The Sun.
London, England, 1829-11-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE P ELIC JOURNALS.

Mr. Bentham, in his new work, after giving
a minute history of the manner in which the
simple tribunals of our Saxon ancestors came to
be destroyed by the Court which followed in the
train of the Norman Kings, and showing that
the present Judicial establishments of the coun-
try are mere mockery, as far as suitors are con-
cerned, lays down a plan of a Jud:-.iary Esta-
blishment. He proposes that for suits of all
sorts, criminal as well as civil, there be two
stages of jurisdiction, Judges before whom the
suit is brought in the first instance, and Judges
of Appeal (with the exception of Courts for the
maintenance of military discipline, and ecclesias-
tical discipline). That Judicatures be esta-
blished in such number and in such situations,
that no individual may have to travel more than
twelve miles to reach his own Judicatory. That
not more than one Judge sit at the same time in
any Court, to insure responsibility—that to ob-
viate delay and failure of justice, every Judge be
empowered to provide substitutes, one or more.
having for solo remuneration the prospect of
being constituted Judges Principal. That as
hands for every exigency need never be wanting,
every Judicatory in the kingdom hold its sittings
every day in the year without exception ; " unless
(lie observes) needless delay and denial of justice
are not deemed more consistent with regard for
others ;
Sabbath,and
unlessthat
justice t
exception
clays
made
thanby an
the
and until it shall have been proved that the (od
of Justice is indifferent to justice, And that he
who was content that an ox or an ass should be
delivered out of a pit, would be displeased at the
animal's being delivered out of the hands of A
wrong doer ; and that the sale of mackerel ou
that day is a work of more urgent necessity than
the gratuitous and uninterrupted administration
of justice." That to each Judicatory be at-
tached a competent set of Ministerial officers,
with power, in case of necessity, to call in aid all
persons including the military. That the re
muneration to judiciary functionaries, Ministe-
rial as well as Magisterial, be wholly in the
shape of salary, to guard against the delay and
extortion produced by the multiplication of in-
struments with a view to fees—that the remune-
ration be wholly paid by the public at large.
through private connections, no Judge slim' .re-
That to guard against suspicion of prtiaDty
main in the same Judicature longer than three
years ; but the functionary appointed for regis•
tration be stationary. That in every Justice
Chamber a commodious situation he allotted for
suitors, and suitors in waiting, and probationary
lawyers. That in all suits a Jury shall be em-
ployed ; but, to lessen the burthen, not till after
an additional hearing befbre the Judge sitting
alone, nor then but by order pf the
Judge, either spontaneously given, or at the re--
quisition of a party, when there shall be a new
hearing before a Jury ; that to lesson the burthen
of attendance on Jurors, the number of three,
or at most five, be employed, That Grand
Juries be abolished as utterly useless. That ap-
pellate Judicatories in such number as experience
should shew to be necessary, all single seated,
the station of all of them the metropolis—that
being the spot where persons from all parts
of the country have occasion to resort fur
other purposes, and where the most effec-
tive public opinion has place ; that no person be
Judge of Appeal who has not served a certain
time asAudge Principal Immediate. That in
each Judicatory, Appellate as well as Immediate,
there be a functionary under the name of Go-
vernment Advocate. That for the sake of those
who, by bodily or mental weakness, are dis•
qualified from acting as plaintiffs for themselves,
there be a public functionary under the name of
Eleemosynary Advocate—that considering how
opposite the duties and habits are of the Judge
and Advocate, no functionary be transferable
from one to another. That at the head of the
Judiciary Establishment there be placed a single
functionary, styled Minister of Justice, by whom
all political situations be filled up, who shall
hear and determine accusations against Judges;
that accusations against the Minister of Justice
himself be heard and determined by the House
of Lords. This is the substance of what Mr.
B. proposes respecting the Judiciary Establish-
ments. We shall, on a future day, notice what
he says respecting procedure.—Morning Chron.

We call the attention of our readers to our
report of the proceedings at the Westminster
Sessions yesterday, as affording an instance of
the confusion of intellect which seems to be
characteristic of the most of those to whom the
administration of justice is confided in this
country. John Harris, a boy of fourteen, was
found guilty of stealing two handkerchiefs.—
Though young in years he was old in crime ;
the Chairman observing that the prisoner's face
was quite familiar to him, on which one of the
officers stated that this was the third conviction
within a twelvemonth. After hearing this dis-
tressing account of the prisoner, the Chairman
said " the sentence of the Court is that you be
transported for seven years." Such was the sen-
tence which the Chairman pronounced after all
the facts of the case were made known to him.
So far so good. But the prisoner having after
this uttered an offensive remark, " the Chair-
man immediately ordered him to be again placed
at the bar, which being done, he was sentenced
to be transported for the term of his natural life."
We suppose the Chairman regretted that he did
not possess the power of sentencing him to be
hanged. Transportation for fourteen years used
to be deemed great things for a Sessions ofJus•
tices ; but now that a Chairman sports with
transportation for life in this manner, hanging
will soon follow. That, however, is not the
point we wish to consider now. On what
principle was the sentence changed from trans-
portation for seven years to transportation for
life ? Transportation for seven years was ob-
viously the sentence which the Chairman, on a full
and calm consideration of the case, deemed a suit-
able one. The addition of punishment implied
in the transportation, after the lapse of seven
Sears, for the remainder of the prisoner's
life, was inflicted on him, not for his crime,
but his subsequent insult to the Chairman.—
Let us examine this matter a little more closely,
for such is the stupidity of the bulk of those
who administer justice in this country, from the
undisciplined state of their minds, that. if a mat-
ter be not driven into them, as it were, nothing
is to be done with them. After the sentence,
John llarris was no more to the Chairman than
any other person would have been. If any other
person in Court lal t. insulted
the
Chairman
by
exclaiming " I hope you you will stick
up there till I come
iblianclkitalgsaonmi,e"
trifling
efliunguld ever
utmost that
for
i o
he could have done to the offender would have
No Judge wo
hteieinlcktnlottef punishing
punishing any man for contempt be- .
em
Court.
yoiid the subjecting him to a day or two's im-
prisonment. But this Chairmin considers the
crime against the public as ;mere bagatelle (mu- -

pared with the offence against himself ; the crime
merits only transportation for seven years, but
the injury to his own feeliaes is only to be atoned
for by eternal bondage among the Antipoties.
If any man had, on receiving a !Smiler insult
from this depraved creature tu the streets, lifted
his hand against him, and applied to him the
slightest castigation, notwithstanding the 3ustifi-
cation, he evould have been punished. The re-
spect clue to those who are administering iustice
demands that a difference should be made be-
tween insulting language uttered in the streets
and insulting language uttered to a Judge. But
still, something like proportion ought to lee ob-
served. Transportation for life foe en insulting
expression ! 'Where are we to stop ?—At the
limit of power possessed by the Judge ? The
Chairman of a Sessions of Justices can only, it
is title, transport. But let us take A kludge of
a Court of Oyer and Terminer. Let us sup-
pose one of the Judges, on sentencing a man
for seven years, were, on receiving an insult, to
order the prisoner to be again placed et the bar,
and sentenced him to be hanged I The more
or less makes nothing to the principle. If a
Judge can revenge an insult to himself by a
punishment beyond what would be iefficted if it
stood separately as a contempt of Court, the de-
gree of the excess is immaterial. Open the door
to the power of punishing in one's own cause—
that is, open a door to vengeance—and we shall
soon have no reason to complain of excessive
moderation. It is clear, however, that the Chair,
man durst not have punished a contempt of
Court with transportation for a single month.
But when contempt is mixed up Nith the punish-
ment for crime, the compound ought not, on
any rational principle, to receive more punish-
ment than what the crime and the contempt
would each merit separately. We put out of
question the technical excuse for the Judge, that
the sentence not being recorded he was at liberty
to alter it. True, no evidence existed of the sen-
tence till it was recorded. But though this my be
a legal, it is not a moral justification. The Judge
had full possession of the case,—he knew that
the prisoner was an incorrigible thief; and his
sentence was the result of a calm consideration
of all these circumstances, when his own feelings
were not arrayed against the criminal by personal
insult. The additional punishment was, there-
fore, not called for by the merits of the case, but
was an atonement for the insult to himself. We
arc almost ashamed to labour a case apparently
so plain with this minuteness. But where the
little understanding le hick nature may have given
to a set of men has been depraved by a perverted
culture, it is often more easy to make a matter
plain to a gang of negroes than to them. This
atrocious principle of altering sentences from a
slight to a heavy punishment, not on account of
any discovery of additional criminality, but of-
fensive language to the Judge, has been again and
again acted on. The blunder belongs to the
same class with punishing for aggravation of an
offence, when a defence is made which happens
to be unpalatable to a Judge. There is a sad
confusion of the past and the present with all
our Judges ; and we fear that they will remain
incurable till some man of sufficient ability and
independence find his way into the House of
Commons, to read them a lesson in a way they
can feel. The Barristers in Parliament have too
much at stake to venture on anything unpalat-
able to the Judges.—lbid.

A pamphlet has been sent us from Brussels,
entitled Reponse an General Baron de Riche-
mon!, par un Citoyen des Pays Bas, directed
against a work published at Paris last summer,
for pressing upon the French Government and
nation the policy and justice of extending the
French frontier to the Rhine. To this iniquitous
project we have before alluded, without, of
course, feeling that deep interest in the subject,
or that strong indignation against its author,
which must have been felt by those who were to
become its victims, or whose national exi:!.tenee
it was intended to efface. The General's pam-
phlet appeared to us at once so dull and so
dishonest, its recommendations so impracticable,
and its hopes so chimerical, that but for some
allusion to it in the letters of a Paris correspon-
dent, we should have allowed it to drop into
oblivion unnoticed, along with the bonnets ron,9es
and the wooden shoes of the Convection. But
being re-published at Brussels under the very
eve of the Government which it proposed to
plunder, it could not be treated with such indif-
ference. Accordingly, this " Belgic citizen,"
with patriotic zeal, takes up his pen, and entlea-
vonrs to avenge his insulted country by a formal
refutation of Genera! Richeinont's work. The
answer partakes of the monotonous dullness of
the original. work, as it follows it nearly para-
graph by paragraph. It may seem almost in-
credible some years hence, if European tran-
quillity remains undisturbed, that during a time
of profound peace in the west of Europe, a
General of the French army—a member of- the
French Chamber of Deputies—pretending' to
speak in the name of a large class of his fellow-
citizens, should seriously propose, from a
mere feeling of convenience or taste;--from a
mere desire to round a territory already vast
enough, or from a notion of greater security
against contingent dangers, to invade a neigh-
bour and an ally—to usurp the most im-
portant part of an uneffending kingdom, esta-
blished under the guarantee of all the Powers of
Europe, and to hazard the conflagration of a
general war, in which his own country might
again be time greatest sufferer. And the only
temptation to such an interference—the only
facility for executing it last summer was—what ?
Why, the chance that Russia, menaced by Aus-
tria in her designs upon Turkey, would bargain
with France for the re-annexion of Belgium to
the French dominions, as time condition of an
alliance by.which France was to be bound to dis-
able Austria on the east, by threatening Germany
in the west. In calculating the practicability of
the new conquest, General Ilichernont forgot
that the . Congress of Vienna did not erect an
experimental kingdom by the incorporation of
Belgium.with Holland. He forgot that a large
share of the indemnity which this country had
to pay for former invasions, was spent in erect-
ing fortresses on the Belgic frontier, to prevent
future aggression ; he forgot that the Nether-
lands had existed as an independent State for 15
years, governed as well at least as France ; and
that Russia, which held Poland, and Prussia,
which held Saxony, by the same tent: as the
King of the Netherlands holds Belgic.-:, could
not, without endangering the security of their
own possessions, assist in this spoliation of their
ally, while Austria and England must have .op-
posed it lobo corpore regni. But it is really
superfluous to reason upon this plundering pro-
ject, whose practical folly can only be matched
byits audacious. dishonesty. We
.call recom-
mend the BelgiQpamphlet. as an antidote, to the
i
very small number why are n any danger twin

swallowing the speculations of M. de Riche-
mont.-7imes.

It will be recollected that the eelebtated—the
very justly eelhrated—Professor Porson, in
spealcinB of the works of Gibbon, said that they
would be excellent (or eorntthhig to that effect)
if they were translated into English. The his-
torian heard of the bon ,not, and spoke of it
with good-nature, and of its author, of course,
with respect. But•, if this might be said of
Edward Gibbon, what shall any one say of the
inueb inferior, but infinitely more perplexed and
un-Anglican writer Jeremy Bentham t' Neither
man, nor hog, nor dtig, ever produced such
sounds or e..presions, or things so far removed
froth nature, as are poor Jeremy's writings.—
Vet a respectable foreigner, M. Dumont',
trat-
lated his works into French) and it is probably
through this e;hatinel, and by a re-translation of
them into English, that they may be understood
by ordinary readers,—if in truth there be any
thing in them worth understanding, which is,
with some people at least, doubtful. The pub-
licationt how-er, of Jeremy'
a s works in French,
by M. Dumont, has given occasion to a biogra-
phical notice of this latter gentleman in the 9th
Number of the Foreign Quarterly Review just
published. Biography is always interesting ; and
Monsieur Dumont having lived much with the
late Lord Lansdowne, and the present Lord
Rolland, a review of his life introduces the reader
to the coteries frequenting (as the French ex-
press it), those two noblemen. From these
causes, the article in the Foreign Quarterly,
will be read with attention and gratification.—
Various inaccuracies of style show that it has
been hastily composed, but it exposes with great
acuteness poor Jerry's application of the mathe-
matical process to moral science. The account
is altogether interesting, and the author appears
to be a man well acquainted with the personages
and events of modern Europe. The following
is an extract from the article referred to :

" Among the closest friends of Romilly awl Du-
mont was George Wilson, a man little known beyond
the circle of his friends and that of his contempo-
raries in the profession of the law, and one whom it
would be difficult to make known to others, with-
out the use of that language of vague panegyric, the
abuse of which had more lowered it in his own eyes
than even in those of most men of modesty and
taste. It might be said by as unaffectedly conscien-
tious a man as himself (if such another there be),
that among those who thoroughly knew him, the
degree of esteem for him was always considered as
exactly indicative of the degree of sagacity and
purity of the man who entertained it. Yet even he
was not more upright and benevolent than his two
friends; though having less vivacity than the one,
arid less ardour than the other, he was not so liable
to be allured by imagination from the rigid obser-
vance of the severe maxims of that moral prudence
which is the safeguard of virtue. With a keen
relish for pleasantry, and perfectly exempt from all
gloom and harshness, he yet shunned the amuse-
ment of Wilkes's conversation, solely from deference
to morality. When Mirabeau visited England,
about 1786, Wilson did not follow the example of
his friends in cultivatieg the society of that extra-
ordinary man, whose ill-trained fancies were better
adapted to sudden felicities thin to composition,emd
whose conversation was animated by an irregular
benevolence, neither smothered by the profligacy of
his youth, nor altogether extinguished by the in-
trigues and corruptions of his latter years.
" In the summer of 1789, the season of promise
and hope, especially to a Genevese exile, Dumont
went to France and renewed his acquaintance with
Mirabeau, whom he found occupied in the compo•
sition of his journal (tire Courier de Provence),
aided by Duroveray, Claviere, and others, who had
been expelled from Geneva for liberty. Dumont
took an active and very effectual part in it. A variety
of observations on the departmental division and
municipal administration of France, subjects which
have for the last two years agitated that country,
were then published in Mirabeau's Journal, by Du-
moot. His friend Wilson used to relate, that one
day, when they were dining together at a table
d'hote at Versailles, he saw Dumont engaged in
writing the most celebrated paragraph of Mira-
beau's address to the King for the removal of the
troops, which was believed to have been entirely
written by himself. It is certain that he reported
several of Mirabeau's speehes, which he embel-
lished awl strengthened from his own stores, with
that disinterested sacrifice of his own reputation to
the diffusion of what he considered truth, which
accompanied him through life. It is no less certain
that he was an utter stranger to the ambiguous pro-
' jrcts imputed to those whose general arid avowed
principles only he promoted. Many years afterwards,
when asked by a friend to write tire life of Mira-
beau, he answered, No ! I know it too well.'
• " In 1791 he returned to England, and towards
the end of that year the writer of this notice dined
for the first time it his company and in that of
Itorniiiy, at the house of M. Chauvet, at Kensing-
ton ; from which time he enjoyed the uninterrupted
friendship of both till their last moments.
" In the eventful years which followed he con-
tinued chiefly to live at Lansdowne-house, or at
Bowcod, where the most remarkable men of Eu-
rope, as well as of England, were frequent and wel-
come guests. During the latter part of them he
began to form an intimate friendship with Lord
Holland, whom he had known from childhood, and
whom, it is eeedless to add, he loved. He was one
of the members of the society of familiar friends,
the habitual visiters of Holland-house during 30
years, and who saw I a succession of celebrated
guests of every country, party, religion, and of
every liberal profession or station, which is likely to
continue unmatched till another house boasts such a
master."—lbid.

The Earl of Mountcashel has ventured once
more to take the field, and it is no injustice to-
wards the Noble Lord to say that he does not
now appear to greater advantage, in comparison
with his learned and accomplished opponent, than
in any of his former exhibitions. His Lordship
insists that the lamentable events which ensued
from the. excitement of a popular feeling in the
cause of Church Reform in the reign of Charles
the First, cannot fairly be appealed to in proof
of the danger of a similar excitement in the
present day : and alleges. in support of this opi-
nion, that the Protestantant Laity of the former
period had just ground of complaint and alarm.
It is impossible not to be struck by the inco-
herence of the filet relied upon by his Lordship,
and the conclusion he seeks to eitablish. The
popular agitation of the question of Church Re-
form once assisted in the overthrow of the Mo-
narchy and the Church. This is not denied.
Why then may we not expect the same course
to produce the same effects in our own day.
Is it that the Church has now enemies
as numerous, as powerful, and as deter-
mined as she had then ? Is it that there is now
less danger of enmity to the Church beingcloaked
under the disguise of zeal fur its reform ? Is it
that the wild spirit of revolution is now less ex-
tensively diffused? None of these propositions
does his Lordship, or can he attempt to main-
tain. What then is the distinction by the force
of which an interference then so 'fatal is now to
be harmless, and even salutary ? The Noble
controversialist forbears to state any. What he
alleges, if it were -true to the extent he supposes,
which fortunately it is not, could but shew that
in all points the two cases bear a perfect re-
semblance. The misconduct and bad designs

of Charles the First, and his Mini*ters
and his Bishops, are facts of which no
doubt can be entertained. But is not the
very ground-work of the Cork Synod—
that which has set its Noble Founder and
President in motion--,-that which stimulates
his zeal and that of his fellow-labourers,
conscientious Loweter mistaken belief, that the
.dual Government of England habitually sacri-
fices the best interests of the Church to political
considerations—that a large proportion of the
Bishops selected and appointed by the King's
Ministers betray the cause of religion—that the
Church as at present regulated does not contri-
bute to the maintenance and diffusion of ge-
nuine piety and virtue ? Entertaining and act-
ing upon these opinions, how can the Earl of
Mountcashel advert to the delinquency of the
Government and the heads of the Church
in the time of Charles the First as con-
stituting an important distinction between the
eireninstances of that period and the present ?
And how can we and those who agree with us
4n thinking his opinions altogether erroneous
and unfounded, be relieved from an apprehen:.
sion that the same mischiefs may once more
result from the same course of proceeding,
however clearly we may be convinced that
the motives, real in the former instance, are in
the present wholly imaginary ? The Noble
Lord, by the language of his present letter,
establishes in effect a perfect identity of character
and purpose between himself and those who co-
operate with him, and the Church Reformers
who contributed at a former period of our his-
tory to the subversion both of the Government
and the Church, and fully justifies the apFre-
hensions expressed by his Right Rev. opponent.
With the exception of the point to which we
have now alluded, the long letter of the Noble
Lord consists merely of a repetition of his former
statements. He dwells at much length upon the
inadequate stipends paid to Curates, of which
he cites several instances, the lowest being some-
thing under 501. per annum. We are far from
saying that this is a sufficient provision for a
Clergyman ; and we regret that no unobjection-
able remedy for the evil has yet been pointed
.eiut, either by his Lordship or others. At the
same time we confess ourselves considerably re-

lieved by the fact, that these are the hardest
cases which the scrutinizing research of the
Noble Lord has enabled him to discover.—
Morning Post.
The great rise in the Funds, at a time when
every other description of property is on the de-
cline, must appear very unaccountable to the Un-
initiated. The cause, however, is sufficiently ob-
vious to those who have attended to such matters.

It has been brought about by the Bank, in con-
nection with the Government, having made
" money easy," for the purpose of running up
the price or Consols, in order to reduce the Four
per Cents. This operation, it has been said,
will cost the Government half a million of mo-
ney ; but then, it it succeeds, it will enable them
to reduce 146,000,0001. Four per Cents. to
Three and a Half or -Three per Cents. We
have repeatedly said that, either by direct
or indirect means, the fundholder would be at-
tacked. The present " operation," if it suc-
ceed, will be neither more nor less than a forcible
reduction of the national debt by indirect Means.
As for the justice of the plan, the less there is
said of it the better. A reduction of the interest
of the debt generally, without reference to any
particular class of stockholders, if the necessities
of the country required it, would be perfectly jus-
tifiable, for the interests of a part, and that only
a small part, ought always to yield to the good
of the whole. But the reduction now sought to
he effected will be highly injurious to a portion
of the fundholders—the proprietors of the New
Four per Cents.—while it will be highly bene-
ficial to the holders of the Three per Cent.
Consols, by advancing the value of these Secu-
rities in the market. There is, however, another
objection to the proposed measure, and a more
weighty one ;—it cannot be clone without tam-
pering with the currency, which will affect
the interests of every individual in the
State. To bring about a riie in the Funds,
an increase of the circulating medium must
take place ; and if such increase could be per-
manent, the country would, no doubt, be beim-
fitted upon the whole, though individual inte-
rests would suffer. Under the present system,
however, no increase of medium can be perma-
nent. Paper may be forced into circulation for
a time, but the cash payment, and the suppres-
sion of small note bills, will speedily drive it
back again. All the great fluctuations which
have taken place in the Funds since the peace
have been caused by tampering with the cur-
rency, and not, as some people suppose, by the
manamvres of the stock-jobbers. This tamper-
ing has, no doubt, been highly advantageous to
individuals, but ruinous to the country. Mon-
' sicur Necker, the Finance Minister in the time
of Louis XVI., caused much misery and ruin
to France, and certainly hastened the crisis of
the French Revolution. But Voltaire gives us
the best insight into these matters. In one of
his letters from Ferney, in Switzerland, he says,
" Here I am, living in a way suited to my ha-
bits, and caring but little for to-morrow ; for I
have a friend, a Director in the Bank of France,
who writes to me whenever money is to be made
in the public Funds. Sometimes lie writes to
me, desiring me to sell, because the Bank is
going to withdraw its notes ; at other times he
bids me buy, for we intend to issue a quantity of
notes, and so," adds Voltaire, " through the
kindness of my friend, I always make money,
although living 200 leagues from Paris." What
resemblance the state of this country, as repects
financial matters, bears to that of France in the
reign of Louis XVI., we leave others to deter-
mine. We shall, however, have a word or two
to say upon the subject on a future occasion.—
Morning Herald.

APE R ENTs.---,, We have been idthe frequent
habit, when occasion required, of using a variety of Ape-
rients ; but for the most part we have found them incapable
of producing the effects which it was our object to obtain.
Among the most effective preparations of this k'nd we cer-
tainly rank " Effervescent Magnesia Aperient,"
which, while it affords a grateful and pleasant feeling to the
palate, in every case where we have tried it, has produced the
most salutary results. As a medicine we have found it to
be highly useful ; and as a pleasant drink, carrying along
with it a medicinal power, we can safely recommend it to
the public. Our opinion is founded upon a practical
use of it for a considerable length of time, when it never
failed to produce the desired effeat."—EdintiuryhiLiterary
Gazette for October, p. 367.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

ROLLS COURT, Nov. 27.
ceopEß AND DE TASTET.

in-
It vtill be recollected that !Ilk cae, xvliich
Volved a question as to the right of an agent to file
a bill of interpleader against his principal, stood
over on a former day for the pnrpose of affording en
opportunity to ascertain whether certain goods had
or had not been deposited in a bonded warehouse.
It was now admitted by Mr. ANDEnnoN,
counsel, that although the goods had been
placed in a bonded warehouse, they were not depo-
sited as bonded goods.
The MASTER of the Maus said, that being the
case, Cooper must be taken to be the private agent
of De 'I astet, and therefore could not call on his
principal to interplead. As it was, the bill mast be
dismissed, and with costs.
Theme were seven consent causes and between 30
anti 40 petitions set down in the paper fur hearing.
His lioNoun having disposed of the entire, pro-
ceeded to take the cammse of "Davis and Spurling,"
which %vas part heard yesterday. It occupied the
Court during the remainder of the day, but presented
no feature of general interest.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov, 27.
EX-PARTE LONGMORE.

• Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE stated to this person,
who ‘vav in attendance at the sitting of the Court,
that the Judges had read his affidavit, and the other
affidavits made in support of his application for a
rule to strike the name of Charles Beavan off the
roll of attornies of the Court, and they were of
opinion that they did not furnish sufficient grounds
for granting the rule in his (Longmore's) case. As
to the cases of the two other persons who had made
affidavits, more might be said than in this case; but
as the present applicant was not the party aggrieved
by the conduct imputed to Mr. Bcavan, in those
cases the Court could not grant a rule on his appli-
cation.