The Sun.
London, England, 1827-05-26 00:00:00

duty ? Here is, Undoubtedly, at the first view, something
captivating in the idea of a permanent duty withelt any
average or fluctuation whatever ; but there is .this danger
attending it, that if you make it high enough to be a pro-
tecting duty, when the price is very low, it will be so high
as to be intolerable ; and if you make it so low as not to be
too high in a time of scarcity, it will afford no protection in
time of plenty. The only mode in which this objection
could be obviated would be to give to his Majesty in Coun-
cil the power of altering the duty according to circum•
stances—a power most objectionable in this country. I
cannot conceive any Government that would not be anxious
to deprecate such a power ; it is a power of dabbling with
the great interests of the country ; it is a power which cannot
be safely entrusted to the hands of any Minister; it is a
power which might be abused ; it is a power Which Mini-
sters, even if they had no disposition to abuse it, might be
urged on by the force of external circumstances to abuse.
It would be impossible for Parliament to shut its
eyes on the evils of such a system ; such a law would be
repealed almost as soon as passed. If, then, a fixed duty
cannot be adopted, we have only to look at a graduated duty.
This is the principle upon which this Bill is framed ; it is
the principle upon which former laws, with the exception
of the measures of 1815 and 1622, have been framed, and
the only difference between those laws and the present Bill
is, that we propose to avoid, by the mode in which the
scale of duties is graduated, some of the evils inherent in
the ancient law. By the law of 1804 there was a duty of
245. up to 635., between 635. and 665. there was a duty
of only 2s. 6d. ; and above 665. the 'duty was only 6d.—
The transition from a very high duty to the comparatively
trifling duty of 2s. was so sudden, and offered such im-
mense temptations to persons disposed to speculate in fo-
reign corn, that it was impossible, by any vigilance, to pre-
vent fraud either by fictitious sales, or the sacrifice of ca-
pital. The temptation to fraud was irresistible, and the
law was, on this account, liable to the most serious objec-
tions. Of course a graduated duty, ender any circum-
stances, might be said to offer some temptation to fraud ;
and even under the present Bill attempts might be made by
speculators fraudulently to affect the prices ; but the differ-
ence between the higher and the lower duty not being so
abrupt, it was more difficult to commit any fraud of this
kind, and the temptation to commit it was much legs
strong. The practical result of this measure will be, as far
as legislation can effect an object, a certain equality of
price, contingent, indeed, as it . necessarily must be, on
fluctuations arising from varieties of seasons. The
Corn Law of 1815 involved a choice, not of difficulties, but
of positive evils. No man can say that it is desirable to
put any restraint upon the most abundant supply of that
commodity which is necessary to the subsistence of the
people, but it would be practically impossible to legislate
upon a principle of unlimited free trade. It is indispensa-
bly necessary to take away from the grower the full bene-
fit of the very high price that would result from a season
of scarcity, because it is necessary to consult the interest
of the consumer, and in the same proportion as we are
obliged to deprive him of the benefit of that high price are
we bound to protect him against injury from the operation
of a very low price. lam not aware that, it is necessary
to go into a detailed enumeration of all the items of this
Bill. It speaks for itself: the principle is intelligible enough,
and any one who reads the Bill will be able to satisfy him-
self as to the way in which it is likely to operate. But
there are one or two points to which I wish to advert, and
first, as to the extravagant apprehensions entertained by
those who are adverse to the measure. Nothing is calcu-
lated to show more strongly the inordinate length to which
these fears have been carried, than what has been said
about the importation of corn from the port of Odessa.
Much has been said, and many pamphlets have been writ-
ten on this subject and it is clear, from the examinations
before the Committee, that a strong impression existed in
certain quarters, that such a formidable quantity of corn
might be imported from Odessa as to render it utterly im-
possible for the British agriculturist to grow crrn with
any chance of obtaining a remunerating price. Now,
whatever ground there may be for apprehension with re-
gard to Dantzic and our North American Colonies, no man,
I apprehend, who reflects on the subject will doubt that
the apprehension of our being flooded with corn from
Odessa is perfectly visionary. Let us call to mind the dis-
tance of this port, the nature of the navigation, the nature
of the climate, and we shall at once perceive the extrava-
gance of these fears. It appears by the evidence, that to
obtain a cargo of wheat from Odessa we must begin by
sending out a British ship from this country, and the ave-
rage voyage there and back is seven or eight months.
Would any man be mad enough to speculate upon a cargo
of wheat from Odessa, when eight months must elapse
between the order and the time of selling, in which period
all his calculations are likely to be ov..rthrown. It is, in- I
deed, scarcely necessary to argue this point; no man could,
possibly be mad enough to risk his capital in such a spe-
culation, and the case of Odessa may be considered as
fairly blown out of the discussion. Much of, the corn
grown at. Odessa is.not fit for sale in. this comitry.; for
it is well known that corn, which will not grind and
make good bread, is unsaleable in the English .market.
There is, besides, a regular demand in the Mediterra-
nean for the corn of Odessa which is fit for sale ; and
if English speculators interfered with the Italian de-
mand, the inevitable consequence would be, that the
price would become higher. The fear of a large importa-
tion from Odessa, therefore, is a mere bugbear, which has
been completely exposed by the evidence of practical
men. With regard to the importation of corn from our
North American Colonies, your Lordships are aware that
two years ago, a Bill to facilitate that importation was
brought hither from the other House of Parliament. That
Bill was founded, in my opinion, upon the wisest prin-
ciples of policy. I cannot conceive upon what principle
it can be urged that we ought not to treat with some de-
gree of favour our own Colonies, governed as they are by
our own laws, speaking the same language, and imbued
with the same spirit of attachment to the Constitution ;
for let it be recollected, that when the Government of the
mother country was assailed by a foreign enemy the King
never possessed more loyal and devoted subjects than those
North American Colonists, who shed their blood in our
defence. I cannot conceive upon what principle it can be
urged that we are to consider our North American Co-
lonies as if they were not allied to our interests ; that we
are not to treat them as we treat Irelanfl, in this respect at
least, as brothers, and not as enemies. The measure which
excited so much apprehension in your Lordships' ininds4
that you limited its operation to a short time, was founded
upon the soundest principles of policy—principles which
I hope to see sanctioned in the Bill on the table. It
was the apprehension of an excessive importation front
Canada, and of 'a probable importation from the
United States of America through Canada, that induced
your Lordships to limit the duration of the Bill, and how has
the fact turned out? In the first year 90,000 quarters of
wheat were imported, and in the year which has just ex-
pired 26,000 quarters. In this case, therefore, as in the
case of Odessa, the apprehensions entertained were per-
fectly unfounded. There is another point on which a
great deal of feeling has been excited, and which is likely
to be much discussed, if this Bill should go to a Commit-
tee—l allude to the warehousing of Corn in this country.
One of the most important objects to which the efforts of
the wisest Statesman that have governed the councils of
this country have been directed, was to make England the
Emporium of the world, and so it has become. I hope
your Lordships will not hasily depart from this principle ;
I trust your Lordships will not deprive the country of one
of the greatest advantages it can possess, both with respect
to its internal strength and with reference to its external
power. I trust your Lordships will consider before you
attempt to lay the axe to the root of this system, whether
you are likely to gain your own object by so doing. It is not
the policy of foreign neighbouring States to encourage
warehousing ; and will you not, by rejecting this part of
the measure, invite the French and Dutch Governments to
promote the warehousing of Corn within their territories ?
If so, how can you keep it out of the country when it suits
the interests of the parties to bring it in? Every body
knows how short a time it requires to convey intelligence
from one coast to the other ; and when on Monday mor-
ning a Foreign Merchant learns that the Gazette price of
grain allows its importation, at the fixed rate of duty, with
a sufficient (profit, will not the course of that very week
provide the market from Antwerp, or any other adjacent
port, with as much wheat as can possibly be sold to any
advantage—(Hear, hear.)? Therefore, to prevent the
warehousing of grain in this country would do no good, or
rather it would prevent grain from coming here in the best
Way ; it would deprive the country of all the advantages of
the warehousing system, while it did not afford any real
protection to those in whose behalf the exclusion of foreign
grain is claimed at: your hands.—(Cheers.)—l shall be
curious to hear on what arguments it can be maintained
that Corn should be excluded from the warehouses of Eng-
land ? If, indeed, it be objected that Foreign Grain should
not be admitted at all, that is one thing—that is Opposing
the principle of the bill : but, if it be said only that it shall
not be warehoused, and that that clause must be struck out
in the Committee, that is nothing more nor less than by,a
side wind defeating the whole•ohject of the measure. I
cannot think that the House will be prepared to take that
course, for it is much better and much more fair and manly
to attack tnd vote ageing-the Bill on its principle, than io
alter it in such a way as will render it inoperative. Ido
not know whether it is necessary for me to go further ;' I
have exhausted my own strength, and, lam 'afraid, the
patience of your Lordships-(Hear,hear);—but I sin
happy to say, that I have little to add to what I have