The Sun.
London, England, 1829-02-17 00:00:00

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, FEB. 16.
FISH V. TRAVERS.

This was an action of trespass brought by the plaintiff,
a gentleman residing at llighbury-terrace, against his
neighbour, Mr. Travers, for shooting his dog. 11t was a
large Newfoundland dog, kept by the plaintiff about his
premises, as a watch-deg, sometimes muzzled and some-
times not. Upon one occasion he jumped upon a lady and
carried off her fur tippet in his mouth; upon another he
threw down a little girl and rolled her in the mud ; at
another time he pinned a lady against the wall with his
fore paws, and again raped at an old watchman, and
scampered off with his night-cap between his teeth. Hav-
ing annoyed and terrified some of the defendant's family,
this gentleman told the plaintiff's son he would shoot the
dog, and on the following day he fulfilled his promise.
It was intimated on the part of the plaintiff, in reply to
a question from the Bench, that although it could be proved
that this dog had constantly played with children and
others, without evincing any disposition to be vicious or
mischievous, yet be was not prepared with evidence to
rebnt the particular facts sworn to on the other side. The
plaintiff, therefore; submitted to a nonsuit.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE.

LIVERPOOL.

SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 15.--Wind N.W.--High
water 56 minutes past eight.—Arrived the Amazon,
Martin, from Savannah ; Nanny, Raveley, from New
Orleans ; Mount Vernon, Snow, froth New York ; George
and Catherine, , from Belfast ; Rose, Alexander,
from Gilboa.

Sailed the Francis Henrietta, , fur New York ;
Draco, -, fur Duxbury.

INCENTIVE TO PERSEVERANCE.—The fol-
lowing energetic lines are from Rowe :
" The wise and active conquer difficulties
By daring to attempt them. Sloth and folly
Shiver and shrink at sight of toil and danger,
And make the impossibility they fear."

NIAGARA FALLS.—The Lockport Journal,
of the Ist instant, says, that on the Sunday evening pre-
vious, a surface of the rock supposed to be the size of a
half acre, forming the bed of the river, broke loose, and
was precipitated into the immense chasm below. The in-
formant of the Journal describes the part fallen, as having
been within the Horse Shoe, at that point representing the
Too Cork. The crash was heard for several miles around,
and in the immediate vicinity resembled the shock of an
earthquake.
The Falkirk Carron and Grahamston Me-
chanics' Institution, says a correspondent, were upon Friday
last much gratified by the first of a series of lectures from
Mr. William Symington, civil engineer, and the celebrated
claimant for the discovery of steam navigation. Mr.
Symington exhibited and explained the model of the
original carriage driven by steam, which he invented and
submitted to the Professors of the Edinburgh University in
the year 1767, when but a mere Uoy. It is well known
that this coach suggested the idea of steam-boats, which
Mr. Symington in conjunction with Mr. Millar, of Dals-
winton, first put in actual movement. The hall was quite
crowded, and marked attention seemed to value what was
communicated, which no doubt must continue the spirited
perseverance of that mechanics' institution.—Scotsman.
FALKIRK.—SINGULAR SAGACITY OF A
Doc.—During the late snow; a remarkable incident of the
brute-reasoning kind occurred at a farm house in this
neighbourhood. A number of fowls were missed one
evening at the hour when' they usually retired to their
roost, and all conjectures were lost in trying to account for
their disappearance. While sitting around the kitchen
ingle, cursing all the " gangrel bodies" who had been
seen that day near the house, the attention of the family
was roused by the entrance of the house dog, having
in his :mouth a hen, apparently dead. Forcing his way
to the fire, the cautions animal laid his charge down upon
the warm hearth, and immediately set off. He soon en-
tered again with another, which he deposited in the- same
place, and so continued till the whole of the poor birds
were rescued. Wandering about the stack-yard, the fowls
had become quite benumbed by the extreme cold, and had
crowded together, when the (log observing them, effected
their deliverance. They had not lain long before the
glowing ribs, ere they started to their legs, and walked off
to their bawks, cackling the hen's march, with many new
variations, in thanks to their canine friend.—Scotsman.

NATURAL HISTORY.—During the late snow
a singular fact occurred, which displays the taming power
of hunger over the little animals which are then shut out
from even their slender subsistence. When A. Roberts,
the post-runner, was returning from Polmont, he observed
a long-tailed field-mouse (mus Sylvaticus Lin.) peep out
from a wall upon Mumvill Bridge. Throwing a little bit
of bread to it, he was pleased to see the little creature ven-
ture familiarly out, and sit up erect, eating the morsel
greedily, holding it in its fore paws. A gentleman, who
at the moment was passing in a carriage, amused at what
he thought to be the tameness of a bird, drew up; but, on
the postman putting a few crumbs into the palm of his
hand, the astonishment of both was not small, when the
mouse boldly approached, and mounting his fingers, was
thus carried the whole length to the town, upwards of two
Miles. Instead of manifesting the least distrust, the " wee
helpless thing" seemed to have lost all its natural timidity,
and actually run up the arm of its protector, when he shook
it off at the burn bridge, as if dreading to be again thrown
out upon the frost-locked fields..—Fife Herald.

The Loan CHANCELLOR took his seat at a quarter past
Five o'clock., The House was extremely full, and his Royal
Highness the Duke of Cumberland was present.
Petitions against the Catholic Claims were presented by
the Earl of ELoon from a place in the West Riding of
Yorkshire ;—from a parish in Cardigan ;—from Chippen-
barn and another place in Cambridge ; from Gazeley, and
three other places, in Suffolk ;—from two parishes in Nor-
folk ;—from Weyhill, in Hauts ;—and from Saffron
Walden; in the county of Essex.
Lord COLCHESTEFt in presenting a petition took this
opportunity of stating to their Lordships that notwithstand-
ing the sanction given toEmancipation by the Speech from
the throne, his sentiments remained the same. He would
never consent to the concession of these claims, and he was
sorry that his Mije.ity's Ministers should have been in-
fluenced on .the -subject by • the fears or apprehensions
which they appeared to entertain respecting the discontent-
ed and disturbed stat&of the Irish Roman Catholics.—
He wished to say siiiVrespect to the Noble Duke at the
head of his Majesty's QAVernment, that the public debt of
gratitude to him fir: :.161 fortner excellent. services was'
immeenitVrthle. He hOd liceped; in the same Noble Duke,
to have fo'und an uncompromised and unctiMproMiiing de-
fender of the Protestant Constitution as settled at the
Reformation. But he spoke it with regret that the coon-
try had been totally disappointed, her hopes had totally
failed. The measure recommended to his Majesty tended
directly to overthrow the Protestant Parliament as settled
at the Revolution. The opinion or principle, that reli-
gious opinion should form no bar to the possession of poli-
tical power-4 that principle were once sanctioned by the
Legislature, would bring into question the rights of
the reigning family, and would tend of necessity to
raise a comparison between the claims of the HoUse
of Savoy and those of the family now on the throne
of these realms. (Hear, bear.) It was in view of
these perilous consequences that they were called upon
to consider the claims of the Roman Catholics. It
appeared to him and to the country, that the House should
have the fullest explanation of the measure to be brought
forward. That it should have the utmost time given also,
for deliberation, and the greatest attention bestowed on it.

—(Hear, hear.)—lt would net have been inconsistent in
the Noble Duke to have stated the first day of Parliament
what was the extent of the measure, and what the guards,
as they are called, for the Protestant security. He hoped,
however, it was not too much to ask now whether the
whole of those measures were to be comprehended in
one Bill, concessions, regulations, and all, or whether the
concessions were to be in one, and the checks, guards, or
whatever they might be called, in another. He hoped also
that the House might be allowed to know in which of the
two Houses it was intended that these measures should origi-
nate. As to the time when those measures were to be
brought forward, he should think all would be most satisfied
that they should be introduced during the present Session.
He imagined that it would be also considered desirable by
Noble Lords that the introduction of those measures should
be deferred until the annual Bills of Supply for the support
of the Army and Navy had been disposed of, which would he
completed in about three or four weeks ; and when that
period had arrived he would rejoice to find his Majesty ad-
vised by his Ministers to dissolve the present Parliament,
and to call another Parliament forthwith.—(Hear, hear.)
In a new Parliament they would be able to enter on the
consideration of those claims with impartial and unbiassed
feelings, and the people would be afforded an opportunity
of choosing such representatives as they wished, to decide
upon a question pregnant with such important and vital
consequences to the country at large. A decision of the
question, obtained under such circumstances, would be
likely to be more satisfactory than any one to which Par-
liament as at present constituted could arrive ; and whe-
ther Parliament should then decide that the laws under
which this country had reached its existing state of prospe-
rity should be altered, or whether they decided against any
alteration in those laws, the country would know that every
ttaag had been &tie" to afford to the question in all its
bearings the fullest, the most deliberate, and the most seri •
ous consideration.(Hear, hear.)—He hoped that the
Noble Duke would not think it too much for him (Lord
Colchester) to expect an answer to this question, whether
the Bill to be brought forward would form one comprehen-
sive measure in itself, embracing at once concession and

the attendant securities in one Bill ; or whether the mea-
sure of concession would form in itself one Bill, and the
guards, securities, or regularities, would be afterwards in-
troduced in separate and distinct Bills? The Noble Lord
concluded by presenting a petition from the Archbishop
and Clergy of the Diocess of Dublin and Glendallough
against the Catholic Claims.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—Upon the first slay of

the session I had the honour of presenting to the consi-
deration of your Lordships the general purport of the
measures, which 1 expected his Majesty's servants would
receive his Majesty's authority and command to introduce
into Parliament. I must beg leave to decline to goany further
into the measures, or at the present mornent to describe
more accurately what those measures will be, whether con-
tained in one or more Bills, presented to Parliament,
or whether they will be brought forward in this,
or the other House. My Lords, those measures are
to be brought forward upon the responsibility of his Ma-

jesty's Ministers.—(Hear.)—We are already responsible
for the advice we have given to his Majesty, and for the
recommendation contained on that subject in his Majesty's
Speech ; and we shall be responsible, at least in character,
my Lords, fur the success of the measure we recom-
mend,—(Heer, hear, hear,)—and which we hope will be
adopted by this and the other House of Parliament,
and become a law. But, my Lords, whether respon-
sible or not, I positively reject the charge that those
measures have been suggested by fears—(Hear.)—of any
thing that occurred in this or any other country. I

distinctly assert, that if ever there was a period within
the last twenty years, in which there was a total ab-
sence of all cause for fear, in consequence of what might
pass on those measures, this is that period. I will not
say for what reason, but I can, and will prove it to be
so in the clearest manner, if it should be necessary.
It is, however, perfectly true that it was not fear, nor any
such motive, which induced his Majesty's Ministers to
bring forward these measures, but a clear and forcible con-
viction that it was absolutely necessary—(Hear, hear,
particularly from the Opposition Benches)—that the sub-
ject should be taken into consideration by both Houses of
Parliament, with a view to the adjustment of the question.
I beg the noble Lords to understand that in doing so, we
have not undertaken a task very agreeable to us. I
will not talk of the sacrifices which I have made myself,
because they are trifling when compared with those which
my Noble Friends have been called on to make, but
I must say that a difference of opinion with the Noble
Lord is itself a sacrifice to me. But when I look at
the sacrifices of a Noble Friend near me and a Right
Honourable Friend in the other House, I can con-
ceive what his sacrifices must be, and what must have
been the sense he entertains of the inconvenience and
danger of things that arise from the state of things
in this country and Ireland, before he could adopt
that which lie has adopted, and is now endeavour-
ing to carry through Parliament. Under these circum-
stances I entreat your Lordships to pause, to weigh this
question well, to consider it well, and to come to no deci-
sion on it until you see what it is we shall propose to you ;
whether in what we shall propose, we shall not meliorate
the condition of this country and Ireland, and whether it will
not place its Constitution on a better foundation than it has
been placed upon, since the Union with Ireland. I will not
now enter into any discussion,' my Lords, nor state my

arguments in favour of the measures we mean to propose;
but I will state that my conviction is, after examining the
subject, that they will not have the effect my Noble Friend
seems to apprehend. The subjects to which he has alluded
have not yet been clearly ptored ; but when we come to
the discussion of the measures, I shall be able to prove
clearly to your Lordships that the Protestant interest will
be exposed to greater danger by allowing the law to re-
main in its present state, than by adopting the alteration
we shall propose.
The Earl of ELDON considered that until this evening
the Noble Duke had given no information► whatever to the
House upon the projected measure beyond what was to be
found in his Majesty's speech,- and indeed he was left in
doubt as to what was meant by any thing that had been
stated just now. He would take the liberty of asking the
Noble Duke again, what he was really to understand of
the nature of his intended measure.
The Duke of WELLINGTON would beg to remind

(the Duke of Wellington) had expressly indicßted the
course which his Majesty's Ministers had determined to
pursue. He then stated, in answer to a question from a
Noble Lord, that it was their intention to introduce in the
course of the present session a measure for the adjustment
of what was called the Catholic Question, which would
include the general removal of all disabilities, with certain
exceptions founded upon special reasons; and that that
measure would be attended by other measures, rendered
necessary by the removal of those disabilities. These were
the words, or words to the same effect, which he made use
of on that occasion, and he then declined, as he still begged
to decline, to give for the present any further information
on the subject.
The Earl of ELDON, then understood, that the Noble
Duke meant to bring in a measure, for the removal of all
dissabilities affecting the Roman Catholics, with certain
exceptions.

The Duke of WELLINGTON observed, that such was

ie intention.
Lord HOLLAND, who had risen at the same time with

the Earl of Eldon when be first addressed their Lordship,
but had given way to the Noble Earl, now again rose, and
spoke to the following effect :—The question, my Lords,
put by the Noble Baron on the cross bench (Lord Col-
chester) is.undonbtedly strictly conformable to your Lord.
ships' customs, which forms the beet apology for the Noble
Baron : but to that question the Noble 'Duke has given
such a satisfactory answer, or has given such satisfactory,
reasons why he would give no answer, that it is not my in-
tention to make a single observation on this part of the Noble
Baron's speech. With respect, my Lords, to the advice
tendered by the Noble Baron to proceed to the extreme
case of petitioning his Majesty to pronounce a final dissolu-
_ _

tion of the House of Commons and send the Members hack
to their constituents, to that threat which had been previ-
ously stated, his Noble Friend (Earl Grey) had, in antici-
pation, given it so triumphant a refutation that he should
not advert to it. There was, however, one expression
dropped by the Noble Baron, though I will not go through
all the arguments to which that expression might lead me;
but there was one expression dropped by the Noble Lord
to which I must advert—an expression ivhich, since the
time of Lord George Gordon, has never been used by any
person who understands the question now referred to. The
Noble B.tron tells your Lordships, that admitting the
Catholics into the possession of political power will
overthrow or destroy the Constitution as settled at the
Revolution. I am sure it is not the intention of the
Noble Duke, nor the intention of any Noble Lord in
that House, nor any rational person in the country,
to subvert the Constitution that was established at the
Revolution. Does the Noble Lord mean to say—and
there is no Noble Lord better acquainted with the
Acts of Parliament and the proceedings of Parliament—
does the Noble Lord mean to say, that the laws it is pro-
posed to remove were passed at the Revolution ? Does he
mean to assert that they were parts of the ancient Consti-
tution which that Revolution was intended to secure? Does
he mean to tell your Lordships that these laws were part of
the ancient, indubitable rights of the people ? Will the
Noble Baron assert Cley were considered as parts of the
Constitution by those who effixted thi,t Revolution ? The
Protestant succession was secured at the Revolution ; but
in establishing the Protestant succession, and in placing
the power of the Crown under controul, it was never sup-
posed that the Constitution was created at the Revolution,
nor did those who then acted a conspicuous part, and who
recognised, acknowledged and asserted the fundamental
principles of the Constitution, and who acknowledged and
adopted these laws, ever, speak of them as fundamental
parts of the Constitution. My Lords, I will undertake to
prove this. I will go further, my Lords—l will
prove that these laws were not only not established at

.that Revolution, but were not then conceived to be part
of our Protestant Constitution that it was resolved to
maintain. That Revolution was intended to substitute
a Protestant Sovereign for a Popish Monarch ; these
Acts were passed when there was the danger of a Popish
successor to the Throne, and they would not then have
been necessary, if a Protestant succession had been esta-
blished. Let the Noble Baron tell me if, by the Act of
Union, for which he gave his vote, if either by the Act of
Unio❑ between this kingdom and Ireland, or the Act of
Union between this kingdom and Scotland, it was not
clearly established, not that a Protestant King, my Lords—
not that a Protestant Parliament, composed our Constitu-
tion; but if it was not clearly defined that our Protestant
Constitution—which was not settled at the Revolution,
but existed prior to Acts of Parliament—if it was not
clearly defined that our Constitution consisted in a King,
with a House of Lords and Commons, in whom was invested

the supreme authority? It was a Parliamentary Government,
under a Parliamentary Sovereign, that was secured at the
Revolution of MSS ; and it was in securing this Govern-
ment by the Parliament, that our Constitution was seemed.
The Protestant succession was a new principle then first
introduced into our Constitution, and then first made
one of its fundamental and constituent principles. I will
not now go into arguments, my Lords, on this subject ;
but I call on your Lordships not to allow yourselves to be
led away by any general indefinite terms, and that you will
call on any Noble Lord who speaks of the Constitution
established at the Revolution, to define what he means by
that Constitution, and to shew, if he can, that admitting

the Catholics into Parliament will alter the Protestant
succession, which is the first great principle recognized at
that Revolution, when the words " Roman Catholic" only
occurs once is the Bill of Rights; and also to shew, if he
can, that this admission will alter the other great principle
recognised at that Revolution, of a Parliamentary Go-
vernment with a Protestant succession. Neither will such
an admission, my Lords, violate the rights of the people,
and one great object of that Revolution was to secure those
rights. The principles that were established and secured at
the Revolution of 1 6SS, were the rights of the people ; and
amongst those rights are the rights of the people to be ad-
mitted into all offices, to take part in the constitution and
government of the country ; and will this right be violated
by removing the exclusions to which a part of the people
are now subject? The Constitution recognizes the rights of the
people—recognizes their eligibility, and those Noble Lords
confound the meaning of terms, who assert that to repeal the
Acts of the 30th of Charles 11. will violate the rights of
the people or the Constitution, as
_established at the Revo-
lution. By what right, my Lords, does the Duke of Nor-
folk take his seat at that table—by what right, my Lords,
do the Irish freeholders of the county of Clare send Mr.
O'Connell to Parliament? by no Statute, my Lords, but
by the Coin:non Law and Constitution of these realms.—
(Cheers.)—My proposition is, that to repeal the Laws of
Charles 11. which were an infraction on the Constitution,
so far front injuring the Constitution, will restore it, and
will restore file prerogatives of the Crown which were vio-
lated by these anti-constitutional laws. The Protestant
succession will not be endangered, but restrictions on the
rights both of the Sovereign and the people will be re-
movesl.—(Hear, hear.)—The Protestant succession will
not be rendered void but rendered secure; and though
that principle of our Constitution was created at the Re 7
volution, there is another principle, that which is known
amongness(f ) ourte Crown
ohl Law Writers
FWGr irtecart Britain,
s b
these laws, and by the repeal of them that principle of ab. •
soluteness will be restored. If I do not say any thing fur-
ther
of the Acts of Charles 11., I may state what was the
opinion of Lord Shaftesbury himself, who thought these
laws ought to be passed as a means of safety against James
11., and who stated that the Catholic Peers then in that,
House were not the worse part of it, implying that
there were other Noble Lords, of whom he was more
afraid than the Catholic Peers. Though I do not approve
of all Lord Shaftesbury's sentiments, I may state, that in
his opinion, as James 11. could not be excluded
from the Throne, that the next best means of provid-
ing against his being a Papist was to pass these laws,
As he found that he could not exclude James front the
'Throne, to which he was inclined, and fearing that as a
Papist King and an irresponsible person he might be
swayed by foreign influence, be took care to supply the
want of Protestantism in the Monarch, and surrounded
him with Protestant advisers who could not be so swayed,
and who might prevent any injury being done to the Con-
stitution, and might be responsible if the laws were in-
fringed. If there had been a Protestant King on the
Throne, there would have been no occasion to enact these
laws. They were proposed and intended as a security
against a Popish Sovereign. It was argued at the time;
that by compelling all ie King's Counsellors to be Pro-
testants, a security would be provided against any injury
to the Constitution. lf, in Lord Shaftesbury's; opinion,
the successor to the Throne bad not been a Papist, theme
would have been no necessity to surround him with Pro-

' iteitant Councillors to secure the ascendancy of a Pro-
testant Parliament. If there had been a Protestant King
asd a Protestant Parliament, there would have been no
danger; and as we have now a Protestant- King and a
Protestant Parliament, and the Protestant succession is
secured, to grant political power to his Majesty's Catholic
subjects cannot now expose our Protestant Constitution to
danger. There is now no danger of oar having a Catholic
King ; at that time Charles the Second was supposed to
be a Papist. His present Majesty is a pure Protestant ;
there is now no danger of having a Catholic Parliament,
for though the Catholics were admitted to sit in it,
the majority of the inhabitants of the empire, at least
of this part of the island, are Protestants, the majority
of those who send Members to Parliament are Pro-
testants, and as long as they remain Protestants, there
can be no' danger of our having a Protestant Parlia-
Ment To admit the Catholics into Parliament would
not make the Parliament Catholic. The subject ie so
extensive, my Lords, that I ran by no means do it justice •
on the present occasion. I cannot even advert to the
arguments which. might be urged against the expression
of the Noble Baron ; but this I will say, and I have nor
now studied the subject bier the first time, it has been the
object of my investigations many years ; that no
lawyer, not even my Noble and Learned Friend opposite,
Lord Eldon, whose ingenuity and skill are so great, and Who
can make almost anything-out of an Act of Parliament,
can prove that the Acts of Charles the Second were a brier
of the Constitution established at the Revolution. I wilt
say, my Lords, that even if my Noble and Learned Friend
undertakes to prove that these laws of Charles H. were
considered at the Revolution as fundamental parts of the
Constitution, then recognised and asserted, that, I, poor
layman as I am, will undertake to prove that he is wrong,
and that the great principles asserted at the Revolution
were the Protestant succession, the Parliament's right to

limit the succession of the Crown, and securing the go-
vernment of the country in the hands of the King in d
the. two Houses of Parliament. With a Protestant
King on the Throne, a Protestant Parliament, and a Pro-
testant People, the King ought to be allowed to employ
all his subjects.—(Hear, hear.)—What motives are there,
my. Lords, to retain these restrictions? It is the right of
the subject to be employed by the. King, and it is his Ma-
jesty's rig-ht 'titi-Vertrattd -the 40013,i€0, of ,all his subjects.
The Noble Baron seems also to be mistaken in supposing
that there would be some danger to his Majesty's Crown, if
Roman Catholics were to be admitted into power. But
the right of his Majesty to the Crown is not founded in his
Protestantism; it is not founded in his ancestry—hut it is
a clear Parliamentary right, derived from the legitimate
powers derived from tke Constitution and the Common
Law, and inherent in the People, to provide for the founda-
tion and security of the Government—(Hear.) His Ma-
jesty's right to the throne is a Parliamentary right con-
ferred on the descendants of the Princess Sophia, being
Protestants, and without any other limitation than one
subsequently added, that they should not marry Catholics.
To call this right in question would be treason, and might.
lie dangerous. On this subject lam ready to meet any
Noble Lord ; and I will undertake to show that our Con-
stitution was not settled at the Revolution, and that it
does not depend on Acts of Parliament, but on the supreme
power being vested in Parliament, which principle was re-
cognised by the Revolution. There are many other rights,
and other important laws settled at the Revolution, which
have been altered since that time. Triennial Parliaments, my
Lords, or if net triennial Parliaments, at least frequent Parl is-
merits, are insisted on in the Bill of Rights as one of the
ancient indubitable rights of the people of this country.—
It could not be said, at that time, that the exclusion of the
Catholics was one of these ancient and indubitable rights,
for this exclusion took place only 16 years before that
period ; and though one of the accusations against James
11. was that he had called no Parliament, to say that it was
a violation of the Constitution to repeal the laws against
the Catholics was nothing but jargon. The Bill of Rights
did not assert that these laws were part of the Constitution,
but it recognised and asserted that frequent Parliaments
were some of the ancent and indubitable rights of the people
of this kingdom ; and yet triennial Parliaments have beets
abolished and their place supplied by septennial Parlia-
ments. Ido not deny the power of Parliament to make
this alteration ; but when I,see such an alteration made in
the Constitution as settled at the Revolution, I cannot believe
that that Constitution so settled is only to be held inviolable
by Noble Lords who are not so ready on other occasions to
acknowledge its principles when the question is whether
the Roman Catholics shall be admitted to enjoy the same
rights as the rest of their fellow subjects. With respect to
1 the Bill to be proposed by the Noble Duke, I will ask the
Noble Baron if he thinks that it will alter the Protestant
succession—will it alter the ancient and indubitable rights
of the people—and among them will it alter that right to
petition which is recognised by the Bill of Rights, which
I always respect, but which Noble Lords will be very likely
to object to, when another measure comes under considera-
tion ? The Noble Baron sat down amidst loud cheers, but
appeared much exhausted.

Lord COLCHESTER, in explanation, begged to say,
that the Noble Lord had misapprehended what had fallen
from him. He did not say that the exclusion of the Ca-
tholics formed a part of the Constitution settled at 1638.
He merely said that the exclusion of the Catholics was
made at that period.

Lord HOLLAND did not well know the meaning of the
Noble Lord, and, until he defined what he understood by the
word " made," he (Lord Holland) could never arrive at his
meaning. The laws to which the Noble Lord alluded were
not made at the Revolution. The 30th of Charles 11. was
enacted with the prospect of James 11. succeeding to the
throne. That law was recognized and continued, but not
made, at the period of the Revolution.
The Earl of ELDON said, that were not the Noble Lord
Rolland so hoarse, he (Lord Eldon) would Übe that oppor-
tunity of discussing with him upon that floor all and every
one of those points of mistaken law with whickthat Noble
Lord's speech abounded.
The,Marquis of ANGLESEA presented petitions from
Bandon and Shanagoulden, in the county of Cork; Kilbride
and Dulane, in the county of Meath ; Palmerston, in the
county of Dublin ; Colomkill, in the comity of Roscommon► ;
Killarney, in the county of Kerry ; Grange Butler, in the
county of Kilkenny; and from 18 other places in Ireland,
for Catholic Emancipation, and a repeal of the Vestry and
Sub •letting Acts.

Lord CLIFDEN presented nine similar petitions from.
Alalahide and other places in Ireland.
The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented petitions
from a parish in Bath, Chard, Long Ashton, and Wellington,
in Somersetshire, and five other places, against the Catholic
Claims.

A person from the Tax-office presented returns of all
legal decisions with respect to assessed taxes —Adjourned
at 20 minutes past Eight o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(LAST NIGHT.)

Sir G. COCKBURN and another Member took the oaths
and their seats.

The Sheriffs of the City of London presented a petition
relative to London Bridge; also another relative to the
regulations of Smithfield market.—Referred to the Corn-
mittee.

Mr. I.ENNARD brought up a return respecting the
effects of the suitors in the High Court of Chancery.
Mr. C. BERKLEY presented a petition to form a
market in St. Saviour's, Southwark.—Referred to a Com-
mittee. _

Mr. lludds brought up a Report on the Stratford and
Bow Vestry.
Mr. TIERNEY presented a return respecting the As.
sessed Taxes.

Sir J. MACKINTOSH stated to the House, that with
reference to the notice which he had given of a motion on
the connections of this country with Portugal, he should
postpone it till the 26th of March.

The Marquis of CHANDOS, in presenting a petition
on the Catholic question, said that the people would never
allow an alteration in the Constitution, and advised the
House to consider well before 'they legislated on the ques-
tion. The great mats of the county which he represented
were averse to Emancipation. His Lordship then present-
ed petitions against the Catholics from several places in the
county of Buckingham, amounting to upwards of 70. He
then stated that having presented to the House the prayers
of 7,000 of his Majesty's subjects, he should move that the
petitions be printed.
Lord NUGENT said he had not a word to say against
the respectability of thoSe who had signed the petitions,
nor should he have risen to offer any observation, had- not
the Noble Lord stated that the mass of the inhabitants of
Buckingham' were arrayed in their opinions against Catho-
lic Emancipation. As some of those petitions had come
front the hundreds which he represented, he must say that
with respect to that district the Noble Lord had been com-
pletely misinformed, if he was told that they were opposed
to the Catholic Claims. He believed he bad never sinned
in disguising his opinions. lie had also avowed senti-
ments favourable to Emancipation, and notwithstanding
that avowal, he stood there as the representative of 2,000
persons, the inhabitants.of those hundreds.—(Hear, bear.)
He was bound in justice to them not to allow such a state-
ment to go forth unqualified, and as a doubt seemed to
exist upon the suit:pet, he feit hound to put that questiout
to rest.—(flear,-hear, hear.)
The Martinis of CEIANDOS said that the sentiments
of the people of Buckiughatn had not changed, If the
Noble Lord (Nugent) thought that the frecheltiers of kits.:

btrry were favouraMe to Catholic Emancipation, he had
better make the exderiment at the next general election,
for his own part he believed that they were not favourable
to that measure.
Lord NUGENT explained.

Sir G. WARRENOER said that many persons of large
property in the county of Buckingham had expressed opi-
nions contrary to those expressed by the Noble Lord,—
(Cheers.) He wished to ask to ask the Noble Lord if
notice bad been given of those parish meetings, so
that the matter might be known before the petitions were
signed.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")—For his awn part
he never heard of them, and, therefore, he would take the
petitions as expressive of the opinions of 7,000 people, and
he would also take it, that the sentiments of the mass of
the people were quite the contrary. (I fear, hear.) When
he heard it stated that the universal opinion of the couhtry
was hostile, he could not resist the opportunity of stating
his opinion on the subject.
The petition was then ordered to, be printed.
The Marquis of CHANDOS gave notice that he would
move to-morrow for a call of the House for Thursday the
sth of March
Colonel SIBTHORPE said be was instructed to present
a petition, most numerously and respectably signed, from
the town of Kencvick, against any further concessions to
the Roman Catholics. He thought the numerous peti-
tions that were nightly presented must convince the House
that the opinion of the country was against the measure ;
be trusted his Majesty's Ministers would not hurry this
great question through the House, but would allow time
for a full discussion. The recommendation in his Majesty's
speech had acted like a thunderbolt upon the public. He
fully concurred in the sentiments of the petition, but felt
bound to oppose the measure whenever it was brought be-
fore the House.
Sir ROBERT HERON said the gallant Colonel in-
formed the House that they must be aware of the opinions
of the people, from the number of the petitions presented
against the measure ; now lie would beg leave to say, that
out of the 52 counties of England and Wales only two
bad given any opinion upon the subject.
Colonel SIBTHORPE explained.
Mr. SHIRLEY presented several petitions from Stour-
briclge, and other places, against the Catholic Claims.
Sir ROWLAND HILL presented a petition from St.
Maple, in the county of Salop, against further concessions
to the Roman Catholics.
Mr. EGERTON presented a similar petition from a
village in Cheshire. •
Mr. T. POTTER MACQUEEN presented a similar
petition from Hitehin.
Mr. W. FITZGERALD. presented a petition from
Kildare in favour of Emancipation.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT presented seueral similar peti-
tions from places in the county of Waterford.
Mr. S. RICE, in presenting several petitions from
plaees in the county of Limerick in favour of the Catholic
Claims, said that the petitioners were entitled to the favour-
able consideration of that House. It was:a matter of great
satisfaction to hear that the Association dissolved itself,
as stated in the news received this day from Ireland—a
fact of which he could have no doubt. He was happy to
say there were other associations which were not brought
within the scope of the Bill that had likewise come to
the resolution to dissolve themselves—an example worthy
of imitation by their opponents, the Brunswick Clubs.—
(Hear, hear, hear.)—These associations had not waited
for the !automates to pass through Parliament, but had dis-
banded themselves.
Mr. TRANT never would advise those associations
formed for the support of the Constitution to dissolve
themselves whilst' that Constitution was in such danger.
Whenever the question came before the fierce, he would
oppose it in all its stages.
Mr. SYKES, in presenting a petition from Hull in fa-
vour of emancipation, observed that the petitioners very
properly stated, that no person ought to be subjected to civil
disabilities on account of his religious principles—a senti-
ment in which he (Mr. Sykes) perfectly coincided. It had
been stated by an Hon. Member on a former night, that
the majority of the town of Hull were against granting
Catholic Enaanipation. He must take that opportunity
of giving that statement an unqualified denial. The petition
against the measure, contained out of the population only
four or five hundred signatures. The recommendation in
his Majesty's Speech had not altered his opinion of
the people in that part of the country ;—the ma-
jority were always in favour of Catholic Eusaacipation.
He had always publicly avowed himself in favour of that
measure, and bad been twice returned to represent Hull in
Parliament—a fact which he thought pretty strongly
showed the opinion of the people on that subject.—
(Hear.)—At all events, said the Hon. Member, if there
was that feeling against Emancipation--here I am ;
(Great laughter.)
Mr. OTWAY CAVE—With respect to the statement
that the general feelins, of the country was hoatiic to the
Catholic claims, begged to mention one fact, and leave the
House to draw their own inference from it. The day bee
fore the opening of Parliament, a meeting, consisting of
several thousand persons, was held in the town which he
bad the honour to represent. At that meeting a resolution
in favour of the Catholic claims was proposed, and only
-one hand was held up against it. On the resolution be-
ing put a second time, that one hand was withdrawn.—
(Hear, hear.)—This town had not always held such opi-
nions, and it was only fair to suppose that a change might
have taken place in otleeplaces as well as this.
Mr. WOOD said, that a similar feeling prevailed in the
town which be had the honour to represent, and he rose
now to make this statement, because the gallant General,
the Member tor Liverpool, had said, when he (Mr.
Wood) was presenting a petition from Liverpool in favour
of the Catholics, that he (Mr. Wood) would shortly have
to present a petition from Preston against the Catholics.
This statement had caused the greatest surprise in PrestoP,
and he begged leave to call the attention of the House to a
short note which he had received upon this subject, from
one of the most influential men in that town :—" Dear
Sir—l observe by the papers of Saturday that General
Gascoyne rtated in the House —"
The SPEAKER—Order ! order! The Hon. Member
must surely see, that of all the notes be could read in this
House, a note which refers to the debates of this House,
and especially to debates of this House in a newspaper, is
the most irregular.—(Hear, and laughter.)
Mr. WOOD would content himself with stating, that if
any attempt were made to get up a petition against the
Catholic, at Preston, such an attempt would be met by a
counter-petition, signed by overwhelming numbers.
It was then ordered that the petition be printed.
Sir E. KNATCHBULL presented a petition from the
Archdeacon and Clergy of Canterbury against the claims
of the Catholics.—To be printed,
Mr. MOORE presented similar petitions from Muskerry
and Rochestown.—To be printed.
Mr. H. MAXWELL presented petitions—praying that
no farther concessions be granted to the Catholics ; that
the forty-shilling freeholders be abolished ; and that an in-
quiry be made into Jesuitieal establishments in Ireland—
from Enniscorthy and other places in Leinster.—To he

printed.
Mr. MACLEOD presented petitions from several pa-
rishes in Sudbury, against the Catholic claims. The Hon.
Member stated, that all these petitions had been signed
since the circulation of the King's Speech, and that al-
though the language of them was respectful, ye;; it was
stronger than the petitioners had ever used before, while
the numbers by which they were signed were greater than
on any former cecasion. He had given only one vote on
this subject. That vote was against the claims of the Ca-
tholics; and he saw no reason to give a different vote.—
The petitions to be printed.
Petitions against Roman Catholic Emancipation were
presented by Mr. F. WEST, from two parishes in Den-
bigh ; by Mr. HART Davis, from two places in the city
of Bristol ; and by Admiral Surnizaon, from eight places
in the county of Nottingham.
Lord ENNISMORE presented two petitions in favour
of Roman Catholic Emancipation, from parishes in the
county of Kerry.
Mr. PALMER presented four petitions from places in
Berkshire, against any further concession to the Roman
Catholics. The Hon. Member always thought it his duty
to oppose any measure having for its object the granting
political power to the Catholics, but he never said that
the time might not come when the question ought to he
taken into consideration, with a view to a satisfactory ad-
justment of the claims. He had always had confidence in
the individuals who compose his Majesty's Ministry, and
he would .not say, until he knew what the measure would
be which they intended to bring forward, whether he
would be compelled to oppose it.--(Hear.)
Mr. ASHURST presented two petitions of the same
prayer as the last—one from the Archdeacon and Clergy of
Oxford, and the other from a place in Northamptonshire,
He stated that he concurred in the prayer of the petitions,
for he had as yet seen no circumstances to induce him to
alter his opinion.
Lord BECTIVE presented several petitions from the
county of Westmeath, praying fate. Roman Catholic Eman-
cipation, and fur the repeal of the Sub-letting Act.
Admiral EVANS presented a petition from Wexford,
praying that no further concessions be granted to the
Catholics. The petitioners stated the Roman Catholic
Priests, during the late election in Ireland, violated all the
privileges of Parliament, and invoked the anathemas of
Heaven against those who dared to vote again,t their
favourite candidate. We lived in an age of wonders ; we

scarcely knew the meaning of the commonest words; we
were told that a question should be buried in oblivion, and
the way that question was to be buried in oblivion was, by
bringing it under the consideration of Parliament, by a
recommendation from the throne.—(Laughter.)—He was
sure that the measure proposed by Government would not
prove a measure of conciliation, for the Catholics had de-
clared that nothing but unconditional emancipation would
satisfy them, and unconditional emancipation would never
satisfy the Protestants. He had heard the other 4411 t an
Hon. Member on the other side (Mr. Butler Clarke) say
that he would be glad to see a Catholic in his place in that
House. It the Hon. Gentleman had but a little patience,
his wish no doubt would be gratified, and a Catholic would
not only have his place in that House, but in the country also.
Mr. G. MOORE bore testimony to the respectability
of the persons who signed the petition just presented by
the Hon. Member, and supported its prayer.
The LORD MAYOR moved for certain returns re-
specting tobacco and segars, imported during the last year.
—Ordered.
BRITISH CATHOLICS' PETITION.

Lord NUGENT presented petitions in favour of Roman !
Catholic Emancipation from several places in Oxfordshire,
Somereetshire, and Yorkshire, and, lastly, from the Ro-
man Catholics of England and Scotland. This petition
was signed by the Duke of Norfolk, eight Peers, 16 Ba-
ronets, and 18,000 persons. He could truly say that this
was the petition of the most illustrious body of persons in
the kingdom, and they prayed for the total and unquali-
fied re-admission to all the rights and privileges of British
subjects. The English Catholics had been misunderstood
and misrepresented. They had been represented as peti-
tioning for one thing, and being content to accept another.
This, however, was not the case. They prayed for total
and unqualified Emancipation, but at the same time they
threw themselves with perfect confidence on the country
and Parliament, convinced that Parliament will not pass
any Act, charged with such terms as might be repugnant
to their honour as gentlemen or their religion as Roman
Catholics. He implored the House, when they passed
this measure, to make it a final one, and not conflicting
with the duties and feelings of the petitioners. Let it be
an act of grace and favour of complete and final concession ' •
let it be such an act as would enable us to Withdraw from
Ireland the immense garrison of troops which was burden
some to this country, affronting to Ireland, and disgraceful
to both countries ; let it be an act which would create in Ire-
land, from one end to the other, universal and concurrent af- t
fection ; above all, let it be an act which should enable a
Roman Catholic gentleman to conform, which none has
been able to do since the 30th Charles 11. without taint or
suspicion on his motives. Then, and not till then, should we
he children of the same State, and enjoy the same privileges.
The question which was now on the eve of being carried
had obtained the support of the most eminent men of all
parties. It had been adopted by Burke, supported by the
commanding, talents of Curran, by the statesmen-like
wisdom of Fox, by the severe but philosophical patriotism
of Grattan, and the accomplished eloquence of Canning.—
He might also perhaps he allowed to allude to another in-
dividual (Lord Grenville), and to say that the question
had been much advanced by his uncompromising, steady,
faithful advocacy ; and though now compelled by his health
to retire from public life, he was at the present moment still
watching its progress with all the eagerness of youthful
hope. The cause which received the support of any one
of the statesmen he had mentioned must be respectable,
but that which obtained their united advocacy was rendered
illustrious. This question, with its host of great supporters,
might he compared to a crown 'set round with choicest
stones ; but one gem was, until lately, wanting. The Right
Hon. Gent. opposite having become one of the supporters
of the measure, the circle was now filled up and the crown
complete. In taking leave of the petition which he had for
many years presented and advocated to the best of his
humble abilities, it was gratifying to reflect that before long
he might be able to hail the appearance in that house of
the Howerds, the Tariots, and the Jerninghams, restored
to a full participation in the privileges of that Constitution
which, be would repeat, their ancestors framed. (Hear.)
Sir CHRISTOPHER COLE the representative of
a highly respectable county, would certainly not vote for
any measure which might be brought forward for the pur-
pose of relieving the Roman Catholics from their disabili-
ties, unless it was accompanied with strong securities in
favour of the Protestant Church and Establishments.—
(Hear, hear.)—lt had been triumphantly asked why those
who called for securities did not state what kind of securi-
ties they wanted. At the risk of exposing himself to
odiem, he would declare that he would not vote for any
measure of relief, unless the strongest securities should 'ee
furnished agaieet. the power of the Papal Church. If he
was asked why he del-nee-Wed securities against that power,
he would reply by directing attentien to the effects of that
power as they had appeared in Italy for ages.---ae they exhi-
bited themselves in Spain at the present moment in the
persons of a Al/Jaded nobility and a debased population.—
This was entirely owing to the influence of the Papal
church.—(Hear, hear.l-eeleek at the present state of
Portugal. Had not the deplorable eittiation of affairs in
that coeuky been produced by the power of the Papal
church ?—(ffeee, hear.)—lle had no wish to offend the
feelings of the iuhabitapta of the sister kingdom in alluding
to the events which had taken place in that county, but he
could not help attributing much of gee mischief which had
occurred there to the influence of the same church.--(Hear.)
As an officer who had served his country fur 15 years in
an honourable profession, it was impossible that he should
feel any disinclination to remove the civil disabilities which
pressed upon a greet body of his oontrymen, if satisfied
that it could be done with safety. He pipet ray that when
it was the question to serve king and Country, he never
found it necessary to inquire whether the men under his
command were Catholics or Protestants.—(Hear, hear,)
—He could not ait down without adverting to the conduct
of the Right Hon. Geretleman below him. He believed
the Right Host. Gentleman to haye been actuated by the
purest principles of patriotism—(hee,r)-,and when lie
looked at tha Noble Duke at the head of the Government,
he could not think it extraordinary that the man who sited
tears of humanity over the field of Waterloo should sh;ink
with horror from the prospect a ,pi)ling the blood of his
fellow-countrymen—( Hear.)
Mr. BICKFORD felt himself called upon to &glare, in
allusion to what had fallen from his Noble Colleague (Lord
Nugent) respecting the sentiments of the electors of Ayles-
bury, that he canvassed every one of them, and he could
safely say that 15 out of every 20 weep opposed to the Ca-
tholic Clairne,
Mr. HUSKISSON was not going to enter up.eu the
great question ; but as the present was probably the last
of the many appeals which had (Keen fruitlessly made by the
Roman Catholics of England to the justice of Parliament,
he trusted he might be permitted to offer a very few words
on the occasion. The prospect which was now opening
on the nobility and gentry of this kingdom who professed
the Roman Catholic religion, meat be in the highest de-
gree gratifying to every unbiassed and generous mind.
Looking at the cot:duct of the English Roman Catholics
apart from the merits of the Catholic Question, no man,
be thought, let him be ever so uncompromising au opponent
to concession, could feel that whatever might Le granted
to them arose front a sense of intimidation. No man
could be so mistrustful or unforgiving as to tender
the boon about to he offered to the Roman Ca-
tholics of England with any aiing like reproach or
iniegiving with respect to what their oreoduct had been
during the long period the question had bean no der the
consideration of Parliament. The friends of emanaipee,
tion could not behold Fpglish Catholics admitted to the
privileges of British subjects eviehout feelings of satisfac-
tion, unalloyed with any regret or apprehension of evil
consequences, To the petition before the Mew were
annexed names the most ancient in the peerage—of tlee
highest rank in this seerient and powerful state. The
families to which those names belonged had seen generation
after generation pass away with the spas upon them of
a Bill of perpetual pains and penalties—with the blight of
perpetual forfeiture of the privileges of the Constitution,
and of the honours which their ancestors earned from the
gratitude of former Sovereigns. It wits impossible not
to &el for persons in the situation of the Englith Catholic
Peers, eziaansil for so long a time to unwarrantable priva-
tions. So far &a the English Catholics were concerned,
it was not necessary thee ;chief to them should have been
preceded by any measure of peeeantien. It was not nee
coesary to meet them with a Bill of reenciliation in one
hand, reoal a Bill of severity in the other. To tieem much
' should be given, because -from them, looking at their con-
duct, mote had been withheld than from any other portion
of his Majesty's subjects. If any mail was conscious that
his hostility to concession arose from eke agitatory and
violent proceedings which had occurred in trelanel, he
would say to him, in the name of the English Roman Ctee
tholies, " Let tie ocoduct of the latter allay every angry
feeling and induce you to ferget all that has passed." He
was convinced that the Catholics woold by their future
conduct amply discharge the debt of gratitude which they
F would owe to. the Crown and the Legislature. The Bight
Hon: Gentleman .coneloded by observing, that he could
not refuse to himself the pleasure 0f bearing testimony to
the character and conduct of the English Romeo Catholics
on former oecasiora, and of heartily congratulating them
on the prospect now opening on them, soon, lie trusted,
to be realized.
Mr. TRANT begged leave to say a few wprds in refer-
ence to what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman
who had just addressed the House. The Right Hon.
Gentleman had argued, that whatever opinion might be

entertained of the conduct of the Irish Catholics, it at least'
must be admitted that those of England bad been uniformly
well behaved. He had observed with great concern,
through the Newspapers, that a resolution approving of
the conduct of the Irish Association, and expressing thanks
for it, had been proposed and passed at a meeting of the
English Association.—(Hear, hear.)—lf he was wrong on
this point, he hoped some iron. Member would do him
the favour to set him right. He was not at all inclined to
bear hard on his own countrymen (for he was an Irish-
man), and lie must say, that consideting the encouragement
held out to the Irish Association in various ways, and' he
was sorry to acknowledge it, the want of attention on the
part of the Government, he was not surprised that its agi-
tation bad arrived at that pitch which had compelled the
Government to adopt that line of conduct generally called
submission.—(Hear, and a laugh.)—He must, however,
say that a spirit had been displayed on the part of the Ca-
tholics of this country which led him to think, that had
they been placed in circumstances equally favourable to
agitation as those which attended the Irish Association,
their conduct would not have been very different.—
(Hear.)—One word as to what had fallen from the Right
Hon. Gentleman as to the little danger to be apprehended
from the admission of English Roman Catholics into Par-
liament. His ejection to the admission of Catholics into
the Legislature, with or without securities, was this—that
he knew from all experience that in that House a little
leaven leavens the whole.—(A laugh. )—He was what was
called a good sitter in the House. He came early and re-
mained late, and he was fully aware how much might be
effected by a very few Members when animated by a corn-
' tnon spirit in support of a common object.—(Hear.)—
Upon this point he might he allowed to quote the
words employed by his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Peel)
in 1817. They were as follow:—" It is observed by
Hu►ne, when speaking of the reigns of James I. and his
successor, that religious spirit when it mingles with the spirit
of faction, contains in it something supernatural ; and that
in its operations upon society, effects correspond less to
known causes than in any other circumstance of Govern-
ment. And this," says he, " while it constitutes some
apology for those who, having interfered in religious mat-
ters, are disappointed of the expected event, imposes at the
same time a grievous responsibility on all who lightly inno-
vate in so delicate an article." That had always been his
chief reason for opposing what was called Emancipation. It
was not without great pain that he found himself compelled
to withhold from any portion of his fellow-subjects the pri-
vileg,es which he himself enjoyed ; but being fortified in the
opinions he held by the experience of all history, lie must,
however reluctantly, continue to oppose concession to the
Catholics. Ile would conclude by quoting the re►nainder
of the passage to which he had already referred in the speech
of his Right Hon. Friend :—" This reflection," says he
(Hume), " is confirmed by all history; and may it be a
warning to us how we proceed to unsettle that which we
find established. Let us recollect that under the Constitu-
tion which we have derived from our ancestors, we have
enjoyed more liberty, we have acquired more glory, we pos-
sess more character and power than has hitherto fallen to
the lot of any other country on the globe; and if there be
any man yet undecided on this question, I entreat him that
he will give the benefit of his doubt to the existing order of
things, and that before he gives his vote to a measure, of the
consequences of which be is at least uncertain, lie will weigh
the substantial blessings which he knows to have been de-
rived from the Government,—that is, against all the spe-
culative advantages which he is promised from the Govern-
ment that is to he."—(Hear.)

Dr. LUSHINGTON said, that nothing, except the
profound ignorance of the Hon. Member who spoke last,
and his total and entire want of knowledge of what had
occurred during the last 30 years, could plead an apology
for the unfounded aspersions which he had cast upon the
Catholic nobles and gentry of England. (A laugh.) Dur-
ing all that period they had been bound down by penalties
not only equal in severity to those which prevailed in Ire-
land, but still mere powerful—by restrictions still greater
and less justifiable on every principle of justice and policy.
But these were the individuals to whom the Hon. Member
was inclined to ascribe every disposition, if they had but
the power, to do evil ;—of whom he knew nothing, of
whom he had no experience, and whose whole conduct
had been a system of patience and endurance under disap-
pointed hope. Would the Hon. Member, if it had hap-
pened to him to have inherited the Catholic religion from
his ancestors—to have seen all his hopes of rising in the
world blighted—to find that no exertions, no honourable
services could raise him beyond the level to which injustice
had assigned him—would he have displayed so much pa-
tience as the English Catholics had done? He would ad-
vise the lion. Member, when next he Lad the courage to
vent his unfounded accusations, to acquire some little
knowledge whereon to build them, and not to asperse per-
sons respecting whose character and conduct he was utterly
destitue of information. The Hon. Member ended his
speech in a manner quite worthy its commencement. With
the littleness and shallowness which distinguished a mind
that was narrow, he endeavoured to twit the Right Hon.
Secretary with a:garbled extract from a speech which he
had delivered. He was convinced that the Right Hon.
Gentleman had a mind infinitely superior to taunts so
petty, Conscious of having discharged a great duty to his
country, he was not a man to be turned aside, or even
nettled by such insignificant, puny, and contemptible
taunts. Was the Right lion. Gentleman, after having
made sacrifices which the Hon. Member could not even
comprehend, to be lectured by him? He had abstained
from saying one word with respect to the measures in
progress, and he ietended to have done the same with re-
spect to the course which the Right Hon. Gentleman had
pursued; but if the Right Hon. Gentleman was to be at-
tacked by the Hon. Member for Dover, he hoped he would
estimate his attacks as they deserved. He had heard va-
rious accusations against the Right Hon. Gentleman. He
had been charged with inconsistency on the one hand, and
with the love of place on the other. In his bumble judg
meat the Right Hon. Gentleman was guilty of neither.
That opinion, undoubtedly, could not be formed on the
principle of favour; for when the Right Hon. Gentleman
had sitter) on one side of the House, he had invariably sitten
on the other. He, however, knew of no inconsistency in
varying the means to attain the same end. He saw no
inconsistency, when the Right Hon. Gentleman's object
was to preserve the integrity of the Protestant church,
in his resorting to Catholic Emancipation as the means.
The House had been told that there was no change
of circumstance—that the circumstances which the
Right Honourable Gentleman had detailed were the same
which had occurred before; but, in the name of common
?prise, was not the very continuance of those circumstances
a change? He would ask any man whether it did not
prove, first, that the. causes of the disturbances were per-
manent ; and, secondly, that the remedies which kad been
attempted to be applied had failed ? He world ask whe-
ther a Government which was desirous of preserving peace
with foreign countries might not, without inconsistency feel
itself called upon to declare war in order to attain their
object more effectually. In the physical as in the moral
system, remedies were frequently resorted to in the last ex-
tremity, which at the commencement of the disorder would
have been most deprecated. With respect to the Right
Hon. Gentleman's remaining in office, he (Dr. Lushing-
ton) would say, that if he had resigned office he would
have deserted his duty. If his advice to bring forward the
measure of emancipation had been honestly given and been
accepted by the Crown,—if he had then withdrawn his
authority and power,—if he had been guilty of the cow-
ardice, the pusillanimity, and, he would add, the basenecs,
for the 4.e of continuing at the head of a great party, to
abandon his office, and thus have deprived the Government
of the most effectual meana of carrying the measure, he
would have pronounced him a traitor to his filing and
country. (Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman's coati-
nusuce. in office was the best test of his sincerity, and of the
greatest macrikce ly,e could make. He well knew how the
Right Hon. Gent. had atcod, and now stood, in this country.
He knew that he had been considered the great leader and
head of a great and powerful body, consisting partly of
the old aristocracy, and of the great body of the ecclesias-
tical establishment, It was, indeed, a-matter of pride and
glory to be the bead of spelt a party. Differing as he (Dr.
Lushington) did in opinion from that party, still he must
acirnowledge that its rank, talent, and respectability, ren-
dered of ambition in any man to be
dered It a just and fair .0
at its head. —(Hear.)--The Right flop. Gentleman had
abandoned that eminent station—that was indeed e sacri-
fice. He could hardly restrain his indignation when ha
l-,cerd it insinuated that it was attachment to office which
kept the -hi& Hon. Gentleman in place. Above all men
living, he could have no .aclt olect. Compared with being
at the head of a great and powerful party, if his principles
would have permitted, the holding of office mustrbe to the
Hon. Gentleman but as dust. The Right 'Hon.
Gentle Man Lad giyen notice of his intention to vacate his
seat for the University of o.,.:fprd, and he perceived that
many persons whom he had the h.onour to 'snow c,f -es*
character, learning, and respectability, had declared their
opposition to his re-election. Giving those gentlemen all
Possible credit, a;acl believing that if the question to be de-
cided were between the merits of ;he Roman Catholic and
the Protestant religion, there could be no better tribunal tp
refer it to than that which they composed; but when the
question wee one of a political nature,—when the interests
of the state were at stake,—when the settlement of it re-
quired a knowledge of every thing connected with the sub-
ject, required liberality of mind and feeling, and above all
required the recollection that the great aim of all Was peace
and the preservation of the country's establishments, he

must confess that he could pay no great deference to the de-
termination of the individuals to whom he had alluded.
Men even with their opinionsand feelings, if they could see
and understand at all, must be aivate that the question of
emancipation could not stand over for a single day. Con-
sidering that the question about to be decided at Oxford
,was not whether the opinion of the Catholic emancipators
or of the Catholic oppressors was the right one, but only
who was the fittest person to represent the University, he
thought they could not do themselves more honour than by
re-electing the Right Hon. Gentleman. Elect whoth they
might, they could find no one capable of giving greater
proofs of talent and honourable principle than their present
representative.—(Hear.)
Mr. PEEL was indebted to the courtesy of his Hon.
Friend (Mr. Trani) for a copy of the speech, an extract of
which he had read as a warning to him against the course
which he was pursuing on the present occasion. He had
no doubt that it was not the intefition of his Hon. Friend
to wound his feelings by the reference ; but in one sense
he might be said to have done so ; for as his Hon. Friend
had found only one strong passage in the whole, he (Mr.
Peel) owned he was ashamed at having made so had a
speech.—(A laugh.)—But the very passage by which his
Hon. Friend had meant indirectly to reproach him, and to
confirm his own views of continued resistance to the ques-
tion of emancipation, would apply to the present state of
circumstances, and to the course he was now taking. He
would ask his Hon. Friend to look to Ireland, and say
whether the state of politicalexcitement into which it was
cast from one end to the other, is a state in which it ought
to be allowed to remain. Let him ask himself seriously
if such a state of things as put party against party,—Ca-
tholic against Protestant,—as placed the House of Lords,
as it were, in opposition to the Mouse of Commons,—whe-
ther that was a state in which a nation ought to be al-
lowed to remain without a hope being held out that there
was to be no settlement of the question which created such
division ? Was not that, he would ask, a state to which
the opinion of Mr. Hume, which he had quoted on the oc-
casion referred to, would well apply? Mr. Hume, he had
observed, when speaking of the reigns of James I. and his
two successors, said " that a religious spirit, when it min-
gles with the spirit of faction, contains in it something
supernatural, and in its operations on society effects
1 correspond less to their known causes than in any
other circumstances of Government." It was because he
(Mr. Peel) saw that a spirit of religion had mingled with
a spirit of faction, and that from this mixture he foresaw
consequences upon which no man could think without just
apprehension, that he had- come to the conclusion that it
would he better for the security of Protestant interests and
the safety of Protestant establishments, to come to an ami-
cable settlement of the question rather than allow it to
remain in its unbalanced state. It was because he feared
the consequences of leaving it unsettled that he had taken
the course which his Honourable Friend had blamed as in-
consistent. As his Hon. Friend had been studying the
speech to which he referred, would lie allow him to state
with reference to the allusion made to the British Catholics,
that now, in the altered state of circumstances, he looked
back with pleasure to the fact, that though lie had felt it
his duty to give his decided opposition to any further con-
cessions to the Catholics of Ireland, he had not evinced an
uncompromising resistance, for he had advocated the ex-
tension of the privileges of the Roman Catholics of Eng-
land?—(" Hear, hear," from Lord Nugent.)—ln advert-
ing to the opinions of his Hon. Friend on this question,
which he fully admitted were dictated by the purest
motives, lie would beg of him to consider attentively the
principles on which be had stated and evinced his opinion,
that an opposition to the measure ought to be candid; and ,
as his Hon. Friend had dune him the honour to notice his
speech, he would venture to assure him that his opposition
would not be the less effectual if its tone and temper were
more in conformity with the spirit and principles of that
speech.—(Hear.)—He would particularly call the atten-
tion of his Hon. Friend to the passage of the speech which
lie was about to read,—" I will avoid as far as possible
every topic which can tend to inflame, or even to give
offence. I will not revive the memory of ancient struegles
for ascendancy, and if any advantage to my argument
might be derived from dwelling on instances wherein
power has been abused, or revengeful feelings have, been
indulged, those advantages I cheerfully resign ; I will not
impute to the Roman Catholic church any doctrines which
are not avowed; and I will give to the:professors of that
faith the full advantage of every disclaimer they have made.
If the privileges required are to be conceded, I have no
wish to lessen the grace of concession. If the hopes of
the Roman Catholics shall be disappointed, that disap-
pointment I will not aggravate."—(Hear.)—" Under the
altered circumstances," concluded Mr. Peel, "in which I
stand with reference to this question, if 1 should be re-
minded of my uniform opposition to it heretofore, it is no
inconsiderable satisfaction to me to have placed in my hands
such a record of the epirit and temper in which that op-
position was conducted."—(Hear.)
The petitions were ordered to he brought up.
On the question that they be read,
. . . .

Mr. TRANT said, that it was not his intention when
he entered that House, to offer any observations on the
subject on which he had spoken. He had risen merely to
remark on the comparison made by the Hon. Member for
Liverpool between the English and Irish Catholics, and
let the Right Mon. Gentleman right on that point. As
to the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just
sat down, he must allow him to say, that he took it in
the sense in which it was used on the occasion referred to,
and he owned he felt much convinced by the arguments
which it contained,

Mr. HUSKISSON was glad that the speech of his
Right Hon. Friend had been referred to, as it elicited that
illustration which had given so much satisfaction to the
House. He begged to set the Hon. Member opposite
right as to what he said on the subject of the English and
Irish Catholics. He had not made any comparison with
the view to the disparagement of the latter, but he had
said that if any opposition to this question grew out of
the conduct of the Irish Catholics, he hoped those with
whom the objection existed might be propitiated by the
moderate and unobtrusive conduct of the Catholics of Eng-
land, with reference to their grievances.

The petitions were then read. They were frotn the
Catholics of Yarm, Shepton-Mallet, and two other places,
and also one from the Catholics of England. The latter
was ordered to be printed.
Sir IL HARDINGE presented a petition from Stainton,
against any further concession to the Catholics. The gal-
lant officer would content himself with saying that he did
not agree in the prayer of the petition.
The Earl of UXBRIDGE presented petitions from
Anglesea, Holyhead, and some other places in Wales,
against further concession to the Catholics. The Noble
Lord, in stating his concurrence in the prayer of the peti-
tions, could not but express hie surprise and regret at the
measure which the Noble Duke at the head of the Govern-
ment had proposed to Parliament, more particularly after
the letter on the subject which he had written to Dr.
Curtis. He could not avoid expressing his decided opinion
that the Noble Duke had deceived both Protestants and
Catholics.

The petitions were read, and ordered to lie on the table.

SILK-TRADE.

Mr. FYLER moved that there be laid before the House
a return of all articles of silk, or of silk and other mate-
rials, imported into England (we did not collect within
what time), and also the amount of thrown and manufac-
tuted silk imported, and the amount of duty paid.
Mr. C. GRANT suggested that tie should insert in the
motion the words, " and taken out of the warehouses for
consumption."

With this amendment the Motion was agreed to.
EAST RETFORD DISFRANCHISEMENT BILL.
jur, TgNNYSON proposed his motion for the" intro-
duction of this Bill, from to-morrow (this day). For the
present lie would let it stand for Wednesday.