The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-04 00:00:00

r •
THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1842.

but there are some papers of which the House ought
to be first put in possession, and which Hon. Mem-
bers should have an opportunity of considering
more maturely, than they could have if the motion
were fixed for so early a day as Monday. I believe that
in giving this early notice I shall not interfere with the
views of any Gentleman who might be entitled to ad-
dress the House, and as I apprehend there will be no
Order of the Day—(Hear, hear)—l should be un-
willing .to postpone my motion till Friday; but I
think that any Gentleman who may be disposed to
insist on his right, will, on further consideration,
not demand a preference on Wednesday, but that
considering that it is the first Wednesday of the.
Session, and that there is no Order of the Day, he
will waive his right to suit the views of her Majesty's
Government.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.

The SPEAKER have to inform the House
that this House has been up to the House of Lords,
when her Majesty was pleased to make a most gra-
cious Speech, of which for greater accuracy, I have
obtained a copy. He then read her Majesty's speech,
(for which see Lords' report.)
THE ADDRESS.

The Earl of MARCH' then rose and said—ln
rising to move the Address of this House, in
answer to her Majesty's most gracious Speech,
I am sure I am only speaking the sentiments
of the House, when I say that we participate in the
joy and gratification which the whole country has ex-
pressed at the safe birth of the Prince of Wales. If
anything could exceed the joy and the gratitude to
Providence thus universally expressed, it must be the
gratification of the country that the christening of the
Prince had been performed under the auspices of a
Monarch, who was not only distinguished as a patron
of the arts and sciences, but also as a most zealous de-
fender of the Protestant faith.—(Hear, hear.) I
shall now, Sir, briefly allude to some of the topics of
the Speech itself.—Pirst, with respect to our relations
with Foreign Poivers. I am sure it must be gratifying to
every man in this House that the greatest of all
blessings, peace, is likely to be long maintained.—
(Cheers.) lam sure, also, that every one must be
gratified that treaties have been entered into with a
view to abolish slavery and the slave-trade, and I
have every hope that those treaties will effectually
put an end to that horrible traffic.—(Hear, hear.)
With respect to the "war with China, however
much we may regret its continuance, yet I feel and
I think that the House will concur with me that it
could not be given up without compromising the
honour of this country.—(Hear, hear.) And I cannot
but look with pride to the success which has attended
our army, and which has been obtained with so
small a loss of life—(Hear, hear)—and solely
by the bra Very and discipline of our troops.—(Cheers.)
Now, Sir, with respect to the distress which unhap-
pily prevails in many parts of the country, I think it
cannot fail to excite feelings of commiseration in every
man's breast.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I think that every
man must desire most earnestly to alleviate the
distress of those who, under every suffering and pri-
vation, have maintained their loyalty to their Queen,
and respected the laws and the peace of their country.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) The speech next refers to
the finances of the country, and I think all will
agree that it is necessary to turn the attention of
Parliament to the subject, and not to allow the expen-
diture to exceed the income. I think that it would
be very difficult, under existing circumstances, to effect
any reduction of the expenditure.—(Hear.) I think
that if we wish to retain our Indian possessions, and
own distant colonies, it will not be possible to reduce
the army or navy.—(Hear, hear.) I think it de-
sirable, although the number of men of war may be
reduced in time of peace—never to allow a man of
war to leave the harbours of Great Britain without
a sufficient complement of men for any service
which might be required—(Hear, hear, hear)—
and with respect to the army, I think it expedient
to enable the Commander-in-Chief to relieve fre-
quently the regiments in the East and West Indies.—
(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I think that would be
the best economy, and that it would lessen the mor-
tality which we have had so frequently to de-
plore. I think it necessary to meet our difficulties
promptly and boldly. New taxes will be necessary.
—(Cheers from the Opposition.) But I think care
should be taken that they be such as will not press
heavily on the people.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
As to the Corn-laws, I must say, for my part,
that I much prefer the revision of them
to be undertaken by men who have the interest of the
agriculturist at heart,' than by those men who pro-
posed a fixed duty of Bs., and many of whose sup-
porters were opponents of any protection.—(Hear.)
The landed interest of this country does not seek a
greater protection than that which may be sufficient
to enable them, burdened as they are by general and
local taxation—(A laugh on the Opposition
benches, followed by cries of " Hear, hear,"
from the Ministerial side of the House)—
to compete with foreigners.—(Hear, hear.) I trust
this question may be discussed in this House with
calmness and moderation, avoiding everything likely
to set one class of society in array against the other
—(Hear, hear)—not forgetting that the home mar-
ket is of great consequence to the manufacturer on
the one hand, and that on the other the manufacturing
population are the best consumers of agricultural pro-
duce.—(Hear.) I am well aware that any remarks
of mine are not likely to have any weight in the
House or the country, but I have deemed it due to
myself, and the interests I represent, briefly to state
my views upon the subjects touched on in the
Speech from the Throne.—(Hear, hear.) lam ex-
cessively obliged to the House for the kindness with
which they have favoured me.—(Hear, :ear.) Hav-
ing great confidence in her Majesty's present ad-
visers, and agreeing, as I do, in the sentiments con-
tained in the Speech delivered this day by her
Majesty from the Throne, I now beg leave to
read the Address which I have the honour to move I
in reply.
The Address was then read by the Noble Earl. It
was, as usual, an echo of the Speech from the Throne.
Mr. BECKETT rose to second the Address, and
said—Mr. Speaker; in rising to second the Address
which has been brought under the consideration of
the House by the Gallant and Noble Earl
the Member for Sussex. I beg .of you, and
every. Honourable Member of this House, to
extend to me your indulgence while I trespass
on its patience in a matter so important as that
which has brought us together, namely, what
shall be the most dutiful, the most respectful, and
the most becoming address we can offer to our
beloved and gracious Queen.—(Cheers.) Sir, the
Address which has been -so ably moved by the
Noble Lord will, I conceive, meet with cordial ap-
probation from the House, because, whether we look
at the topics of which that Adress is composed,
or, the language in which it is embodied,
the House will perceive it combines everything of
cheers.)
hhel
induce
uers
public
c)ursei
b.
illustrious
csl
eT
under
nhiHrde Sir, among
House
individualaas
meri
trsoit:o-,magl,
importance to the interests of the country.—(Hear,
who
eott
authorityha
tmeh had o
Addressi beeng saannt
dy us sanction.—(Loud
nugebaotj
alludedlesoeofnot.
subjects
f the
(awforward
0 iuet woulddoi
come before the House, there is none possessing so
Much interest as that which relates to the birth of
our Prince ; and I think I should very much
miscalculate the feelings of the House if I did
not say that no congratulations from any por-
tion of her Majesty's subjects have been more warm
than those with which this House wishes to
approach her Majesty, or any prayers more earnest
than those offered by it in thanks for those virtues
and excellences which adorn the parents of that
Prince. May he combine in his own person, the
many virtues of those parents.—(Loud cheers.)
With regard to that ceremony by which he has
been brought within the pale of the Christian fold,
and which has been *dignified by the presence of
foreign royalty, this House, I am persuaded,
has seen it with the greatest satifaction ; and,
Sir, in looking at it, we must hope that
in the introduction of that Prince within
the pale of the Church, another pillar has been
added to its support from that stock which has already
afforded so many and such faithful upholders of it.
It could not but be highly gratifying to the House to
have her Majesty's assurance that our re-
lations with the other Powers of Europe wem e main-
tained on the most amicable footing ; and it
must also be gratifying to them to have other
collateral evidence of the pacific disposition
of the other States of Europe. France, that great and
mighty nati )n, had laid aside her preparations for war ;
Spain, that beautiful country, which had been so long
desolated by foreign enemies and by internal discords,
was at present recovering from the disastrous effect of
these misfortunes, and he hoped that the day was
not far distant when her sons might return to the
cultivation of her natural and fertile soil. The other
Powers of Europe, by entering into that compact, to
which her Majesty alluded, for the abolition of slavery,
had given proof of their wish to maintain ami-
cable relations with, and of their trust in, this
country. With regard to China, whilst he re-
joiced at the success of our arms in that distant
country, he could not but indulge a hope that' when
China found that British valour was equalled by British
generosity, she also would join in an alliance with this
country, which was so much desired by all.—(llear.)
With regard to America, he could but regret that she
had not joined in that treaty which had been
entered into by the European Powers for the
abolition of the slave trade. Perhaps, however,
the time might yet arrive when they would have the
gratifi?.ation of finding that America would join with
the other, Powers in the adoption of measures for the
abolition of that desolating and debasing traffic.—
(Cheers.) lie would now address himself to those por-
tions of the Address which more immediately related
to our internal policy. He thought the House could not
be sufficiently thankful to her Majesty for having pointed
out for the consideration of the House those subjects to

which she had been so graciously pleased to direct their
attention, and which so devly affected the vital
t regardl i e commerce
in,c)tthe
et
finances,
Elnooafunseee thes
w, country.—(Loud idwn tairs
interests of the country. He more particularly alluded
to the subject of the Corn-laws—(Cheers)—of the
finances—(Cheers)—and of those duties which affected
ith
allowed the expenditure to exceed the revenue should
.-r
persuaded
Lt oh ua dt c
system
saettresnm. )0
indivi-
dual
whichW
Cheers.) With regard to the Corn-
be continued.__(
laws, he congratulated the House that at last a day had
been fixed for the discussion of that most important sub-
ject.—(Opposition cheers.) He hoped whatever might
be the result of that discussion, a due regard would be paid
hetwhase statec connected
nee of t -that
stix partm onotfhs the
ago. country'The
e
to the interest of the agricultural labour of the country,
at the same time that a proper regard was paid to the
commercial interest. This led him to say a few words
onheard statements made of the awful distress under which
"Hlotil use whichhad
that part of the country was then suffering. He re-
gretted to say that that distress was now frightfully,
aggravated.—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear," from the Op-
position.) He would refer to the returns of workhouses
ICheaarr,it lyieaar e,d' from the Oseeppioestiiteison v.)) lie
ve
to show that applications for relief were greatly increas-
ing, and were in many instances made by persons
who had been formerly in a state or comparative pros-
Preefreirty;o—thee I
many were now applicants to these charities for relief,
prowethualdt
who had, not long ago, been themselves dispensers of
charity.—(Hear.) He regretted to be obliged to state
that, in his opinion, pauperism was advancing in
this country.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.)
He rejoiced that a great measure for remedying these
evils had received the attentive consideration of the Right
Honourable Baronet in whose Government the House
had such confidence, and he hoped that that measure,
whatever it might be, would provide for the regular
employment of the poor and it proper remuneration,
as unless that were. done,‘he felt convinced there
could be no permanent • prosperity for this country.
" The history of our country proves, I think, that Parlia-
ment has often been called together in great emer-
gencies ; and happily also history proves that the Par-
liaments of this country have been equal to the difficulties
by which they were surrounded. But, Sir, I shall
venture to say that at no previous period were the people
so fully entitled to our sympathies and assistance as at
the present moment. The people have suffered deeply,
but they have suffered patiently.—(Hear, hear.) Their
loyalty to her Majesty has never been shaken or for-
gotten, their confidence in—the wisdom of Parlianaint
continues unabated, and their hopes in the ability
of the distinguished and talented Administration, which
now presides over the destinies of the country, are still
strong.—(hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.)
Sir, the only hope or wish which I entertain in second-
ing the Address, so ably moved by the Noble
Lord, is that it may receive that approbation
from this House to which it is entitled, and
that it may lead to other wise resolutions and pro-
ceedings on the part of this House,. which may prove to
the people that the reliance they have placed in Parlia-
ment has not been unfounded.—(Hear, hear.) With
these few remarks I beg leave to second the Address." '
The question being put,
Mr. EWART said he was unwilling to intrude upon
the attention of the House, the more so as no other Gen-
tleman had thought proper to rise—(Laughter)—but he
(Mr. E.) was desirous to take that opportunity of expres-
sing his approbation of the sentiments that had that evening
been addressed to them, particularly of those of
the Hon. Gentleman who seconded the Address, and who
had pathetically and too truly described the miseries
of the people. He (Mr. Ewart) cordially concui fed in the
feelings and hopes expressed by that Hon. Gentleman,
and for those miseries which they both agreed in
lamenting, he (Mr. Ewart) trusted that her Majesty's
Government were prepared to introduce some efficient
remedy. He rejoiced to observe that in the course of the
speech from the Throne one remedy seemed to have been
already traced out, which had been suggested by a Com-
mittee of that House, which was at least an adoption of its
principles; he meant the Committee on Import Duties. If he
he (Mr. Ewart) were right in his construction of
the Speech from the Throne, it was the inten-
tion of her Majesty's Government to adopt the
suggestions contained in their Report ; and, sup-
ported by the evidence taken before that Com-
mittee, he would also add his hope that it was the
intention of her Majesty's Government to attend to one
important article on which the present import duties
pressed very heavily, an article which was almost
a necessary of life in this country—he meant
sugar. The anticipations of the Government
respecting the supply, and the price of this article had
been disappointed, and even during the last month had
been raised to such an amount as materially to interfere
with its consumption, whilst also evidence had been
laid before the Treasury, showing that a reduction of
duty on that article would tend greatly to the welfare
of the people in this country, and also to the increase
of the revenue. He also trusted that the re-
commendation of that Committee to reduce the duty
on coffee would be adopted, for such a reduction
was not more called for by the commercial interests of
the country, and by the domestic wants of the people,
than by every principle of just financial reform. It must
be satisfactory to every Member of that House to
know that coffee and sugar had been most beneficially
and most extensively substituted for the deleterious
spirits hitherto used to such a destructive and moralizing
extent by the people of this country.
,Referring to our
treaties with foreign countries, he would express a
hope that it was under the contemplation of Government
to enter into a treaty with Holland respecting the im-
port of Dutch produce, especially the produce of the
Isle of Java. In the first place, such a treaty would
greatly extend the exports of this country ; and
next, we could greatly increase our supply of
sugar, by admitting the growth of Java, which island
from the production of a few tons of sugar in 1831 was now
producing 65,000 tons annually. He knew not whether he
was justified, yet he could not help inferrring from the
speeches of the mover and seconder, rather than from
the Address itself, that it was the intention of the Go-
vernment to propose something like a Property-tax.
Certainly taxation was hinted at in those speeches, and
it was not contradicted by any Gentleman on the Minis-
terial benches. No ; it was his conviction, as he had
again and again stated, that a fair and honest Property-
tax, equally affecting landed, funded, and personal pro-
perty, would afford the most efficient relief to the com-
mercial industry, and sufferingpopulation of the country.
The Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury
had just stated his intention of disclosing his somewhat
long-concealed views on the Corn-laws. One portion of
that subject appeared to him to be of pressing import-
ance ; it was that which related to our trade with Ame-
rica. It was most galling to reflect that the portion
which was the most valuable, that is, cotton, indicated
marks of suffering and gradual decline. The average im-
portation two years ago was 24,000 bags per week,
and last year it was but 21,000 bags. It was most de-
sirable, therefore, seeing that this was the most impor-
tant branch of our trade, and that America was our best
customer, to draw closer the bonds of commercial inter-
course with that country. But he feared that the con-
templated alteration cf the Corn-laws would not be
sufficient to bring to us the natural produce of
America. However desirable it was to accomplish a
closer connection it could not be effected, unless we took
besides cotton some other of the natural produce of that
country, and especially corn. In a recent Report of a
Committee of Congress, it was expressly stated,
that if foreign countries would not take Ame-
rican corn in exchange for their' manufactures,
it was incumbent on the Legislature to provide for the
American agriculturist a market at home. So long,
therefore, as we continued our system of prohibition,
they would continue their system of protection.
With respect to Germany, from which we had the -
most dangerous rivalry, so far we were now excluded
from the markets of territories containing a popula-
tion equal to our own, being 26,000,000. These
were included in the Confederation ; and he
held 'in his hand an extract from a distin-
guished writer 'on Prussian statistics, who said,
" Since the Confederacy has been formed, and the Cus-
tom houses abolished, there has taken place an immense'
increase in the cotton, silk, and woollen manufac-
tures, for which hitherto we were dependent
on neighbouring countries, and especially • England.
Germany is now not only independent of tither countries
for these manufactures, but is able to"supply her
neighbours." That confederation was, 'to some
extent a recognition of free trade.—(Hear, hear.)
It was as much so as the abolition of the dis-
criminating duties between Scotland, Ireland, and Eng-
land; and it was his opinion that the only way in which
wo could oppose the -rivalry of the confederacy
was by the adoption of free trade.—(Hear, hear.)
The effect of the increase of manufactures .in Ger-
many, in consequence of the union has been an increase
of the materials supplied by the agriculturists, and this
increase of manufactures in Germany has been in con-
sequence of the extension of free trade. So far from
lowering wages, as Hon. Gentlemen on the other side
seemed to think, it had the effect of wages, for the
same writer to whom he alluded continued to observe that
employment and • there had been an increase of a rise of
wages. He trusted, therefore, in common with many
of free trade would
others, that the doctrine be carried
's
into operation by her Majesty Government, which,
after the most sincere conviction,
he was induced to
11 b
believe would so materia y
blen efit the country,
and. which had been so a put forward by
the Committee on Import Duties which sat during
the last Parliament. With great anxiety, therefore, he
'looked to the development of those principles
of free
trade, and he hoped he might do so with confidence also.
But at the same time he must express his regret, that,
although alterations in the flyicthtueatinscale would be
beneficially set aside, and still that sliding
scale
be
subjected to alteration, yet it would be
a sliding scale, and that the inherent
effect of the
bad principle on which that scale was founded
was still to continue, and which was the occasion of un-
ncertaint3. But if it we
steadiness of price and u re the
intention of her Majesty's Government to develope a
more extended measure than any which merely involved
an alteration in the sliding scale, he should hail it with
satisfaction, and he would assure the Government
of his most sincere support. He In_!_ah
ghr t
ebe allowed to express
the hope that the Right lion. 13
__
_et the Member for
Tamworth would take ; stand firmly and boldly upon
what he believed to be the permanent and real interest
of his country, and that on this most vital question lie
would not allow a desire of conciliatinghi various interests
to interfere with the exercise of sincere convictions.
—(llear, hear.) It was his (Mr_. Ewart's) lot to come
into Parliament when the Right Hon. Baronet was
compelled to alter his policy on the important sub-
ject of religious freedom. At that time he entertained
no doubt, from sincere convict
and he
ion, of the policy of
religious ascendancy ; Righttrusted
trusted, that in
these important times, the 4-ion. Baronet
would not maintain a system of social ascen-
daney—upholcling one interest at the expense
of another, and he believed if
such a, system of social

ascendancy 'as adopted by him, and if he did not
become its opponent, tie would sooner or later become
its victim.
The SPEAKER having then read the Address from
the Chair,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said—l regret I cannot give,
with perfect satisfaction to myself, a silent vote in favour
of the Address proposed for the adoption of the House,
as some misapprehension might exist, if some one be-
longing to this side of the House did not express the
opinions we entertain with regard to certain points in
that Address. I shall, therefore, venture to trouble the
House with a few observations, before it comes to a
conclusion upon this subject to-night.—(Cries of" Hear,
hear.") I must first observe, that I most heartily
concur in the sentiments contained in the commence-
ment of the Address proposed by the Noble Lord, and
I assure her Majesty that we most heartily concur in
them, and join with the feelings of gratitude to Almighty
God on account of the birth of the Prince, expressed in
that Address. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition
benches.) I feel, both on public grounds and as re-
spects her Majesty in the uniform exercise of the pre-
rogative that is vested in her Majesty, and the manner
in which she has exercised it from the commencement
of her Majesty's reign till the present_ day, as well as
on account of that happiness of which she is so well de-
serving, that I cannot give a silent vote for the adoption
of this Address, though it may seeem to combine in it
the elements of public and private felicity.—(Hear.)
heartily congratulate her Majesty, that the ally of her
Majesty has attended in person to be the sponsor foi the
Royal Prince, whose christening has been lately cele-
brated, and, I trust, with that Royal Personage, cele-
brated as lie is, no less by his station and
abilities than .by his wisdom, we shall always continue
on terms of cordial amity.—(Hear, hear.) With regard
to other parts of the Address, which relate to Foreign
Powers, I must express my concurrence in the sen-
timents which have been expressed. lam rejoiced
to hear that our relations with Persia have bc:!ii
not only restored but placed on a permanent basis,
and that with regard to all the Powers of Europe we are
on the most amicable terms. I trust that any difference
or causes of dissension which may remain with regard
to the United States of America may be satisfactorily
adjusted—whether it was wise to send such a mission
to that country, is a point which I do not feel
called upon to give any opinion, or whether
it was better to send a Special Commission to
America for the puryose of adjusting those differences.
Those who thought it best to adopt that course are re-
sponsible for it, but I can only hope that it may be sa-
tisfactory ,• for we all feel in common the benefits of j
peace, and of that commercial intercourse which I
strengthens and blesses all nations.—(Loud cheers.)
Sir, I am come to that portion of her Majesty's Speech
which relates to the domestic situation of the country ;
and I must say with rega-rd to that portion of the Speech,
with the greatest satisfaction to those topics to which her
present Ministers have advised her Majesty to advert.
—(Loud Opposition cheers.). What those measures
may be which the Right Hon. Gentleman may think
proper to introduce, with regard to the finances of the
country,—what those other measures may be for regu-
lating the importation of commodities from foreign coun-
tries which the Right Hon. Gentleman's colleagues may
think it proper to introduce, I know not ; perhaps it
may so happen that when I become acquainted with
their details, :I may not be able to give them my support.
But it is satisfactory to me to find that with regard to
the nature of the measures which her Majesty's present
Government have advised her Majesty to recommend
to the consideration of Parliament, their principles are of
a nature precisely similar to those which the late Mi-
nistry recommended to the consideration of Parliament.
—(Cheers.) Questions which, in our hands, were said
to be calculated to excite discord between class and
class, to create disturbances throughout the country, and
to inflict incalculable injury, are now it seems those
questions which are to be submitted to the House by
her Majesty's present advisers, as the measures
best calculated to get rid of our financial difficul-
ties, and to remedy the distresses of the country.
—(Loud Opposition cheers.) The Noble Lord, who
moved the Address to-night, and who in moving it
gave full promise of his future career in this
House, told his constituents before he was elected that
nothing could possibly be worse than the mode in which
the late Ministry proposed to treat the financial difficul-
ties of the country.—(Cheering). I cannot but rejoice
to find that now the leading men of all parties are agreed
that all attempts to relieve our financial difficulties
and distresses, must be conducted on the same principle;
that all are agreed that the state of our finances require
the serious attention of Parliament ; that all are
agreed that our finances ought not to be
allowed to continue, year after year, in their
present state; but I do say, that whilst you attempt to
remedy the state of our finances, you are bound to take
into your consideration the laws respecting the trade
and commerce of this country—(Hear, and cheers)_.
laws which impose a heavy taxation upon the people,
not for the State-,—(Cheers)—not for the Crown—(Loud
cheers)—not for the Exchequer—(Continued cheering)
—but for the sake •of different classes.—(Loud and
long-continued cheering.) My Right Honourable
Friend near nit in his statement in April
last of the finances of the country, stated that it was
necessary to improve the finances by invigorating the
resources, and improving the general trade of the
country, and that thereby we should im-
prove our finances.—(Hear, hear.) Was he wrong,
I ask, in laying down those principles ?—(Loud
cheers.) During the recess we have had various
measures proposed, and there has been a notion
encouraged that her Majesty's Ministers were dis-
posed to act in accordance with some of these schemes.
There were first of all the delegates of the Ten Hours'
Bill. These gentlemen, after several interviews with dif-
ferent members of her Majesty's Government, by which
considerable theatrical effect was produced, and in
which, after a vast deal of stage display—these
Gentlemen Delegates of the Ten Hours' Bill, who after-
wards turned out to be the Socialist Editor of some New
Moral World—(Cheers and laughter)—encouraged the
hope that the Government would adopt the measures
of relief which they had proposed ; but it now appears
from a letter written within these few days by a Noble
Lord, I know not whether lie be present or not—(Hear,
hear, from Lord Ashley, who was in the side gallery)
—and whose sincerity I honour, that the Right Ho-
nourable Gentlemen who I believe, is actuated
by motives not less sincere or praiseworthy,
than those actuating the Noble Lord, but who acts
with more wisdom and more caution, has now declared
himself ready to oppose any Ten Hours' Bill, and I
rejoice to hear it, because I believe that if
any measure for the limitation of the industry
and labour of our manufacturers should be even
entertained by Parliament, it would cut at the
root of our vast manufacturing interests, and conse-
quently of our national prosperity.—(Loud cheers.) At
another time we were told that the Government con-
sidered an extensive scheme of emigration as a measure
well calculated to alleviate the distresses of the country,
that a vast number of people were to be transported at
the public expense to the colonies. A letter has been
published within these few days, written by the direction
of the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Depart-
ment, declaring that no such scheme of extensive emi-
gration is entertained.—(" Hear, bear," from Lord
Stanley.) The Noble Lord seems to contradict
me. I know not whether lam to conclude that some
such scheme is still entertained, but if so, at all events
we have heard no mention of it. If the subject should
be brought forward I shall for one be ready to dis-
cuss it ; but until the Noble Lord gives notice of his
intention to propose some such extensive scheme of
emigration at the public expense„ I for one must
disbelieve it.—(Cheers.) Then, again, during the re-
cess, I have frequently heard it contended that a great
portion of the party now in power were opposed to the
New Poor-law, that such a tyrannical measure as the
New Poor-law could never be supported by a so-called
COnservative Government, and that if they did not repeal
the law, they would, at least, abolish the Commission ;
but when "look to the last appointment which has been
made to that Commission, an appointment which does
equal credit to the Government and to the Secretary of
State for the Home Department, and one of which
I highly approve, I cannot but say, that no-
thing could be such a complete practical refuta-
tion of the notion that the present Government
would repeal the New Poor-law than that ap-
pointment.—(Loud cheers.) I am glad to find
that the -Right Honourable Gentleman--disclaiming
all these empirical propositions for relieving the distress
of the country, propositions in my opinion only
calculated to enhance those distresses has
adopted those sound principles which have been
propounded by all theoretical writers, and by
all men who have at all studied the subject—
principles on which the measures proposed by the late
Government were founded, and which have been
left by that Government as a legacy to their suc-
cessors, or to the country—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—
on principles which I trust we shall see before long on
the Statute-book of this country.—(Cheers.) The Right
Hon. Gentleman has given notice respecting the Corn-
laws. As that notice stands for a few days hence
I think it most inopportune to enter into details, or
now to discuss the principles of that question ; but
one thing I beg leave to say, and that is, that I request the
Government, and the Right Hon. Gentleman at its head, to
consider the course which the discussion of the Corn-laws
has taken since I gave notice of 'a motion for their dis-
cussion in May last—how little has been advanced in fa-
vour of the Right Hon. Gentleman's principle, that is
adherence to the sliding scale, and how much has been
stateknot by the members of one party or another,
but by an impartial consideration of the Corn-laws,
and the Corn-laws only, on the part of the public at
large, in favour of the principle which I proposed,
that is a moderate fixed duty.—(Hear, hear.) I hope
before the Government propose their scheme they
will consider whether it is a scheme likely to be enacted
into a law with a prospect of endurance.- —(Cheers.)
can readily yield to the Honourable Gentleman, that if
he propose an alteration in the Corn-laws, with the
support he has, he is likely to have no difficulty
in obtaining the assent of this and the other House of
Parliament ; but I beg of him seriously to consider what
mischief must take place if the result should be, that no
sooner has the Royal assent been given to it than the agita-
tion on the Corn-laws will commence afresh in the country
—that the public should feel that they had
been falsely and wrongly dealt with, and that
it was necessary, by petition or otherwise,
to obtain a re-consideration of the subject.—(Loud
cheers.) Some Gentlemen may, perhaps, think
that the passing of an Act of Parliament
upon this subject will be quite sufficient
to put an end to all discussion and discontent ; but I beg
to tell them that this will not be the case—that great
as the anthority of Parliament may be in this coun-
try--(and I wish it may be always great)—
still
.that authority cannot supersede and override
the conclusion of sensible and reflecting men, drawn from
their observation of the working of any measure=
(Cheers)-4-and with respect to the farming interest, as

to every other ' interest, I believe it would be
the greatest possible mischief that can happen
to them, if, after the new law is passed, their
feelings should be, that they could not make an agree-
ment with their landlords, or venture on a bargain with
confidence, for such must be the case if they apprehend that
the new law will not endure.—(Cheers.) The Right.
Honourable Gentleman has an opinion that tin-
der a fixed duty such would be the case, and
therefore, doubtless, he would not propose a scheme
on that principle ; but if he have considered
since we last met all that has been urged by ex-
perienced men—by men, for example, such as
Mr. Hubbard, who has written a very able pam-
phlet in support of the fixed duty, I trust the
Right Honourable Baronet is not disposed to give
further opposition to that principle,—(Hear, hear.)
I will not enter further into that subject, seeing that we
shall have shortly an opportunity of recurring to that
question. Icon only assure the House, in the words ofLord
Melbourne, that that justice which was not done to Lord
Melbourne's Government, we will endeavour to do to the
Government which has succeeded us. If the mea-
sures which are now brought forward with respect to
import duties, shall be found to be measures founded
upon right principles, we shall cordially give our assent:
If they are measures which we think ought to be amended we shall state fairly and candidly what amendments
we think ought to be introduced. With respect
to one phrase in the Speech, and one phrase
in the speech of the Noble Lord who moved the Ad-
dress, with respect to new taxes, perhaps it is hardly
necessary to say that I think there is nothing in the
Address which is now proposed which pledges the
House of Commons to the imposition of new taxes.
I think the words themselves are exceedingly
cautious. The words of her Majesty are—" 1
feel confident that, fully sensible of the evil
which must result from a continued deficiency of this
nature during peace, you will carefully consider the
best means of averting it." These words, I
consider, leave us perfectly open to maintain
the principles if we should so think fit, that we main-
tained as a Government, that it would be better, seeing
that the expenditure of late years had been increased
by temporary causes, and seeing that it was a great
evil to propose new taxes, unless they were ab•
solutely necessary—(Cries of "Hear, hear ")—that it
would be better rather to wait and see the result of a new
modification of our commercial system than to resolve to
impose new taxes.—(Bear, hear.) Ido not wish to say
that such will be precisely the course which I shall
follow. I shall be ready to hear the statement
which the Right Lion. Gentleman will doubtless make as
to the whole course which he means to pursue, and cer-
tainly' if I um not able to support him in the plan which
he proposes, I will take care to give him due
notice of any point upon which I may wish
to take the sense of the House. Sir, I will only
end by saying that it is a great satisfaction to me that
upon this occasion, when we are to congratulate her
Majesty upon the birth of a Prince, there
is nothing in the remainder of the Address which
will prevent me from giving it my cordial assent, and
whatever differences we may have hereafter, or whatever
dissension may spring from the measures hereafter to be
proposed, I trust that there is nothing which will pre-
vent the House from giving its unanimous assent to the
Address.
Sir R. PEEL rose, and said—Sir, I cannot be sur-
prised, although I am gratified to have the Noble
Lord's advice, that upon this occasion we should unani-
mously—whatever be our divisions—whatever be the
prospect of future conflicts—that we cordially concur
in presenting an Address to her Majesty, which contains
the heartfelt congratulations of this House on the event
which has recently occurred, and which has given new sta-
bility to the Throne and the Government of this country.
Sir, having long held the opinion that there was incon-
venience in calling upon the House on the first day of its
assembling without the means of previously ascertain-
ing the sentiments which might be contained in
the Address that there was inconvenience
in calling upon the House to pledge itself to positive measures,
my colleagues and I purposely framed the- Address in a man-
ner which we hoped would not provoke the collision of the
House, we felt perfectly certain of the unanimous concurrence
of the House in that part of the Address which Conveys
congratulations on the ' event to which I have referred,
and I am perfectly convinced, that if the event has
completed the domestic happiness of her Majesty and
her illustrious Consort, it has also added at least to the
private and domestic happiness of almost every family in this
country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Noble Lord very lightly
touched upon those parts of the Address which refer to
our foreign affairs. In all those parts of the Address he pro-
fessed his readiness to concur. He expressed his satisfaction
at the conclusion of a treaty with the Court of Persia, and at
the prospect of the permanent establishment of amicable relations
with that Court. I cannot allude to the subject without bear-
ing my testimony to the cordial co-opfration which the 1
diplomatic Minister of this country has received from Russia. 1
The sense of common interest in the' Court of Teheran
might well have induced that country to accede to our proposals, j
and it, might have been expected that, quite independent
of all foreign influence, we could have established friendly
relations with Persia ; but there might possibly be
obstructions—(Hear, hear)—an attempt to interfere with and
impede those amiable relations, but I am bound
in justice to the Emperor of Russia to state, that there has
been by his authority on the part of his agent every effort to
influence the Court of Persia to re-establish amicable I
relations with this country.—( Hear.) Sir, the Noble Lord
seemed to intimate some doubt as to the policy of sending a
special mission to the United States. I think the Noble
and Learned Lord should bear in mind that some of the causes
of difference between the United States and this country have
long existed, that the attempt on the part of various Govern-
ments, by means of correspondence, to bring them to a satis-
factory conclusion, has failed, and that the continuance of those
unfortunate causes of discord leads to fresh and increased irritation;
and it certainly has appeared wise to her Majesty's Govern-
ment, without implying the slightest reflection on the very
able Minister who is now in the United States (Mr. Fox)—but
it has been thought advisable to send a person who has
held a station in the councils of this country, 1
and who is fully possessed of the views and intentions of her
Majesty's Government, to the United States to attempt, by
some other mode than that which has hitherto been resorted
to, anti hitherto at least has not been successful, to effect
which would be a great object fur the interests
of humanity and civilisation throughout the world, namely,
the restoration of perfectly friendly and cordial relations with
the United States ; or I should not speak of friendly relations, I
should rather speak of the termination of existing differences than
the restoration of friendly relations ; but if those existing diffe-
rences can be altogether extinguished I say the extinction of
them will be not only for the common interest of the two
countries, but . for the general interest of humanity
and civilization throughout the world.—( Hear, hear. )
He had . been influenced by a sense of public
duty. The sacrifice lie was called on to make, he
made cheerfully, because lie concurred in opinion
with her Majesty's Government, that in considering the
relation in which we stand towards the United States,
and the opinion in which he is held in that country, no
individual could be more welcome than the one
that had been appointed.—(Hear, hear.) I am not
aware of any other topic with regard to our
foreign relations on which to advert.—(Hear.)
The Noble Lord referred to some of the plans
of her Majesty's Government for the relief
of the domestic embarrassments of the country.
The Noble Lord said he had heard various
schemes suggested, and that he was pleased to find that
no reference had been made to the plan of a general
emigration.—(Hear, hear.) I think the Noble Lord
must have had sufficient experience in public affairs to
know that because certain measures are imputed by the
public press to the Executive Government, it did not
thence follow that they were to be immediately prOposed.
I thought the Noble Lord would not advert to the ap-
pearance of a paragraph in the newspapers, imputing
certain plans to the Government. I thought the Noble
Lord was perfectly aware of the exceeding
inconvenience of adopting certain lints of
policy, because they may have appeared in
the public papers.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord then
referred to interviews which the Ministry had with
certain deputations from the manufacturing districts.
Sir, I am rather surprised that the Noble Lord should
have spoken with such asperity of the Social deputies.
It was true the Members of her Majesty's Government had
such interviews, but they never thought of conferring upon
any of the deputation the high honour of presentation.
Sir, It is perfectly true that I, for one, had an interview
with a body of persons who, I believe, called themselves msel:t,
m sa
deputation from the manufacturing classes in
,t
I do not know what course the Noble Lord wool.! 111.,
advised me to pursue with respect to seeing them. Does
he think that it would become a person in my situation to
have declined an interview without first inquiring into the cha-
racter of those who had requested that interview ? I had no notice
of the names of the persons ; nor did I inquire into them, and
let them have been who they might, I should have received
them without the slightest inquiry of their political opinions,
if I had, as I had at that time, sufficient leisure to do so. I
saw those persons who called upon me, and they certainly de-
ceived me so far that I thought they were deputies from the
working classes, and that they were not only deputies
from those working classes, but they were well ac-
quainted with the business upon the subject of which
they called upon me. I conversed with them, but I was no
party to the publication of the report.—( Hear, hear. )
I was never consulted, and I never expected it would be pub-
lished.—(Hear, hear.) I must be allowed to say that I de-
precate extremely the publication of these interviews with
Ministers. At least they ought not to be published with-
out ascertaining from the Minister, whether he acquiesced, be-
cause the tendency of the communication is this, it discourages
the free and continual intercourse which is so desirable.
—the change of a world in what is stated by a Minister at
such interviews makes the greatest difference as to the inten-
tion of the speaker. A-question may be put for the purpose
of obtaining
i t t
o have a
v
information,e very d
different
etnh
te t Minister.ideey.
_m
( i
fe
ayanasrwo.)
eieraitr,eeni•
si e
state broadly that I was surprised when I saw the
report, and perfectly innocent of the intention of deriving
any advantage from any dramatic effect it was calculated to
produce,
and 1 can assure the House that until I found out
that some part of the persona present were connected with the
newspapers, I thought I had been conversing with men who
represented working men.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) With
respect to the Poor-law, I think the Noble Lord must have at
once put an end to the apprehensions that had been excited by
paragraghs in the newspapers, when he considered what had.
recently occurred. I now approach that portion of the
Address which involves a subject of the most serious considera-
tion. lam quite sure the House will not expect me to enter
at any length into the subject of them, as the reading of her
Majesty's Speech by the Speaker was preceded by a statement
from myself that I would, on the first day consistent with the
convenience of the House, submit the views of her
3lajesty's Government on this most important subjeet.
I have given a notice for Wednesday upon the subject of the Corn-
laws, and I must now postpone altogether the discussion of any
subject connected or colaterately connected with the question,
until I have an opportunity of bringing it in the regular
form before the House. It was my intention to have imme-
diately brought under the consideration of the House the who!s
question of the commercial and financial condition of
the country, and to have submitted it at onee
to the knowledge and consideration of Parliament.—( Hear,
hear.) I am precluded, however, from taking such a
course by considerations conneeted s%iththepublicasseserryteiede.,
On the part of her Majesty's Government I
when the House separated under the impression that
the recess should be a long one—l gave, on the part of her
Majesty's Government, an assurance that that recess
should be occupied by us in a careful consideration
of all the great subjects which pressed 'upon
their attention. I undertook, on the part of the Government,
o review all the great questions connected with our com-

_E VENING SUN

also, that when
re-assembled,Parliinambreltgirithesubjee_.... ....
mercial and financial condition.—(Hear, hear.) I undertook,
t under
re
thsehiorueeldnsbei.
consi-
deration,
views,
, Government,auv
tns i
,onneac,
ne,
bsisuatrh delaytyeihyaiotru
ali
eh
teieheGalopmvreeeimrledreens tt,ol,ll3:smu:,nhiniictisiti ritenhsepotlh.enpsrihopoinliutwysedasittoas
carry those views into effect. That pledge I am
I prepared to redeem. I should ask for no further delay in
bringing those questions forward than the time which is essen-
tially necessary for the due management of the public ser-
vice. I propose with respect to the financial policy of
the Government as soon as a sufficient vote of supply shall be
taken in a Committee of Ways and Means. f propose
at once to proceed to the statements I have to make. I du
not ask, for the postponement of the Budget until all the
services o: the year shall have been voted. Ido not ask for a
ptos (pneerre:Lin it ol
of whautiailsey takesalle place.dtheß So
udget
ta
, until
ailts contents
tperiml
of the i
y
Iprielpasaeredadtuodedst.a_te(
alluded.—(Hear,
theviews Governmentu;un the
subjectsthear.) As I said before I should have wished to state those
views simultaneously, so that the House might judge upon the
ly are
to wnhoich
whole of them at once. But I think it would be inconvenient
that her Majesty's Government should postpone the consideration
of the mea•ure on the Corn-laws until they were enabled to
advantage, therefore, I must forego, and I shall bring forward,
propose a resolution in a Committee of Ways and Means. That
in the course of next week, our proposal upon that.
subject. As soon as in a Committee of Supply
the estimates, or suoli a portion of them as shall be imme-
diately necessary, will have been voted, I shall then, on
the the earliest possible flay, in a Committee of
Ways and Means, state the views of the Government
upon the financial policy to be adopted, interposing
no other delay whatever, except such as may be necessary for
a consideration of the estimates which may be presented
to the. Committee of Supply. I trust the House will
at least approve of the fairness of the course which we
mean to pursue. I shall, on the part of my
colleagues, say that we are prepared to redeem the pledge which
I gave before the separation of the House last Session. After
having carefully einsidered those subjects—after having in-
stituted such inquiries as we thought advisable, we are
now prepared to submit to the House those measures
which we think the interests of the country require.
We shall submit them in that manner in which they can
most conveniently be brought under the notice of Parlia-
ment and upon the responsibility of the Government. They
are the measures which, looking at the various and complicated
interests of the country—looking at the extreme difficulties of
our financial position—they are the measures which, in our
judgment and opinion, it would be most advisable fO 001,t•
It will be for the House of Commons to determine whe-
ther they shall approve of our views—whether they
shall ratify our measures—or whether they shall
adopt in preference to them other views and other
measures for the i (-lief of the distress of the country, and for
the promotion of its industry, which may be proposed by the
Opposition. —( Cheers. )
Mr. ‘'ILLIERS said that he did not rise to dissent front
the liberal generalities that they bad heard that evening, for
he shared in the general satisfaction at the promises contained,
or perhaps the admissions implici, in the Speech.—.(Hear,
hear.) Indeed, a greater discouragement to those who pinned
their faith on the promises of monopoly, or a more auspicious
sign for those who were struggling for freedom, could hardly
have been given—( Hear, hear)—and he, for one, heartily re-
joiced to see that, notwithstanding the vast influence which the
landed proprietary possessed and exercised, socially and poli-
tically, there was a power beyond them in the genera'
opinion of the country, that 'they dared not resist.—( Hear,
hear.) And though for some years past they seemed
to be indifferent to the mischiefs of their law, vet when
the evils of this law met with general detection, wisely
shrank from inaintaining-it.—( Hear, hear.) He would not,
however, dilate on the subject at this moment, against the
wish of the House ; he chiefly rose to add the expression of his
hope to that of the Noble Lord's, that the Right Hon. Bora,
net, whom the prop ietors appear" now to have invested with
complete power to do what he deemed right, would seriously
consider in what way he could deal with the Corn-law, with
the view to ibs permanent settlement—(Hear, hear)--and, for
this purpose, he hoped that he would well weigh what had
been the effect of deferring so long the settlement of this ques-
tion.—( Hear, bear.) -The Noble Lord hat said truly, that
the present system was quite discredited among all who desired
any change ; and it was true what he said, that there,was a party
in the country who do not desire to see the present law com-
muted for a fixed duty, but that party was larger when the
Noble Lord roposed his plan than what it was now—
( Hear, hear—and what he (Mr. Villiers) wished
the Right Hon. Baronet to consider was, whether the public
mind had not now undergone a great change as to the principle
or policy of imposing a tax at all on the food of the people—
(Hear, hoar)—and whether, by (lint of distress and discussion
during the last five months, there was not more unanimity
now against the propriety of taxing the food of the community,
than the most sanguine could have expected—( Hear, hear)—
and whether any settlement could be deemed satisfactory short
of leaving the trade in food free ?—( Hear, hear.) He firmly
believed, that during the last year, the folly, the cruelty—he
could almost say the crime—of this law, had been generally de-
tected, and would not much longer be endured--( Hear, hear)
—and he believed that the wishes of thousands, nay, millions,
would not be consulted, if the earliest convenient opportunity
was not taken of bringing the whole question of the imposition
of any tax upon the daily food of the people before the House,
and this he now gave notice he should do.—(Cheers. )
Mr. ESTCOuRT—It cannot be denied that the
agriculturists of this country are at this moment placed
in a very extraordinary position. The Noble Lord has
desired my Right Honourable Friend to take care
that he proposes such measures as shall calm the
existing agitati Is ; but I hope, at the same time, that those
measures will not be founded upon any regard to that agitation,
that it will not be adopted in order to raise or put down
agitation, but with a due regard to the interest _ of
all classes in this great country. At the present moment
the agriculturists know well that they have just sustained
a great loss in the Queen's Council—the Duke of Buckingham,
whom they have lost, is known by them to have been for
many long years the champion, defender, and friend whom
they were wont to look up to; that through many long years
they placed all their confidence in his assistance.
We know, too, that they have lost his services,
at a moment when the other great branches of the industry of
this country are putting in their claims for the
to al abolition -of that landed protection which he de-
fended ; at the very moment when they are placed
in these circumstances they do not see their accustomed
friend. However, I am certain that no man acquainted
with the general feeling of the agriculturists will deny that they
are not adverse to any change which in the wisdom of
her Majesty's present Ministers may be considered neces-
sary:. All they ask is, that they may be redeemed from the
anxiety under which they are at present oppressed, and I thank
my flight Hon. Friend for fixing the earliest day for taking
into consideration those changes.—(Cries of " Question.")
The SPEAKER then moved the adoption of the Address,
which was agreed to.

A Committee was then at pointed to present it.
Sir G. CLERK moved iiiat the notes and proceedings of
the House be printed.
Mr. GLADSTONE moved for a return of the ditties on the
Importation on corn, as we understood.
NEW WRITS.
New writs were then ordered for the borough of Taunton
in the room of Air. Bainbridge, and also for Clacmaman.
Sir R. INGLIS gave notice that he would on Monday neat
move for the appointment of a Library Comm ittee.
The House then adjourned.-