The Sun.
London, England, 1829-08-28 00:00:00

SPiRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

There has been put into our hands a pam-
phlet addressed to the Duke of Wellington, On
the Expediency and Justice of Emancipating
the Jews. The author describes himself in his
preface as a gentleman engaged in commercial
business, who devotes his leisure hours to litera-
ture and politics ; and, from the number of
Greek and Latin quotations with which his letter
is interlarded, we should be apt to think that in

these dull times he had converted his ledger into
a common-place book. The sentiments in
which he indulges, though of city manufacture,
and probably transcribed from the aforesaid re-
pository, are often too fine for our understanding,
and probably also for that of the gallant Duke
to whom they are addressed ; but we are glad to
infer from the tenour of his observations, that
liberality is spredding in the quarter to which he
belongs, though we found that the same writer
who pleads for the emancipation of the Jews
seems hostile to the emancipation of the Catho-
lics. During the discussions of the two last
Parliamentary Sessions on the rights of con-
science, which ended in the removal of civil abi-
lities on account of religious belief from Protes-
tant to
some
aoliant
ed
ti
islsaetn
thete rs
pa iri
odfessaot
rhs Colic,o f i
thet waisa
MosaicSLr ia„,
did
not stir to claim a share in the general freedom,
or even to obtain the common privileges of na-
tural-born subjects. In several colitinental
countries where constitutional rights or free in-
stitutions are of later growth than in England,
the Jews have long been relieved from many of
the hardships or restraints to which they are with
us subjected. In France they enjoy all the
rights of citizens, and can aspire to all the ho-
nours and distinctions of the state. In the Ne-
therlands they are likewise entitled to all the
privileges of other subjects, and eligible to mu-
nicipal and civil office. Two of them, if we
mistake not, were last year members of the mu-
nicipal Council of Rotterdam, and no legal ob-
stacle exists to their obtaining seats in either
Chamber of the States-General. Similar privi-
leges have been granted to this Fflrsecuted people
though not to the same extent, lit Protestant
Prussia and Catholic Austria. Even Prince
Metternich,—so great an enemy to innW
tion
in most of its forms,—has yielded in this respeCt
to the spirit of the age, or to his reverence
for Mammon, and has created sundry He-
brew capitalists Barons of the Empire. Fia
nally, at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle_
projects were presented to time Allied So-
vereigns and favourably entertained by their
Majesties, for a general emancipation of the
Jewish race over the Continent. The apathy,
therefore, which they testified to the grant of
civil rights in this country on a late occasion,
must appear the more remarkable, when it consi-
dered that they have recently seen their condi-
tion so much improved among our neighbours.
But perhaps this very indifference is the best
evidence that they do not feel their exclusions :
and offers the best apolOgy for our delay in remo-
ving it. If a Hebrew Association " for religious
liberty" were formed in the neighbourhood of
'Change-alley, if eminent brokers and jobbers of
that persuasion or nation, instead of watching
the fluctuations of stock or plundering each
other by time bargains, were to abjure specula-
tion in Consols and take to speech-making, if
they felt a stronger interest in the success of
their petitions to parliament for civil rights, than
in the disclosures of the budget or the terms of
a new contract, then we should say that like the
Catholics they would soon obtain their emancipa-
tion. Nor is it likely that they would be opposed
by the same host of prejudices which in the session
0f1753 resisted the Act for their naturalization,
and in the next session compelled its repeal.—
The members for the city would scarcely now
avail themselves of the arguments then employ. l
by the city representatives, that if Jews were to
be made citizens, our trade would be ruined ; if
they were allowed to buy land, all the estates in
England would soon be in their hands,—our
Protestant Church would soon be overturned,—
Judaism would become the fashionable reli-
gion,—London would be converted into a new
Jerusalem, and (most alarming of all !) the
prophecies which predicted their dispersion over
all the earth would be impiously falsified by au-
thority of Parliament. The supporters of the
measure, though they might meet with some
obloquy, would scarcely be treated like the
Bishop of Norwich of that day—(it is singular
that courageous liberality should have so long
taken possession of that see)—who, on going
through his diocese to confirm, was insulted in
several places for having Noted in favour of the
Bill, and at Ipswich saw the church walls pol-
luted with placards, stating that " the next day
being Saturday, his Lordship would confirm the
Jews, and the day following the Christians."—
Whether this people are soon destined to be
emancipated or not—whether or not their con-
tinued exclusion from certain privileges is felt as
a practical grievance, we cannot say, but they
must bless their stars that times have changed
with them since the general spread of know-
ledge, and the establishment of the power of
loans. Formerly the Jews were considered the
property of kings,—now kings may almost be
said to be the property of Jews. By one olour
old laws they are said to be " the King's,"
and if any one detains them or their money,
the King may reclaim them. I-_eery 111.
mortgaged " all the Jews of the kingdom
of England to his brother the Earl of Corn-
wall for 5,0001., with a power of detaining
the bodies of all of them, if time money was not
paid." In the present improved state of the
world, a considerable portion of the lands and
Royal domains of Europe are mortgaged to the
.hews. Such is the revolution which has taken
place in the fortunes of this people, while their
national identity and separate existence are as
marked as ever. We mentioned above that we -
thought this advocate of Hebrew emancipation
too refined for our taste, and we. need only quote
the following passage to be confirmed in our opi-
nion by the consent of the general reader :
)iflboeerds :
h‘aevi
illit
:lit ;
tathirmialeti
" The magic word of creation was uttered on
. behalf of the Jews : for them were unbarred the
garlic code of creation; for them older was separated
1 gates of existence; for them was drawn- up the or-
from confusion ; and for them the sun shot its virgi-
Inal ray on the manors of hereafter. It was for them
feathered aa tsl wereierte d:
ee
dot tribes,
the fathomless seas were tilled with progenies of
,vtrhaiaireitegtmlaluet
variegated
gnoiafotnti
oisijelosf of
ftlitei
spheresi
theea i
beings, affording a nutritious and wholesome food.
the progress of vegetation was performed
for them."
This is indeed too It i much. s going too
far—to say that the
heavens
and the earth, the
sea and the sky, the beau • ties and the glories of
the animal and in. • animate creation, were made
I exclusively for a race of men, who, however re-
spectable " by the wisdom and piety of their an-
cestors," are in modern times chiefly celebrated

fur their obstinate adherence to the ceremonies
of the Pentateuch, their passion for money-get-
ting, and their aversion to pork.— Times.

We have received Lisbon Papers to the 15th
Inst., and a mass of correspondence, dated the
14th, for which we have to-day no room. We
shall only take the present opportunity to state
that the reports contained in some of the Paris
Papers respecting negociations going on ir.
hog between one Government and that of Don
Miguel, for the purpose of getting the young
Queen of Portugal transported to Brazil; are as
nnfotinded as their rumours about English in-
koference in their late change of Ministry. Set-
ting aside the impossibility of such negociations
in the present state of diplomatic relations between
the two countries, it is well known to those who
have opportunities of inquiring into such matters,
that the recall of Donna Maria 11. is the sole
and untounselled act of the Emperor her father,
with which this country cannot, by the • most
hosained inference, be connected. If we are well
.
informed, so far was the British Government
from urging or advising the return of the young
Queen to Rio, that it endeavoured to dissuade
her father from taking that step, as amounting to
a virtual abandonment of the Portuguese throne.
As capable of bearing this construction, we can-
not help thinking that the retreat of her Majesty
at tit* present moment is unwise, and prepares
Oro way for the recognition of her uncle's titles.
h may well be argued, by the powers disposed
co such a recognition, that if the Portuguese re-
fused to place themselves under her sceptre when
she held out to them in Europe, there is little
chance that they will receive her commands, or
acknowledge her title, from another hemisphere,
where their natural jealousy of Brazil, their former
colony, will be added to the other motives of her
rejection.—lbid.

At a time when our Journals are so horror-
struck at the tendency of the French Law of
Succession to convert Monarchy into Demo-
cracy, and recommended with so much earnest
tress the re-creation of an Aristocracy on an
English model in France, it may not be amiss
to inquire what the people of this country owe
to the existence of such a body among ourselves.
In the first place, we are indebted to the exist-
ence of a rich Aristocracy for the peculiar dis-
tinction, that in no country of Europe would it
1)e possible to assemble so large a body of men
as constitute the two Houses of Parliament,
with so few individuals in it raised above hnbe-
tility. It has been again and again remarked,
that the laws are made in England by people to
whom tio one would entrust the making any
thing else. Rich men from their biith are of
becessity either stupid or indolent. " Liberal,
not lavish (says the Poet) is kind nature." To
possess available talent there must be the motive
to industry, and that motive is alone dire neces-
sity. It is observed, that so long as people pos-
sess abundance of land, there is no prevailing on
them to labour constantly—that the first grand
incitement to industry and civilization proceeds
from the belly ; and that so long as the belly
has, an easy and quiet time of it, the bead and
hands sympathise with it.. In families the in-
fluence of necessity is beautifully exemplified.
The eldest son, the heir to the estate, has gene-
rally, from a very early period, admirable diges-
tive powers ; he glows miraculously in height
and breadth, from his fortunate exemption
frotn the necessity of all those operations of
mind or body which interfere with the
process of digestion. The younger children,
on the contrary, are taught betimes that they
have to acquire as well as to digest ; and that to
make their way in the world they must cultivate
habits of industry and application. In a short
time these opposite causes produce the most op-
posite effects ; broad-faced and good-natured
stupidity in the one being as commonly ex-
pressed as energy and alertness in the other.—
Hence the phrase in .:IScotland of " Jock, the
Laird's brother," implying that the Laird has the
body, and the brother the soul. When a Peer,
not elevated from the Commons, displays a mo-
derate,share of industry and talent, it will in nine
cases out of ten turn out that he was a younger
brother, and succeeded unexpectedly to the title.
Thus Lord Lauderdale, unquestionably an ener-
getic and hard-working man, was bred a lawyer.
Thus Lord Lansdowne was a younger son. The
means of entering either House of Parliament
being the possession of a large property, and to
acquire a large property requiring the exertions
of a life, it seldom happens that any man (not a
regular trading politician placed in Parliament
betimes, through family influence, to work his
way through a succession of places to the highest
situations), can, even if possessed of abilities,
find his way into the. House of Commons during
the period of his mental and bodily vigour. The
sensation produced in Parliament by the introduc-
tion of one man, with the habits of industry and
application usual in the middle classes, and es-
sential to success in life, at an age compatible
with exertion—we allude to Mr. Hume—suffi-
ciently shows what might be effected were
Parliament open to men of small for-
tunes. Mr. O'Connell possesses the industry
indispensable to a successful lawyer, with the
ambition to do good to hit fellow-creatures,
which the most mercenary, heartless, and unprin-
cipled of all pursuits, seldom fails to destroy long
before the ambition to be rich has been gratified;
and as the entrance into Parliament of a lawyer,
with the intention of benefiting others and not
himself by his services is a novelty, prudence re-
quires that we should wait to see the success of
the experiment, before indulging in anticipations
from it. However, it is enough for us to show,
from the sensation produced by o or three
energetic men in seven or eight hundred, of
what importance it would be for the public good,
were the present practice of constructing Parlia-
ment exclusively from the most imbecile, be-
cause the richest men in the country, reversed ;
or, rather, were there no rich Aristocracy to per-
plex the choice of the nation, but in place of
them a number of men of fortunes sufficient to
dispense them from exertion for their daily bread,
and to give them the means of cultivating their
minds, while the ambition to benefit their fel-
low-creatures by their labours would be a suffi-
cient stimulus to exertion to those who could not
hope to dazzle by the mere possession of fortune,
and who could not acquire distinction without
earning it. One of the most mischievous results
from the possession of a rich Aristocracy is, that
as wealth becomes the condition of admission,
those men who are most distinguished throughout
the country for their knowledge, and informa-
tion, and abilities, are necessarily excluded.
Any man of two or three thousand a
year, who should think of entering
Par-
liament from any other consideration than
that of making his vote the stepping-stone to
place or pension, or professional advancement,
would justly be deemed a candidate for Bedlam.
In vain the people say we have confidence in
he answers, prudence tells me not
your wisdom ;
to make myself a beggar for the public, in a

country in which poverty is a disgrace, and the
only disgrace, and throw im self dowii to the level
of those who feel themselves degraded because
they are poor, every hour in the twenty-four in
which they do not enjoy oblivion in sleep. In
the next place, the excessive luxury, the neces-
sary attendant on an Aristocracy, constantly
present to Englishmen, is one of the causes of
that constant aspiration after more than is ne-
cessary to comfortable existence, to keep up ap-
pearances, which is one of the great causes of
the wretched education and partial information
of so many individuals in this country, who
ought, from their means, to have a little leisure
for the cultivation of their minds, and the im-
provement of the minds of their families. Mr.
tCobbett, who, whatever may be thought of his
speculative opinions, will be allowed to be an
acute observer, in his " Advice to a Young
Man," says, with respect to this peculiarity in
the social condition of this country— _ .

" The shame of poverty, the shame of being
thought poor, is a great and fatal weakness, though
arising, in this country, from the fashion of the times
themselves. When a good man, as in the phra-
seology of the City, means a rich man, we are not
ro wonder that every one wishes to be thought
richer than he is. When adulation is sure to follow
wealth, and when contempt would be awarded to
many if they were not wealthy, who are spoken of
with deference, and even lauded to the skies, be-
cause their riches are great and notorious ; when
this is the case, we are not to be surprised that men
are ashamed to be thought to be poor. This is one
of the greatest of all the dangers at the outset of
life: it has brought thousands and hundreds of
thousands to ruin, even to pecuniary ruin. One of
the most amiable features in the character of Ame-
rican society is this—that men never boast of their
richey, and never disguise their poverty; but, they
talk of both as of any other matter fit for public con-
versation. No man shuns another because he is
poor : no man is preferred to another because he is
rich. In hundreds and hundreds of instances, men,
not worth a shilling, have been chosen by the people
and entrusted with their rights and interests, in pre-
ference to men who ride in their carriage.
" This shame of being thought poor is not only
dishonourable in itself, and fatally injurious to men
of talent ; but is ruinous even in a pecuniary point
of view, and equally destructive to farmers, traders,
and even gentlemen of landed estate. It leads to
everlasting efforts to disguise one's poverty:
the carriage, the servants, the wine (oh, that
fatal xvine!), the spirits, the decanters, the
glasses, all the table apparatus, the dress, the
horses, the dinners, the parties, all must be kept
up; not so much because he or she who keeps or
gives them, have any pleasure arising therefrom, as
because trot to keep and give them, would give rise
to a suspicion of the want of means so to give and
keep; and thus thousands upon thousands are yearly
brought into a state of real poverty by their great
anxiety not to be thought poor. Look round you,
mark well what you behold, and say if this be not
the case. In how many instances have you seen
most amiable and even most industrious families
brought to ruin by nothing but this ! Mark it well ;
resolve to set this false shame at defiance, and when
you have done that, you have laid the first stone of
the surest foundation of your future tranquillity of
mind. There are thousands of families, at this very
moment, who arc thus struggling to keep up ap-
pearances. The farmers accommodate themselves
to circumstances more easily than tradesmen and
professional men. They live at a greater distance
from their neighbours; they can change their style
of living urperceived; they can banish the decan-
ter, change the dishes for a bit of bacon, make a
treat out of a rasher and eggs, and the world is none
the wiser all the while. But, the tradesman, the
doctor, the attorney, and the trader, cannot make
the change so quietly and unseen. The accursed
wine, which is a sort of criterion of the style of
living, a sort of scale to the plan, a sort of key to
the tune; this is the thing to banish first of all; be-
cause all the rest follow, and come down to their
proper level in a short time."
There is a great deal of truth in this obser-
vation. No man can doubt that much—for
which an Englishman must toil from morning to
night—benefit neither his body nor his mind,
and has merely for object to present an appearance
of wealth—the only god in England. The con-
sequence of this love of appearance is great im-
morality ; for when the means cannot be obtained
in a fair way, they will be obtained in a foul way.
The Noble Author of the English in France
observes, that a young Frenchman dreads no-
thing so much as the being accused of extrava-
gance. Extravagance is an Aristocratic quality,
and the reverse is desirable in England, where
we see many young men squandering their for-
tunes, not from any pleasure they take in extra-
vagance, but to avoid being thought of an in-
ferior grade. We could easily shew that an
Aristocratic country must be an immoral coun-
try, because all look up, and the lesson from
above is necessarily immoral. But we shall
pursue the subject in its other consequences on
a future day.—Morning Chronicle.

It seems that, by returns made to the Freud.
Police, there are at this time nearly 36,000 Eng.
lish domiciled in France, and whose annual ex.
penditure is calculated to amount to little shor
of 4,000,0001. per annum. Now, taking the
British subjects resident in France to amount to
only as many as those that are dispersed over
Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Italy,
and other parts of Europe, and the expenditure
of the latter to be the same, it follows that an in-
come of between seven and eight millions a year
is drawn from England, Scotland, and Ireland,
the greater part of which would be expended at
home, if the means of living at home would ad-
mit of it. The amount, reduce it how we will,
is a frightful one, and sufficient itself to account,
for some part of our present national embarrass-
ments. It would not be too much to say that
the public revenue loses, in direct and indirect
taxation, full one-half of the expenditure thus
withdrawn from the country. Without this enor-
mous drawback, the very increase which is an-
nually taking place in our population, houses,
&c., would necessarily show an increase in many
heads .of the public resources, which have
hitherto exhibited scarcely .any. It is no part
of the business of a Government to tell its
subjects where they shall live ; but every Go-
vernment has a right to say to its subjects—
" While you draw your means of living
from home, you must contribute your share
towards the maintenance of the State which pro-
tects and insures to you your property." Some-
thing like this, we are convinced, must very soon
be said to the numerous absentees who are draw.
ing so largely from the national wealth without
contributing their proportion towards the na-
tional stock. For what, after all, is the social
compact, but a mutual pledge and security of the
members towards each other ? Take, for instance,
two landed estates of equal value, both of which
are mortgaged, to pay the fundholder his prin-
cipal and interest. Of one, the rents are spent
at home, and a fair share contributed towards
the annual dividends; while of the other, the
whole, except a small land-tax, is transmitted to
be spent in Irance or Italy. The same may be
stated of two equal sums in the funds. And is
there any just reason upon earth why, of two
debtors, one should pay interest and the other
none ? Or, still more forcibly, can there be

any reason why the resident land or stockholder
should pay, not only his own debt, but that of
the absent one ? These alone arc pretty cogent
reasons why taxation, to a large degree at least,
should fall upon property, and not, as now,
n
al-
most wholly on home expenditure. edo not
wish to see freedom of action interfered with ;
all that rte contend is, that no man should be at
liberty to withdraw himself and his income from
the country without contributing his share to-
wards the payment of his own just debts, as
well as the expellee of protecting the property
which affords him the income.—Moro. Herald.