The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-12 00:00:00

CSCV
flt II

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 12, 1845.

The House of Lords met at five o'clock.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE gave notice of a ques-
tion for Monday an the subject of the Irish Railways.
The Bastardy Bill went through Committee.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE moved the third reading of
the Sugar Duties Bill, and defended the course which
the Government had pursued in regard to those duties.
Their Lordships were also addressed by the Earl of
CLARENDON, Lord BROUGHAM, and Lord STANLEY, and
ultimately the Bill was read a third time and passed-
Their Lordships then adjourned.

The House of Commons met at Four o'clock.

There were an immense number of petitions presented
against the Maynooth Bill. The presentation cf these
petitions took up the whole of the hour usually devoted
to private busineis, and on the suggestion of the
SPEAKER their presentation was permitted after five
o'clock. It was not until considerably after six o'clock
that the presentation of petitions was concluded.
The presentation of a petition by Mr. FERRAND, pray-
ing for the impeachment of Sir R. PEEL, gave rise to a
scene. Mr. ROEBOCK accused Mr. FERRAND of reading
the petition, which is contrary to the rules of the House,
and called him to order. At length, however, at the
suggestion of Sir R. PEEL, the Hon. Member for
Knaresborough was permitted to read the prayer of it.
He did so amidst shouts of laughter from all parts of the
House, in which Sir R. PEEL joined most heartily.
Mr. WYNNE thought that as the petition called a
Member of Parliament to account for his Par-
liamentary conduct, it ought not to be permitted to
lie on the table.

Sir ROBERT PEEL thought, as it. contained charges
against the Executive Government, it ought to be
received.

Ultimately the petition was received, and
Mr. FERRAND gave notice, that he should, on Monday,
move that it be printed with the votes.
Mr. WARD gave notice, that on the motion that the House
do go into Committee on the Maynooth Bill, he should
move that it be an instruction to that Committee, that
any provision for the purposes of the Bill should be
supplied out of the fends already applicable to Ecch,si-
astical purposes in Ireland.
In answer to Lord DUNCAN, Mr. C. RUSSELL, the
Chairman of the Great Western Railway Company, as-
sured the House that the roof of the Box Tunnel was
perfectly safe, not ithstanding the reports which had
been spread to the contrary.
On the order of the day for the second reading of the
Maynooth Bill being put,
Mr. Comacmouti characterised Conservatism as a
name without a notion, and said that it was treading not
on the heels but on the toes of Radicalism, and in some
cases getting before it. He should give the measure the
most strenuous opposition in his power ; and as it was
pressed forward in such a hasty manner as to allow no
time for its consideration, he should, as a Member of the
Minority, feel justified in exercising against it all those
rights with which Minorities were invested by the forms
of the House.

Mr. GROGAN would also give the measure his strongest
opposition. The Government had made out no case
either of compact or expediency in support of it.
Mr. GLADSTONE followed, and after declaring his in-
tention to vote in favour of the grant, a declaration
which was received with tremendous cheering, spoke
at some length in defence of the proposed measure.
The House was afterwards addressed by the Earl of
ARUNDEL and SURREY, Mr. D'lsnAm.x, and Mr. ROE-
BUCK, after which the debate was adjourned till Monday.

The debate last night in the House of Commons on
the grant to Maynooth, possesses more than ordinary
interest, because it inrolves a religious principle—theme st
difficult of all to control, and has reference to a question
of the highest importance to the united empire—the cor-
dial union of Great Britain and Ireland. The speakers
were few ; and if we except Mr. COLQUHOUN, who took
a one. sided view of the proposed measure, and Mr.
D'IsaAELI, who seemed much influenced by per-
sor.al considerations, the discussion was confined to
Mr. GLADSTONE and Mr. ROEBUCK, and admi-
rably did they perform their parts. They ad-
mitted the great regard which one man was bound
to show to the religious opinions of another, and did
justice to the Protestant feeling which pervaded the
country, while, at the same time, they took a higher
view of the points at issue—points which not only
included the safety of the empire, but the
very existence of the Reformed religion. We
recommend Mr. GLADSTONE'S speech to the at-
tention of all parties. It did not contain one par-
ticle of bigotry, it was devoid of all political parti-
sanship, and breathed throughout an honesty of pur-
pose, and a spirit of Christian charity, which left no
doubt of the sincerity of the speaker, and
of the high religious principles with which
his mind is imbued. But while he did not forget his
religious duty, he remembered his duty as a good
citizen and a lover of his country, and proved, as clearly
as words can prove, that if the various religious sects
with which the country abounds, were each to claim
precedence and demand that their doctrines should
be paramount, nothing but endless war and ulti-
mate ruin must be the consequence. " With regard
to those," said he, " who contend that it is contrary to
their religious duty to make grants of this kind, I think
that they confound the principle which should actuate
them when acting in their individual capacity with that
principle which should influence them when combined
with the state. In our individual capacity we are guided
by our own will and conscience, which no man can force ;
but a political state can only subsist by a combination
of mutual wills and a mutual surrender and conces-
sion. If all those who live together in our situation were
to insist upon his own opinions being established, and
that no others were to be recognised in the laws of that
state, the whole empire would be thrown into utter
confusion." Here he looks only to the political ques-
tion, but in another place he calculates the lamentable
result even to true Christianity. After adverting to
the agitation in Ireland, and to the no less violent agi-
tation in this country, he justly remarks:—" I deprecate
all agitation, on one side as well as on the other. I
trust that a gentler and wiser spirit will preside over the
minds of the Members of this House than seems to pre-
side over the minds of so large a portion of the country;
and I trust that in Ireland, as well as in England, parties
will come to the conviction at which I- have arrived,
without any previous bias, that this is a surrender that
ought to be made of rival claims and of extreme
views. If, on the other hand, the doctrine is held that
in Ireland this will be a premium and an encouragement
to agitation and a reward for misbehaviour, and
if parties are told that the cause of religion
is involved in the question and is absolutely at stake,
and that we ought not to allow of any secondary c n-
sideration, I ask what is to be the state of the country—
what is to become of society ? It must be helplessly
torn asunder by religious disputes, to the loss, I fear, of
that religion which the parties opposed to this Bill pro-
fess to have so much at heart." Mr. ROEBUCK deserves
the highest praise too, not so much for his speech, ex-
cellent as it was, as for the manly, independent and
statesmanlike view of the mea lure proposed by Sir R.
PEEL. In the city which he represents, it is well known
there is a very strong feeling against Catholics; the
inhabitants, Churchmen as well as Dissenters, are
strongly impressed with the belief that concessions
are dangerous, and that it is their duty to: resist
them; but while Mr. ROEBUCK felt the force of
such sentiments, and the influence which they
might have at a future election, like an honest man,
he preferred truth, and justice, and mercy to all
other considerations. What is Bath to him, compared
with a pure conscience ? " When I look," said he, " to
the state of Ireland, to the circumstances under which
you come to give your vote, it does behove you to place
yourselves above the agitation of the crowd, to set the
example to the people you represent, and do your duty
boldly, and act up to the views which you think right
and proper, and which involve the happiness of this
great country." This advice was responded to with
loud and general cheers.
We may here add that we have received a communi-
cation from the Secretary of the Dublin Protestant
Operative Association and Reformation Society, re-
questing us to support their views, and regret that we
cannot comply with their wishes. Their language is too

violent for a question of such serious import, as may be seen
from the conclusion of their petition to the Commons for
impeaching Sir ROBERT PEEL. It is in these words:—
" Though the conduct of the Prime Minister may not
have so far viol tted law as to warrant his impeachment
at the bar of your Honourable House, your Honourable
House may still be pleased to present an Address to her
Majesty, calling upon her Majesty to remove Sir Ro-
BERT PEEL from her Councils, as one who has
disgusted all parties, who eusted other men
from their places merely to adopt their policy,
and who, if be have succeeded in replenishing
the coffers of the exchequer, has done so while carrying
out measures calculated to draw down the wrath of
heaven on the land, divest the kingdom of its best and
only security, and thus to render it but a richer spoil to
the first foreign foe who may, in the just judgment of
GOD, be raised up to scourge the realm for national un-
faithfulness."

On a calm review of the career of the United States
from the date of their adoration of Independence to
the present time, we are compelled to conclude that in
no modern state has the tone of national feeling no ra-
pidly deteriorated as in the great federal Republic of the
West. Little more than sixty years have sufficed to re-
duce the generous enthusiasm of public virtue and na-
tional spirit which prompted her original resistance to
the far-reaching pretensions and taxing übiquity of the
mother country, into the sordid elements of intense sel-
fishness and unscrupulous rapacity. They commenced
by unfurling the flag of civil liberty, and proclaiming
their territory for her universal asylum, their constitu-
tion for her protector, to ail the world. They are now
signalizing—and, it may be, areabout to conclude—it by
the most deliberate violation of their honourable engage-
ments to their national creditors, and the most insolent
aggressions upon the territorial rights, the honour,
and authority of independent nations with whom
they are connected by all formal relations of amity and
alliance known to the law and usage of nations, and
under the favour and security of those very engagements.
Without entering into any historical recapitulations, it
may be sufficient to point, for the exemplification of her
broken faith, to her public creditors, to the fraudulent
bankruptcies of the repudiating States of the Union, and
for indications of the effrontery with which that Union
avows its purpose to exert might over right, to its recent
deportment throughout the whole of the affair of the
annexation of Texas. We pass over for the moment
the spirit in which she has pushed to the extreme point
of arrogant demand her claims to the exclusive sove-
reignty and occupation of the Oregon. We dis-
miss, in like manner, the specific and general
bearing of the United States Government in re-
lation to, other questions of high public interest, but
which are of too recent occurrence to call here for more
particular notice. But we have no doubt of the concur-
rence of our readers in the opinion, that the United
States have manifested such a consistent and increasing
spirit of aggressive encroachment upon the rights of all
other nations, in pushing their own claims and views to
the utmost verge of those limits within w hich they can
be preferred in a manner not absolutely involving insult
and dishonour to the Powers with whom their negotia-
tions have been conducted, that Great Britain, for ex-
ample, is fully justified if she put the most stringent

construction on their overt acts as illustrative of these
secret tendencies of their policy. Thus, the purchase of
Louisiana from France, in 1803, by America, and its in-

corporation into the Federal Union in 1812 ; her suc-
cessful negotiations for the cession of Florida to her by
Spain, under the treaty of Madrid of 1819 ; and her
recent intrigues for the annexation of Texas to her Fe-
deration, are all links in the same chain of antagonistic
movements against the influence and power of this coun
try, especially on the continent of America. If any
doubt could remain as to this fact, the impudent case
set up of a paramount and exclusive title to the Oregon
must have by this time dispelled it. Now, what is the
course it behoves us, under this state of things, to adopt?
Shall we trust alone to negotiations for the chance of
bringing them to the perception of the moral equity of
the case on any of the unsettled questions between them
and Great Britain ? Why, the lapse of a quarter of a
century has not advanced that object one point. Shall
we rely on the moral influence of our mcderation and
good faith in conducting these negotiations ? They
have universally repaid us with exaggerated demands,
and more unreasonable extravagance and diminished re-
spect or courtesy in their manner of preferring them.
What, then, can be the cause of this perversity of
conduct on their part ? Clearly, a gross miscon-
ception of the principles that have regulated our
own demeanour to them. The moderation of our na-
tion al strength is mistaken by America for the " hated
breath and whispering humbleness" of maternal weak-
ness. The forbearance of a Government, responsible
for its integrity to the highest possible standard of pub-
lic opinion, is construed intoan evidence of feebleness by
another which is amenable to the impulsive and irre-
gular action of a mere public excitement. We say, by
no means let us depart, by one iota, from the line of
dignified moderation we have, under all changes of do-
mestic administration here, so long and so consistently
maintained in all our diplomatic intercourse abroad.
But, in the language of those homely proverbs which
are said to represent the concentrated wisdom of nations,
we also cry, " Fore-warned, fore-aimed." Whether we
shall have war or peace, in the final event of these unfor-
tunate dissensions, at least we have had warning enough.
If, on that account, we are also fore-armed, good ; but
better still, if we be steam-armed too.
We shall ever consider that the gallant Sir CHARLES
NAPIER. has rendered at least as signal services to his
country in the House of Commons as he has upon the
high seas, by the persevering zeal and intelligence with
which he bas aroused the attention of the Legislature,
and awakened the solicitude of the whole kingdom to the
unspeakable importance of incessant progress and im-
provement in our naval architecture and armament
generally, but in our steam navy in a special degree.
He has succeeded, we rejoice to own, in arousing the
Admiralty from that unaccountable lethargy whose
"Castle of Indolence" is yet too permanently fixed at
Whitehall. He has brought them topublic confession of its
own prescriptive fallibility and the possible errors of
even a surveyor of the navy. Be has enlisted the acting
first professional Lord among the advocates of the
enormous improvements in armament, in structure, in the
location of machinery—the deficiency of which has
hitherto made even what progress we have accomplished
in the organisation of a steam navy little more than a
comparative failure. But we have now, as Sir CHARLES
himself tells us, war steamers in rapid progress to com-
pletion, which certainly will be what this country has a
perfect right to expect that its executive departments
should turn out—matchless and magnificent perfections
in that class of force which is assuredly destined to over-
whelm every other in any future maritime contest. But
we are anxious to urge upon the Admiralty that, allow-
ing them the full benefit of Sir GEORGE COCKBURN'S
assertion, that we have already a steam navy force, far,
very far superior to any which even France could put
upon the seas against us, and altogether beyond any
with which America could now attempt to cope with us ;
e have not yet by any means extended our improve-
ments or enlarged our force to the scale on which the
grandeur, the prosperity, and the renown of this country,
the welfare of the present generation, and the permanent
independence of our posterity, demand that these
should be pushed to. We must have no more favouritism
at head-quarters ; no jobbing ; no sacrifices of our naval
strength ; no hazard of our naval supremacy, in favour of
the claims upon official patronage. We hope that Sir
CHARLES NAPIER will allow the Government no respite
until it is ascertained that all the accessions to, and im-
provements in, our steam navy force, dimensions, con-
struction, armament, working, and efficiency, be, not ob-
jects merely contemplated, but purposes actually ac-
complished.

Madrid papers of the 4th have been received. The
Committee appointed to examine the Electoral Bill had
made their report, and recommended an increase of the
number of deputies. The Government have acceded
to their scheme, which will give oRe deputy for every
80,000 inhabitants. The Hera/do states that France is
using her influence fur the recognition of Queen ISA-
BELLA by Austria and Prussia, with every prospect of
success.

^T
The Three per Cents. closed at 351 at 60 days; the
Five per Cents. at 25i at 60 days ; the Coupons at
60 days; and the Debt without Interest at 8i at 60 days.

The French Chamber cf Peers have adopted an im-
portant clause, proposed by the Count BEUGNOT as an
amendment to the first clause of his Colonial Bill. This
clause gives the slave the power of demanding, and ob
tabling from his master one day in the week (Saturday)
to himself, on condition that he agree, in return for
such advantage, to provide himself with food for the
whole seven days. At present he has only lf. 60c. for
food during the whole week, or about twopence-farthing
per day. The amendment was adopted by a large ma-
jority. The third clause, which fixes the working hours
of the slave from six in the morning till six in the
evening, with two hours and a half for rest, was also
agreed to. It is gratifying to find that the tone of the
Chamber is greatly improved as regards the welfare of
the negro race, and we may confidently hope, that in a
very few years,. the Government will follow the policy
of England, and grant complete emancipation,
The proceedings in the, other Chamber were destitute'
of interest. Nine officers of the National Guard had ap-

peared before the Council of the Prefecture, to answer
the charge of having signed petitions against arming the
fortifications of Paris. They admitted the fact, but
denied that they had any previous understanding or cor
respondence with each other on the subject. They had
signed merely as citizens. The Council adjourned with-
out pronouncing a decision. Another duel in high life
had taken place at Paris on Saturday. It appears the
Duke Of ROVIGO and M. PERREGAULT settled some dis-
pute with
,swords, and both were wounded, the former
rather dangerously. Among the seconds were the Prince
DE MOSKOWA and General LEGRANGE.

The intelligence from Switzerland is not important.
The Journal des Debuts says :—" We are happy in
being able to state that the account which we had re-
ceived of the commencement of executions at Lucerne
is not confirmed. The Government of the canton has
issued a decree for bringing the prisoners to trial, tut
no sentence has yet been pronounced, and the Deputy
of Lucerne has declared in the Diet that his Govern-
ment et ould act with lenity. On the other hand, the
most hostile parties acknowledge that General SONNEN-
BERG has acted with humanity as well a, firmness, and
that he has protected the prisoners against all arbitrary
acts of vengeance."
Committees, for the relief of the prisoners and
wounded, had been formed in several towns, and the
Council of Berne had just sent a Commissioner to
Lucerne to negotiate for the release of the prisoners
The battle, as might be expected, had caused great
distress among many families.
On Thursday afternoon a considerable fall took place
in several of the railway shares, but the cause is not
assigned, and the Funds were less buoyant.
The Three per Cents. closed at 85f. 75c. ; the Five
per Cents., 117 f. 50c.; Orleans Shares, 1,210 f. ; Rouen,
I,loof. ; Havre, 912 f. 50c.; Avignon, 1 035 f. ; Basle,
305 f.; Spanish Actives, 40-4- ; Ditto, Three per Cents.,
; Ditto, Passives, 71.

THIS f D►AY'S NEWS,

CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY.)
The Lord Chancellor sat in Lincoln's-Inn Hall to-day and
beard appeals, none of which possessed any interest except
to the parties concerned.

ROLLS COURT.-(THIS DAY.)
Causes of no general interest occupied his Lordship the
whole morning.

VICE-CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY.)
Motions and the further arguments in the part heard case
of Greenwood v. Taylor, the facts of which we have already
given in detail, occupied his Honour, the Vice-Chancellor of
England, the whole day.

(Before Sir J. KNIGHT BRUCE. )
Causes of no general interest occupied his Honour the
whole day.
(Before Vice-Chancellor WianAm.)
The Court was occupied the greater part of the morning
in hearing short causes.