The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-07 00:00:00

N, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 7, 1842

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
ROLLS' COURT, March 5.
ATTORNEY-GENERAL V. VINCENT.

The information in this cause was filed against the defendant,
as owner of certain property in Newbury, and the object of it
was to have the lease of a house there in his possession cancelled.
The corporation of Newbury, who were the plaintiffs, being
trustees of the house in question, the rents of which were ap-
Plicable to the service of the poor, granted in the year 1755 a
ease of it for the term of 999 years to a man named Budd, at a
yearly rent of 15/., he covenanting to lay out 150/. on it in
improvements. The real intention of the lessors was to grant
a term of 99 years, and the figures 999 were inserted in the
lease by mistake. The defendant Vincent, in whom the
house had now become vested, stated that considerable sums,
had been expended in the improvement of the premises by the''
person under whose title he now claimed, and refused to give
up the lease.
Mr. il'EmßEßTosr, who attended for the plaintiffs, stated
that they proposed to let the defendant hold the lease till the
year 1854, that was a period of 99 years from its date, and
then that they should get possession of the premises. It was
evident that by the defendant's acceding to that proposal jus-
tice would be done to all parties, as nothing could be more im-
probable than that' a lease would be granted on such conditions,
as those alleged,' for so long a terns of years.
Mr. KINDERSLEY, who appeared for the defendant, said he
was not instructed to accept of the proposal made at the other
end of the table; however, until his client could be consulted
on the matter, he had no objection that the case should stand
over for some time.

4F V V• aa
It was then agreed, with the concurrence of the Court, that
the case should be postponed for a week.

SHERIFFS COURT, March 5.
THE FAILURE OF THE BRIGHTON BANK.
On Saturday an inquiry was directed to Mr. Under-Sheriff
Burchell, Mr. Commissioner Hobbs, and a special Jury, for
the purpose of ascertaining in what sum the defendants were
indebted to her Majesty.
The Learned UNDER-SHERIFF having explained to the
Jury the nature of the duties they were called upon to perform,
an affidavit was put in evidence on the part of the Crown,
which was sworn before Lord Denman by Mr. John William
Ferguson.
The defendant stated that he was postmaster of Bright-
helmstone, in the county of Sussex, and that he had paid
various sums, at different times, to Isaac Newton Wigney and
Clement Wigney, of Brighthelmstone, bankers and co.part-
ners, for safe custody. That the monies so deposited by.him
in their hands had been received by him as postmaster for
Brighton, on account of her Majesty's Post-office revenue, for
her Majesty's use, and had been unaccounted for by the said
Isaac Newton Wigney and Clement Wigney ; and that it was
in danger of being lost in consequence of the bank having
stopped payment, unless some speedy measures were adopted
to recover the same. The balance due by Messrs. Wigney to
the Post-offiee was stated to be 7071. 4s.

The UNDER-SHERIFF summed up, and the Jury, without
hesitation, found that Messrs. Wigney were justly and truly
indebted to her Majesty in the full amount claimed.

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, March 5.

IN RE JOHN:OSBORN.

The insolvent was described as a horse-dealer, livery-stable-
keeper, and horse-agent on commission, carrying on business
in Montague-place, Montague-square. His petition to be dis-
charged was supported by Mr. Nicholls and opposed by Mr.
Cooke.

In the year 1837 he was a bankrupt, when the sum of
4,6001. appeared due by him, and the amount of the dividend
amongst his creditors was only 10d. in the pound; in two years
afterwards he paned through this Court, owing the sum of
2,7631. 111. to his creditors, and now he made his second ap-
plication to be discharged, with a schedule showing debts due
by him to the amount of upwards of 2,0001., and due to him of
1,500/., of which latter only 111. was good.
Mr. COOKS said he apt cared on behalf of two gentlemen
named Stevens and Robertson, who had intrusted the insolvent
with two horses to sell for them, and for which they 'never re-
ceived one penny. Mr. Stevens sent a valuable hofse on the
condition that he should receive the-sum for which it was sold
seven days after the sale was effected, but although his groom
made repeated applications he was pnt off from day to day, until
at length a writ was issued when the insolvent offered 201.,
which was refused. In the case of Mr. Robertson a horse had
been sent on the recommendation of the Honourable Mr.
Murray to be sold by the insolvent, and was bought as a
charger for 100 guineas, not one penny of which was given
to the owner. The name of the Hon. Mr. Murray was in•
serted in the schedule, although he had nothing to do with the
transaction, further than recommending Mr. Robertson to the
insolvent. Several noblemen and other gentlemen had in-
trusted him. with horses for sale on commission, upon which
small sums of money had been advanced previous to sale by
a person named Dent, who carried on business as a
linen-draper, in Crawford-street, on condition of being
repaid upon the day of sale, with interest, at the
rate of Is. for every pound advanced. Although many
of those (gentlemen were treated in the same manner as his
(Mr. Cooke's) clients, a feeling of delicacy prevented them
appearing in opposition. However, his clients considered
they would not be doing their duty towards the public if they
did not come forward and expose a system which they con-
sidered to be little better than swindling, although they were
well aware that by doing so they had not the slightest chance
of getting any portion of their debt.
Mr. Dent was examined at great length by Mr. COOKE,'
and stated that he had known insolvent for many years, during
which he had advanced him various sums of money, and a
balance of 5511. 10s. now remained due. He had been in the
habit of advancing sums of money: to gentlemen who sent
horses to the insolvent's stables to be sold on commission, and
received Is. for every pound so lent. When the insolvent be-
came a bankrupt in the year 1837, he (witness) was appointed
assignee under the fiat. There were a great many transactions
between them and several bills which came into his (insolvent's)
hands in the way of business, were given to witness. Amongst
these were one of Lieut.-Colonel Copeland's, another of Lord
Huntingtower's, and a judgment which had been entered
against Colonel Tint. Of Lord Huntingtower's bill he had
never received a fraction, nor had he any expectation of ever
being paid now.
Mr. COOKE raid the insolvent's conduct amounted, so far as
his clients was concerned, to a direct breach of trust. He had
fraudulently applied the money to h's own purposes, which he
had received on their account, and he also concealed certain
books connected with his 1 usiness. He trusted, therefore, that
the Court would consider it a case which required its strongest
anima !version.

Mr. Commissioner REYNOLDS said there could be no doubt
but the insolvent had withheld books connected with his trade
from his creditors, and he should therefore adjourn the further
hearing of the case generally, with four days' notice to the
creditors.

islands, the Bahamas, and British Guiana), from
Malta, British possessions on the west coast of Africa,
and from Mauritius, to any other place whatsoever ;
and with certain exceptions, the Act is extended to
voyages from the West Indies of less than three
weeks' but not less than three days' duration, except
as relates to the construction or thickness of the lower
deck, the height between decks, the surgeon and me-
dicine chests, and the maintenance of passengers for
48 hours.

Foreign vessels engaged in any voyages specified
in the Act are to be subject to its provisions. The
term " passengers" in the Act is not held to include
cabin-passengers.

SPEECH OF MR. G. THOMPSON,
DELIVERED TO TEN THOUSAND OF
THE OPERATIVES OF MANCHESTER,
ON MONDAY EVENING.
GEORGE THomrsoN, Esq., here came forward
amidst loud cheers, and said :—Never did I at any
time esteem it a higher privilege to lift up my voice
in public than I do at this moment when called upon
to address this vast and multitudinous assembly of the
honest working men of Manchester. Before I pro-
ceed to speak to you on the subject of the Corn-laws
let me say a word to inspire you with that confidence
in my sincerity and my friendship which I deem it
desirable above all things to possess. Ever since I
have been an advocate of the rights of humanity,
whether personal or political, I have been in the habit
of carrying out just and righteous principles to their
full and legitimate extent.—(Cheers.) I have never
been afraid to follow wherever truth has led me. I
have never claimed for myself the exercise of any.
right or the enjoyment of any privilege which I was
not willing to extend to every other human being.
(Cheers.) In reference to political rights, I place my
countrymen, whatever their condition or occupation,
on a footing of equality with myself, and believe that
an equal share in the government of public affairs is
the right of every working man on every ground,
whether moral, social, or political, and .that the con-
cession of that right is dictated by an enlightened love
for the greatness, the stability, the peace and the
prosperity of this great nation.—(Cheers.) Having
now, in a sentence, made known to you my deliberate,
deep-seated, and unalterable opinions on this, to you
vitally-important point, I shall proceed to offer you
first a few word's of encouragement, and then a few of
wholesome counsel. As a man friendly to the object
which lies so near your hearts, I congratulate you
-upon the proud position which you now occupy, and
on the majestic strides which your cause has made
during the last few months.—(Cheers.)t Only let
your object be a righteous one, your principles sound
and equitable, and your measures pure and peaceful,
and your success is certain. Your triumph is but a
question of time, and you will accelerate that triumph
in proportion as you cast aside every motive to dis-
cord and disunion, and present a solid and impene-
trable front to the common enemy of the just rights
and interests of our countrymen.—(Applause.) I am
thankful for what our enemies have done for us. A
little while ago and we were distracted and divided;
and the consequence was that on both sides we were
weak and unable to contend with the powerful oli-
garchy that oppresses every class but its own. Some-
thing was wanting to bring us together, to knit our
hearts and our hands in a common struggle. That
which was wanted has been supplied by our foes, and
there is now a prospect of a compact, impenetrable,
honest, and indissoluble union between the middle
and the working classes.—(Cheers.) I am candid
enough to confess my honest belief that if the middle
classes had gained their object two years ago, such is
the selfishness of our nature and our disposition to
rest satisfied when we have gained our own object,
that those classes would have continued to regard with
indifference, if not with distrust. the movement of the
working classes for the attainment of their legitimate
object.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) But the middle
classes find themselves, after all their efforts, disap-
pointed and defeated, and are now thoroughly con-
vinced that, unless a cordial union be forthwith
effected between them and the industrious and unen-
franchised classes, the object for which they have
laboured cannot 1:o achieved. The result Of the last
election has completed their conversion. Sir Robert
Peel found himself installed in office with a majority
of ninety-one, and since the re-assembling of Parlia-
ment, owing to the recreancy of professed Liberals he
is able to command a majority of 123 in favour of a
monopoly of the people's bread. What is the conse-
quence ? The scales have fallen from the eye-balls
of the middle-classes. Sir Robert Peel has anointed
their eyes, and they now see clearly that the battle
has to be fought out of doors. They now perceive
that the House of Commons not only does not repre-
sent the people at large, but that it does not even
represent themselves.—(Cheers.) They cry in vain
for cheap bread, for the revival of trade and com-
merce, for the removal of those manacles which un-
just legislation has put upon the limbs of a nation's
industry ; they see that all the great interests of the
country are at the mercy of a landholding aristocracy,
who, if they can succeed in driving the wedge between
the middle and the working classes, can perpetuate
their robbery and keep both classes in a state of sub-
jugation.--(Cheers.) They perceive, that like the
people of ancient Greece, ruled over by thirty tyrants
at Athens, they are the victims of thirty thousand
titled and untitled landlords, who are determined to
perpetuate their odious monopoly at the expense of
all other portions of the community.—(Cheers.) They
have therefore learnt to sympathise with you. They
now enter into your sufferings and sorrows, and are
fast coming to the opinion that those' who suffer
together must work out their redemption together.
--(Loud cheers.) But, my friends, you require that
the terms of the compact be explicitly stated, and you
are right in dosng so. The middle classes find they
cannot do without you. You know full well that you
cannot do without them. They say, labour with us
for the revival of trade, for the abolition of monopo-
lies, for the establishment of free intercourse with all
the nations of the earth. This they know would
empty their warehouses; would raise the prices of
their goods, would set their mills in motion, would
increase their foreign trade, would bring customers
to their shops, and you would doubtless be benefited
in a pecuniary sense by the attainment of these just
objects. But you also have objects peculiarly your
• own, for which you have struggled through many
years of obloquy, misrepresentation, neglect, and suf-
fering; and now is the time to strike an honest bar-
gain, to obtain a fair understanding, and to enter into
a righteous compact, the fulfilment of which shall
not only disenthral the genius of commercial enter-
prise and give bread to a starving people, but bring
you within the pale of the British Constitution, and
enable you henceforward to check the growth of every
domestic spoiler who would rise up to crush your
ener3ies or rob you of your rights.—(Loud cheers.)
Had I the power as I have the will, I would speak into
olitical being every man in this vast multitude who
has arrived at years of thought and discretion.—(Tre-
mendous cheers.) I would give you a vote for the
man who represents you ; I would protect you in the
honest and independent exercise of your franchise,
and abolish the unconstitutional Septennial Act, which
gives men a lease for seven years to do wrong, and a
premium to oppress and plunder the people.—(Great
cheering.) I would bring public men before the
people to account for their acts as often as public con-
venience would permit, that they might either be
supported in a righteous course and prosecute it, or.
be set aside to make room for more consistent repre-
sentatives of the people. But I possess no such power.
Your cause, like ours, must advance by degrees ; but
I agree with my friend Mr. Prentice, they must ad-
vance side by side, neither going before or following
behind the other. The cause of freedom and the
cause of food are one cause ; the righti of industry are
only to be secured by giving to the children of indus-
try the power to assert and to defend those rights.
Let us, therefore, in this common cause, enter into an
indissoluble and everlasting compact. The advan-
tages will be mutual and the triumph will be complete.
—(Cheers.) But then the question is, how-is this
noble and patriotic end to be obtained ? Let me tell
you. It is by the peaceful exercise of moral and in-
tellectual power. Political power is not necessary to
the advancement of a political object. Politic,al ends
are accomplished by moral means, and in the employ-
ment of those means you may take as honourable, as
conspicuous, and as influential a share as any class in
the community. I have never yet given a vote my-
self, simply because I have not yet seen the man in
that part of the country where I had one whom I
could consent to call my representative.—(Cheers.)
I could give my vote neither to a cunning, time-
serving, place-hunting, whig lawyer, or to a war-
making under-secretary of state.—(Cheers.) But,
though I have felt myself for conscience sake dis-
franchised, I trust I have not in consequence lived
altogether to no purpose.—(Cheers.) I. have per-
ceived that there was yet a wide sphere of usefulness
before me. Though I laid down .the weapons of
party political warfare, I took up others of a far more
pure and potent description. My trust for" victory is
in the power of mind over mind ; of just opinions op-
posed to unjust ones ; of truth opposed to error ; of
right opposed to might. I have ever seen clearly
that when once the people were enlightened, conso-
lidated, and resolute, all obstacles to their freedom
must give way, and they would stand emancipated
by their own virtue and their own independent ener-
gies.—(Cheers.) You have been told to-night that
it is probable that an emissary from the Government
is amongst you. I am glad of it. Let him carry
back a faithful report. Let him tell his employer
that ten thousand men could come together, discuss
their rights, determine upon their course of action,
and then depart with the solemnity of persons who
had congregated in a Christian temple for the worship
of their Great Maker. Let him report the counsel I
offer you, which is this : that all your measures be
peaceful, loyal, and pure ; that you take no step which
will injure a man, woman, or child, in the empire;
that you hold person and property sacred ; that you
are no friends to turbulence, or violence, or blood; .