
own handiwork, the sliding scale. Well, that being the,
case, I presume he will then assist us to do what
he could not himself accomplish with his refractory-
Cabinet.— (Cheers.) I expect-1 don't know whether X
am rash in expecting so much—but I do anticipate that
straightforward course from him.—(Great cheering.)
There are people who tell us that this corn-law must not
be suspended suddenly, that it must not be dealt with
rashly and precipitately ; but that if we are to have as
repeal of the corn-laws it must be done gradually. Well.,
that might have been in the eyes of some a very states-
man-like way of doing the business six or seven yearn
ago. Some would hare thought last year, when whes%
was 40s. a quarter, that if a law had been passed then
providing for the extinction of the corn-laws irk
two or three years, that would have been no very bad.
measure ; but who would propose now to pass a law im-
posing a fixed duty on corn, next spring to take off 3s-
or 45., the next spring to reduce it still further, and scs
on, till none was left?—(Loud cheers.) That won't suit
the exigencies of the present moment.—(Cheers.) Our
wise Legislature would not deal with the question
when they might have done so with advan-
tage to their own policy. We were pressing
on
,the Government to deal with the corn--
laws last year, and the year before, when
wheat was 475. per quarter ; but we were told then than
we were rash men—that the corn-law had not had es
fair trial—that we must wait to see how it worked.
Now they do see how it has worked.—(Cheers.) But
there is no time for temporising now. Nature hart
stepped in. Providence has stepped in—has inflicted Es
famine on the land, and has set at nought all the con•
trivances, the delays, and the modifications of States.—.
(Great cheering.) There is now but one course to pun.
sue. It is no use asking us for a feather bed to drop thi
aristocracy on. We alight if we had one to offer them,
but they can have no feather bed now.—(Cheers.
and laughter.) They must have a total and immediate;
repeal of the corn-laws; not because the League demand
is—not out of any deference to the Shibboleth of a club
like ours; no, we don't wish to inflict any unnecessary
humiliation on the landowners ; but they have put oiT
this good work so long that nature has stepped in, and
now they must bow to the law of nature without de-
lay.—(Great cheering.) Well, we meet Parliament
next session with, I take it for granted, but one propo-
sition before us, and that is the immediate abolition
of the corn-laws.—(Applause.) No Minister can tako
office without proposing that measure. Whether
Sir Robert Peel or Lord John Russell, I defy them tq
take office without coming to the House of Commons
and in the Queen's speech proposing that measure.—
(Loud and continued cheering.) No one would exult
over them. It is not our doing after all. We have
merely prepared the public mind, in some degree, to
take advantage of a great national calamity. But it is
not so well prepared as if they had given us two or
three years more. The potato crop has tripped up the
heels of Sir Robert Peel; but it has also stopped our
registration agents. I should have liked another yeas
or two to have qualified for the counties.—(Cheers.)
We would then have shown the monopolist landowners
that we can transfer power in this country from the
hands of an exclusive class totally into the hands
of middle and industrious classes.—(Loud cheering.)
We shall go on with that movement, and I hops
it will never stop.—(Cheers.) But we shall have to deal
with the crisis of the corn question next session.-'e
(Hear.) The Queen's speech, within a month of thee
time, must recommend the abolition of the corn-law.--.
(Great applause.) I want to get into the House of Com,.
mons again, to have some talk about this question. It ill
very different work there, I assure you, to talking in
these meetings every day, where there are no opponent as
I don't know how it is, but I have that quality of cons.
bativeness, as the phrenologists call it, so inhereall
in me, that unless I meet some opposition I am se
dull as ditch water.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) Now.
there is no man to be found at large, out of the
House of Commons, to say one word in defence
the corn-laws. I am anxious, therefore, to meet they*
protectionists in the House of Commons. Yet I don's
know—it will be an odd scene when we assemble ney..s
session—for we shall not know where, to sit.—(Grert
laughter.) There will be such a gathering in the lobbies
—one saying to the other, " Which side are you goisig
to sit on ?" Then, the greatest subject of interest will
be, to see where Sir Robert Peel is to sit.—(Laughter.)
I should not wonder if we should have to find him it
chair, and put him in the middle of the floor.—(Renewed
laughter, and cheers.) Now, I shall be somewhat inte-
rested to hear the arguments that will be used by the
protectionists in defence of this corn-law. Recollect,
the debate will come on with respect to the present
exigencies of the moment. The corn-law must
be suspended instantly. If Lord John Russell
take office—be will be a bold man if he does—but
if he does, I suppose he will either suspend the law the
next day by an Order in Council, or will call us togetheri
and submit his proposition to suspend that corn-law at
once—(Great cheering)--or, if he does not do that, he
won't hold office a week.—(Cheers.) Then the debate
will turn on the necessity of suspending this corn-lave,
and we shall have gentlemen getting up from Dorset,
shire and Essex protesting that there is great abun-
dance of everything in the country, that there is no
scarcity at all, no potato rot, and a full averag
quantity of wheat. Then I should not wonder if
we should have some very novel receipts for feeding
the people.— (Loud cheers and laughter.) Dr.
Buckland has lately been publishing a paper,
which he read before the Ashmolean Society at
Oxford, and he has shown, you know, that people cars
live very well on peas—that they get on tolerably
well with beans, and if there is nothing else, tkey cad
live pretty well on mangel wurzel.—(Great laughter.)
And he gives an instance, you know, of one good lady
who lived, I don't know how many days, by sucking the
starch out of her white pocket handkerchief.—(Renewed
laughter.) Mengel wurzel, starch, and beans, miael
with a little curry powder, I should think, would make
a rich treat for starving people.—(Indignant laughter.)
Well, we shall have divisions as well as debates, anj
I should like to see the names of those good
men in the House of Commons who will vote
against opening the ports—that is, of those men whce
will declare that we shan't be treated as well as Ruse
sians, Turks, Poles, and Dutchmen.—(Cheers.) It
they out-vote us on that proposition we shall have ze
general election, and I should like to see some of thous
curry powder candidates that will go down. I would,
advise you to get some curry powder ready; a litths
hot water with a pinch of curry powder stirred
up makes a man very comfortable to go to bed with
—(Laughter.) Try it on some of the protection can
didates.—(Great laughter.) But really this is
lawilain matter after all. As my friend

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rel E Mali

they had maintained .for the -last seven years. Neve,
if the money required should be subscribed, he eieuld promise
that meeting and the country it would be honestly and judi-
ciously applied fur carrying out that great national
object for which the League had been established
and if the protectionists defer the final settlement of this
question till the warm weather came, they would not trouble
their friends to force themselves into half their natural size to
get within the walls of that theatre, but they would ask
them to meet there, and in Manchester, and in Leeds, and
in Glasgow, and in Sheffield, and in Birmingham, and:in
other towns, in numbers so great, with unanimity so re-
markable, resolution so undaunted, that the aristocracy of
this country, with all their wealth, boasted honesty, and with
all their feeling, would quail before the Administration that
should be made.—(Cheers.) Two centuries ago the
people of this country were engaged in a fearful conflict with
the Crown. The despotic and factious monarch assumed the
right to levy taxes without the consent of Parliament or
the people. That assumption was resisted, and this fair
island became a battle-fleld, and the kingdom was convulsed
from one end to theother. Now if their forefathers, 200 years
ago, resisted that attempt, should they (their children) be
bound by the threats of an aristocracy?—(Cries of" No.")
" Shall we, who struck the lion down, shall we
Pay the wolf !image, offering lowly gaze
And bended knee?"
Should they consent to be put down, or would they, by a
manful and Limited expression of the public voice, at once and
for ever put an end to this kind of wrong. Their cause at
least was as good as their forefathers?—(Hear, hear.)
They stood on higher 'vantage ground—they had
a larger number of followers at their back ; they had more
of wealth, and more of intelligence, more of union, and more
knowledge of their political rights, and knew more of the true
interest of the country, and, what was better than all this,
they had a power and machinery to work with
which was a thousand times better than force,
and should they, with all these advantages, refrain
from that struggle which their forefathers had made before
them, under much moreadverse circumstances?—(Cheers.)
The force they were employing he was sure would before long
be the means of their obtaining the object. The force, he
allowed, they had found in the 40s. freeholders, and that was
the great constitutional weapon which they intended
to take up, and by which they were cure to conquer—not,
however, as of old, in bloody fields, but in the registration
courts.--(Cheers.) Now he did trust that this law would
be repealed within six months, and if it should be then
necessary that the League should disperse, he did hope
that the people of England would bear in mind
what a great panic had been struck amongst the monopolist
ranks by this small weapon which they had discovered in the
Reform Act and in the constitution of the country; and in
conclusion, he implored the middle and working classes to
regard it as the instrument of their deliverance, and as the
strong and irresistible weapon, before which the domination
of an hereditary peerage must be laid in the dust.—(Cheers.)
Mr. W. J. Fox then stepped forward, and was greeted
with several rounds of applause. When the excitement had
subsided, he said, I should rather have avoided speaking this
evening, had I not been announced to do so, not from any
indisposition to be in active sympathy with this magnificent
meeting, but because, in the unpleasantness of the present
confused state of public affairs, and the uncertainty that
hangs over our"condition— our Parliament not at its post--one
Administration having gone out, we scarcely know
Why—and another Administration delaying to come
into office, we scared), know why—friends and enemies
confusedly mixed, so that we cannot discriminate one from
the other—the whole political condition of the country a chaos,
a darkness which may be felt where nothing is seen ; a
night in which one cannot sleep, and where one longs for the
coming day to bring some decisive information, se that
we may know who are to be the rulers of the country,
and what difficulties or new cause we are next to struggle
with, or what triumphs our question is next to attain—a
confusion one wants put speedily an end to, that we may
not have to think and speak hypothetically—that our desires
and wishes may not be contingent upon something yet uncer-
nein, and our whole course, like the old Castelian oath of
allegiance, which was, to obey the sovereign, if he preserved
the laws and privileges of the people, and if not—not ; the last
negative being of much more importance than the positive
with which it was preceded; yet still there are facts in the
state of the country, and there are prospects before us,
where we find something like solid footing ; and
it is to turn the mind away from the uncertainties
of the passing day, and to fix it on those certainties, that I
would endeavour to direct your attention. Of these some are
sad and some are joyous; but still they furnish in their com-
bination elements and materials to which we have to look for
the completion of the great work so long honourably and
successfully carried on by the leaders of the League. The
first certainty which we can discover on looking around us
as the prior one, is that the country is short in its supply of
food, and that the means are not in the best condition for
making good the deficiency. At first this allegation was
met, as many other truths had been met, by a
brazen denial. We were told by the Society of 17, Old
Bond-street, that it was an insidious and base
delusion, and that this cry of the coming
scarcity was got up for selfish and interested purposes. We
are told that nobody knew—they did not themselves know—
what the harvest would be; but to contradict the representa-
tion that scarcity might be expected, they write to some of
our local societies, and get what they called satisfactory in-
formation on the subject.—(Hear, and laughter.) It is now
felt to be flying in the face of ascertained facts to
persist longer in the denial, and it is partially admitted
there is a deficiency of supply, that there is a peril of a
scarcity—and let it be remembered scarcity to a nation is
famine and starvation to thousands of individuals.—(Cheers.)
There is peril, or why have a Commission of Inquiry to in-
quire into the state of the potato crop in Ireland? There is
peril, or why do some of the farmers rejoice that the season
can be made more remunerative than the last ; that is to say,
the price of food to be higher in consequence of the defi-
ciencies in the country? There is danger ofa scarcity, or why
the suggestions of certain preposterous specifics for human
food? There is fear, or why have learned disquisitions on the
different arts that may be brought to bear, or compounds of
pepper and that sort of thing, to supply the place of human
food? There is truth in the apprehension, or why the break-
ing up of one Government, and the difficulties which exist
as to the formation of another Government ?—(Cheers.)
And what is it keeps down the supply of food, which the
great wealth that flows into this country from every
part of the globe cannot procure ?—(Loud cheers.) Why,
it is because, to keep up the high price of home produce, we
turn away wheat importation from our very doors.—(Cheers.)
We lately had a stock of wheat in bond, but, under the ope-
ration of this same law I have just mentioned, it leaves our
shores in the time of our own want, and amidst all our ap-
prehensions of a coming scarcity, to seek the more provident,
careful, just, and charitable regions of those who invite sup-
plies of food from all countries, who are willing to buy it un-
der the verge of the horizon. The: fields that should
supply us—rich, fertile lands, of which there are so
many thousand square miles on the continent of
Europe and vast prairies of America, are not barren—
and corn might be sown upon them to supply the popula-
tion of these realms with food more than adequate to their
wants; but they have not been tilled because our restrictive
system gives the cultivators no prospect of a market here,
however much food might be wanted. Here we see the
effect of the system, making acres upon acres sterile, arrest-
ing the arm of the cultivator, and robbing him of his profits,
and us of our proper supply of provisions. And this is the
boasted system that has been lauded as if it were the
perfection of human wisdom. Here ends the slid-
ing-scale--smashed in the moment of peril, ridiculed
by every- one, and really ridiculous, because it is in-
efficient, meld incapable of keeping away an emergency it has
created, bu t which it was intended to prevent, showing, that
from begin ning to end, the system is false and founded on
fallacy, anti false in its profession of rendering this country in-
dependents fforeign supplies—false in its promise of establishing
cultivation, which should produce a supply adequate to the
demand—f-ilse in its promise of giving the farmer stipulated
and rennet terating prices—false in its declaration of in-
creasing e mployment for the labouring classes, the
number em nployed in the cultivation of land having
been regti larly diminishing— false in its promise of
increasing the stability of our means and sources of
supply, aud from first to last made up of
falsehoods engendered by the sordid cupidity of
a class ca eried by interested majorities with inde-
cent hest e under the shelter of bayonets, and in
direct viols Ltion of the voice of the people. It was sup-
ported by an Administration who commanded the ma-
jority of th e votes of the House of Commons, and obtained
the sanctio .n of those who formed the great body of the House
tot', Lords,. through being altered and tricked in. - various
!ways in order to meet peculiar and interested ;views;
but still it retained its fallacies to the end as
tit did al; the beginning, and it deserves' to perish,
:as, I fns t it soon will perish, amid, .universale cop-
tempt an d execration. (Loud cheers.) In times
past we hat re seen our manufacturers bearing up.. agaiust ad-
versity, and_
,employing that which they had a right to corisi-
' der and Tool c upon as theil prriiiialliffini es, for the sole purpose
of keeping c m their workmen and artisans, but it is unreason-
able to exp. act them to do so in future, when we know that is
caused by a pernicious law, which is kept up for a class in-
terest, arid-when we know, and they know by its alteration,
both the ma ster and the workman could hold on his course,
and with their own resources get through times of peril.
'We have, me right to expect credit for honest and truthful
intentions armless we look at the mode in which food. is dis-
tributed. If we do not find enough in one part of the
country we find plenty in another. If the supply is great to
the wealthy it is little to the poor—it is food to one class and
hunger to eteiother—meat here and famine there; it is like
the lion sitting down to prey along with the jackall, where
there is not. enough to satisfy the demands of both.
Such is the. condition of the people now—one class famishing
of hunger, and the other well to do—the latter not even
allowed to :relish potatoes, but obliged to do without--and
we all know- the punishment that such a condition in one
class inflicts on another—how the sufferings of the poor
re- acted on those who are well to do—the indigent
err the comfortable. If you set up fever in St. Giles's,
the effect is, it will penetrate into St. James's--co if
hut nger and despreration prevail in one class, it
wi s'l be felt in its influence among all those
pl weed in easy circumstances. Your house will not be se•
cv re—your banks will be in danger—when you walk out
yr oir pockets will not be safe—everywhere there will be
d inger on account of the desperation of crime. If England
w ere subject to the privations of Ireland, we should have
ii sported into England the violence of Ireland. The
a lost comfortable men would find their slumbers
b token—secure sleep, even with pistols under their
h mead, would be rarely felt.—(Hear, hear.) They would
L e .calling at the same time for their bed-candle and their
odor mderbu,ss.—(Loud cheers.) Through all classes injury to,
one class is sure to react injuriously on every other,—
ar' hear.) To be sure the race would not be extin-
guished, but it would be much depraved. No, though the
Brit ish Islands might not be swept of its people, they would
be plunged into desolation on account of the prevent
sys tem of protection. We should see our sturdy
ope rative class with their frames attenuate& their
3'
mu scular strength gone ; we should find the country- turviv-e
corruption,
it, but only the recollection of its people would Ije left,
as
geofm in
itjhur dead
and. wrong
sad testimonials of an iniquitous system— a s'.;sten) which
cehnit •,orucirlayggerc(lbainndstienamdluocefdbeeei•ne
fill m;dup with that which was alive.—{Load cheers.) If
wit see ourselves thus placed by a -vicious system—if we
gr ckh
n rd
I the country in this condition—if trade is paralysed,
emu Ino application is made by the Legislature to interfere
tot ring about a better condition of things—if the State is in
danger, and no Government at work, in fact, no Gorern-
mra ,t in existence—if all this we find to be the case, by
di re cting all our attention in another direction, the prospect
oft he country is one of the finest and proudest it ever owe-
pie( I.—(Loud cheers.) Such is the position of the country
ich the state of the population, however far behind may
be t heir rulers. For years the great truths of political einem-
nom v have been taught the masses.—(Loud cheers.) The
face, s and doctrines of this important department,
of human knowledge has been the study of the
pone elation of the country; the subject of philos to-
pb e rs has been made familiar to public meetings—and wl sat
he s been the result ? Opinion has gradually advanced,
an d it has been declared again and again, in strength rend
po et -er. At first the population petitioned the Parliament to
op, r the ports, but their urgent requests were negl acted.
'lb petitioned in tens and twenties of thousands, but. with-
0' At , effect. The warning of danger was not given by the
r tins t -s of the country, but by the people themselves ; and they
stout anewmovement when left to work out the end as

aft" this is now very much a question between Sir R.
Peel and Lord J. Russell. For myself, I have no reason
ime feel any very great respect for Sir R. Peel. He is
the only man in the House of Commons that I could
never speak a word to in private without forfeiting my
own respect. But though I say that, and though I am
justified in saying it, yet I will add, that so
deeply have I this question of the corn-laws at heart,
thatlf Sir R. Peel will take the same manly, straightfor-
ward part that Lord John Russell has taken —if he will
avow an intelligible course of action without any mysti-
fication, I will as heartily cooperate with him as with
any man in the House of Commons—(Tremendous ap-
plause)—and I should think that the time has come when
every statesman, of whatever party, who has a particle of
intelligence and conscience, must be anxious to remove
this question of supplying the food of the people out of
the category of party politics.—(Cheers.) The respon-
sibility of supplying the people with food is one which
nn Government ought even to take upon itself. If by
any sudden calamity of flood or fire the material riches
of the country should be destroyed, would the people
blame the Government ? No, they would rally round
zt; and why should they not do so when, through the
dispensation of Providence, there is a deficiency of food?
Why, because the Government has arrogated to itself
functions which belong not to is, but to nature. If
they will take upon themselves superhuman functions,
they will be held responsible for Divine inflictions.
But though I say that in reference to the past Govern-
ment, this I will also say, that it is to be regretted we
have such a tale to tell, because I know that this is a
questio❑ which many of them had nearest their hearts
—(Cheers)—and I now say, that if Sir Robert Peel will
only take up this question as Lord John Russell has
taken it up, and that he will promise that there is to be
no my stitication about it, as there was upon a former
occasion, then I pledge myself that I will most heartily
co-operate with him and his party when he shall intro-
duce this measure in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.)
And, let me tell these statesmen that the time is now
come when the statesmen of every party, who have
a particle of integrity or intelligence left, must
yield to the pressing and irresistible demands of the
people, and put aside for the present all conside-
rations of party politics.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Look at the position of the present Ministry,
or of any Ministry who will persevere at this time of
day in refusing this demand of the people of this
country.—(Cheers.) What position can any Minister
he in who will attempt to maintain a tax upon food ?
(Cheers.) If the food of the people should fall short,
will they not immediately assail the Government? That
they will not do so is what no Government should
assume.----(Hear, hear.) Why should the Government
assume that a scarcity will or will not take place? , Why
should the Government say that that will or will not
take Flace, which can be assumed by the hands of Provi-
dence alone, and which Providence alone can dispose of?
--(Cheers.) Why should we seek to visit the Govern-
ment with that which we believe to be a visitation of
Providence, namely a deficiency of the har-
vest?—(Hear)--and why should the Government
seek to visit the consequences of the dispensations of
Providence upon the people ?—(Cheers.) Will the
Government pretend to say that they should con-
tinue a tax upon the people's bread because of this
year's rot in the potato ?—(Hear, hear.) Let me put a
converse proposition, and suppose that all the best and
most valuable fruits of the earth were swept away, would
the people then be found resisting the efforts of the
Government to avert or alleviate the calamity ?
(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, would they not be found
r.,ady to rally round the Government, and to render all
the assistance in their power to relieve the country from
such a calamity ?—(Cheers.) Then why should not the
Government take the part of the people, now that that
part devolves upon them ?—(Cheers.) They have not
done so heretofore, because they feared to offend a
party ; but now the Government, at least Sir Robert
Peel's Government, are compelled to acknowledge that
they are obliged to accede this question because they can
not do otherwise.—(Loud cheers.) If he should not
succeed, I do hope to see such a set of statesmen brought
together as shall evince an anxiety to get rid of those
laws which impose restrictions on food.—(Cheers.)
There is, however, another reason why we should hope
that we will never again be visited with a vision of
this ghost of restriction, and that is, that
the protectionists have now almost despaired of ever
being able to rally a meeting in their favour again.—
(Cheers.) I say, then, let Sir Robert Peel and Lord
John Russell put an end to this senseless and ridiculous
war against the common rights of humanity by making
a united resolution to propose, in the next session of
Parliament, a proposition tor the total and permanent
abolition of the corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) But then
they talk of making terms for a re-adjustment of these
laws, and for compensation, and for a great many
other things.—(Laughter.) I am told that Sir Robert
Peel has a hundred different projects of ono sort or
another to mix up with his proposition for repeal-
ing the corn-laws ; but we will tell him,
that whatever his propositions may be, we
will have a total, unequivocal repeal of the corn-laws,
and nothing less.—(Loud cheers.) We have had too
much of these propositions already—(Cheers)—we will
have no more of them.—(Cheers.) In the north of
England the people have a very " vulgar," but a very
useful and a very popular " prejudice " in favour of
" doing one thing at a time."—(Cheers.) And those
people have had too much of such things as undertaking
a great number of projects at one time, and therefore
they say, let us have these corn-laws dealt with first.
(Cheers.) I have also been told that Sir Robert Peel has
some such project in his head as a " compensation to the
landlords."—(Oh.) Now, all I can say is, that Sir Robert
has not been very successful hitherto in his efforts
to conciliate the people of this country; but if he perse-
vere in this, he will prove himself as great an enemyof the
people, as if he never consented to a repeal of the corn-laws.
Ne w I warn others against this new mode of taxation ;
for great as the grievance of "protection " has been felt,
I do believe that, even if you were to bring forward all
the legislative enactments for the last hundred years,
you would not find one so great a grievance as this
would be, even in the corn-law itself.—(Hear, hear.) If
the Government really wish to aim at the death of the
corn-laws without any additions or restrictions,
let them do so at once—(Hear, hear)—but if
they want to impose renewed restrictions, let
them, before they do so, look at the manner in which
the people have already been cheated and robbed and
bamboozled under the plea of taxation.—(Loud cheers.)
The Hon. Member having alluded to the system of taxa-
tion 1.50 years ago, when the probate and legacy duty
pressed heavily on the tradesmen of England, the effects
of which he illustrated by the operation of that tax
upon the sons of tradesmen, he then continued
by saying: Three years ago, when we met
in Palace-yard upon this question, a nobleman
attended the meeting and asked us what we wanted
7--(Laughter)—and, when we told him, he very modestly
replied that we might just as well hope to unseat the
Monarchy as to achieve our object."—(Cheers and
laughter.) Well, the same energy which we then applied
to our purpose with a few, we have for the last seven
years never failed to exert until our numbers have now
became so great that we have succeeded in putting
down those who conceived they were placed above us,
for ever.—(Cheers.) That is now our position ; and I
warn Sir Robert Peel not to force us, by any such
measure as " compensation," into a discussion of the
burdens which peculiarly press upon land.—(Loud
cheering.) Sir Robert Peel and his party, nor any other
party, can now meet with any hope of proposing any
measure, .for what they may choose to call a " rnodifi-
eatien" of. the corn-lelNs.,-:(Cbeers.) No_; the time has
gone by for that, and therefore I would advise them to
do justiee to the people speedily and promptly—Cheers)
r---and_if we are satisfied to.let bygones be bygones, and
accept of a repeal of the corn-laws without any re.
strictions or compensations, I think they ought to ,be
very well satisfied.—(Great cheering.) The Hon. Mein-
her then alluded to some observation of Mr. Vernon
mith, and proceeded to say that it afforded
him . great pleasure to observe that the
proceedings at Conciliation Hall, in Dublin,
were in favour of this movement, and that Mr. O'Con-
Uell had said that it afforded him great pleasure to ob-
eerve that the people of England were so near the
achievement of the repeal of the corn-laws.--(Cheers.)
From the beginning of the agitation of this question,
(continued Mr. Cobden,) Mr. O'Connell has taken the
part of the people of England.—(Loud cheers.)
I never considered Mr. O'Connell as advocat-
ing that measure solely for the benefit of
England, so much as because he believed that the repeal
pf the corn-laws would not only benefit this country, but
also relieve the poor peasant of his own country, and
afford them better food than the " lumper potato."—
(Cheers.) Therefore, I say, then, that upon this ques-
tion we are glad to have the co-operation of Mr. O'Con-
nell, and that we have found a point at which no line of
demarcation shall be known betwixt us.—(Cheers.)
The people of Ireland want bread as well as the
people of England, and if we can help O'Connell to give
is them, they shall have the half.—(Great cheering.) I
have now only to add that the time is coming when our
greatest activity and vigilance will be required.—(Hear,
bear.) The Duke of Richmond has told you that he in-
Sends to trust to the " hereditary " legislators of his
pountry.—(Laughter.) Well, in answer to him, I say—
Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not."—(Tremendous
bcheering.) I am satisfied to place the " hereditary
ondsmen " against the " hereditary legislators," and
abide the result.—(Cheers.) However, even amongst
the " heriditary legislators" we have not all opponents.
—(Cheers.) We have the best portion even of that
douse on our side, and we always had—(Cheers)—and
even if they have not joined our club, I do not care much
for that, so that they have adopted our principles.
have never made this a class question—it is others who
have done so ; but we have, even from amongst the
hereditary
legislators, on our side Lord Morpeth—
(Cheers)—and the Earl of Radnor—(Cheers)—and Lord
ueie—(Cheers)—And Lord Kinnaird—(Cheers)—and ,
Lord Grey—(Loud cheering)—and therefore, if his
Grace of Richmond be against us, why we can only say
Oilat if he and some of their other Graces continue so,
they will form the greatest " noodles and doodles" on the
whole of their Grace's estates.—(Loud cheers.)
Now, this is a question which involves matter
of great importance. It is not a question of every day,
tnd therefore we have to consider who we shall have as
he next Ministrv.—(Hear, hear.) I feel quite assured
that if Lord John Russell comes in, his word is his
bond.—(Cheers.) I do not know whether he will take
office or not, but if he does, I do not know who he will
have to assist him.—(Cries of "Yourself," and cheers.)
Yes, I will be with you as long as there are bad charac-
ters abroad.—(Hettr, and cheers.) He may have some
diffieulty in making up a Cabinet, but we must back him.
e---(Hear, hear.) We must show him the power we can
give him to carry this important question.—(Cheers.)
And let us take the case of Lord John Russell in con-
nexion with this subject. It was said that he had made
a mistake in writing the letter that he had done,
but, without it, how comparatively unimportant he
Would have been. Without it, in fact, he would have been
nothing. Without it, the Queen would never have sent for
him. Without that letter, he would have °vetted no

more public emotion, no snore interest, and no more
enthusiasm, than .sir Robert Peel would have done. It
is a proof of the vitality of the question the have been
advocating, that, without even joining the League, but
by the mere enunciation oP a principle, from being ob-
scure and scarcely visible to the public, he has become
the' most
.prominent man of the day.—(Hear, hear.)
His rise is a proof that there is now in this country
only one solid growing and consolidated power in this
country.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) All that is good of
the Whigs have joined us.—(Hear, hear.)
Free trade principles have broken the Tory
Administration to atoms.—(Cheers.) Nor is it
destined to terminate here, for league principles must
always prove the ruin of parties in power who are hostile
to their progress.—(Hear and cheers.) Let us, then, hold
on to the principles which has made us so strong as we
at present are, not swerving to the right or to the left,
and no Minister can expect to retain office without
at once abolishing these laws.—(Hear, hear.) Li t us
maintain this ground for another six months, and then
we shall be near to that time which I so much desire—
when this League shall be resolved into its primitive
elements by the triumph of its principle=.—(The most
enthusiastic cheering followed, in the course of which
the Hon. Gentleman resumes his seat.)
Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., said that during the last month, as
one of a deputation from the Council of the League, he
had visited many towns, and been present at many meet-
ings in Lancashire, in Cheshire, in Yorkshire, in Not-
tinghamshire, in Derbyshire, in Gloucestershire, in
Staffordshire, in Somersetehire, and now he was present
at one in Middlesex. That afforded a consolation
that the agitation which is now in progress throughout
this kingdon is one of no common, and of no unequivocal
character.—( Hear.) Notwithstanding what his friend
who had just addressed them said, that he hoped it
might not become a war of classes, he (Mr. Bright)
was not sure that it had not already become such, and
he doubted if it could be otherwise.—(Hear.) He
believed it to be a movement of the commercial and in-
dustrious classes against the lords and great proprietors
of the soil in this country.—(Hear.) Within the last
fifty years trade had done much for the people
of England. Their population had greatly increased ;
their villages had become: towns, and their small towns
large cities. The despised and contemned classes of
manufacturers and traders had assumed another and
very different position, and the great proprietors of the
soil now found that there were other men and other in-
terests in the kingdom to be consulted besides their own.
They had seen the course of party legislation that h ad been
pursued, and the way in which their varying for-
tunes had been managed during that contest. They
had already seen one somewhat feeble Administration
overthrown—another that every ene thought powerful
shattered to pieces.—(Great cheering.) What was it
that had brought the Whigs into office? What was it
that had driven the Tories from office? The corn laws.
—(Cheers.) Now it was evident from these circum-
stances—it mutt he evident that the corn-laws made it
iomnptohsossiebleprainnycilpolnesgeb3rf,or any party to govern in England
which they had hitherto been in-
fluenced.—(Hear, hear.) The Whig Government had
been blamed for the manner in which they had
left the country in a financial point of view. But to
what was the deficiency in the revenue to be ascribed?
It was owing to bad harvests and a want of employ-
inent.—(Hear, hear.) Now, the landed proprietors
might conceive that trade was of small importance; but
they were now sure that no Government could maintain
its popularity, none could maintain its power, so long as
they had restrictions on the importation of foreign
grain. Social order could not be preserved with-
out the people being fed. Their revenue failing,
taxes must be imposed, general discontent would prevail,
and every Government, under such circumstances, must
first become unpopular, and finally become extinct.—
(Hear, hear.) They must, therefore, come to the con-
elusion that matters had arrived at that crisis that
the administration of public affairs could no longer
be continued with the maintenance of the corn-laws.—
(Hear, and cheers.) Lord John Russell had stated
that he and Sir Robert Peel had come to the same con-
clusion. But Sir John Tyrrell and Mr. Branston spoke
now of Sir R. Peel with disgust and aversion. They were
astonished at his perfidy; but he could tell them that it
was not the perfidy of the Minister they were to blame,
but the impossibility that existed of his being able to
govern with a corn-law.—(Hear, hear.) These were not
in the position of Sir Robert Peel. The country
would not hold themselves responsible for any calamity
that might occur ; and as to posterity, for the applause
of which it was well known that Sir Robert Peel was
most desirous, the notice it would take of him would be
some miserable tablet of some obscure parish church.
—(Loud cheers.) If there was anything that
could impress more strongly upon his mind the necessity
of the abolition of these laws, it was the condition of
the agricultural labourers.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
He had visited several of the agricultural counties in
England, and what he had seen there fully bore out the
accounts that had been given respecting their condition.
And, in fact, how could it be otherwise ? They were
in youth employed at work for a remuneration that
would not be given to a child in manufacturing dis-
tricts; and, after a life of labour, to be rewarded at
sixty years of age with 20s. and a cot, provided lit had
not inflicted any burden on the parish. His fate might
be summed up in these words of the poet—
" A blessed prospect :
To slave while there is strength; in age a workhouse;
A parish shell at last, and that little hell
Toll'd hastily for a pauper's funeral !"
In Ireland, too, which is purely an agricultural coun-
try, there was a state of misery bordering on starva-
tion ; and yet Mr. Benett, one of the Members for
Wiltshire, had said in a speech that he made the other
day, that after seventy years of all situations, if he had
the choice, he should select that of an agricultural
labourer—(Great laughter)—and this after he had been
some years possessed of a property of 10,0001. a-year.—
(Hear, hear.) And it was under this system that the
agricultural labourer had been brought down to his pre-
sent heart-broken and dispairing condition. They had
prevented their having a sufficient growth of grain at
home, and they had prevented their receiving an ade-
quate supply from abroad.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The most demoniac malignity could not have invented a
scheme more calculated to bring the great masses of the
working millions of this country to a state of pauperism,
discontent, and insubordination, than this corn-law they
were then opposing.—(Cheers.) And while in this state
of things, what did they find a fat and sleek being,
who was a dignitary of the Church and a great philo-
sopher, recommending for the consumption of the
people ? He did not read a paper about the supplies
that were to be had in the great valley of the Missis-
sippi, but told them that there were still plenty of
swceds, turnips, and mangel-wurzels to be had in the
country—(Cheers and laughter)—and the Earl Marshal
of England, as if to out-Herod-Herod himself, recom-
mended the hungry to have recourse to hot water and a
pinch of Cayenne pepper. He (Mr. Bright) rejoiced not
when he heard that the Duke of Norfolk had made this
recommendation, but he rather pitied the Noble Duke.
He did not, however, rejoice in his heart when he saw
the speech the Noble Duke had made in Sussex, be•
cause it served to show the people of England that it
was not enough that they should be suffering
under the pernicious corn-law, but the law itself
must submit them to insult and wrong at
the hands of its 2upporters.—(Efear, hear.) It
was not enough that the law should have passed
—it was not enough that it made their toil value-
less—it was not enough that it made all their skill
labour unavailing—it was not enough that it did not
allow them to procure a fair supply of the commas ne
cessaries of life, but when .this ii;Liquitons laroa,eit
misery and want upon tift4n; 6.utieniV eliactoki in
suited their feelings, and &Id
,would the
beasts of theearth, to go to Ipangel-wurzer, or to 's'omettiing
else, which even the beastgtheinselves email net eat. 'And'
he supposed this system would be continued ttll the pee"-
ple should-rigs, and in one voice proclaim the downfall
of this odious system.—(Cheers.) This la:ve -was the
parent of the grievous fluctuations in trade under which
so much suffering was created in this commercial king-
dom ; and now a period was coming when one of these
fluctuations would occur which might be as bad, nay
worse, than the last, when many a man now feeling
himself independent and comfortable in his circumstances,
would find himself swept away by the torrent, and his
goodly ship made a complete wreck of.--(Hear,
hear.) Capital in these cases sometimes availed
almost nothing, and they had seen with their own eyes
fluctuations occur in trade which no prudence could have
guarded against. They might be in the midst of great
prosperity and excitement in one year, and in the next
ruin might stare them in the face. At one time they
fancied they were getting rich in a moment, and imme-
diately afterwards they found themselves rapidly retro-
grading. These fluctuations might be all attributed to
the corn-laws; and not only was trade sacrificed by:them,
but the moral character of the country was injured.—
(Hear, and loud cheers.) Now, had they a
scarcity coming or not ? It was said that
to be forewarned was to be forearmed, and
that a foretold, famine never came; and so this famine
would not have come about at all, if at the moment they
saw it was coming they had power to relieve themselves
by obtaining supplies of food from abroad. But the rea-
son a foretold famine never came was, because, when it
was foretold men provided against it, and took care
that it should not come. Here, then, had a famine been
foreseen and foretold, but, instead of taking measures
against it, their wise legislators passed a malignant law
to accelerate it, and foreign supplies were not
allowed to come in for fear that it should
bring some injury upon the mortgaged landowners of the
country.—(Cheers.) Well then, these classes of whom
he had spoken had maintained this law for 30 years, and
from 1838 to 1842 amidst the deepest misery; and now
no feeling- of mercy—no feeling of relenting—
no sympathy for the sufferings of the people,
would add one iota to induce or make them give up
this law now. They had now, however, nobody to take
office with a promise to maintain it, but they thought
they had somebody who would take office with a pro-
miee to repeal it ; but the promise of Lord John Russell,
or of any other Minister, wes entirely conditional. Lord
John Russell could not repeal the corn-laws himself,
but he confessed that it mutt be done by the unequivocal
expression of the public will. How was this ex-
as
pression to he had ? Why, by meetings such
that, and by such meetings as those which
they had held in all parts of the kingdom,
and by a preparation of a most active character for that
general election which, hi all human probability, was near
upon them.—(Loud cheers.) They had heard, be he-
r lieved, that they had had a meeting in Manchester
the other day. It was attended by more of the
wealth and influence of that district than he had ever seen
assembled before in a meeting of the same number. It was
resolved next Tuesday, to call a general meeting of all those
who were favourable to, or who supported the
League, to consider the best means to be
adopted in their present great final struggle. It had been
ranks
emergency,
of
the pro.
announced that the council of the League were willing by the
aid of their friends throughout the country to raise a fund of
02r50f,
for the
eforsatkhee poufrmpos
jsentoafinng before being
being
the dyinraann

titiE St 114, LONDos, I,,EiVits DAY RVENJ NO. Litictlmi3Eß 18, 1845.

they best could:-'the jpettple alent Originated this movement.
They had no Official helle-satheY did it all Alt theintelvere
They saw the danger in prospect, and Carile to the fesOite-ese
(Cheers)—and they proposed the only course that eras
founded in truth and justice. They pledged themselves to
the principles of free trade—(Loud cheers)—and what has
been the progress? At first the subject was brought forward
in meetings of town- councils, who memorialised the Govern-
ment to open the ports ; next they called large meetings for
an expression of opinion ; and now they met in multitudinous
assemblies in every large town of the country, in north and
south, in east and west, raising a voice of thunder that pro-
tection and injustice should have an end, and the people be
enabled to realise justice and possess their rights.—(Loud
cheers) And what were those doing who should have taken
charge of the people's interests? Where were they to suggest
a remedy ?—where is the great party which now deprived
the Whigs of office ?—where is the mighty party that
took ten years to build it up ?—where the Minister
who so carefully and assiduously called his forces and pre-
pared them for action, who had employed every toil and ex-
pedient to work out his end, where aro all the gentlemen
who affected to sympathise with all the grievances of the
people--thoee who heretofore have been receiving suggestions
everywhere as to the best means of serving the trillions—
those who suited themselves to all the changing phases of
the times—who were all things to all men—whose great
object was to develop the art of pleasing who
held oat one hand to Roman Catholic Dissenters, and
another to Puseyism—who supported monarchy in one breath,
and with the other referred to James 11., to show how easy a
thing it was to sacrifice a crown—where, I ask, are they?—
(Hear, hear.) When their leader was called into office, and
when his first trial of strength was made, it was ascertained
that he had a majority of ninety voter, and it was believed
that his term of office was secure for an indefinite period.
But now we find that he is shipwrecked in the plenitude of
power. At the moment when it was believed he was most
secure, we see him unable to maintain his ground, the huge
Babylon falls to pieces—it fades away like a piece of en-
chantment, and the master magician is left deserted by his
demon host.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) There
he is left forlorn to endure the pelting of the pitiless storm
----and a more pitiless storm from all quarters has
seldom fallen to the lot of any public man.—(Hear, hear.)
And perhaps the day may come when it will be felt that it
has been too pitiless to him—when it will be found that he
has been too hardly dealt with. But it is the misfor-
tune, that whatever he may have intended whatever
measure of policy he has contemplated, the people cannot
make up their minds to believe him—they cannot place
confidence in Sir Robert Peel.—(Cries of Hear, hear.")
I for one confess that I cannot place any faith in him. If,
however, it be true that he has broken up the great party at
his back—if he has given up place and power on account of
the condition of the country, and his desire to administer a
full measure ofjustice—and the only measure of justice I re-
cognise is the measure of free trade—if such is the reason of
his being thrown into his present position, and if ire is
ready to co-operate with these who seek for an unshackled
freedom for the food of the country, then ought we to re-
ceive him and respect him.—(Loud cheers.) If we have not
confidence in him, if we do not believe in him, we shall at
least evince gratitude for the part he has taken—we shall ac-
cord to 'din that meed of thankfulness to which he is most as-
suredly entitled. Now to the other party, those who are notyet
in office, although the others are out—though by this time they
arc aware whether they will come in or not—l mill address
myself. I feel grateful to Lord John Russell as w ell as to
Sir Robert Peel—for the letter of the one, which is intelligible
—for the resignation of the other, which is not intelligible;
and I look with anxiety to the coming in of the Whig
Ministry to office. If they do come in, I trust and hope
that the people of the country will give them to under-
stand that their duty must be to repeal the corn-laws—to
leave commerce completely free and unshackled—that there
must be no compromise whatever.—(Loud cheers.) This we
expect of them, and that they will leave untried no lawful
means of accomplishing this object. There must be no
squeamishness, for even if a coalition with Peel is neces-
sary for the purpose, it must be done. On many
a former occasion such has taken place for party purposes.—
let them now endeavour to found one for a patriotic object.
—(Cheers.) If even the creation of peers is required, the
country looks to have it done.—(Loud cheers.) There was
no delicacy in disclosing that at a former time when the
Reform Bill was in jeopardy—why place free trade in corn
in a worse position now ?—(Hear, hear.) If this will not
suffice to put an end to the corn-laws, then let them
try another course; if a dissolution of Parliament is neces-
sary, then let Parliament be dissolved ; and if one disso-
lution will not do, let them try another—let them try the
strength of the past registration as well as the one that is to
come—that which is to be as well as that which is.—(Loud
cheers.) Give a chance to those who may employ their
50/. in purchasing their freehold between the present
registration and the next.—(Hear.) Let this registration
be extended from the north to the south—into every county
of the kingdom, and then let the voice of the people be taken,
for not till then shall we see the full force of popular repre-
sentation. If this does not succeed, let Lord John Russell
throw up office and take the place of the Opposition, and I
am sure, if he does not obtain the success of our
cause in the one position, he will be sure to gain
it in the other.—(Cheers.) To succeed they must identify
themselves more with you than they have ever done before.
—(Hear, hear. They must be told by the country that,
however glad they are to see ranged on their side some of the
most illustrious and titled of the land, the old familiar names
—or at least the old familiar faces—it does not accord with
the feelings of the people of England that these alone should
hold Ministerial power.—(Loud cheers.) They demand that,
however good and worthy the Whig Lords may be, that
at least an infusion of the commercial men of the country—
of the men of business—shall take place in their ranks. I
will not mention who these should be, but I hold it is right
that some of those to whom the country looks up should be
included in the Ministerial programme. It is necessary the
people should demand that the Commons of England be
represented in the Cabinet.—(Loud and general cheering.)
Thirty years ago, when these corn-laws were being passed,
the multitude of this metropolis showed they had some
inkling of the oppression to which they were about to be
subjectel, and offered what obstruction they could to these
laws being enacted. Twenty years ago the question de-
scended from the philosophers who had explained the
principles on which it rested to the practical
men, the reviewers and the journalists, who inculcated it on
the many, familiarising; their minds with its details and its
bearing. Ten years after it had come down a stage lower,
to the manufacturers and mechanics of Manchester, who felt
where the shoe pinched them, and they took their stand,
which they have continued so nobly to maintain.—
(Loud cheers.) Five years ago such demonstrations
were given as showed what advance the question had
made; three years ago the farmers came in; five-and-twenty
days ago Lord John Russell came in, anticipating thereby
another event, the resignation of Sir Robert Peel by so many
hours: That great statesman has come is after the people
had brought the question to the present crisis. Now be-
tween him and Peel it seems to be a point who shall first
get to the goal, running, both of them, as fast as magicians
do on a certain night—l believe they call it Halloween—a
night when the devil has a right to take his own, both of
them actuated by the feeling of the " devil take the hind-
most." I will say of them as it has been said of a celebrated
race-horse, " he was behind before although he first was last."
This will not do. It will not do for them to sit like the
gods of Epicurus, in the clouds, enjoying their ease,
looking down on the troubles and struggles of the people.
If they will benefit the country, they must come amongst
us—they must mingle with the industrial classes. Let
them subscribe their thousands of pounds to the quarter of
a million raised by these classes; or, if they like, let them
raise a quarter of a million of their own, and add it to that
raised by the manufacturers and the members of the working
Tnhoeyhenilpa,y then look to the
no aid which they
iesople of this country. They
see
hol classes et
is
)nt,
ooftor promote
fitid support;frf
oem e -t tntrhearedee
p.
may count the cost and place against that the returns. Let
them count their stars and garters, and subscribe
accordingly. Let them count on the fertility of their fields,
and their increased produce under a new system,
with the additional income that must render them.
Let them count all these, and come to Our aid heartily, there
h tae r. )
shall be no lack on our part. There is a third party in this
age,
he carries with won-
case,
pocket, which,
ore,areha._itclke,Hr,ce ol,aninrsiodalednridnmglaaun who carries a party in his
his
Such are the fail-
ings of some characters of European honours and of
European name; sad is it that such a one should be found
struggling against -the fights of the country, against the sup-
ply of sttiod for the people itratietiO•of necessity amt famine. •
Oh, if a voice might reach that old man's eatra, he might be'
addree'sed—Mstn, about whoeSS brows Jit‘el hte iaufels'of a hun-
drect tighte, who have in yens. pocket the proiciet of SO Peers--
:(Laughtes)—who is thd .concieror of -Nersek,eni .whose statue
• Oh I: conqueror. of
you,have• got in your-hall,- its ankrble lips seem to speak,
warning you of a fall deeper and more dtiedfier than his whom
seenals ao of
battle-field,
Europe,tie.ne d
yetith withw
Taapeblae‘o7i,"yroluedhfravoenlinhaishyhigdhifrZtencdoen‘trasfs• in your cha-
raCter ; you won the battle- field, hut Won' it with such
trained troops, troops who were the flower of the English
recruitsto baffle
who
oe
had most n
esll,eei
people. But he had to invent a new system of war; he had
these he pursued his resistless career, and gained the victo-
ries of Lodi, and Marengo, and Austerlitz, and Jena—victo-
ries which will continue a monument to his fame.—(Cheer-
rllebdefgoreener
ing.) You, Duke of Wellington, have conquered territories
and broad estates in every country : but he did more, he won
kingdoms and crowns and empires; you were the
servant of kings, and rendered them good service,
supporting them on their tottering thrones ; but he made
monarchs his servants, with, like menials, waited in his ante-
room.—(Applause.) You, by Catholic Emancipation, freed
a portion of your fellow-subjects from some of their dis-
abilities; he, throughout Europe, opened a career for talent,
and enabled men to rise to the exercise of their abilities
to the most commanding spheres ; you have equestrian
statues erected to your memory; but into whatever
country in Europe one will look, he will see bridges, and
aqueducts, and roads constructed at the instance of that
great man—the monuments which he has raised for himself
in every nation, the monuments which commend his
name to the memory of the sympathy of the people.—
(Cheers.) Remember the date of the Berlin decree; that
was the commencement of the downfal of Napoleon ;
powerful against arms, resistless against monarchs
he fought there against the laws of trade.—(lrn-
manse cheering.) That moment men's hearts left him—he
had alienated their feelineo. Those who appeared in arms on
the field were traitors to him, or they left him as deserters;
he was foiled in the battle-field, and his deposition, his exile
and his death at St. Helena soon followed. Duke of Welling-
ton, take warning, if the Berlin decree brought about the
downfal of Napoleon, the corn-laws will bring about the
downfal of the Duke of Wellington, and then, with withered
laurels and a blotted name, you will go down to the grave
coupled with him you defeated, when both shall have left
nothing but

the power to effect the en 4: Wealth; and prosperity, and
universally diffused good feeling, will he The possession of
Mar, Then the cry of triumph on carrying this great
fluationi fiaTlJ echo back the chorus of heaven—" Gioty
God in the hight3t; find on earth peace."
The speaker sat down amid lo.tg and continued cheering.
As the meeting was separating, Mr. CAden came forward
and proposed three cheers for " Free Trade," which re-
sponded to with three time three from the whole audience.

THE MANCHESTER AND SOUTH-

AMPTON RAILWAY.

One of the most energetically urged project* of the
late railway mania season, was the line purporting
to be from Manchester to Southampton. Five and six
pounds premium were freely given; and when Mr.
Hudson joined the directory, and had 25,000 shares
allotted to him, it was thought to be without
limit to the value of its shares, and was to carry
all before it. The impracticability of getting over the
Cotteswold hills was overlooked, and plans and sections
were deposited with full confidence of success, and yetcir-
culars are now issued abandoning the line from Swindon
to Cheltenham, and disconnecting altogether Manchester
and Southampton. The shareholders are now asked to
sign a new deed, and agree to new stipulations; but if they
possess the caution which the times require, they will
not be so easily caught, but will insist on the return of
their money. The Isle of Wight Railway (also aban-
doned) and the Manchester and Southampton own one
parentage.

RUGBY, DERBY, AND MANCHES

TER RAILWAY.

A meeting of the Shareholders of this undertaking took
place yesterday at the London Tavern, for the purpose
of receiving a rport from the Committee of Manage •
ment, and deciding upon the steps it would be advisable
to adopt with refemice to the prosecution of the under-
taking in the next session of Parliament, or otherwise.
MATTHEW PIERPOINT,'EN., Chairman of the Com-
mittee of Management, took the chair, shortly after
twelve o'clock.

Amon.. the Directors present, besides the chairman,
we noticed Mr. Fox, of Melbourne; Mr. Moss, the late
Mayor of Derby; Mr. Bridgett, Mr. Filcher, Mr. Jude-
wick, Mr. Wheatcroft, of Buckland Hollow ; Mr. Sey-
mour, Mr. Fry, Mr. Smith, and Mr. Feel, of Manchester.
After a short discussion, it was determined by a show
of hands, that Mr. Brewer, the late solicitor of the Com-
pany, not being-a shareholder, could not be present, and
address the meeting.
Mr. HUMPHREYS, of the firm of Humphreys and Co.,
Chancery-lane, solicitors, read the report of the Corn-,
mittee of Management, from which it appeared that the.
. .

concern, as pro-posed by the original pi.Ornoters, was a
complete failure; that the Committee had changed their
late solicitor, Mr. Brewer, and that the line as pro-
posed by their engineer would cost 50,000/. a mile,
it being full of engineering difficulties. The Committee,
therefore, advised the dissolution of the Company, the
winding up of the accounts as quickly as possible, and
the dividing the remaining assets amongst the Pio-
prietora. It appeared also that all the Provisional
Committee had taken one hundred shares, and, with the
exception of five, had paid up the deposits upon them.
It appeared also from the report, that 35,820 shares
had been allotted, that the deposits had been paid on
30,600 shares, producing 80,3251.; that out of that
amount 7,0001. had been paid to, Mr. Blount, the engi-
neer, and 5,9111. to Mr. Brewer, the late solicitor of the
concern; that the Company had at interest, at Messrs.
Masterman's, 20,000/., and at the London and Westmin-
ster Bank at interest 40,0001., and 4,340/. not at interest;
that Mr. Blount claimed a further sum of 6,0001, and

Mr. Brewer had sent in bills for professional charges
amounting together to 9,6381., there being a balance still
due to him of 3,7471. 15s. 3d. _ _

The following resolutions were then unanimously
agreed to :
" That the report of the Managing Committee be adopted,
and that they be authorised and empowered to carry out
the views and suggestions embodied in their report with
reference to the claims of Mr. Brewer and Mr. Blount on
the Company, and the claim of the Company on the
promoters. And also with reference to the winding up
of the affairs of the Company in such way as they shall
deem most expedient and conducive to the interests of
to shareholders, under proper legal advice.
" That the Managing Committee be also requested and
empowered to make an immediate return to the share-
holders of IL 10s. per share, and to use the utmost dili •
Bence in settling all outstanding claims on the Com-
pany, so as to insure the earliest possible division
amongst the shareholders of the balance which may re-
main on their hands.

" That the meeting cannot separate without recording
their entire confidence in the Managing Committee, and
their grateful sense of the service rendered to the Com-
pany by that body, and particularly for the prompt and
decisive steps they have taken relative to the meeting,
and the full and explicit statement of the present posi-
tion of the Company which they have made to the share-
holders."

Mr. BLOUNT said that he had nothing to fear from
what had taken place. He had vouchers showing that
he had expended 6,7671. 4s. 7d. for the Company. He
denied that he made any further claim on them, and he
demanded a copy of Mr. Hawksworth's report, in order
that he might answer it in print.
The CHAIRMAN said that be should certainly have it,
and every facility should be given him to get himself out
of (to say the least of it) a difficulty, for he felt bound to
say that through the course he had pursued the present
Company was tripped up by the heels.
Mr. BOLT, a barrister, defended the course pursued by
Mr. Brewer, and asserted tat he was as honourable a man
as ever lived. He thought, if personal statements were
to be made against him, he ought in justice to have been
permitted to be present.
The CHAIRMAN, in the course of the meeting, stated
that the iron hand of the Committee of Management
would be put upon all the outstanding accounts, and he
was in hopes that, besides the 1/. 103., the shareholders
would receive ss. or 7s. on each share in addition.

Mr. HUMPHREYS, in answer to a question from a Pro-
prietor, stated that preliminary expenses were included
in Ur. Brewer's account, and also 3,0001. for adrer-
tising►.

The CHAIRMAN said that at the time when the 15,000
shares were set apart for the promoters of the
undertaking, there were no less than 400,000 applica-
tions for shares, and had not the Committee
of Management been waterlogged with keeping
them, the Proprietary would have been in a very dif-
ferent situation to what they were at present.
A PROPRIETOR inquired when the 11. 103. would be
returned to the Proprietors ?
The CHAIRMAN said in a fortnight from that time.

A vote of thanks having been carried to the Chairman,
:he meeting separated.

GREAT MANCHESTER, RUGBY,
AND SOUTHAMPTON RAILWAY.
Yesterday a meeting of the Shareholders of this Com-
pany was held at their office, 1, Royal Exchange-build-
ings, to consider the present position of the Company,
and the steps necessary to be taken in consequence thereof.
Mr. Prole was ueanimously called to the chair.
The usual formalities having been gone through,
The CHAIRMAN briefly addressed the meeting. He
said the Committee of Management had thought that it
was expedient, seeing they were not in a position to go
to Parliament this session, to call a meeting together,
and explain to the shareholders exactly how they stood.
An address issued by the Managing Committee to
the shareholderd would bo read, which would
give an explanation of the way the engineer had
acted, and the , reasons why the plans and sections
had 'not been" deposited in time. It )eoutd
be for-theip, after that was done, to decide what steps it
would be necessary to take with Mr. Giles, the engineer.
That gentleman had not only failed in getting ready the
plans of the present Company, but he had also failed
withnsany other companies who had -engaged him.. The
Secretary would now read the address in question.
The SECRETARY then read the document alluded
to by the Chairman, which in substance set forth
that, up to the Bth of November, the Com-
mittee of Management felt confident that the
plans, secticns, and references would be ready for deposit
with the Clerks of the Peace and at the Board of Trade.
They had been led to this conclusion on the strongest
and repeated assurances, both verbal and written, of their
engineer, Mr. Giles. On the 20th of November it was,
however, found that the deposit of the plans, &e., could
not be made. The Committee discovered that they had
been deceived ; learning from the most able engineers
who were called in to advise, that no exertion, with the
most competent staff, could enable the deposits to be
made by the time required. It was then agreed to give
up the prosecution of the scheme this year, and to
endeavour to gut the shareholders who had not paid up
their deposits to advance on each share the sum of 25.,
so as to pay off all liabilities.
Mr. MOORE, one of the Managing Committee, then
gave the following statement of the Company's affairs :
The number of shares originally stated was 150,000.
Of these upwards of 134,000 were issued, the Committee
of Management reserving for the members of the
Provisional Committee 7,000, and for the local
agents 1,000, making a total of 143,000 ; thus
leaving 7,000 more for parties along the line, or for
appropriation in case of any amalgamation that might
be found advisable. At first it was considered that a
greater number of shares should be reserved, as it was
held desirable to have a local committee at Manchester,
with five or six members of the Committee of Manage•
ment at the principal points along the line—especially
at Macclesfield and Southampton, and for these it was
held necessary to reserve some shares. This view, how-
ever, was not carried out, and the allotment of 134,000
shares Was made, The money received on shares
stood thus :—Two guineas each, the full deposit,
had been paid on 4,490 shares, yielding 9,4291.
Theft had been received lOs. each on 1,515 shares,
producing 757/. lOs ; and etre it bad been de-
cided not to go on, there had been received, at 2s.
per 4bitre, tin 13,2130 shares the sum of 5291.---making
in all, 10,705/ 10s. Mr. Moors: then went at length into
the history of the Company. Ile stated that the
letters of allotment were issued on the Ist or
November, just about the time the sudden
change took place in the railway market.
It was intimated in the letters that the allottees would
have till the 7th of November to pay up tl:eir deposits.
In the interim the Committee of Management received
several applications to allow more time, and, in conse-
quence, it was prudent to 'sane circuthnlaers,
piling parties the option of paying 10s.opnerth15th of
share
e
the remaining 11. 12s. to be paid up
January, or to pay the two guineas in full. It was thhu
fully believed that the Bill would g
present session. Up till the 20th ofo to Parliament the
November it was
firmly considered by the Managing Committee that
they would be ready with all the plans and
sections. The circular, giving the option referred to,
was issued on the Bth of November, and at that
time Mr. Giles was pressed on to state whether he would
be ready in time, and was offered, in case he could
not manage himself, to be found any assistance he

; u A name at which the world grows Pale,
To point a moral or adorns tale."—(Cheers.)
And that moral id, that no party power, however great,
I can resist without destruction the laws of free trade, which
Edmund Burke has told us are part and pardel of the laws of
' nature. The growth of this agitation is like the glacier ;
' the snows descend silently and softly, attracting no notice;
cloud follows cloud, and stratum is laid upon stratithi ; the
winds and the biting frosts knit it Most 'firmly and com-
pactly together ; the season of winter, which is prejudicial to
all other growth, aids this; for ages it accumulated, till the time
of moving, when, loosed and wrenched from its place, it
hurls down as an avalanche, bearing all before it—the tro-
phies of thebattle-field, however celebrated—the palace, how-
ever grand—the church, however venerated—till it finds an
abiding place, where it remains an eternal monument or the
power of nature's laws, which are lasting as nature's God.
In the determination evinced by this meeting, in the growing
power of the popular voice, in the groWing certainty ot se-
curing results, the question is not now whether we shall
rely on Lord John Russell or Sir Robert Peel—w^ -
ourselves. You have petitionel, ,an rely bn
you continue to regio— . nave remonstrated; if
possession of 4" and to put yourselves in
upon your
freehold rights, you may count
all tt,s, hlenOuiect.—
(Hear, hear.) When you have done
will record the you have achieved such results, historians
on the base of fact.that
of the philosopher, 1121u:n':-n.t shall be engraven the names
2" will Lave 'hared a monument, and
i
Adam Smith,' p,roirtulgated the principles—our
Cobdens,
and tha like, Above .shall be the
an inscription to ;rights;
the and above tN iin all shall be
tte people, whose was
__-• ••• .

might require In answer to this the most so-
lemn pledge was given that all would be ready,
and that no assistance wan necessary. On the
Roth of November intimation was first received from
the ioc ! agents that Mr. Giles could not be ready in
time. About the same time Mr. Giles applied for
2,0001. to go on with. After some hesitation about the
step, he was paid 1,0001., making in all 3,7001., which
he had received. Mr. Giles, seeing their dissatisfac-
tion, offered either to go on, if the money he wanted
was advanced, or else to stop where he was and hand
over to the Company all the plans and sections, as far as
they were prepared, asserting that they could be easily
completed in time. The Managing Committee thought
it best to adopt the latter alternative, having had enough
of Mr. Giles, and they received the plans and sections as
offered. These, however, when examined, were found for all
practical purposes no better than so much waste paper ;
and it was at once decided to abandon all intention of
a Parliamentary application. Having made this state-
ment, he could now show how the account stood on the
other side. He had stated that they had received
10,700?. The following were the liabilities of the Com-
pany :
Paid for ♦arious matters connected with the

.
'
progress of the Company £4,300
Paid Mr. Giles
Bills due and remaining to be discharged
Sundry other expenses not yet ascertained, say 1,000

Total liabilities..

.£17,000

Showing a deficiency of £6,300
Now, as it would be most unreasonable that those who had
paid the two guineas' deposit should have to bear ail that
loss, and as it was at least desirable to pay them a guinea
back, that would take off 4,7141. 10s., leaving but 6,000/,
and show an actual deficiency of 11,0001. If the whole of
the applicants for shares were to pay up 20s. on each
share, the debts would be easily paid off, and 21. returned
on each share to those who had paid two guineas, but to
get them to do so was the question.
After a lengthened discussion, it was resolved, on the
motion of Mr. PAYNE, seconded by Mr. WESTON, that
circulars should be sent to all the Provisional Directors,
and all applicants who had not paid any deposit on
their shares, calling on them to pay 2s. per share, in
exchange for which their letters of allotment would be
returned, and they would be absolved from all legal
responsibility ; but that in case they failed to pay, their
names would be advertised in the newspapers, as a
warning to future companies, and as an act of justice to
the present.
During the discussion referred to, it came out that
only five of the Provisional Directors had paid any de-
posit, out of.seventy-five in the whole; and that seven of
the Managing Committee bad each subscribed out of
their own pockets a sum of 2101.
After a vote of thanks to the Chairman and Managing
Committee, for their general conduct, the meeting was
adjourned, with an understanding that another should
be called as soon as the effect of the new application was
ascertained.