The Sun.
London, England, 1829-05-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS

The proceedings in Spitalfields continue with
unabated violence. We know not whether the ban-
ditti have been fed during the day out of charitable
contributions, in this attempt to ruin or alienate the
manufactures of their country. Let it not be thought
that we are severe in our animadversions on the jour-
neymen; we only reprehend their efforts to ruin
themselves as well as their employers. Can they
not see that when once full employment returns,
they will obtain their prices,and the masters, being
then in competition with each other to supply their
customers, will outbid each other? No, they wilt
not see this. The masters had best, therefore, take
proper measures. Let th.m withdraw, as much as
they can, their work from Spitalfields. It would be
ca,y to place active artisans, who would work if
they dared, in distant places, near which there is
frequent correspondence by coaches ; and on no ac-
count should they ever again employ those who are
in league with the banditti, and admit them into
their houses for the purpose of cutting the work out
of their looms. Never again shall we hear with pa-
tience of distresses in Spitalfields. The silk trade
ought, with all suitable dispatch, to be removed out
..f that quarter, and dispersed in different parts. We
would not have Parliament interfere at all in the
question : let the silk business find its level. A con-
ference between a body of the masters, and certain
delegates of the journeymen, tool; place last night,
but led to no result.—Times.
The question of the introduction of poor laws
. into Ireland was brought before the House of Com-
mons last night, by Mr. Villiers Stuart
Since the Union (said Mr. V. Stuart) the two coun-
tri-,s bad been so immediately identified, that it might he
said that their interest was one and indivisible, and it was
-itnpossible to maintain that Parliament could legislate
s-deiy for the one without reference to the institutions of
-the other."
England cannot have poor laws while Ireland
remains without them; for the poor laws of the
former in this case enable the Irish to destroy the
Ettuli.h labourers. This point is very forcibly put,
ill, a pamphlet, just published, by G. Poulett Scrope,
&c. a Wiltshire Magistrate, under the
'time of ." A Plea for the Abolition of Slavery in
E.ngland, as produced by an illegal abuse of the
Poor Law, common in the Southern Counties."
3lr. Scrope calls for the extension of poor laws to
Ireland—

Not merely as an act of justice and charity to the
Irish peasantry, or of policy, as tending to promote the
re-anquillity, industry, and productiveness of that portion
of the empire ; but chiefly because I look on it as an una-
voidable measure of self-protection on the part of Eng-
land, whose labouring classes are borne down to the ex-
treme of poverty by the competition of the starving Irish,
and whose landholders are actually supporting a large part
(f the Irish poor out of the English rates. For it is clear
as long as there is a single supernumerary labourer in
England, every Irishman who comes over and gets work,
rn.iist throw an additional Englishman on the poor. rate of
Iris parish ; which is precisely the same thing in its effect
on the interest of the landholders as a body, as if the Irish-
man remained at home, and was maintained out of the
English poor-rate. The law ensures subsistence to the
Englishman, whether he meet with work or not—the
lti,timan must either get work or starve. Competition
under such unequal circumstances can only end in the Eng-
lish labourer being every where supplanted by the Irish,
and inalatained in idleness out of the parochial funds.
Let the rate-payers look to this in time !"
But the poor laws have another justification,—
t!‘ev are as necessary to the welfare of Ireland itself
:17:- they are to the protection of England. Mr. V.
Stuart put the question on this issue : " I want no
nian (he said) to vote for my proposition on the ab-
!comet principle of charity. I stand in need of no
such accessary argument. If I cannot prove that
the interests of the landholders of Great Britain
.:nd Ireland are as much identified with the pro-
sperity of the labouring classes as the labourers
themselves; if I fail to show that this measure will
h,ve a tendency to raiF.e the Irish labourers from
;heir present depressed condition—l will admit that
iny ease is a bad one, and does not deserve the sup-
port of the Flouse." The poor laws in England
were passed for the protection of property, and not
from any feeling of humanity towards the poor,
though they accord with the dictates of humanity.
It was found, by experience, that the law could not

s-eeure to industry the fruits of its exertions, without
makinri, some provision for the destitute; for se-
e verity had no terrors which the cravings of hunger
could not Gvercom e. Branding, burning out
the gristle of the ear, all manner of punish-
ments, were thrown away on the vagrant
mendicant, who respected no property till his
necessities were attended to. " Why was it," said
Mr. V. Stuart, " that commerce, wealth, manu-
factures, and industry formed the characteristic at-
tributes of Great Britain, while Ireland, With a cli-
mate as genial, a soil as fertile, gave birth to no
manufactories, no commercial speculation, accumu-
lated no capital, but was the universal prey of po-
verty and destitution ?" Because law cannot be
enforeed in Ireland. And why cannot law be en-
forced in Ireland ? Because the absence of poor-
rates plunges them in a state of destitution,, which
sets all law at defiance. There can be no accumu-
lation of capitalno restraints on the multiplication
of paupers, but occasional famines, and the typhus
wl_tich follows in their train. In the first part of a
treatise on " The Causes and Remedies of Pau-
perism in the United Kingdom," by Mr. Wilmot
Ilortonjust published, a correspondence between him
and the Marquis of Westmeath is gives by way of an
Appendix, which shows the absolute impossibility
of enforcing law in Ireland. The peasantry through-
out the south and west of Ireland do not cultivate
by capital, but depend on corn-acres—that is, they
follow a practice somewhat a-kin to that of the sa-
vage mentioned b Montesquieu, who to get the
fruit cuts down the tree—they supply the want of
manure and outlay by paring and burning the soil,
which bicomes afterwards barren. " This barba-
rous practice (says Lord .Westmeath) is hemming
us in on every side with a wretched population. I
pledge myself that it is a practice actually plung-
ing us in deeper misery every day. ,
Corn-acre-ing of land is universal in the south and
west of Ireland.

humble opinion it is one great cause of the undue
increase of population, because it enables the pau-
per (do but suffer him to occupy land) to force a
5--w crops without regard to consequences, which
are invariably barrenness. It enables a man who
has no cattle, nor the manure resulting from the
management of such, to extract a crop of potatoes
and a few of oats, and then the soil is destroyed.
The re-action upon society is now felt. The penalty
for this is at the rate of ten pounds per acre, re,
roverable before two Magistrates (forms duly ob-
served), and with a right of appeal. The ground
must be surveyed by a sworn surveyor. The sur-
veyor must be willing to expose his life, by carrying
on his share of a process which interferes with the
supply of food expected by the swarms of poor.
Aecor(iingly a surveyor employed Li/ me was beaten
dreadfully, and had his arm broken for acting; and
last week a bailiff in my service narrowly escaped
with his life, having been pointed out to the peo,
pie, fourteen miles from this town, as having ap-
peared before the Magistrates even to give evidence
in suet) a case." His Lordship says it has been his
invariable practice, when leases have fallen in to him,
to let his land to the tenantry he found in occupation,
and never to a middleman ; that he did so upon the
special understanding that they should neither
miderlet nor corn-acre, nor burn—that a large
proportion of them owe him two years' rent,
and some more, and some six years' rent and
that he would forgive them all they owe would
they but go away. " I show," he says, " that they were
introduced by fraud, and in breach of positive agree-
ment ; for having foreseen years ago the evils
which must follow from such subdivision of land, I
left nothing undone there which would secure me
against surreptitious settlements on my property.
Cottages were built and subdivisions made, in de-
fianee or my standing regulations." " I have no
doubt, by law," he adds, " I should be justified in
foreing the parties out of possession, if I had the

physical power to do so ; but in Ireland, as it is,
who dare assist me ?" I said I would agree to for-
give them their arrears if they would consent to go
and leave me at peace. So I would; but I shall
not tender this office individually, because it would
do me no good. I could not use the land in
patches. The remaining tenants would, by trespais
or ill-will, make it useless to me ; but if theY
''would all go, I could put sheep on and improVc
the laud without an effort; and, if so disposed, let
it in large farms to solvent tenants, or bring in a
colony of Scotch afterwards. Besides, admit that
I was willing to embark in the expense you pro-
pose (for emigration)—what security does the
law give me, that, with the same stock of te-
nants I originally let to, I should not be, if I live
ten years, just situated, as to what I complain of,
as lam now ? It gives me positively none."—:
The well-informed author of "Letters from the Irish
Highlands," says, " I have yet to -mention the
habits of pilfering, so common among our poor,
arising, no doubt, in a great measure, from the cause,
—viz. the pressure of occasional want, and which is
another difficulty which large farmers have to con-
tend with. You cannot fail to remember the story
which I sent you, of the destruction of a whole
crop of turnips in one night; and although the de-
predations are not always upon so extensive a scale,
yet nothing that the farmer can raise is free from the
attacks of his poor neighbours." How is it possible
that capital can be employed in the cultivation of
land when the law affords no security to the culti-
vator ? The wretched pauper lives as he can, with-
out forethought and without restraint; and the face
of the country is covered with beggars, who can
never emerge from that situation, and who will not
suffer their place to be supplied by others. Mr.
Wilmot Horton very happily ridiculed the nonsense
talked by Mr. William Lamb and Lord Goderich,
which had been cheered by the House. To tell an
Irishman that the remedy for the evils which afflict
his country is patience, perseverance, determined en-
terprize, and unwearied labour, when the very evil
is the absence of demand for his labour, is no doubt
very edifying. If these Senators had said to the
Irishman, get a rope and hang yourself, the advice
would have indicated cruelty, no doubt; but it would
have been intelligible, at all events, in a case where
the complaint is redundancy. Mr. Horton observed
" no one who gravely considered the question,
could suppose that it was possible to destroy
the poor laws of this country; and, therefore,
the only course left would be to introduce them
into Ireland. Taking it as an abstract question,
he was willing to admit that it would be judicious
to introduce a modification of the poor laws into
Ireland; but he was well convinced that no modifi-
cation could prove efficient, as long as that country
laboured under the evil of a redundant population."
But the poor laws would force the landholders of
Ireland, in self-defence, to put a stop to the growth
of this redundant population. At present the efforts
of one gentleman are paralysed by the negligence
or inordinate avarice of others. If a needy man,
tempted by the Si. or 101. obtained by corn-acreing,
surrounds me with a necessitous pauper population,
in vain I embark capital on my grounds. Pass a
Poor Bill, and the landlord, whether he will or not,
must, if he hope to have a farthing from his land,
commence the clearing of his land from the pauper
occupants. These poor creatures will nor, as now,
be left to starve, or to live by the violation of law.
The Bill will provide for the destitute, but it
will prevent the multiplication of destitution.
The motion of Mr. V. Stuart, " That it is expe-
dient at an early period of next Session, to con-
sider the propriety of introducing a system of
poor laws into Ireland, &c." was met by Lord
F. L. Gower by the previous question. But his
Lordship observed, " the course he felt it his duty
to pursue on the present occasion was one which
imposed on him the necessity—in courtesy to the
Honourable Gentleman, and in explanation of the
motives that influenced him—to state, that though
he should meet the motion in direct hostility, he did
not intend thereby to impute that it was unfounded
or mischievous: he alluded, of course, to his inters,
doh to move the previous qnestion; but the Hon.
Gentleman might'be sure, that it was far from his
wish to pass the remotest degree of condemnation on
the measure he advocated, or on his lnotivesfor bringing
it forward on this occasion." This, from the Secre-

tary for Ireland, is saying a great deal. "He ob-
jected on principle to any measure on the part of the
House which pledged it to a distinct line of conduct,
or which went to lay down any distinct subject of
discussion for a future period." Mr. Spring Rice,
Mr. Dawson, and other Irish Gentlemen, are averse
to poor rates for the very reason that ought to
make English Gentlemen insist on them. They
wish to throw their poor on the English. They
wish to have the making of poor, and to let the
English maintain them. They wish to be land-
owners, without any responsibility. But, as Sir
Francis Burdett observed, " it is just and beneficial
that the Irish Landowners should maintain their
own poor," The speech of Mr. Brownlow was
highly honourable to him. The motion was with-
drawn ; but we have no doubt of its success next
year. Nothing but a poor rate will prevent the
Irish landlords from manufacturing poor.—Morn-
ing Chronicle.
There are few qualities which, when pushed to
an extreme, are less creditable to individuals, or
more injurious to the public interests, than that
which is known under the specious name of " po-
litical candour." We do not wish to see public dis-
cussions carried on, either in Parliament or else-
where, in the tone of personal rancour which has
sometimes distinguished them; but there is, on the
other hand, a manly independence and fearless dis-
regard of givini, offence, without which any thing
like freedom is lost in public discussion. There are
those who think that the Press sometimes carries
this a little too far. That may be so ; but of this

we are quite sure, that in Parliament there seems a
chance of its being lost sight of altogether. In-
deed, unless a little more spirit is infused into pub-
lic men, and this precious candour is in some de-
gree laid aside, we stand a chance of seeing every
thing like a strong inquisitorial Opposition in Par-
liament entirely lost to the country. Of the way
in which this candour acts upon public men and
public concerns, we would instance the milk-and-
water sentiments attributed to Mr. Baring in his
late speech relative to the absurd and monstrous
doctrine that a man can and ought to be at one and-

[ft same time Governor of Madras and Member for

the City of Canterbury. How is Mr. Baring
represented as opening this case to the House ?
Why by stating that he has long known the person
of whom he complains, and that he "was quite
convinced that he was a person who would not do
any thing which could give offence, or lie disagree-
able to the great body of his constituents." Why
it is because his conduct is disagreeable to the great
body of his constituents that they have ineffectually
petitioned the House to remove him from his seat.
It is because of this that Mr. Baring himself
takes up the matter; yet, when the matter comes
to issue, in steps " political candour," teaching the
Hon. Gentleman to blow hot and cold in the same
breath, and actually neutralising, if not stultifying,
his own propositions. But the most notable in-
stance of this candour (remarkable alike in the occa-
sion and the person resorting to it) occurred in the
questions which Mr. Hume asked a short time since
relative to that "job ofjobs," the new settlement on
the Swan River. If there were an uncompromising
straight-forward man left, we should say it was Mr.
Hume; and if there were one topic which just now
called more than others for straight-forward and un-
compromising dealing, we should say it is one where
a Minister is charged with serving his relatives and
connections in an undcr•hand manner, by a large
grant of land belonging to the public. Yet how
does Mr. Hume deal with this, at least most ques-
tionable proceeding, if not disgraceful job? Why
he sinks the manly .independence of his political
character; and calls in this new-fangled candour to
his aid ; and begins with assuring his opponents
that he does not believe the fact, which nobody
upon earth doubts; and then rests quietly satisfied

with an explanation, which must at least, we should
think, have changed his belief and removed his
doubts, if he really had-any. We mean no offence
to Mr. Hume or Mr. Baring when we thus treat
them as public men with that freedom, the apparent
want of which we complain of in themselves. It is
because that- they are eminent, and above suspicion,
that we lament the more that they should afford
specimens of this new quality, which, in otheil fol-
lowing their example, may be prostituted to t 4
worst of purposes. Freedom of speech is one of
the high privileges of Parliament; it is what the
people have a right to look for from their Repre',.
sentatives. In short, though it may be vastly con-
venient to Ministers to have a ca'sdid race of oppo.
nents to deal %vitt), the public would rather see a
fearless one. Jobs and abuses must be dealt with

like deep and dangerous wounds, not with the salves
and "lotions which we apply to trifling sores.--,
llioAing Herald.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MA NSION- HOUSE.

CONSPIRACY TO DEFRAUD A.SEANIAN.—On Wednesday
a case came on before the Loan MAYOR which, on account
, of the ingenious plan of imposing upon sailors now in
practice amongst crimps an) their associates, excited a.
great deal of interest.
John Pesman, Anthony Colvin, and C. A. Quirley,
were charged, under the 7th and Bth George IV., cap.
29., sec. 53., with having obtained money from William
Rees, a seaman, by false pretences.
The case is as follows:—Rees is a seaman on board the
ship Royalist, South Sea Man. He arrived in England in
that ship on the 22d of March, and was entitled, accord-
ing to the contract between the owners and crew, to one
ton of oil out of every seventy tons which were brought
home in that ship in lieu of wages. The ship was stated
to have brought home upwards of 140 tons of oil, so that
Rees's share amounted to two tons and upwards. On the
25th of March, John Pesman, slopseller, in the neigh-
bourhood of Wapping, wished to purchase the seaman's
share of the oil at '7O/. per ton, but did not find him wil-
ling to deal. This refusal upon the part of the seaman
was the means of throwing him into a dilemma, from
which, of all people in the world, a seaman was most
anxious to escape. He had lodged, before his last visit to
the fishery, at the house of the defendant Colvin, and upon
this occasion he had taken up his abode at the house of one
Sullivan. On going home one morning he was met
by one Forbes, a stranger to him, who said he was come to
take breakfast and a walk with him. Colvin soon afterwards
cane to the house of the landlord Sullivan, and desired
Forbes, who appeared to he a Sheriff's officer, to take the
seaman into custody. This was done, and he was con-
' ducted to the Mitre public-house in Aldgate, where Pea-
man, who wanted to purchase the oil, was, and where
Quixley soon made his appearance. Colvin then demanded
money for board to the amount of 71. 139., and the ex-
pences of the writ, amounting to 11. ss. ; and the person
who acted as sheriff's officer on the occasion refused to let
him go without payment of the costs as well as Colvin's
charge. The seaman believed that he owed Colvin some-
thing at the time, and Pesman renewed his proposal to
purchase the oil, an offer which the calamity that befel
unfortunate Jack induced him to embrace, notwithstand-
ing his present landlord's advice rather to submit to he
locked up in gaol than to discharge the amount. The
seaman consented to sign the bill of sale to Pesman, and
received from that person a cheque for 441. 6s. 6d. The

memorandum, which was signed by Pestnan, was drawn
up by Quigley, as was the bill of sale, which gave Pesman
a csntroul over the two tons of oil ; so that all the defen-
dants were perfectly aware of the nature of the transaction.
The LORD MAYOR had beard of the scandalous tricks
which were played upon unthinking seamen. It was the
practice amongst crimps and slopsellers in the neighbour-
hood of Ratcliffe-highway to get some fellow to pretend
that a siilor owes him money, and to produce mock bailiffs
to pretend that they have a writ against the poor man, and
to swear that they would take him off to prison if he re-
fused to pay the amount immediately. The sailor, being
intimidated by the prospect of a gaol after his three years'
labour, for that is the time frequently occupied in whaling
voyages, sends off for a slopseller, who agrees to pay the
debt and costs, as the false demand is called, and compels
the defendant to sign a power of attorney or bill of sale,
authorising the receipt of all his wires. This species of
plunder was, his Lordship believed, daily going forward.
The counsel for Pesman contended that there was nothing
in the circumstance stated that showed that hie client was
guilty of any fraud or intention to act- unworthilyor. He'
bad given the cheque in part payment, and had pledged him-
self to give the amount of the whole quantity of cash to
which the seaman might be entitled. The ship's accounts
were not, as yet, made out, and therefore it was impossible
to say what the seamen's claims are ; but there were always
in such cases great deductions to he made.

It was here stated, upon the part of the seaman, that
his share would amount to two tons and three barrels, so
that he was minus upwards of 90/. This memorandum,
drawn up at the desire of Penman, and signed by him, is
rather a curious one. It is as follows :

" I, John Pesman, have thisday purchased from William
Rees, of the ship Royalist, his share of oil, at 701. per
ton. If he should be entitled to more than '7Ol. per ton
the balance I promise to pay.
(Signed)

" J. PESM A N."

The LORD MAYOR advised that all the parties should be
prosecuted for a conspiracy against the seaman. He did
not consider that the cases of Pesman and Quigley came
within his jurisdiction, but that of Colvin certainly did,
and he should call upon him for bail. Without Colvin's
assistance Forbes could not have falsely arrested Rees.
Colvin protested that the money was fairly due to him,
and that Rees had frequently more money.
Mr. Phillips—Can you prove, or do you pretend to say,
that Forbes is a sheriff's officer? Colvin--No; I know
he is not; hut I was obliged to do that to get my money.

C., •
The Loan MAYOR-1 consider the case a most serious
one. I shall send a warrant after Forbes, and I recommend
an indictment of all the parties for a conspiracy.
Colvin then found bail for the attempt to defraud, and
the warrant was issued for the apprehension of Forbes.

GUILDHALL.
Messrs. Jonathan and William Paine, brothers, and
co-partners in the " decorative line," were placed at the
bar of this office yesterday, charged by the nocturnal au-
thorities of the ward of Castle Baynard with having done
divers disor lerlinesses against the peace of our Sovereign
Lord the King, and the quiet of the said ward.
It appe:n•edl that in the dead of the night, between Wed-
nesday evening and yesterday morning, Jerry Sheen, a
patrol of the ward, was " quietly pad-rolling Pauls"—
that is to say (in the vulgar) he was " patrolling St. Paul's
Church-yard ; when in the north-west corner thereof, he
heard a strange grunting and grumbling as of some person
"mighty uncomfortable; and, upon his walking himself
up to see what it might be, he found these two prisoners,
Jonathan and William Paine, on the ground together—
William on the broad of his back, grumbling gt ievonfilY ;
and Jonathan lying across him rummaging his pockets.—
" What is it you're after ?" said Jerry Sheen, laying hold
of Jonathan by the leg, and sedulously endeavouring to
pull him off the prostrate William. " Let me alone,* said
Jonattan, clinging still closer to William,—" Let me alone
—he has been robbed of his watch !" " Och and it's your-
self knows nothing about it at all, I dare say !" rejoined
Jerry; still pulling Jonathan by the leg ; but the more he
pulled the more closely Jonathan clung to the prostrate
William ; and therefore Jerry, finding he could make no
handle of the leg, very prudently relinquished it ; and
tiking hold of Jonathan by the back of the collar, he, by
dint of much tugging, succeeded in pulling him off and
setting him up on end ; for which piece of service Jonathan
instantly rewarded him by " an ugly thump." Jerry was
not so much surprised at this, for he had some doubt that-
Jonathan had been robbing, if not Burping, William ; but
he was not long in doubt, for he had scarcely received the
thump from Jonathan before William jumped up and gave
him another ! So then Jerry was convinced that they were
both " bad ones ;" and, calling for help, they were both,
with some difficulty, taken to the Compter.
William undertook to he spokesman for .their mutual
defence.—" The witnesses," said he, " have given a very
erroneous account of the affair ; hut, however, that I will
reply to by and by. The fact is, please your Worship,
I am a freeman of the borough of Malden ! and we (the
freemen of the borough of Malden) have a dinner once a
fortnight at the Crown and Cushion, in London•wall."—
(" At which they drink success to Members who have the
most money," observed a Worthy Magistrate, who happened
to ha standing by the Sitting Alderman.) " I and my
brother dined there last night," continued the brother of
Jonathan; " and, after the dinner and all that sort of
thing was over, we remained to have some talk with the
landlord about the whitewashing of some rooms; and, he
being engaged in conversation with some gentlemen in the
coffee-room, who had not gone, we"—
" For pity's sake, Sir," said Mr. Alderman ANSLEY,
" do not perplex us with a long story about borough din-
ners and whitewashing;—tell us why you and your brother,
if he is your brother—were struggling on the ground to-
gether in St. Paul's Church-yard, at midnight ? and why
you both struck the patrol ?"
" I was rapidly coming to that, Sir," replied the free.:

man of the borough of Malden ; " but the fact is, that as
I and my brother were returning from the dinner, three
men rushed out of somewhere upon us and robbed me of
of my watch; and my brother was merely feeling my
pockets to ascertain that fact, when the watchman came
up and treated us with the greatest violence."
All the witnesses positively denied that Messrs. the Free-
men had been treated with any violence at all, though
their conduct richly deserved it ; but the landlord of the
Crown and Cushion came forward and gave them the
" best of characters," and the Alderman allowed them to
" speak " to those they had assaulted ; after which speak-
ing they were discharged.