The Sun.
London, England, 1842-01-27 00:00:00

THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN.

• UNDER the MANAGEMENT of MADAME ViSTRIS.
THIS EVENING, JAN. 27,
Will be repeated Bellini's Opera of NORMA.—Pollio, Mr.
W. Harrison; Flavius, Mr. Clement White, Oroveso, Mr.
Leffler ; Adalgisa, Miss Rainforth ; Clotilda, Miss Grant ;
And Norma, by Miss Adelaide Kemble.
After which will be repeated the New Grand Christmas
Pantomime, entitled GUY EARL OF WARWICK ; OR.
IARLEQUIN AND THE DUN COW.
Doors to he opened at half-past Six—the performances to
commence at Seven. Dress Boxes, 7s. ; Second Price, 3s. 6d.;
First and Second Circles, ss. ; Second Price, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, 35.;
Second Price. 27.; Gallery, Is. Tickets and places for the
Boxes to be taken of Mr. Grogan at the Box-office, from Ten
till Four, where Season Tickets may be had upon application.
Private Boxes to be had solely of Mr. Andrews, bookseller,
167. New Bond-street.

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.

UNDER TrIE MANAGEMENT OF MR. DAVIDGE
AND MR. WILLIS JONES.

Amazing attraction. First appearance of Mrs. Norma, and
crowded Houses to witness Harlequin and the lee Queen,
the best Pantomime of the Season.
THIS EVENING, JAN. 27 _ _

Will he acted Haines' wonderfully successful Drama, enti-
tled ELIZABETH LAZARUS, THE JEWESS, founded
on Captain Glasscock's " Land Sharks and Sea Gulls."
After which, MRS. NORMA, with Bellini's Music.

To conclude with a Grand Christmas Pantomime, entitled
HARLEQUIN AND THE ICE QUEEN; OR, JACK
FROST AND KING THAW —With gorgeous and charac-
teristic Scenery, splendid Properties, ludicrous and Quaint
Dresses, ingenious Tricks, magnificent Panorama by Brun-
ning, &c. Ha►lequin, M. Huline ; Patch, M. Rocket ; Pan-
taloon, M. Lehman ; Flip, Signor Feliz Carlo ; Clown, Mr.
BuckinghaM ; Columbine, Miss Sharpe.
Private and Public Boxes can be had of Messrs. Sams, Ebel",
Mitchell, Andrews, and Seguin, during the run of this popu-
lar Pantomime.

ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE.
UNDER THE DIRECTION OF MR. OSRALDISTON.
FOR the BENEFIT of the SOUTHWARK PHILAN-
THROPIC INSTITUTION.

On which occasion Miss Francis Cobham will appear as Julia
in " The Hnnchback."
THIS EVENING, JAN. 27.

Will be performed THE HUNCHBACK.—Master Walter,
Mr.- Dale ; Sir Thomas Clifford, Mr. E. F. Saville ; Modus,
Mi. Osbaldiston; Julia, Miss F. Cobham.
After which, NATURE AND A RT. —Gabbleton, Mr.
Gardner; Eliza Proscenia Ardent, Miss Vincent.
To conclude with the Grand Romantic Aerial Comic Pan-
tomime, entitled HARLEQUIN PETER WILKINS; OR,
THE KING OF THE AIR AND THE FLYING IN-
DIANS.—With new and extensive Scenery, Dresses, Decora-
tions, Tricks, Transformations, and Effects—A new Nautical
Panorama, to be entitled " Our Native Sea-girt Isle !" con-
sisting of Maritime 'trims along the Coast of England. Also,
a new Grand Dissolving Diorama, by Childe, the Great Illu-
sionist ; and the Opening of the Pantomime supported by the
Comic Talent of this—the Popular Theatre of London.
Boxes, 2s.—Pit, ls.—Gallery, 6d.—Half-price to the Boxes
•nly, at, half-past Eight.

THE RAILWAY SUN
JS NOW RE-PUBLISHING,
PRICE SIXPENCE.

TIIE CHINA SUN,

AND THE
PARLIAMENTARY SUN,

ARE STILL ON SALE,
PRICE SIXPENCE EACH.
Sun Office, Jan. 27, 1842.

THE WEAtiIER.—Noon, JANUARY 26.
ROYAL GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ADELAIDE-STREET.
Thermometer... 40 Highest 4O Lowest 26
Barometer 29.39.—Wind S.W.—Freezing Point 22 Deg.

HIGH NV ATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Morning...... 4 minutes after 2. I Evening ......27 minutes after 2.

LONDON.
THURSDAY, JANUARY 27, 1842.

Reports are current that a considerable num-
..- ber of persons, both in Parliament and out of
Parliament; who have hitherto supported the
Whigs, are not disinclined to transfer their
glance to Sir ROBERT PEEL. They see that a
Whig, or Liberal Ministry is at present .an
im-
possibility; they are convinced that the Govern-
ment, with all the aid they can give it, will still
have a difficult task to perform; and they think
it a duty to strengthen the Government, in who-.
soevcr's hands it may be placed. The law, too,

which Sir ROBERT PEEL took office to maintain,
is regarded with approbation by a considerable
number of Whigs, who are ready to sacrifice
their party to preserve the tax on the people's
bread. Hence Sir ROBERT PEEL'S Ministry is
strengthened by sinister interests fromall parties.
' Many men, also, are quite convinced that
something must be done, and as Sir ROBERT is
the only man who has the power to carry mea-
sures through Parliament, they rely on him to
do that something. It is felt by the timid, and
known by the intelligent, that as society is not
in health and at ease, they hope that Sir ROBERT
PEEL will restore it. He gathers around him,
then, not only the corrupt, but also the timid
and the doubtful, from the ranks of his political
opponents, as Mr. PITT did in 1791 and 1792, and
may possibly have as strong a Parliamentary
majority as that Minister had.

But between his situation and that of Mr.
PITT there are some striking differences. Mr.
PITT was the representative of the popular
hatred against France, and the popular attach-
ment to our institutions. The enterprise
he engaged in of resisting our old enemy,
and preserving our institutions, had the hearty
support of the multitude, as well as the
Parliament. There was something ennobling and
glorious in his undertaking. But Sir ROBERT
PEEL is nearly unsupported by the multitude.
Attachment to our institutions has been driven
from the minds of the lower classes by long suf-
fering. He is the representative, then, only of a
class. He takes office to preserve a system of
acknowledged wrong. He is the defender, not of
his country, but of monopoly. His undertaking
is base, and according to the testimony of all the
Ministers, who met in conference at Manches-
er and Edinburgh, it is also iniquitous. He en-
lists against him the sympathies of the virtuous,
the independent, and upright; and however
strong he may be in Parliament, he is weak in
the country and in the unrighteousness of his
cause.

Mr. PITT, supported as he was, could not boast
of much success. He put down the antagonists
of our institutions, but the heirs of his power
were compelled to reform the institutions them-
selves. He and his successors loaded the coun-
try with debt, which has ever since rendered the
task of governing it one of extreme difficulty.
It has become impossible, in fact, for the indus-
try of the people to answer all the demands
made on it by the burdens he laid on us, and by
the expenses of the goverbing classes and
notwithstanding the great alterations made
in the Constitution, it is almost universally
felt that still greater alterations are required.
He began the war with France, but he did not
live to see its splendid conclusion. His succes-
sors had all the honourof that, while his policy is
charged with having half-beggared the nation,
and ruptured the attachment of the people to the
law. If such, with Mr. PITT'S great talents,
comparatively noble objects, and almost universal
support, was the result of his policy,what will be
the fate of Sir ROBERT PEEL? We cannot ex-
actly foresee, but it seems . likely that he must
either give up, his base and iniquitous policy be-
fore he has been nine months in office, or the
end will be infinitely disastrous. His majority
cannot repeal the laws of nature, and make a
legislative crime productive of national benefit.

Mr. WEBB HALL, who has for many years
been one of the foremost champions of the
agriculturists, and whose pamphlet, pointing out
the degradation to which the present system
drags down the farmers, was, a few months back,
noticed in The Sun, has published a letter to Sir
ROBERT PEEL, of which the following are the
_principal passages:—
The present Corn-laws, Sir, since they have awoke
from a period of inoperation, during which the protected
farmers cried out loudly for relief, and were heard before
a Committee of the House of Commons, I believe to have
scourged the land with opposite evils.
I have never considered them to be founded on any
principle except that of the old man and his ass. They
have attempted to please everybody ; they have, at times,
pleased nobody ; and they have injured most grievously,
in various ways, the country into the bargain.
The alternations of this complicated evil have been so
irrelevant as to be an engine of corruption worse than ten
state lotteries such as were swept away as a national
nuisance. But this is not the whole evil. The wholesale
trade in English corn which used to exist, and which
tends so much to equalise prices, has had its very foucda-
tion sapped, and has been long abandoned. There is
no element left for commercial judgment, and speculation
and fraud have taken its place.
Sir, I have placed in your hands, in a printed publi-
cation of my own, a description to prove that the cost of
growing wheat is affected by the state of dependence in
which the farmers generally are, and the excessive com-
petition amongst themselves, resulting in much ruin.
Occasional high prices foster this competition,and equally
with the commercial transactions above alluded to, tend
to substitute speculation, servitude, and fraud, for judg-
ment, independence, and skill.
Not only is this question very different from what it
was twenty years ago, but it is differing everyday from
increase of the population. The cultivators of the soil
have introduced and are introducing at this time many
improvements. lam just returned from inspecting the
first manufactured portion, for sale, of a manure that has
enabled wheat to be grown on a poor soil four successive
years on the same laud, and of superior quality of grain
—the history of which I have communicated already to
the as world. A steady field for their exertion,
and enough of competition from abroad to moderate the
competition for taking estates at home, at any hazard, I
am firmly convinced is the mode best adopted to have
our country tilled by a class of men who can think, and
act, and improve.
A large portion of the cost of growing agricultural pro-
duce is wages. To this extent low prices of food con-
tribute to economy of culture. Without the industry of
the country being active, the wool, butter, and cheese,
are also in far less request.
What course shall the Legislature then pursue ? I
will suggest one which shall be at least simple, com-
mercial, and unexciting. Destroy the averages entirely;
place a duty of 10s. per quarter on wheat—reduce this
ls. per quarter until it reaches ss. per quarter, and there
let it rest ; and the question of the Corn-laws might be
settled for ever, with as little consideration of burden as
penny postage; and I, for one, fear not the result.

_We rejoice to add Mr. WEBB HALL to
the number of practical farmers who have
entered the list against the Corn-laws. His tes-
timony confirms the opinion which we have
frequently expressed, that a great part of the
cost of growing agricultural produce consists in
wages, to which must be added the feed of work-
ing cattle, the price of seed corn, and of the
young stock which the farmer has to buy. Mr.
WEBB HALL also shows, as we have done, that
unless the manufacturing industry of the country
be active, the price of wool, butter, and cheese
falls for the farmers inconveniently low. The
practical agriculturists, therefore, are beginning
to find out that they cannot prosper while the
manufacturers go to decay.

At a recent meeting of the Brigg Agricultural
Association, the Chairman, W. SKIPWORTH,
Esq., alluded to " the gradual declension in the
prices of corn, additional proofs of which they
had experienced at that day's market." Not-
withstanding the people are actually in want of
food, the price of corn is too low for the squires.
The Corn-laws have done their deadly work.
They have so impoverished and so starved the
people out of existence, that the short supply of
last harvest, combined with the grain imported
from abroad, is now fully equal to the effective
demand of the people. The ruin, therefore,
which the squires have inflicted on the manu-
facturers will soon pay them a fearful visit.
It is so obvious that agriculture itself has im-
proved and thriven by the growth of manufac-
turing !owns; it is so certain, that their increase,
instead of diminishing, has added greatly to
the numbers of the sturdy agricultural popula-
tion, that we cannot imagine any policy more
insane, even in the most sentimental Arcadians,
than that which would devote our manufacturing
towns to decay and destruction.

Now that those towns can no longer drain off
the superfluous population of the landlords'
estates, how they will dispose of the rural popu-
-teflon puzzles us to imagine. They must at once
begin and restrict, if they do not forbid, marriage,
or they will soon be eaten up by paupers. The
manufacturing towns have threatened to send
back to the landlords' estates the population born
on them which those towns have provided for.
They will have no occasion to take such an ex-
treme measure; it will be only necessary for
them not in future to receive the surplus rural
population, and the landowners will scion find
an abundant crop of paupers to share their rent•
As to Mr. WEBB HALL'S schemes of reform-

ing the Corn-law, it has the merit of simplicity;
but it is not so simple and grand a scheme as
that of total repeal. Till the duty had settled
down to 55., as proposed by Mr. WEBB HALL, the
value of land would be uncertain, the probable
price of grain would defy calculation, and both
trade and agriculture would be injured. Mr.
WEBB HALL is content with a ss. fixed duty,
shaming the Whigs, who proposed an Bs. duty,
and shaming the Conservative merchant, Mr.
HUBBARD, who has proposed a 10s. duty, but
not shaming the League, which demands justice,
and a total repeal.

A fixed duty would keep up prices here above
the level of other countries, and keep the supply
of food short. It would therefore contribute to in-
jure our trade, and beat down wages. It is wh•n
food is abundant and cheap that the mass of the
labourers can contend with advantage against
the capitalists and landlords; and if some capi-
talists and manufacturers do not support a fixed
duty, because it would keep the labouring classes
more at their mercy, there is no doubt that such
would be its effect. While we give . giteat
*raise to Mr. WEBB HALL'S comparative libe-
rality, his scheme is neither so simple, so com-
prehensive, nor so useful, as the great measure
of total repeal.

We have not expressed any hopes or wishes
on the subject of the vacancy at Liverpool, being
fully convinced that the independent electors of
that town would act with energy and discretion.
We now learn with satisfaction, that they mean
to bring forward a gentleman of high standing
and considerable influence, of much experience
in foreign and colonial affairs, and possessing an
intimate acquaintance with our commercial and
diplomatic relations. Such a man, if he possess
some eloquence, for the men of Liverpool like a
little show as well as substance, will very pro-
bably succeed. The Tories, too, are divided, it
is said, between Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS and Mr.
HERRIES, which is a good augury. A contest,
however, we are assured, will ensue, and the
opinions of the second, if not the first commer-
cial town in the empire, concerning the great
trading questions now at issue, will be looked to
with great interest by the empire at large.

A letter, signed " An Operative," elsewhere
inserted, recommending the people to attend on
the opening of Parliament and express their opi-
nions, reminds us that in 1830 they contributed to
break up the WELLINGTON Administration.
Whatever motives the working classes then had
to dislike the Tories, they have now abundant
reason to hate the starvationists. Their senti-
ments require only to be firmly, temperately,
and respectfully expressed, and they will have
more influence in 1842 than they had in 1830.
The Chartists throughout the land, and many
persons who are not actually Chartists, demand
Universal Suffrage ; but it is not necessary to
have a vote in electing a Member of Parliament,
for a man, and even for a woman, to have an in-
fluential voice in public affairs. On occasions like
that which will be offered to them this day week,
the working classes can convey their opinions with
all due respect and decorum to the Throne itself.
Halt' a million voices, earnestly and solennily
lifted up along the whole line from Buckingham-
gate to the halls of Parliament, in one continuous
cry of "Down with the Corn-law," would carry
hope to the starving thousands, and even mil-
lions, in every part of the kingdom. It might
not reach the ears of his Prussian MAJESTY, but
it would penetrate to Berlin, and find an echo in
every capital of Europe. It would dry the tears
of many mothers now weeping over their starv-
ing children, and in a short time give bread to
the hungry throughout the land.
The meanest man in the empire has as good a
right to entertain opinions on any political sub-
ject, and to make them prevalent, if he can, by
peaceful and proper means, as the proudest
Duke of the House of Lords. We are well con-
vinced, too, from the trouble and expense great
Noblemen sometimes incur to hire the cheers of
the multitude, that their opinions, properly ex-
pressed on suitable occasions, give them great
power in the State. The swinish multitude, as the
ingenious and industrious workmen of England
are called by scribblers and quasi-statesmen,
who do not conceal their desire to starve the ma-
nufacturing classes out of existence, may, by a
proper and respectful expression of opinion, save
their countrymen and countrywomen in the ma-
nufacturing districts from hunger, despair, and
death. They may do more; they may contribute
to put down for ever one of the most iniquitous
laws that ever was enacted—a law that is alike
condemned by science, morality, and religiosn.
A great people, let it be remembered, cannot be
enslaved and starved against their own will.

The Madrid Papers received are of the 16th
instant, but they bring no news of the slightest
interest. The following are the only extracts:—
Count Requena, lately sentenced to transportation for
the part which he had taken in the revolt of October last,
was embarked at Cadiz for Porto Rico on the 7th.
The family of General Concha had received a letter
from him, mentioning his having safely reached a foreign
country, after escaping the most imminent dangers.
It was said that the Duke of San Carlos, another
Christino conspirator, had travelled in M. de Salvandy's
carriage from Madrid to Bayonne.
The Gazette announces that 766 lots of national pro-
perty were sold in the month of October last, for a
sum of 31,920,000 reals. The whole of the national
property disposed of since the commencement, had pro
duced 1,681,644,000 reals.

The whole of the Paris Journals have
reached us, together with the opening of ad-
journed debate in the Chamber of Deputies on
that day on the right of search question, now
the all-absorbing theme of public attention. All
parties in the Chamber had been for some time
preparing themselves for the struggle on the
question of the Treaty of the Five Powers recog-
nising the pre-existing right of maritime search.
The Debats is the great defender of the Ministry,
but, strange to say, its defence is not based on
the merits of the treaty itself. On the contrary,
this journal admits that the right of search is an
exorbitant right, and might have been dispensed
with in the first instance, viz., in 1831, when the
primitive convention between France and England
for the suppression of the slave-trade was entered
into, at which time, says theDebats, the sympathy
excited in France for our fellow-creatures, whose
misfortune is to differ from us in the colour of
their skin, was so intense that, in the grand work
of humanity, all considerations of prudence and
precaution, as regarded any real or supposed
French interests, disappeared. The principle of
the right of search, says the Debats, was esta-
blished in 1831, at which period not a voice was
raised in the Chambers against the proposed
means of execution. A second convention was
entered into in 1833, and the right of search was
on that occasion again recognised and con-
firmed; but every precaution was taken to
conciliate the great sacrifice made in the
cause of humanity with the honour and indepen-
ence of the French flag, and the in terests of French
trade. To this treaty, says our French Contem-
porary,
M. futEtts was a party, for he was then
a member of the Cabinet. The question, there-
fore, as far as the opposition of M. TRIERS and
those who vote with him systematically is con-
cerned, is not whether the right of search ought
to have been conceded, but whether in this new
treaty the precautions and stipulations which 111.
THIERS regarded as all-sufficient, in 1833, are

respected or departed from in 1842. The Debats
shows that they are not. It says—
In order to exercise the right of search, it is not suf-
ficient that the cruizer should have the warrant of its
Government. If it be an English cruizer, it must,
to have the right of searching a French ship, be pro-
vided with a warrant from the French Government.
These warrants may be granted or refused by
either of the Governments ; the number of them
may be extended or restricted. Let us suppose,
for example, that the English Government, from a
motive of ambition or in opposition to our trade,
should desire to augment the number of its cruizers, it
would depend upon our Government to check it at once
by refusing to. deliver any more warrants. We shall
therefore always have in our hands an easy means of
fixing the number of English cruizers, and the duration of
the warrants is only for one year. During the ten years
that the right of search has been mutually practised by
England and France, has the number of English
cruizers considerably exceeded that of French cruizers ?
No ! England has had 124 cruizers, and France 105.
The Debats then proceeds to mention other
guarantees_in the treaty against the abuse of the

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