The Sun.
London, England, 1827-02-27 00:00:00

BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.

The SPEAKER having read the Order of the
Day for resuming the adjourned debate on this question,

Lord ALTHORPE said, that if this question had
come on on the day for which it was originally fixed, it was not
his intention to have stated his views at any length, or to have
entered into any prolonged discussion on a subject, the necessity
of applying some remedy to which he thought had been ad-
mitted by all sides; but from the little that had since passed, he
felt it now necessary to state the ground upon which he pro-
posed a corrective of the evils arising from bribery at Elections.
It was notorious that many boroughs were influenced solely
by bribery and corruption in the selection of the persons
whom they returned as Members to Parliament. It was no-
torious there were many boroughs where the voters received 5,
10, 20, 30, 40, and even as much as 501. each for their votes.
The existence, the prevalence of this practice was a disgrace
to any country which valued its honour and credit. It was
therefore the duty of the House to exercise all its vigilance in the
attempt to put it down. But it was objected against the ap-
plication of a new remedy that there were laws already in exist-
ence against such practices sufficient to meet the evil. True,
there were laws imposing heavy penalties upon those found guilty
of bribery at elections ; but was it not notorious that the prac-
tice still continued undiminished, notwithstanding the existence of
these laws 1 He was therefore obliged to conclude, that the general
laws against bribery were insufficient, and that some other remedy
was necessary. Many boroughs were exempt from the suspicion of
corruption; no body would suspect Shoreham or Aylesbury; and in
general counties were free from such an imputation. Nobody
suspected bribery in Yorkshire, though a vast deal of mo-
ney was spent there, but not for such a purpose. But
nobody doubted the prevalence of bribery in moat of the boroughs.
The difficulty was in discovering it, that the House might have
the opportunity of punishing it. The object of his motion was
to meet this difficulty, and render the discovery more frequent.
His Noble Friend (Lord John Russell) proposed some resolu-
tions on this subject at the close of the last Parliament, which
passed the House ; and, in the absence of his Noble Friend,
at the beginning of this Session he proposed to have them re-
ewbutthebeing n
obedience
e moret
theo sgterlozally
wtihs
ha n.;
of the
eerix poeucstee.d ,
Thebe
withdrew them
now on the table, he proposed to submit to the House
instead. The principle upon which he went in these resolutions was,
that when any petition was presented to the House, complaining
of bribery at an election, such :petition should be referred to a
Select Committee of twenty-one, appointed for the purpose, to
examine, and ascertain if a prima facie case of bribery were
made out, as would entitle it to be referred to the considera-
tion of the House. This course was exactly analogous to what
Grand Juries did. The Committee might be appointed in the
usual mode. It was suggested to him that instead of a Select
Committee, these petitions might be referred to a Committee of
privileges ; but composed as that Committee was, in the way most
likely to preserve its purity, yet the House had decided that it was
far from securing partiality. He thought it would be so far de-
sirable to submit such questions to them, that it would be a serious
evil. The House would observe that in his resolutions there was
no limitation of time to the presentation of petitions, nor was it
the general principle of our law that lapse of time should relieve
persons from the punishment due to crime. He was aware there
were exceptions to this principle, but he did not see why gross
bribery at elections should be one of them. However, if the
House should feel this an objection, he would not be unwilling to
meet its wishes, and amend it. The Noble Lord concluded with
saying, het
he w° 140 1
above
not
effect, detain
furaint the a
the House longer, and moved resolu-
tionsppointment of a Select Com-
mittee.

Mr. L. FOSTER said there could be no differ-
ence of opinion upon the necessity of putting down bribery and
corruption, where it was found to exist ; but all were not equally
agreed upon the 1110.4 by which such practices were to be re-
-I:;l4C.ot4illd'penaorl
pressed. Ou the fullest consideration, be mkt say, there was no
measure which should be received m"-itli more caution, or viewed
with more attention, in all its bearings, before the House, how-
upon a Committee than
gha:eilitt:pt;y7probation. A more iii-
evNi-deiroeuxscdtiteinnte
this, or a more painful duty and odious task opou the House than
its
.444-,:ion. He doubted much if any Members would like to be
the objects of cli9jela op such an occasion ; and if there were any,
they, of all others, were least fittedffj the appointment. A more
embarrassing question_a combination of more tinpleas4nt eircin-
stances-,:-could not be presented to the House than the choice of
such a Committee. 1:: the appointment of a tribunal upon which
so much responsibility devolved, ..;. great many objections might
be taken to almost every Member, and yet, who would have
boldness to- give them utterance ? If
i they were to adopt
the principle of selection pointed out n these resolutions,

they ought to retrace their steps, and no longer choose Elec;
tion Committees by chance. The Noble Lord said, there was an
analogy between this measure and Grand Juries. He owned he
was much surprized to hear this statement from the Noble Lord,
for the only point of resemblance he could trace between them
was, that the proceedings before both were ex-parte ; but there
was- this distinction—that in the case of Grand Juries there was
a corrective of the ex-parte statement ; the proceedings were pri-
vate, and were immediately followed by the investigation before a
Petty Jury. The proceedings before the Committee may conti-
nue a week or a month ; and before the final investigation by the
House, all that took place would transpire, and get into half the
newspapers of the country—he meant into that portion of them
whose-politics were opposed to those of the sitting Member. In
the course proposed by the Noble Lord this disadvantage would
arise to the accused, that he had not the right of objecting to
those who would be placed on his trial. The Noble Lord attempt-
ed to defend his proceeding on the ground of analogy between it
and the Committee of Privileges. But between the two there
was the reverse of analogy. One was, from its very nature, free
from the objections to which the other was peculiarly liable. It
was so large and vague in its constitution, as to admit of no ana-
logy with a Select Committee.—The Noble Lord having failed to
make out the shadow of a case resting upon facts, he should feel
it his duty to give his motion a negative.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL would endeavour, as far
as he was able, to answer the objections of the Hon. Member.
He stated his surprise at the proposition of his Noble Friend, as a
sufficient remedy against bribery was to be found in the House,
and the laws already in existence. In contending against the ar-
gument of the Hon. Gentlemau, he only asked the House if they
were not aware of what passed at almost every election—if there
were not numerous places which sent Members of Parliament upon
no other consideration than the more or less money they received ?
He need only appeal to what was stated in the public papers to
have occurred at a recent election, where bank-notes were openly
received by the voters, and boastingly placed in their hats, as the
wages of their iniquitous conduct. While such practices were
notorious, will it be said that the remedy now existing was
sufficient ; and that it was not incumbent upon the House,
if it valued its honour and reputation, to supply a more
efficient remedy than now existed, for the suppression of
such an evil. The only part of his Honourable Friend's pro-
positions which he objected to was that which related to the
instruction to be given to the Committee. These, he thought,
would materially diminish its efficiency. Yet allowances must
be made for introducing such qualifications, because he knew,
from experience, how difficult it was for a Member on his side of
the:House to carry his intentions into full effect.—(Hear, hear. )
The Hon. Gentleman who had spoke last, seemed to recommend,
that upon each particular case, a Committee of Members should
be appointed. Such a course, however, would be more invidious
than that proposed by his Noble Friend. These went to appoint
persons of sagacity and integrity for the whole Session to settle
disputed elections. This he knew would place them in a very
delicate and responsible situation, yet he was convinced no man
of learning and honesty would have any objection to accept it.
The Honourable Gentleman remarked, that the analogy drawn
by the Noble Lord between the proposed Committee and a
Grand Jury, was not correct, both as regarded the general
challenge, and the judicial powers of the Committee. If the
Honourable Member contended, that this Committee would
have a judicial power, and act independent Of the House, he
must have formed a very erroneous idea of it. Agreeing as he did
with the plan of his Noble Friend, he was sorry that he had added
the instruction to the proposition he intended to make. It would
be better to allow the case to go before an Election Committee
unshackled by any such instruction. If that were not the case,
the remedy would be neither good for securing to the rightful
owner his property in the borough, or checking bribery and cor-
ruption. He well knew, from experience, the difficulty which
any Member from his side of the House had to encounter in bring-
ing forward such a measure.--a(Hear, hear !)—Well might a Mi-
nister of the Crown, in the goodness of his heart, and after me-
ditating on his plan for months in his closet, bring it forward
in that House without difficulty or opposition. Secure as he
was, that it would receive calm discussion, and that he would
be backed by a great majority, and even by those Members
who, but ten years ago, had been denounced as Jacobins,
for attempting
,to improve the cruel and barbarous laws of
the last century.—(Loud cheers.)Praises had been heaped
upon him from all quarters, and even a distinguished Member of the
adverse party appeared to have ransacked the Dictionary for terms
of praise and congratulation—(Hear, hear !)—But far different
was the task which Opposition Members had to perform when
they brought forward any proposition they had to submit, to
culling and trimming of those on the other side. The Minister
of the Crown rejects:what another has approved.—(Hear, hear !)
—Members pn the other side, were strong in the consciousness of
their power—in the assistance which they received from all those
who would put an end to abuse and corruption, as well as from
the co-operation of the Crown Lawyers, in removing technical
difficulties; but all prospect of amendment coming from his side
of the House were nearly hopeless. Members were obliged to
make attempts again and again, without effect, till at last, baffled
and tired out, they gave up the task in despair, to the great in-
jury of the country, the continuation, the increase, the triumph of li
bribery, and the destruction of the best parts of our Constitution.
—(The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cheering.)
A MEMBER below the gallery, whose name we
could not ascertain, said there could be no doubt that corruption
and bribery were carried on, in many instances, to a great extent,
and that it was the duty of the House, when such cases were made
out, to visit them with severity. He had just received a letter
from a respectable inhabitant of the borough which he had the
honour to represent. It stated that, from his own knowledge,
the system of bribery was openly carried on, and that a great
-lumber of the voters received sums of money for their votes. Four-
teen days after the Member had taken his seat the miller of the
place went round to a great majority of the householders, and left
201. each for his vote. A great number made no secret of this,
but readily admitted that they had accepted the favours of the
miller, without any scruples of conscience ; and had not hesitated
to take the Bribery Oath, because it had not a prospective tendency.
Many of these voters were day labourers, and others so poor that
with great difficulty they could he kept off the parish, for the
purpose of enabling them to vote at the election. Whether
this statement was correct or not he could not say, but probably
the other member for the borough might be able
formation—(Laughter.) He would submit aiat to
this give
was
plan proposed )) the
Noble Lord would lie effectual or not he could not decide, but
certainly it would have a tendency to cheek such abuses.—(Hear,
‘a some n
a le
ca
which required investigation. in
se
Whether -
hear.)
Mr. WYNN said that whether such or such a
borough was corrupt and whether the law was defective were
very different questions. He believed the law was quite efficient,
and persons only were wanting to put it in effect. The penalty'
probably might be too low. He would not say that a fine of 5001.
was quite sufficient.
If it should, however, be found too small,
make it 1,0001. The great difficulty, however, was, in getting
persons to come forward as informers. For his part, he should
wish to see these laws much more frequently called into action
than they had been.

Sir JOHN NEWPORT considered some altera-
tion absolutely necessary to put an end to the present system.
Fourteen years ago he had proposed what he considered an effec-
tual remedy, that was to administer an oath not to the electors,
but the elected.—(Hear, hear.)--An oath administered at the
bar of that House, whether by themselves, or through others,
they had given money, made promises of offices, or employments,
or any offers of any kind, in order to obtain a seat.—(Hear, hear.)
—lf the House were in earnest, they could soon put an end to
corruption by adopting- such a course. In the measure which he
proposed formerly, so much had been altered, so much cut out,
that his object was entirely defeated. That object was to put an
end to all bribery, either by giving money or offices in order to
obtain a seat. If the motion of his Noble Friend were, however,
rejected, he pledged himself to move, this Session, for leave to
bring in a Bill exactly of that description which he had proposed
fourteen years ago, and which he considered absolutely necessary
for the purity of that House and the public good.
Mr. PEEL, after what had fallen from the Hon.
Baronet, respecting a better proposition which he had in view,
could not do less than refuse his assent to the proposed measures
of the Noble Lord—(Hear)—and would, on the ground of public
benefit, vote for their rejection. Before, however, making any
remarks on the general merits of the case, he would say a few
words in answer to what had fallen from the Noble Lord (Lord
J
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latter part of this statement he cordially agreed, and thought,
as he said formerly, nothing more honourable and gratifying than
the oblivion of all p
the approbation of the Noble Lord, and
arty on such an occasion as that alluded
to.
loifb3diqeeive4
Gentlemen on the opposite side of the H
ouse. He wad
even
proud to think that this was the case, as he might thus count on
the co-operation of all parties in effecting the proposed changes.
Although he Vas quite disposed to concur with the Noble Lord
in his approbation of those who acted with him, yet he could not
admit of the justice of the censure passed upon those whose views
coincided with his (Mr. Peel's). He could grant that there was
a disposition at that side of the House to resist whatever proposi-
tions proceeded from those Hen, Members whose general politics

were of an opposite character. The Noble Lord had referred in
the course of his observations to two individuals, to whom he (Mr.
Peel) could also refer as instances of the absence of the feeling
imputed to him and his colleagues—namely, the Noble Lord, the
originator of the present measure, and the Hon. Member for
Westminster. When the Hon. Member for Westminster sug-
gested the inexpediency of Officers of the Crown interfering in
the appointment of Special Juries, so far was he (Mr. Peel)
from resisting the measure because it proceeded from the other
side of the House, that he did actually himself bring in a
Bill to prevent any such interference being exercised.—(Hear,
hear, hear !)---And when the Noble Lord brought in a Bill to
facilitate the recovery of small debts, which met with a good deal
of opposition, he (Mr. Peel), instead of rejecting the measure
from the motives asiigned, supported it ; and the Noble Lord
having complained of
,the difficulties he encountered from the
want of official information and official aid, and requested him
(Mr. Peel) to undertake the measure, he gave no proof of a de-
sire to oppose it on the ground of its having emanated from a
Member at the Opposition side of the House; for his answer
was, that though unwilling to deprive the Noble Lord of the cre-
dit of the Bill, he was quite ready to afford him any assistance
in his power for its advancement.—(Hear, hear !)—Therefore
he could not join in the censure conveyed by the Noble Lord upon
those who co-operated with him (Mr. Peel). But while he con-
tended that it was most unfair and unjust to attribute to him and
, those whose sentiments he shared, a repugnance against measures
brought forward with a view to the reformation of abuses, on ac-
count of their having been brought forward by Honourable
Members at the Opposition side of the House, it would be equal
folly and equal weakness to suppose that they were bound to
admit detailed propositions of which they did not approve, merely
because they proceeded from the other side. The House was
called upon either to confirm or to reject the appointment of a
permanent Committee. It was painful to him either to oppose
or to reject it,. but he thought the latter the safer course. The
Noble Lord on the second bench said, that the tribunal would
partake of the nature of a Grand Jury that it was merely
to represent facts upon which the House would then exercise
its judgment. But how was this proposition borne out by the
resolution itself? The resolution concluded with the words—
" And that the said Committee shall report their opinion thereon
to the House." If the Committee were to report their opi-
nion, must not the argument of his Learned and Honourable
Friend behind him have great weight ? The House must in that
case come to the consideration of the question with their minds
biassed by the opinion of the Committee? And how was this
Committee to be constituted ? Ie was to consist, according to the
words of the resolution, of "Members the most remarkable for
probity, sagacity, and intellect." This, he must say, was a most
invidious distinction.—(Hear, hear.)--He would appeal to every
Gentleman in that House, whose constituents sent him, not as
conceiving him to'be endowed with peculiar faculties, but consi-
dering him upon a footing of equality with the individuals most
eminent for their talents, and as capable of exercising the privilege
of free debate, and of asserting their own unfettered opinions.
Again, lie was desirous to know whether it was proposed that the
proceedings before this Committee should be carried on at the expense
of the public or of the party—for this point, too, was left unset-
tled. Nor was any period of liability specified. What ! was
every Member to be exposed, for five years to come, if Parliament
should last so long, to the accusations of any man who should
choose to prefer charges without incurring any responsibility, or
subjecting himself to any penalty ? For any thing that he (Mr.
Peel) knew, the investigation might be conducted wholly at the
public expense. He was left in ignorance on this head. He re-
quired information. If the Noble Lord had proceeded by
Bill, he would have been obliged to enter into every neces-
sary particular. He (Mr. Peel) could not concur in the mea-
sure in its present form. He would rather wait for the propo-
sition of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Member for Berk--
shire had tendered an express invitation to him (Mr. Peel.) If
that Hon. Member would tell him that there was a borough in
which, six months after any election any' party went about with
201. notes, to pay electors for their votes, imagining that because
the 14 days were not expired, they could practise these arts with
impunity—if that Hon. Member would cite the Mayor and Cor-
poration of such borough, he (Mr. Peel) would take upon himself
to assert the privileges of the House, and, if a prima facie case of
corruption should be made out, he would consent that the miller
himself should be brought to the bar of the House, and would
institute as rigid an inquiry as was sought by this Resolution,
against which he now expressed his determination to vote...-.
(Hear, hear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL shortly explained.

Mr. RICHARD MARTIN said, that in confor-
mity with the course which he pursued, when the borough of
Gram
pound
l calledpresent subject. If
upon t furnished an
express
hisentimentsoccasion for
on discussion,the
he had no alternative, he would certainly vote for the resolution of
the Noble Lord, not because he considered it totally free front objec-
tion, but only because no better course was open to him. But
he called upon Hon. Gentlemen at his side of the House to pro-
pose some amendment, or bring forward some counter-resolution,
embodying such a measure as they would be willing to support.
But why, he would ask, confine this inquiry to boroughs? Why
should it not be extended to counties ? He knew a county in
which a Secretary of State, three days before the late election—
a Secretary of State—he was an under Secretary, though—
(Laughter.) Opened a bank in the entire county, to defray the
expenses—of whom ?--of his nominee. He (Mr. Martin) called
him his "nominee" because the Under Secretary called him
" his man."—(Laughter.) The person to whom he alluded, as
having acted thus, was the Marquis of Clanricarde, and he there
denounced him. In twenty days he would have an opportunity
of proving his charges before a Committee, and of applying for a
special report against that individual. The Members of the 'Go-
vernment, in concert with whom he had acted for forty years,
had, he conceived, been guilty of as objectionable conduct as the
individual of whom he complained. He would conclude with
begging of the Noble Lord to withdraw his resolution for the
present.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
said, that if the Hon. Member was entitled in his case, as he had
just brought it forward, to complain of the ingratitude of Minis-
ters in having become parties to the transactions against which he
protested—after his forty years' service, the Noble Lord opposite
could have but little reason to be grateful for the sort of support
which the Hon. Member had thought fit to lend to his proposition
founded upon such grounds. With regard to the representations
made by the Hon. Member, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
knew nothing of the manner in which the Galway Election had
been conducted; but he trusted that the House would do the
Noble Lord referred to, the justice to suspend its judgment upon a
charge,
h
from which
lf he had not at present the opportunity of de_
fending
Lord MILTON said, that the Right Hon. Secre-
tary appeared to have totally mistaken the object of the resolution.
The effect would not be to prejudice the party whose election should
become the subject of inquiry, and he was surprised to hear it
argued that there was no similarity between the functions of this
body, and the office of a Grand Jury. L the absence of any bet-
ter proposition, he (Lord Milton) would support the resolution of
the Noble Lord.
Mr. C. PELHAM, as we understood, supported
the motion of the Noble Lord (Althorpe.)
Mr. WYNN said, that the motion of the Noble
Lord would be a very great invasion of the regulations at present
existing. Ile was certainly aware that there might be cases in
which the operation of the law proposed by the Noble Lord might
be applied in a salutary manner. But the principle went to at-
tack a large class, which, in his opinion, would prevent the pro-
per distinction being made. The Right Honourable Gentleman
begged leave to move the following resolution as an amendment.—
" That all persons who may question any future return of a Mem-
ber to serve iu Parliament, and, in a petition to the House, shall
bring forward any distinct allegations of bribery and corruption,
and who shall in such petition allege the payment of any money
in furtherance of the election, and with the privity of such Mem-
ber, since his return ; then, in every such case, it may be lawful
to question the election of such Member in twenty-eight day*
after such payment, by petition to the Howie, or, if the House
be not sitting, in fourteen days after it shall commence its sitting..
Lord MILTON observed that the Resolution of
the Right Honourable Gentleman would be even a great improve-
ment on the present system, and very beneficial.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL made some observations
in support of the motion of his Noble Friend (Althorpe.)
Mr. WYNN said that the question was, where a
case came within tne scope of the present law respecting contro-
verted elections, the House should be left at liberty, where. byibevx
has been proved, to act as It thought proper, and.give a decision
should be final.

Mr. ABERCROMBY said that there wgs no dif-
ference between the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite and
his Noble Friend. It appeared to him that the House were una-
nimous for his Noble Friend. —(No, no, from the Ministerial side. )
Mr. BARING supported the motion of the Noble
Lord. He was convinced that when party feeling ran high in that
House, an impartial Committee could not he appointed.
Lord ALTHORPE, in reply, said, that the parti-
cular object he had in view was to afford a facility to the dis-
franchisement of corrupt boroughs. The Resolution 'of the Right

Hon. Gentleman did not reach this point; on that account he
considered his own proposition the more preferable of the two.
He did not include counties, from their ()Teat extent, and conse-
quent difficulty of obtaining proofs of bribery. lie thought, how-
ever, the Resolution of the Right lion. Gentleman, as far as it
went, would be an improvement to the existing regulations.

The Gallery was then cleared for a division, but the motion was
negatived without a division.
On our return to the Gallery we found Mr. Peel supporting
Mr. Wynn's Resolution, which he said was a restriction on the
Grenville Act. The proposition of the Noble Lord opposite went
so far as to repeal the existing Resolutions of the House. On the
contrary, the proposition of his Right Hon. Friend, which gave
twenty-eight days, was consistent with equity and justice, and a
great improvement on the existing law.
Mr. ABERCROMBY maintained that there was
no material difference of opinion on either side of the House, as
to the proposition of his Noble Friend.
Mr. HOBHOUSE said, that when the Right
Hon. Gentleman opposite had brought forward his proposition,
he (Mr. Hobhouse) would recommend his Noble Friend to with-
draw his opposition, for he (Mr. H.) did not see, if the .Resolu-
ton were adopted, that the transactions would be worse than they
were before.
Lord MILTON said that he thought there was no
substantial benefit arising from the proposition of the Right Hon.
Gentleman.
Sir G. LAMB said, that the Resolution of the
Right Hon. Gentleman involved nothing beneficial whatever.
He would prefer the motion of his Noble Friend, the Member for
Northampton (Lord Althorpe.)
Lord J. RUSSELL wished to know from the Rt.
Hon. Gentleman what lie (Mr. Wynn) would propose to be
done,__ in case of the general corruption of a borough ?
Mr. WYNN said that he only meant to go into an
inquiry, and let the Huse deal with them as it might think
Proper.
Lord MILTON thought, as the resolution stood,
it would be impossible to prevent it having an unjust ex post
facto operation, and that there was a material omission ; for
though "money or reward" were spoken of, it did not guard
against giving or promising places in the Custom-house or else-
where.

Mr. R. MARTIN said, according to the Noble
Lord, not one word was mentioned about counties ; so that in
counties there might be corruption without—
Mr. C. WYNN interrupted the Hon. Member, ob-
serving that by so doing he might save the time of the House.—
The Resolution was general ; it applied to boroughs, towns, or
countiee.

Mr. R. MARTIN said, if he were wrong, the
fault was the Noble Lord's, not his. The Noble Lord had led him
into error by declaring that counties were omitted ; but the Right
Ron. Gentleman (Mr. Wynn) had no right to call him to order ;
he had not been out of order, and he was ready to take the sense of
the House on the question whether he had been out of order or
not—(a laugh)—whether he or the President of the Board of Con-
troul had been most out of order.—(Continued laughter.)—The
President of the Board of Controul had had a rap at him, but let
that Right Hon. Gentleman get up and say iu what he had been
out of order.—(Laughter, and " Question, question.")—Ques-
tion ! no ; he must proceed, and he denied having been out of or-
der, though he had been called to order.
Mr. C. WYNN said he had not intended to dictate
to the Hon. Member : he had only thought he might be saving
the time of the House by mentioning that the resolution would be
of general operation, and not limited to boroughs and towns.—
(Hear, hear.)
Lord MILTON said he had two verbal amend-
ment', to propose-1. To leave out the word " future ;" and, 2,
after " any payment of money," to add " or gift, or place, or em-
ployment, or other reward."
Mr. FERGUSON thought it would be very pro-
Pet to adjourn the further consideration of this question.—(Hear,
hear, and no, no).
The Gallery was then nearly cleared for a division, but none
took place.
Lord MILTON (in reply to some remark from
lir. Wynn, as to ex-post facto operation) thought the difficulty
might be obviated as to the wording, by setting forth that pre-
vious to a particular day, no promises had been made, &c.
Mr. Secretary PEEL considered that this would be
most objectionable amendment, for it would be in reality recog-
nizing on the part of the House that such promises were legal.—
(Rear, hear.)
'The first amendment of Lord Milton was then put and nega-
tived. The second amendment having been put,
Mr. WYNN was not very well satisfied with the
Wording of the amendment; it might be made to extend to some
Promise given after a :Member's return, and thus he made to affect
such return.
Lord MILTON remarked, that if it were illustra-
tive of the practice of the place, it might be evidence of general
corruption.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER

said there would be some injustice in inferring general corruption
from an individual Act ; in pronouncing against a whole borough,
because one elector might have been regardless of duty and pro-
priety.
_ .

Mr. SCA.RLETT observed, that he was the firm
advocate of some such resolution as that now proposed to the
House; but any resolution of the kind ought to have the amplest
consideration:
Sir R. WILSON thought, that if the Hon. Gent.
had heard the whole of the discussion, he would not have required
any adjournment. As for himself, he wished to see all possible
reform effected in that House ; and he should be very glad if
every election were as pure as that for the borough which he had
the honour to represent.—(A laugh.)
After much desultory remark, as to the propriety of adjourn-
ment, the debate was adjourned to Friday next.
MUTINY AT BARRACKPOOR.
IVIr. HUME, having been called by the Speaker,
:he? rose ; but he was unable to proceed for some minutes, owing
to the noise and confusion created by Members at all parts of the
House leaving their seats.
I do not know, Sir, (VII.. HUME was at last
enabled to !ay), whether, at this late hour I ought to pro-
c ' as it is now past eleven o'clock.—(Cries of " Go
°n'' amidst much confusion, at the bar in particular, with excla-
mations
from the
Speaker of " Order at the bar.")—l am
most anxious to oon 'resumed Mr. Hume, after considerable
g
ti
intern'
the Rouse ; but I hope, if lam desired to go on, after
Le -"on* has _been exhausted by six or seven hours' attendance
to another debate, I shall be indulged with a fair hear-
log' The question was one of great importance —of
considerable consequence to our foreign possessions. (Ir-
efeaaed confusion in the House.)—lt" is impossible for me to pro-
ceedamidst so much noise; and I do not expect that justice could
done to a discussion of this question proceeding before an ex-
hausted House, and after eleven o'clock. The discussion could
not be brought within a reasonable period.—(Cries of " Go on,
°t on ! )—Well, as I am desired to go on, I shall state the ques-
_cm as shortly as possible.—(Cries of " Order at the bar," and
amidst all this noise.--(Cries of "Go on.") The question is of
Ine
th greatest
i
- importance ; 'it affects 200,000 men in arms in
ui4 (Increased noise, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and
various other Members leaving their seats.)—The subject is one
of the other
importance, and one that it will be impossible
Properly to discuss amidst so much noise and confusion ; I shall
f e postpone it.—(Cries of Go on !")—No, I shall post-
Pone it till March 6.—Postponed
o
accordingly.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
Po‘tPuu
Fed
ridtha esencoexnd reading of the Duke of Clarence's Annuity
Bill till t.
Sir John Seybright!ll.lr:
Sir 11. 8,
Mr. Gordon,
Lord Barnard, Mr. Bernal,
ston, spoke severally 6nthe on, Mr. Martin, and Lord Palmer-
:s.ubject in debate.
General DUFF
said, the west wind as to (If that it was as easy to chain
manage British soldiers without corporal
punishment.
Mr. GEORGE LA
homo in ante sus was maxime erMB sand, that although Quailsmedielindus, yet he could no more
cal matters from the Clergy, or in legala
look for reform in the anzy from
military than in ecclesiasti-
tying
a man up
the lawyers.
ieiobody could persuade him that the
up to the hal-
berts, and flogging him in the presence of his
fellows, was not a
degradation.
Colonel WOOD contended
that this punishment
was indispensable in the militia.
After a few words from General HART, the House •
divided,
when there appeared—.
For bringing up the clause I6—Against it b7—Majority 41.
The House then resumed.
Sir ALEXANDER GRANT brought up the
Report, Nyhich was ordered to be taken into consideration to-
morrow. -
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of.
Adjourned at Half-past One.

Zbe

LONDON,
TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 27, 1827.

We have received the French Papers of Saturday
and the Etoile dated Sunday. The latter contains
accounts from Constantinople to the 27th January,
previous to which time a new conspiracy had been
discovered in that hot-bed of sedition and sleepless
terror. It is said that the ramifications of this con-
spiracy were very extensive, and that as a necessary
consequence of fresh disobedience, the executions and
banishments had recommenced with more severity than
ever. The rage of the SULTAN had not been appeased
for 15 days, during which great sacrifice of human life
was considered necessary to the stability of his Throne.
It must rally be a fearful state of things where the
power of the Government requires such exterminating
measures to enforce obedience. Either the people
must be very worthless, or the Government so-intoler-
able, that endurance is considered worse than' risking
death by rebelling against its authority. It is now
eight months since the SULTAN introduced his
measures of reform, and judging by the continued
succession of plots and ruthless severity conse-
quent thereon, the SULTAN is not more secure on his
throne than before he commenced his system—so
difficult is it to introduce any material change into the
manners of a people wedded to ancient prejudice and
superstition. The river may be diverted from its
course, but to purify the stream is almost impossible.
The news from Greece continues to be very favourable
to the cause of liberty. The Greeks are now said for
certainty to have raised the siege of Athens, and that
KARAISKAKI, at the head of eight thousand men, is
marching to Missolonghi, which place the Greek
fleet is to attack by sea. KARAISKAKI is said to'have
defeated three thousand Turks at Valizza near the Grotto
of Ulysses, where the Turks lost one thousand killed,
besides a rich convoy of a thousand horses, which
fell into the hands of the Greeks. The situation of
'BRAT-um was considered critical, as his force had
been so reduced, that he was unable to resume active
operations until he received reinforcements either from
Constantinople or Egypt. We trust that the timely
arrival of Lord COCHRANE will prevent the one, and
the conspiracy at Constantinople the other. His
Lordship is stated to have sailed from Marseilles in
the Unicorn.

The Chamber of Deputies is still occupied in dis-
cussing the law on the Press. The amendments are
contested with great obstinacy, and generally the
liberal party prevails. On one occasion the Mi-
nisters were left in a small minority, having two-
thirds of the chamber against them.
The affair of MAL BREUIL has just terminated in his
conviction. He has been sentenced to five years' im-
prisonment, to pay a fine of 500 francs—to be ten
years under the surveillance of the police, and to give
3,000 francs security :

(From the Etoile. )
AFFAIR or M. MAUBILEIJIT,.

" It is needless to say that this cause had attracted a great
number of auditors.
" Before 11 o'clock M. de Maubreuil was brought into Court.
He is a man about 41 years of age : his button-hole is decorated
with the red riband ; he appears ill, and his language is incoherent.
" The Counsel,' said he to the President, as soon as the
Judges ha taken their seats, 'the Counsel commissioned to de-
fend me has betrayed me ; I am destitute of means of defence.—
I conjure all the Counsel who hear me, to lend me their assistance.
The one whom I had chosen, has seized upon my papers ; he
has written, to M. Talleyrand. I ant ignorant of all this; I
have not been able to write to my family. If my defence is pa-
ralyzed—if the horrible means are employed against me that have
already been used, what' would you have me do? I have confi-
dence in M. Teste : he is a man of talent and of great probity.
" The President.—First of all we must know your name.
"M. de Maubreuil.l.-You are M. Dufour. You have had me
dragged before you bound with ropes. Will you permit me to
write to my sister, and to bring a complaint against my Counsel ?
" The President.—We must proceed regularly : tell us your
name.
" Maubreuil. you have the goodness to hear my com-
plaint ?
" The President.—l will receive all the papers that you think
fit to communicate to me;' but we must first prove the identity of
the person brought before the Court.
" Maubreuil.—ls not M. Talleyrand there?
"The President.—Your name?
" You know my name, I have told you.
" M. Desportes de Lusson, the King's Advocate.—lf you have
any complaints to make, we will hear them ; but first of all tell
us your name.
" Maubreuil.—My name is Marie Armand de Guery de Mau-
breuil. I am 41 years of age, and was born at Maubreuil.
" The Court now proceeded to bear the witnesses. In the course
of the examination Maubreuil confessed that he had formed the
design to insult Prince Talleyrand, and repeated the story of his
having been sent for by Talleyrand on the 2d of April, 1824, who
promised him 200,000 francs, and the title of Lieutenant-General,
and
gave him the infamous mission to assassinate Napoleon and
all his family.
Th. e result of the trial was, that the accused was found guilty
of
the taCtS laid to his charge, and as he had acted with premedi-

tation, and considered that Maubreall has already been condemned
to more than one year's imprisonment, the Court sentenced him
conformably to the 56th article of the Penal Code, to five years'
imprisonment, 500 francs fine, 10 years' surveillance of the police
after the expiration of his imprisonment, and 3,000 francs security."
FRENCH FUNDS—Five per Cents., 101 f. 45c. ; Three per
cents., 69f. 35c. ; Bank Stock, 1,980 f. ; Naples Stock, '7sf. 30c. ;
Royal Spanish Loan, 53i. ; Exchange on London, one month,
25f. 40c. ; three months, 25f. 20C.

The arrival of a Lisbon Mail has brought us Lisbon
Gazettes to the 18th inst. These Papers contain further
particulars of the operations of the army under VILLA
FLOR and the Marquis DE ANGEJA, who have pursued the
rebels to the frontiers of Gallicia, where the Spanish militia
not only protected the fugitives, but allowed them to fire
upon the Constitutional troops. This conduct naturally
excited the indignation of VILLA FLOR, who intended
next day to apply to the Spanish Authorities, demanding
that the Rebels-should be immediately disarmed, and also
requiring satisfaction for the hostile conduct of the
Spaniards.

A great number of soldiers had returned to their allegi-
ance from the dispersed army of the rebels. But it was
suspected that considerable numbers of the rebels still
maintained themselves in Tras-os-Montes. The British
troops had arrived Coimbra, on the sth.
In the Chamber of Peers a message had been presented
to the Princess Regent, praying that she would forward to.
DON PEDRO their petition, beseeching him to send over
the Queen, though in her minority, as the only means of
quieting the factions which now distract the kingdom.
In the Chamber of Deputies, Senhor CLAUDINO said,
with great truth, that in times "of civil war the flame of
Revolution had never been quenched by mild and moderate
measures, and he therefore proposed the adoption of a
law visiting summary punishment on the rebels.—
His proposition was received with so much enthusiasm,
that the Chamber interrupted him by acclamation. Cer-
tainly nothing has tended so much to the insolence of the
rebels and to the spread of opposition to the Constitutional
Government, as the culpable lenity exercised towards the
disaffected by the executive. If the Government bad been
more prompt in its measures, and more decisive in its reso-
lution to show no mercy to parties professedly inimical to
the Constitution, the spirit of rebellion would long ere now
have been utterly extinguished. But while the Govern-
ment parleys with those whom it should annihilate, what
else could it expect but contempt for its authority, and
renewed treason to its power. They ought not to forget
that there can be no compromise between the rebellious
advocates of a tyrannical system and the asserters of a
liberal Constitution, founded upon the downfall of the
despotic Government. Those who profitted by the ex-
istence of the old system can never forgive the partisans
of the new, and though a certain forbearance should be
shown, yet considerations of mercy should not so far pre-
vail as to endanger the existence of the new order of things.
Lenity from the powerful is received as mercy—from the
weak it is only considered as the symptom of fear, and is
sure to provoke treason where it was meant to conciliate
affection.

"LISBON, FEB. 14.—" The Gaiettes of the 12th and 13th
contain no news from the army.
" A despatch from the Marc.uis de Angeja, dated from Sande,
Feb. 6, give some details of his operations in pursuit of the ene-
my, whom, however, he did not overtake, only making a few
stragglers prisoners.
" Another despatch from the same General, dated Barca, Feb.
7, gives an account•of the capture of a considerable quantity of
baggage, a howitzer (a three-pounder), 92 men (of various regi-
ments, including three sergeants), and three waggons, with of-
ficers' baggage, and with papers, &c. belonging to the 21st regi-
ment, which was there commanded by the ex-Lieutenant Colonel
Francisco Nunes de Andrade, the whole force being completely
routed.

" WAR-OFFICE, FEB. 12.

" OFFICIAL COMINIHNICATI9NS RECEIVED THIS DAY.
" The rapidity with which the General Marquis d'Angeja and
Conde de Villa nor pursue the rebels, has not allowed them to
send the details of the several actions in which they have routed
them : they are flying towards Gallicia in all directions, and part
of our troops are advancing by Moneao in their support.
" The Governor of Valenta writes from that place on the 7th,
and says—' The rebels having been beaten at the bridge of the
Prado, retreated to Berea, and were there again beaten with con-
siderable loss. They retreated in disorder by the road of Arcos, to
St. lon de Longos Valles, to take, by Malgaco, the road to Gal-
licia. To-day, the volunteers of the King, Don Pedro IV., and
some militia, captured two 3-pounders, 9,500 musket cartridges,
and all effects, also eleven soldiers of different corps, 19 drivers, a
woman, and two children. General Azeredo writes from La-
mego,
on the 9th, that the Captain and Serjeant of Villa Nova de
Fos Cao had, with the assistance of the inhabitants, repulsed
a Guerilla party that came from Minecorso, with the in-
tention of plundering. They took, however, a Captain of
militia of Francozo, who commanded the Guerilla, with fire
of his men ; three were killed, and the rest fled to Spain, by the
road of Truxeneda. Brigadier Jose Correa de Mello writes from
Berea, on the 7th instant, that having been ordered on the sth by
the Marquis d'Angeja, to attack the bridge of Porto, which the
rebels occupied with 400 infantry and two cannon, the latter fled
without waiting for the attack. The General having caused the
bridge to be repaired, pursued the rebels on that day, and the
next beyond St. Joao de Campos, which' is only half a league
from Gallicia, and succeeded in taking their artillery—viz. one
cannon and one howitzer, 32 men of different corps, and three
baggage-waggons. The escort was commanded by Lieutenant-
Colonel Andrade. The regiments of infantry, Nos. 12, 15, and
15, the Cacadores, Nos. 10 and 11, and some cavalry, the forces
employed by the General, and he particularly praises the Cacadores.
" The Gazette of the 15th has no news from the army. The
Gazette of the 16th has an article from the War-office, dated the
containing extracts9thf
r oo
ifu\i despatchesgaco_} ;
froms iti The e alrwqrto tti se
d:eAs tnegi:deja
who a
from Valadores, I marched with my troops to Malgaco to convince
lst h ,
writes
n the
t
myself whether the rebels had entered Spain or not, and what was
behaviour of the Spanish authorities on the frontiers, and I
yesterday sent a letter to the Governor of Tuy, calling on him to
disarm the rebels who had entered his district. I have not yet
received his answer, but I know that the Marquis de Chaves entered
rGalliciagreater
i )onbat
part
tb
eF of a
hise s
easy , a
atcvocal
roat
undertakep, a
bte d l
in
any bysomes uen h disorder
e winfantry,
and n
operations, and bt yw,
that
the
-t
it will
standing the soldiers affirm that they go by Montalegrend Chaves
to the province of Tras-os-Montes. I this evening sent a strong
party to reconnoitre beyond St. Gregorio, the last Portuguese
town. The guerillas made much resistance ; they were driven by
a heavy Ere of the Caqadores, and charges of cavalry, into the
Spanish territory, where two or three companies of the Militia of
Gallicia were posted, who openly protected them, allowing them
to fire for a considerable time. _

" I intend to apply to-morrow to the Spanish Authorities, to
demand that these guerillas and soldiers shall be immediately dis-
armed, and also to require satisfaction for the hostile conduct to-
wards us to-day.'
" The Gazette of the 17th contains at full length the official
account of the defeat of the rebels on the sth, sent by the Mar-
quis d'Angeja, dated Braga, the 13th of February.
" General Stubbs writes from Oporto on the 13th, and the
Governor of Valenta on the 10th,--., That a great many sol-
diers, of various regiments in the army of the rebels, had volun-
tarily surrendered, and it was hoped that the greater part of
the four regiments, 21st, 9th, 6th, and Sd, would follow their
example.' "