The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 15, 1842

• Any difference in expression is of little consequence. The
fact alone is important. And the great fact is, that France
having conquered Algiers,- twelve years' possession of it has
brought the cabinet and the statesman who had made the
strongest objections and remonstrance on this subject to take
quite a different attitude and tone on resuming office. Let our
possession last longer, and you will see the English cabinet, and
other cabinets, and the Porte itself, make new steps, and the
most complete and definitive sanction—the recognition of all the
world will consummate the empire in Africa. Thus has it
been with all great conquests. Thelast point which I have to
notice is that relative to the observations of the President
of the Council of Ministers at Madrid. It is said that some
journals have asserted that the English Government, after hav-
ing approved of our instructions as to the etiquette in present-
,iag the letters of credence of our Ambassrdor in Spain, had
changed its views, and that the Spanish Government, on the
receipt of despatches from England, put forward opposite pre-
tensions. I know nothing about this statement; but I can
state that I have knowledge of a despatch from Lord Aberdeen,
in which he
.approved of the instructions given by the French
• Government to our Ambassador on the subject of the letters of
credence. This despatch was of great length, and went fully
into the question. •I.have too high an opinion of the firmness
of mind and of the honour of Lord Aberdeen to believe that
he can have retracted his views so readily ; and have reason
to believe that he never did retract them, and that they still
exist. I will notice another point of the Spanish question.
In the Spanish Cnamber allusion was made to what I had said
relative to information given by the French Government to
that of Spain on the subject of the movements which were
preparing in the Basque provinces. I have a very good
answer to make to the Spanish Minister. I have only to
communicate to him the letter of the Spanish Consul at
Bayonne, thanking the Director of the Customs for informing
him that arms and ammunition were passing the frontier, thus
indicating an approaching movement.—[M. Guizot here read
the letter.] Ido not know whether the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Spain has been apprised of the contents of this
letter. If he has, all doubt must have been removed from his
mind. Having noticed these points, Gentlemen, I repeat,
that I will not be induced on this oecasion to enter upon ques-
tions which have already been fully discussed. But if the
Chamber, notwithstanding all that has been said on the Spanish
question, should desire a further discussion, I will not shrink
from it, although no new fact has transpired to render further
discussion necessary. What I have stated has been stated
frankly, and with the strictest regard to truth—it is impossible
to contradict it. The result of this discussion will show whe-
ther any thing more is required from me.

fore he saw with great satisfaction a gentleman who was
well known to entertain friendly feelings towards Spain,
and especially towards the present Government, ap-
pointed to represent France at that Court. Shortly after
the arrival of M. Salvandy at Madrid, a mis-
understanding arose ; and, in this case, as in
many others, a little forbearance and moderation
on both side, would here prevent the unpleasant and
serious consequences that had ensued.—(Hear, hear.)
Her Majesty's Government were informed that the first
instructions to the French Minister was to present his
credentials to the Queen herself, and not in the pre-
sence of the Regent ; and they had heard that it was the
intention of the Regent to receive the credentials him-
self, and not in the. presence of the Queen. He (Lord
Aberdeen) thought that it was possible to effeet a com-
promise, without very much departing from the views
of either party: He certainly did think that the
Ambassador might be allowed' to present his
credentials to the Queen, in the presence of the Regent,
and that the latter might answer the address. That was
the proposition of this (the British) Government, and
the French Ambassador assented to it. Indeed, our Mi-
nister had acted from the first upon those views, and
with that excellent good sense, which had distinguished all
that gentleman's conduct.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared
that, according to the Spanish Constitution, the Regent
has all the authority of the Sovereign, in whose name
the laws were made. He (Lord Aberdeen) did
not think that the Act in question was such a
one as it was necessary for the Regent to perform
in person. But he was bound to say, that the interpre-
tation put by the Spanish Government upon this ample
of the • Constitution, was honest and conscien-
tious.—(Hear, hear.) But in consequence of the inter-
pretation, the Regent declined to receive the Ambassa-
dor in the way suggested. The whole matter appeared
to be one merely of etiquette and ceremony.
But at the time of its occurrence the British Govern-
ment was engaged in obtaining what in the present
state of Spain was of great importance ; that
was, to establish diplomatic relations between Spain
and the Northern Powers. But be could not help fore-
seeing at the time, that the rejection of the French Am-
bassador's pretension to deliver his letters into the hands
of the Queen would be looked upon by those persons as
a derogation from Royal authority, which would dis-
incline them to make the concession which this Govern-
ment endeavoured to obtain. He hoped, however, that
the attainment of that object was only delayed.--(Hear.)
He was not aware of any contradiction of what he now
stated.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He had entertained on
this subject but one opinion, and he never ex-
pressed any other.—(Hear, hear.) And now he begged
to ask what was the object of the Noble Marquis in
patting this question? Was it meant to be insinuated
—was it supposed that the advice was given to the
Spanish Government with an unfriendly spirit ?
The Noble Lord was never more mistaken in his life.
The advice of her Majesty's Government was given to
that of Spain, and received, though not acquiesced in,
in the spirit in which it was offered —that was, a desire the
most sincere to remove difficulties out of the way of the
Spanish Government, and as a proof of the friendly in-
terest felt by her Majesty's Government for the stability
and prosperity of Spain. If the proceeding of the Noble
Marquis meant to show a want of kindness
from her Majesty's Government towards that of
Spain it was very poor work indeed. The Noble Marquis
should look for something more indicative and important
in its nature if he wanted to fix a censure on
her Majesty's Government as respected Spain,
But the present was altogether too trifling
an incident. Indeed, he (Lord A.) would venture to say,
that if the Spanish Government were then present on
their Lordships' floor, he would confidently appeal to
them to disclose whether they had ever experienced
greater cordiality, greater friendship, or greater efforts,
to prove this kind feeling in an adequate manner, than
they had received from her Majesty's present Govern-
ment (Hear, hear) and he would say that the
expressions of their acknowledgments and gratitude
had not been sparing in consequence. He would repeat,
that the advice tendered on the occasion referred to by the
Noble Marquis was given and received in the most
friendly spirit ; and it it were not adopted—indeed, it
must be admitted there was
,an insuperable obstacle in
the way—it was, no doubt, because the Spanish
Government must be allowed to be the best
interpreters of their own Constitution, otherwise no
doubt the suggestion given by her Majesty's Govern-
ment would have been cheerfully acquiesced in by the
Government of Spain.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said his motives
in putting that and the other question were quite differ-
ent from those supposed by the Noble Earl. He (the
Noble Lord) was perfectly satisfied as to the feel-
ing which the Noble Earl, said her Majesty's
Government felt towards that of Spain. But the
matter in question, though apparently trifling,
was not in reality so. In the first place it was not
unimportant to this country that there should be a
suspension of relations between the Courts of France
and Spain. He could assure the Noble Earl that diplo-
matic negotiations, apparently trifling in their nature,
might lead to important results. He (Lord C.) did not mean
to impute blame to the Queen's Government. He
knew not how it was, but it so happened, that
during the short time the Noble Earl had been
at the bead of foreign affairs, and since the present
Administration had come into power, three sources of
difference had arisen—two of which, at least, were of the
greatest interest—with that Government ; and when we
saw assertions in the French Chamber about the
conduct of our Government, we might look with consi-
derable anxiety to the opinion of the French Minister ;
and when we saw the Spanish Minister con-
tradicting what the French Minister said, we
were entitled to ask from our Government for as much
information as the French and Spanish Chambers had
got front theirs. As the Noble Earl said lie did
not understand his (the Marquis of Clanricarde's)
reference to the mistake in the information given
to Mr. Aston, ho (the Noble Marquis) would refer the
Noble Earl to a statement of M. Gonzales, in the Senate
of Madrid, that the English Government had had reason
to modify the opinion it expressed. Newspapers might
not always be correct authorities, but they bad great in-
fluence on the mind of the public of this and other
countries--(Hear, hear).—and if the Spanish Cham-
ber and public were so informed, lie did not see
why we should not be let know as much. He
should be very sorry to accuse the Noble Earl of
an unfriendly feeling towards the Government of
Spain or that of France ; but he. (the Noble Marquis)
would say, that as respected us and those Powers,
there were differences and questions afloat which
might have a serious effect on the affairs of
Europe. He did not know how or why it
had happened, but lie would be very glad indeed if
France could be induced, by any means, to ratify the
Treaty which she had lately entered with us and the
other Powers.—(Hear.)

levying a larger proportion of the latter income than of
the former.

" 7. That with the same view it is expedient to make
no distinction in favour of persons in the civil service of
the State, or of persons receiving pensions from the State.
"8. That it :is neither consistent with justice nor
with sound policy to levy a greater proportion of tax
upon larger incomea-than upon smaller incomes; and that
an exemption of even the smallest income from the ope-
ration of the tax czn only be justified on the supposition
that the owners are wholly unable to pay it.
" 9. That while it is the duty of the people to bear
those burdens which are necessary for supporting the
credit of the country, and maintaining the security of
its widely extended O. mainions, it is equally the duty
of Parliament to afford them every practicable relief
by enforcing the most rigorous economy in all depart-
ments of the public service, by discouraging all proceed-
ings which may endanger the continuance of peace, and
by adopting whatever measures may best conduce to
the improvement of our commercial resources ; and that
it is in an especial manner incumbent, without any
delay, to remove any income-tax that may be imposed,
as soon as it shall appear that the ordinary branches
of the revenue shall have recovered from their temporary
depression."

He (Lord Brougham) gave their Lordships that evening
notice, that they may be free and unfettered ; because
if they waited for the vote of the other House of Parlia-
ment, and until a Money Bill was passed, it would be in-
competent for their Lordships to make any alteration,
however urgent ; and perhaps it may be expedient to re-
ject it altogether.