The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-09 00:00:00

TETE srx,

meet had done less to promote emigration. Another
mode which was suggested was the relaxation of the
Poor-laws. The Government had very properly refused
to accede to that suggestion, and turiethe country into
a country of paupers. Another mode by Which it was
proposed to relieve the distress was the gleaming a mil-
lien of money ; that also had been refused. What
remedy, then, had been devised for the distresses of the
people ? Why, in point of fact, the Parliament would
break • up without any practical remedy being adopted.
The Right Honourable Baronet admitted that dis-
. tress existed at the time he came into power, but
he then said that that distress was yielding to the acces-
sion of a Conservative Government. When that state-
. meet was refuted he still held out" hopes to the country
of a revival of commerce and manufactures. In the
sprirg the Right Hon. Baronet came down and confessed
that his hopes had been disappointed. There was nothing
but a general admission of distress ; nothing was pro-
pose& for its removal. The Right Hon. Baronet had
complimented the people upon their patisnce—his eulogy
was not more than was deserved ; but there was one
thing which tended to infuriate the people, and that was
the notion that their misfortunes arose, not from Provi-
dence, but from the selfishness of the Legislature.—
(Hear, hear.) The impresion of the people was, that
their distress arose not from the visitations of Providence,
butrfrom the selfishness of those who were entrusted with
Power. The people were beginning to think that it was
better to fly to evils tbey knew not of than to endure
those which they now experienced. Every day they
were giving an argument to those who would shake the
institutions of the country by their present legislation.
He hoped there were some Hon. Gentlemen opposite,
who would not be so bound by party interests but that
they would yield to the cry of-distress. There was one
at least, who would feel his responsibility at the present
time—he alluded to the Right Hon. Baronet, the Mem- 1
ber for Tamworth. The Right Hon. Baronet might
rely upon national feeling to elevate him above party
considerations.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the Right
Hon. Baronet had an anxious desire to use his power for
the good of his country. He believed that his views
were more enlightened than those which he professed ;
but the great question was, whether the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet would use his power for the benefit of his country?
, He knew not whether the Right Hon. Baronet would
become the Minister of the nation,' or whether he would
persevere in the miserable course which was consistent
with the means by which his party obtained power, and
be the agent of that destruction in which they threatened
to involve the country.
Mr. EWART contended that the rspeal of the
Corn-laws was absolutely necessary to secure
the peace and prosperity of the country. It
would behove us to encourage free trade at this parti-
cular crisis with America. With respect to the present
position of the Right Hon. Baronet, he thought that po-
sition was upon a sliding scale. The impetus which free
trade had received frem the measures lately adopted by
the Right Hon. Baronet, must go on-in .the course which
he .had begun, and free trade must ultiniately prosper.
If the change in the commercial code which was now
sought by the people, was not in time granted to them,
it would ha ultimately effected by political convulsions,
in a manner which none would hare reason to regret
more than Hon. Gentlemen opposite.
Mr. COBI)EN, from the silence with which the state-
ments of the distress now prevalent in the country were
received by the House, entertained very serious doubts
as to Hon. Gentlemen believing the present condition of
the country to be as wretched as it, really was. The
government lent themselves to that persuasion. The
Right Hon. Baronet did not himself sufficiently acknow-
ledge the existing distress. He had merely admitted
the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts, which
the Right Hon. Baronet seemed to attribute to the. in-
troduction of machinery. He (Mr. Cobden) denied that
the introduction of machinery ever threw men out of
employment. It was a fallacy to say that the introduc-
tion of machinery caused distress, by throwing men out
of employment. Let them take the cotton trade as a
proof of his doctrine. In the year 1767, when Ark-
wright perfected the spinning frame, there were no more
than 13,000 persons employed in that trade in this coun-
try. At the present period the number employed
amounted to 11- millions, There was an instance of an
increase in the number of operatives employed in conse-
quence of the invention and application of machinery to
manufactures. In agriculture there was no one case of
great improvement in machinery, and yet an increased
number of labourers was not employed in that occu-
pation. On the contrary, those labourers flocked
into the towns where machinery was used for
the purpose of obtaining employment. It was
unworthy, then, in the . Prime Minister, to pander
to the prejuices of the people, by thus attributing the
distress to the use of machinery. He did not complain
of the Hon. Member for Macclesfield propounding such
doctrines, for, in doing so, he was but following his vo-
cation. Then they talked of over-production. Let
them analyse what was meant by over-production.
Why, it meant merely too much industry. There was
a change to bring against a nation. But why did distress
arise from over-production as it was called ? It was,
because we lost sight of the science which taught the
proper distribution of wealth—it was because they lost
sight of the truth of pos:eiesal economy that their
population was so wretched. All that he (Mr.
Cobden) asked was, that they would give employ-
ment some way or other to the people. To return
to the argument relative to machinery. Let them go to
districts where machinery was not improved these 200
years—to the Midland Counties. He called on the Hon. _
Member fbr Nottinghamshire to tell them what was the
condition of that county. There were there no improVe-
meets in machinery-eno steam—they had inventions of I
240 years ego, and y t what was the state of Notting- I
hanishire ? The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for
the Home Department had not attributed the distress in
Paisley to the manufacture of stockings. But let them
take Nottinghamshire, against which no such charge
could be brought, where the plough now used was on the,
model of that need by Cincinnatus, and yet in that dis-
trict the distress was appalling. In Hinckley, in Leices-
tershire, out of 1,500 stocking frames only twenty
were employed. Before Parliament met again many -
of our towns would be given over to pauperism,
and their inhabitants must be fed from the poor=houses.
The distress was eneral throughont the country. Let
eel s; in Staflbrdshire. Why there
ne improvements in machinery had been iutroduced. In
the works there the same description of wheel was now
used as that in the time of the Pharoahs ; the wheel now
used was the same as that used in the time of
.Moses.—
(Laughter.) Perhaps that was a state of things would
satisfy the Hon. Member for Macclesfield, and yet there
was no district in which the distress was more severe
than in the Potteries of Staffordshire. Trade was
there depressed, , and there was little or no de-
mand for the productions of the place. Let them
next go to the mines and collieries in Staffordshire.
Much improvement had not taken place in the ma-
chinery used in the coal mines, and yet at the present
moment there were no less than 25,000 men wanting
employment in the coal districts of Staffordshire.
Go to the glass-blowing in Stourbridge and Warrington,
and the distress is the same.—(Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet said " Hear, hear." Why then did the
Right lion. Baronet pander to the vulgnr prejudices
about machinery ? (Hear, hear.) He could tell him
that the tail-end of his party had been lifted up upon
that prejudice.—(Cheers.) lie knew men and women to
be subsisting on boiled nettles.—(Kear, hear.) Nay,
more, he knew that the putrid carcass of a cow was dug
up in the neighbourhood of Bromley.—(oh, oh.) He
understood by that groan that -t was not believed. He
did not wonder at it.--(llear. hear.) But he wrote
to a schoolmaster, a respectable man, whom he knew,
to tell him if it was true, and he desired him to have it
attested by others. Now he had that document in his
possession.—(Hear. hear.) And such was the effluvia
that a part of the carcass had to be re-buried.—(ilear.)
In Akington also a dead calf was dug up by the people.—
(Hear, hear.) They did not believe these things. It
they did, could they sit there without applying a remedy:
—(Cheers.) Yes, the people of England, to their credit,
would rather subsist on such food than deprive them-
selves of their liberty by going into the poor-house.—
(Cheers.) He did not want to introduce the Corn-laws
into the debate if they gave him a better remedy.—
(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, the Member for Lanca-
shire, ought to have some sympathy for the place he re-
presented. But what did he say last night? He said
that America sent over two millions of goods
more than she took back. Did America then
send over 2,000,0001. worth of goods without getting
anything back? The Noble Lord ought to know that 1
foreign trade consisted in nothing but barter.—(Hear, -
hear.) He was often surprised at the ignorance dis- 1
played by the Noble Lord on practical subjects.—(A '
laugh.). PosSessed of a clear and vigorous intellect, he
was bound to make himself better acquainted with sub-
jects of a practical nature, which, however distasteful,
Noble Lords and Hon. Gentlemen of a certain education
must learn, because such were the subjects that must
now come before them.—(Hear, hear.) But on such
subjects -the Noble Lord was profoundly ignorant.—
(Laughter)--and he could not but think the Right Hon.
Baronet exercised a sound discretion in speaking for
him on stch subjects.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But
he believed if the Corn-laws were repealed that the
same post which would convey the intelligence would
give revived energy to the sinking trade.—(Hear, hear.)
He knew of no other means by which it could be done.
What happened a few days ago in Stockport ? The
distress was so extensive and alarming that the Mayor
said he would not be responsible fur the consequence.—
(Hear, hear.) He did not mean to say the masses would
pull down their palaces, but they were drifting on to
confusion without rudder or compass.—(Loud cheers.)
They may talk of the military, but the military would
not avail them.—(Hear, hear.) Would they put an end
to the distress. ?—(Hear, hear.) What could they do
for the poorer inhabitants of Stockport ? The military
would not avail them.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The people
would not break out unless they were actually starving
—unless the poor-rates failed them.—(Hear, hear:) He
did not wish that anything should be misconstrued.
But if they perished, their deaths would be at
I the door of the Government. Englishmen ought
not be allowed to starve, and they would not suffer
themselves to starve.—(Hear, hear.) At the close of
the Session Hon. Members opposite might go to the Con-
tinent and to the rural districts, but what were they
going to do with them ?-4Hear, hear, hear.) They
must answer that question.—(Cheers.) The people
of Stockport came to them with clean hands. Mr. Twisel-
ton, the Assistant. Poor-law Commissioner, spoke of the
people there in high terms for their willingness to work
and their unwillingnesS to have paupers amongst them.
--(Hear, hear.) They wanted not charity nor an
alteration of the Poor-law—(Hear, hear.)—but they
wanted the means to obtain work.—(Hear, hear.) They
wanted to be allowed to live by their industrious hands.
--(Hear.) They wanted to be left alone.—(Cheers.)
Whatever befell them lay at the door of the
Government and of that House.—(Hear, hear,) Finding
They could not obtain employment at home ; the best
workmen were going abroad, and leaving the worst
behind them. Tii7 wore 04 to the western countries

to work the machinery and coal mines of America,
where bituminous coal was to be got, for he saw it
himself, for ld. a bushel. They were not going by tens
and bundredieto teach others' but they were going in
thousands tolive.—(Chedrs.) They were sowing seeds
broad cast- 'over, the great Western continent which
would groW up a better crop.—:(Loud Cheers.) There
was nothing like it since the revocation of the edict of
Nantes, and the dispersion of artists by the Duke of Alva
froin Belgium.—(Clieers.)• For himself he did not look
at this question with party views. When he came into
that House he looked at the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for London as the leader of the Liberal party,
but he was as little disposed to join him as the Right
Hon. Baronet when he did net" take the right course.—
(Hear, hear.) He believed he voted againsehim four
out of five times. Therefore, he had no party4pirit in
the matter, but he insisted on some measures, and he
would take advantage of all the fornis of the House to get
relief. He confessed he did not think any rational
man ought to envy the positiood the Right Hon. Baro-
net.—(Hear.) He gave him credit for the difficulties
with which he. was surrounded.—(Hear. hear.) He
made no opposition to 'him, us an individual—(Hear,
hear)—but again he said this question must be met with-
out quibbling-about machinery, and something must be
done before they separated this session.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. FERRAND was surprised that the Hon. Member
for Greenock had brought forward the present motion, as
nothing could result from it but a grant of money. The
shopkeeper would tell them that the cause of the distress
was the truck system and the fraud in manufactures ;
which fraud had been carried to such an extent, that the
London shopkeepers did not dare to admit to their cus-
tomers that they procured their goods from Manchester.
—(A laugh.) The manufaCturers should recollect that
their best market was in the agricultural districts. An-
other `cause of the distress was that capital alone was
protected, and labour starved. The working classes
asked for protection for their labour. It was the duty
of GoVernment to legislate so that every man should be
protected, and no Government could long hold the reins
of power which did not make protection the -polar star of
its legislation.

Ali:. VILLIERS in listening to all that had fallen
from the Hon. Member for Macclesfield, and the Hon.
Member for Knaresborough, had only heard what had
already been said by those who had preceded them, by
the Ministers of the Crown on a former evening, and
those were the only reasons that had been given for re-
fusing to take into consideration the cause of the dis-
tresses of the country. He hoped the people would read
those speeches, and remember that those were the only
reasons that had been given for the shtitting the door of
the House in their faces; and refusing any inquiry into
their distresses. The Hon. Member for Stockport had
said that, from the apathy exhibited by the Government
and by lion. Gentlemen opposite, he did.not believe that
they thought that distress was really existing, which, in
words, they seemed inclined to admit. He differed
in opinion on that point from his Honourable
Friend. He thought they were perfectly aware and
believed in the existence of the distress, but they also
believed that the people would be quiet—that they had
no reason to be afraid—(Cheers)—and on that ground
alone they acted.—(Cheers.) The only question they
asked was, Are the people qUiet ? (Cheering- and
counter-cheering.) God grant they might continue
quiet—(Cheers)—brit the House should recollect that
there• was a point beyond which human endurance
could not go—(Cheers)—and every hour brought fresh
accounts from the country calculated to create 'the
deepest alarm.—(llear, hear.) If the present motion had
no other merit, it had at least-lifforded an opportunity to
the Government—had callea upon it to state its views as to
the present condition of the people, what was its opinion
as to the causes of the distress under which the people
were suffering, and what were the prospects of the future.
It was the duty of a Government to state its opinions on
these subjects, either to afford relief, or to state at once
that it could not do so. Now he would ask if any-
thing had fallen from any Minister of the CroWn, which
ought to satisfy the people that ther condition was in-
evitable?—(Hear, hear.) Would what had been stated
by the Ministers satisfy the people ? Would they be
satisfied with a few phrases of sympathy—(Cheers)—and
a cowardly sneer at machinery—(Loud cheers)—without
the boldness openly to denounce it?—(Continued cheer.)
Then they were told of over-production, which meant
simply that the people .wore • too badly off to purchase
commodities. They exhausted the means of the people
by their monopolies, and tken talked of over-production.
—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Knaresborough talked
of the home market and of the agricultural population
forming the greater portiOn of it—there could not be a
greater fallacy.—(Hear, from Mr. Ferrand.) Did the
lion. Gentleman mean to say that the great proportion
of the population of the country was agricultural?—
(Hear, hear, from Mr. Ferrand.) The Hon. Gentleman
might make statements of that sort in the House, but he
had really much better go and inform himself on the sub-
ject. If he would look at the official returns of the census
lie would find that whereas in 11311 the agricultural po-
pulation was in the ratio of two to one as compared
with the rest of tha community, in 1831 the ratio
had been precisely reversed, and the agricultural popu-
lation only bore the proportion of one to two.—(Hear.)
The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ferrand), who pretended
that he represented the working classes, stated that
those classes did not wish for a repeal of the Corn laws.
But let it be remembered, that upwards of two millions
of our populatiOn had petitioned for a repeal of the
Corn-laws, and upwards of three millions had petitioned
for a change in our legislative system. On each of those
questions the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Knares-
borough voted against the expressed wishes of the peo-
ple. The Hon. Gentleman appeared, on all occasions, to
think that what the people wanted was charity, and the
relief afforded in the workhouse ; but he (Mr. Villiers)
begged to say that the MM. Gentleman misrepresented
the English people, who did not want charity,
but a fair field for the exercise .cf their in-
dustry, and who abhor;:al pauperism as much as
any other class in the community. lie had that day had
an interview with the Delegates of the Anti-Corn-law
League, and the unanimous feeling among those-
,gentle-
men was, that the advocates of. some remedial measure
to meet the prevailing distress, should not cease in their
efforts to press the subject on the consideration of Par-
liament, while any opportunity of doing so was offered.
As an instance of the state in which the country was now
plunged, he would; refer to the case of Bilston and its
neighbourhood, containing 700,000 souls, now left almost
totally without employment, and involved in the deepest
distress. It was the belief of these men that
all the evils under which . they suffered might
be remedied, if the Corn-laws were repealed,
nod the markets of the world thrown open
for their productions in exchange for articles of provi-
sion. He would refer to the statistics of the United
States in proof of the capabilities which that country
possessed of supplying us with food, for the purpose of
showing that if we had a. free trade with the United
States all the privations which our people now endure
would cease. A gentleman in Liverpool had lately re-
ceived a letter from a correspondent in America, in which
the writer stated that the opening of the Erie Canal
would enable the agricultural produce of a country corn
prising 90,000 square miles to enter for the first time the
port of New York; and again the State of Ohio contained
4,000 square miles of good soil ; so that in all there were '
on the United States side of the Great Lakes,
.nearly
100,000 square miles from which wheat was now
sent to New York, but from which not one
bushel could have been sent in the year 1830.
This correspondent also stated that being unable to ex-
change their corn for our manufactures, they were be-
ginning to manufacture for themselves, It was stated
also that immense tracts to the north of the Mississippi
were capable of growing corn and wheat, and that the
most distant parts of them were to be reached in twenty
days. The superiority of the wheat grown in the west-
ern States was also worthy of notice. The duties on
importation from America had not increased for
many years at all in proportion to the increase of
the population. To America our Corn-laws were
very injurious, and the greatest minds of the
Cnte States considered the movement going
on is England for their abolition, as opening a grand
prospect to the people of that country. He was sorry to
detain the House with these details, but they must re-
collect that thousands would leok anxiously on the mor-
row to what had been said in the House on this ques-
tion ; and it was. to console the people that he stated
these things. England had a double interest in the
question, arising not only from the benefit she
would derive from obtaining corn from thence, but that
the British capital embarked in the public works of
America would be
.rendered more remunera-
tive.—(Hear, hear.) In the corn lands of America
was to be found the great resource of the people of this
country. If the present state of things continued, the
middle and the working. classes of the nation must be-
come united in condemning the Corn-laws. Everything
said in favour of the Corn-laws had been disproved.
High wages and good trade at home had been promised
as the effects of the Corn-laws, but these promises had
been shown by experience to be fallacious. The people
saw that the Corn-laws caused much of their distress,
and gave none of the benefits predicted as consequent
upon them ; and yet when the 'operation of those laws
was raising the price of food; 'they were going to con-
tinue them.
Mr. ROEBUCK felt some embarrassment on. the pre-
sent occasion, because from thepeculiar manner in which
the motion was worded, it was impossible for him to sup-
portit;
n w ilaentdh
eyret,
noyn
pt the t
joo
iti e
or
fh
tainted ,
distressknowing
knowing also that they must, of necessity,
well the in-
tentionsto which the
motion referred could be remedied by legislation, he
felt unable to vote against it. He thought it of import-
ance to consider what would be, the conduct of gentle-
men opposite, but particularly of Ministers, if this pro-
position of the Hon. Member for Greenock were assented
to by them. That proposition pledged the Ministers
of the Crown to provide sustenance and work for the
poor. It was a proposition which appeared to him so
fraught with mischief that he would not, in any shape
whatever, be a party to passing those resolutions. If
acceded to it he
Iti.h,oeuldßigshht
wH onhoiumrsaebllfe
be a Minister
Bunarfiotiletto
of the Crown ; he would be drawing not only
e
the people but himself'.
Ile (Mr. Roebuck) thought
idte of the House
of this sort
had t
aion
gentlemen on that (the
complain
right
to
should be brought forward at a time when they admitted
the existence of the distress, and were anxious to devise'
a remedy for it—a proposition which involved them in
Opposition)thati
a proposition
ossi
the difficulty either of sup Porting that which was false
and improper, or of letting it go forth to the public that.
they were opposed to inquiry in the matter, and were
not friends to the people. For his own part he certainly
felt that he was not in a positi" to support the motion
of the Hon. Member for Greenock. lie. however, asked
Hon. Gentlemen opposite to consider this question, not
as it was placed in the paper PPtice before the House,
but as it must coma to be decided either that
night or at some other time not far distant.—(llear.)
Let them throw elide for ever all party feelings,
consider themselves as brethren, rheL'for the pnr-

-,LOI4;DON; irrENING, JULY 9, 1842._

t pose of legislating for a great and large conzaittnity, that
must be dr ar to them.---(Hear,_henr.) What, then, was
the cause of the distress ? He believed it was not solely
to be attributed to the Corn-laws. But allowing to
Hon. Gentlemen all the addition to the distress which
was made from over production and the monetary dis-
tress of America, he would still ask if the narrowing of
the markets, which was occasioned by the Corn-laws,
was not a great cause of distress? He believed, Ithwever,
that if they had the most unrestricted trade, there would'
be periodic recurrences of distress.—(Hear.) There
were things which no Government. could do, to procure
sustenance and labour for the people. They ought
therefore to distinguish between what could, and what
could not, be done by legislation.—(Hear, hear.) The
maintenance of a whole people-could not be procured by
alms. It must come from themselves.—(Hear, hear.)
But while he admitted that the whole distress could not
be dune away with, he thought it might be partially
alleviated. And how ? By an alteration of tae Corn-
laws.—(Hear, hear.) That was within the grasp of the
Legislature. And if it could he shown that such a re-
sult would be produced by an alteration of the Corn-
laws, how could those who, for their own pritate gain,
maintained those laws, justify to themselves suish a line
..sf conduct ? And in his opinion there could be little
doubt, that even besides the admission of corn into this
country, the opening of foreign markets to the produce
of their manufactures, which would be created
thereby, would operate powerfully to mitigate and re
duce the present intense destitution of the people.
But he would say, what prevents the remedy ? He would
be told the cold-hearted selniness of a body of men
who, for the benefit of themselves, maintained those
laws. He did not think that those were the motives of
the landed interest; he did not believe they were actuated
by bad motives ; but he would tell theM to look to their
starving countrymen, and to remember that it was by an
extension of trade alone that the people could obtain
labour. Seeing those laws were admitted iby all high
authorities to be mischievous, he would ask, then, if they
would maintain them? He would appeal to their pru-
dence, their generosity, and their good feeling, if it was
wise to create this difference between
.those who lived by
labour in land, and by labour in manufactures. He
asked them, not to repeal the laws, but to inquire—that
was the question put by the Hon Member for Greenock,
and inquiry was refused, on the ground that it would
lead to a repeal of those laws. There could be no doubt
that the Corn-laws were not the sole cause. There were
other causes. He pointed to various parts in the :arid'
which required to be re-considered. There was the
Brazils ; there was the timber trade ; there were other
parts in the tariff which required reconsideration which
had produced, and were producing great mischief—mis-
chief that had increased,' was increasing, and ought to
be diminished. He would take care that before they
separated the House should have an opportunity .of de-
ciding distinctly on the question to which he had al-
luded —first, whether the people were in n state of
great distress ; next, whether that distress admitted of
a legislative remedy, and if so,'that the House ought to
inquire what the remedy should be. Those he
believed were the points which the Hon. Member for
Greenock wished to bring clearly before the House, and
he asked that Hon. Member if he could not devise some
means of bringing those questions before the House, in
place of the ill-judged resolutions now before it. He be-
lieved that it was practicable to do so. If the Hon.
Member would allow the original question, which was,
that the Speaker do leave the chair, to be put and carried
to-night, the same question must be again put on Mon-
day, when the question in its amended shape could be
brought forkard in such a manner as to obtain the ap-
proval of thinking people. He besought .them to do their
duty as the representatives of the Commons, who were
suffering under the dreadful distress, by first inquiring
into the disease and then providing some remedy.

Mr. FIELDEN moved that the debate be adjourned.
Mr. WALLACE besought his Hon. Friend to with-
draw his motion and to let the division be taken before
the House separated. With regard to the wording of the
resolution he was not wedded to it, and in accordance
with the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Bath he
would agree to his alteration, and consent to the leaving
out the latter part of the sixth resolution or any other
part that any Hon. Member might suggest.—(Loud
laughter.) Ile had, before bringing the resolution for-
ward, asked the Speaker if it was competent for him to
make any alteration in the resolutions of which he had
given notice, and bad been informed that it was not. A
great part of the object which he had had in view had
been obtained, for, during the discussion, the state of the
country had obtained a much greater degree of attention
than he had anticipated or expected. He hoped his Hon.
Friend would withdraw his motion and suffer the division
to come on to-night.
Mr. FIELDEN, who rose amidst cries of" adjourn"
and " go on," said that he did not think it advisable that
the debate should be continued at that late hour of the
night. He should therefore persevere in his motion
for an adjournment.

Sir IL-PEEL said that-the question had been before
the House since Friday last, and he asked, he would not
say of the courtesy, but of the justice of the House—
(Hear, hear)—that they should dispose of the subject
that evening.
The House then divided, and the numbers were—
For the adjournment
Against it
Majority against the adjournment —23l
On the original motion being put,
Mr. HINDLEY moved that the House do now
adjourn.

Mr. CALLAGHAN seconded the motion.
The gallery was again cleared for a division.
The numbers were—
For the motion
Against it
Majority against the adjournment —195
On our return to the gallery we found
Sir R. PEEL add►essing the House. He said ho knew.
the power which individual Members had to obstruct
the business of the House; and considering that the de-
bate had now lasted a week, he must leave to the House
and the country to judge of the propriety of such ob-
structions. He certainly thought it a duty he owed the
public to guard as far as he could against the establish-
ment of such a precedent, which in the present case was
a most unjust one.

Mr. WALLACE said he was as willing to be judged
by the country as the Right lion. Baronet, and thought
he had by far the most popular side of the case ; besides
which, there were several Hon. Gentlemen who had not
yet spoken during the debate, and who intended to
deliver their sentiments on the subject. The country
would appreciate his resolutions, and none more than
the sixth one, though it did not exactly suit the Par-
liamentary feelings of some Hon. hair-splitting Gen-
tlemen. He had shown his Resolutions to his friends
before giving notice of his intention to move them. He
had, on being spoken with by Lord John Russell, agreed
to leave out the latter part of the sixth. He had placed
them on the Public Notice paper of the House at least
ten days before he moved them, in all which time
not a word was said against any part of them,
nor had any one during the debate proposed to alter
them until the Honourable Member for Bath did so.
It was impossible to please every one, although he was
most anxious to satisfy all his friends in that House.
Out of doors the starving millions would not be so fas-
tidious. There his resolutions would be understood
and appreciated, therefore he would not withdraw
them, and was willing to go to a division now.

Sir R. PEEL said he was willing to go on with the
debate on Tuesday, and it was not his fault that it was
not proceeded with.
Mr. FIELDEN said that he was desirous of addressing
the House on a subject of such importance, and as he
could not do so at that late hour, he would move the ad-
journment of the debate till Monday.—(oh, oh.)
General JOHNSTON said the question was, whether
they would refuse to adjourn, for some thirty hours, in
a case where bread was asked for the people ?
Mr. ESCOTT said (amidst loud cries of " Oh, oh !"
and " Spoke, spoke")—that the time was now come when
it would be advisable to stop such proceedings, by al-
tering the rules of the House with regard to adjourn-
ments.—(Hear, hear.)

Mr. C6I3DEisT said if any such attempt were made, he
should feel it his duty to attend in his place to defeat it,
by moving perpetual adjournments.—(Laughter.)
Strangers were ordered to withdraw and the House
divided on the question of adjournment, when there ap-
peared—

For the adjournment
Against it 209
Majority against the adjournment —l9O
Before the gallery was opened,
The House divided on the original question, when
there appeared—
For Mr. Wallace's resolutions 49
Against them 174
_

Majority against the resolutions —125
Sir R. PEEL then moved that the House should re-
solve itself pro forma into a Committee of Supply.
The House accordingly went into a Committee of
Supply, Mr. GREENE in the chair ; the Chairman im-
mediately reported progress, ana obtained leave to sit
again on Monday.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at a Quarter to Three o'Clock.

HAMBURGH MAIL.
DRESDEN, JUNE 27.—1 n consequence of the long-
continued drought, the Elbe is so low that our steamers
cannot move ; but the Bohemia steamer, drawing much
less water, still continues to ply between this and Jeahen.
It is high time to make every exertion to remove the
obstruction of the navigation of this great German river,
which is above 700 miles in length.
ST. PETERSBURGD, JUNE 25.—His Royal Highness
the Prince of Prussia arrived on the 21st, in good health,
at the Palace of Peterhoff.

DANTZIC, JUNE 27.—Yesterday evening, at ten o'clock,
the two Russian steam-boats, the Kamschatka and
Bogota, the latter of which had just before taken his
Majesty our King on board, left this port for CrOTISWit,
HANOVER, JULY 2.—His Majesty the Icing left Ro-
tenkirchen yesterday afternoon to go to Ems.
ALTONA, JULY 2.—The King of Denmark has ac-
ceded to the petition of a Company, to make an iron
railway from Altona to Kiel.
Ihmuunon, JULY 4.—The Committee appointed by
the Senate has published today, the 4th, a list of the
contributions for the aid of Hamburgh, including the
money received by the-Relief Committee.
The amount received up to the 22d of June, In the
evening, is about 3,230,000 marks bailee,
HANOVER, July 2.--1 esterday afternoon, about five
o'clock, wo had a thunder storm, with torrents of rain
and such a hurricane that not only were the roofs of
many houses in the city much damaged, bat the largest
trees were broken, and e, whole row of smaller trees were
torn op by the roots. All the booths and tents erected
fbr a fete of the citizens, to-morrow, were levelled with
the ground, and the boards carried to a groat diatauee.—
Hamburgh Papers, 41,37 5,

LONDON?
SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 9, 1842.

2LEPUANTO"--4 grat•rei appetite and nothinw
to eat.

The debates on Mr. WALLACE'S, and on Mr. BANNER-
MAN'S motions, are some of the most important of the
Session. Their measures certainly want the one great
recommendation of all Sir ROBERT PEEL'S measures, the
certainty, namely, of being carried ; but they have never-
theless the higher virtue of being eminently useful. They
have turned the thoughts of Members of Parliament and
of the public in aright direction, and they have convinced
even the Members themselves of the uselessness, if not
of the mischievousness, of the measures which they have
passed, because they had the single merit of being pro-
posed by Sir ROBERT PEEL.

Only now, apparently, has any knowledge of the true
state of the country penetrated into the House of Com-
mons, and all the Members, Premier and all, seem
suddenly awakened and alarmed at the consequences of
their own actions. They can no longer disguise from
themselves the existence of terrible and wide-spread dis-
tress ; ntr for one moment doubt that the measures of
Sir ROBERT PEEL have increased our calamities. Mr.
WALLACE and Mr. BANNERMAN will not be able to inflict
new laws on the community, but they have established
some important truths. This is one prodigious advan-
tage which the debates they have provoked have had
over most of the preceding discussions.

They seem also to have had the effect of sift* and
separating parties. Mr. MoNcwrox MILNES on Thurs-
day spoke and voted against Sir ROBERT PEEL. The
upright and sincere amongst his followers begin to
perceive that party considerations must give way in the
present awful state of the country ; and very soon other
reflecting men like, Mr. MONCKTON MILNES, will shudder
at sacrificing the peace of the community at the shrine
of Sir ROBERT Pzra.'s unprincipled ambition.
Lord J. RUSSELL voted one way, Mr. -.-,„..,lrA,,atrz.ey and
Lord HOWICK another. The two latter prefer the pub-
lic safety to technical considerations. They come more
to the popular side as their former leader sides with the
Tories. Lord JOHN RUSSELL seems to prefer the Go-
vernment to the community, and he trusts to Sir RO-
BERT PEEL rather than vote for a law which might coin-
pel him to act. He speaks and votes under the respon-
sibility of being soon again in office, and he would
forego the substantial benefit to the public for which
Mr. MACAULAY and Lord Howicx voted, rather than
infringe the power he expects again to wield.
There are, indeed, rumours afloat of a coalition be-
tween him and Sir ROBERT PEEL, but were it to take
place, what more could their united strength in Parlia-
ment accomplish than has been accomplished by Sir R.
PEEL ? All his measures are carried, and at the very
moment and height of his triumph in Parliament events
have completely defeated him. He has succeeded in the
House of Commons, but failed in the country. Unsup-
ported by the Press, surrounded by followers
who no longer trust him, shunned And dis-
liked by opponents, whom he hag deprived of
office, while he has been compelled to adopt
the principles of their policy, he is obviously in a far
s orse position after the most brilliant Parliamentary
success, than when he entered office. A union between
him and Lord Jour; IlussELL could not increase their
power ; and, were it to take place, it would only
damage the diameter of both, without enabling them
combined to conquer those events to which Sir It PEEL
singly has succumbed, If Lord Jourt RUSSELL cannot
hope by any union With Sir ROBERT PEEL to enable
the Government to master events, the preferable course
for him is to become, if possible, the leader of that
policy which is adapted to them, and which is stronger
than the present strong Government.
Sir R. PEEL'S dictatorship forced his Bill through the
Rouse of Commons, and those measures are more dis-
cussed after they are passed than when they were in pro-
gress. It is singular, too, that before the session is
ended, Parliament has become half ashamed and half
sorry at its own acts. It is satisfied, as well as the pub.
lic, that little or no good can possibly come of the three
great measures it has, after five months' labour, almost
canlP*o‘l, Both siistliess and discontent are rapidly in-
ereatulg: is no longer the Chartists merely who cla.