The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-02 00:00:00

`'tjtje

LONDON :
TUESDAY MOTtNING, AUGUST 2, 1842.

The, old spy, informer, and betrayer system, to which
we yesterday adverted in our Second Edition, was
brought under the notice of the House of Commons last
night. Mr. SHELL asked Lord ELIOT some questions on
the subject, and the answers of the Noble Lord were,
that he was aware of lIAcAN being in confinement, and
that he had made communications which had led to the
apprehension of individuals. He was not aware that
HAGAN had been employed to administer unlawful oaths
after he had given his evidence. But while the Noble
Lord admitted that so to employ HAGAN was oljoctien-
able, he was of opinion that crimes arising out of secret
societies could only be proceeded against-, by Vie evident e
of an approver.
Lord ELIOT is wrong. If murder or rebellion arise
from secret societies, the persons guilty of them may be
convicted without an approver. As long as the crime,
such as the mere administering an unlawful oath, remainr
secret—as long as it has no public bad consequences, it
cannot be ascertained, it cannot be even known, but by ths,
instrumentality of the approver. There is a distinction
between crimes, per se, which are in some way public
and known injuries, and mere offences against some
ill •contrived statutes. To employ men to find out
hidden offences, to convict other men on their evidence
of a mere offence against a statute, which, not being an
offence or injury against any human being, remains,
its own nature, secret and unknown, is to employ reel
to promote crimes, and is, let us tell Lord ELIOT and the
Irish Government, a much greater crime than becominp
a member of a secret society. The latter may lead to re
injury whatever; the former is in spirit, if not in words,
perjury, treachery, and inflicts injury to the person pu-
nished on such evidence.

We deeply regret to see Lord ELIOT defending such 11
palpable inquiry, which would be a disgrace to any Go-
vernment. We had hoped that no Government in any
part of this country would descend so far below the leve;
of the general morality. There is no occasion for it; u
is a t ratuitons revival in Ireland of the horrid blood-
inoney system, that erewhile prevailed in England. It is
a species of legal burking, by which, for a few shilling,::
or a few pounds, a man is sold unto death by the forms.
of law. We see no purpose it answers, except it may
assuage the Orange lust for blood, and gratify the jour-
nals of the parry, by creating the crimes of which they
maliciously accuse their Catholic countrymen.

If the Government of Ireland make itself subservien!
to the Orange party, and re-adopt its old, iniquitous, ant:
brutal acts, we must retract the opinion and the praise
we some time ago bestowed on it. We said then that i.

was not the Executive Government, but the Legislature,
which was in general to blame. The law, I% e wa'
administered justly and mercifully, but the law itself i
unjust, brutal, and bloody. It expresses, in most cases.
the ignorant inhumanity of a past age, and is worse that
the living race of men. In carrying it into execution,
therefore, they temper it by their own humanity. Wert
the heavy yoke of our progenitors not lightened by living
kindness, it would be wholly unbearable. If, however.
the Irish Government is now to carry into execution
Orange law, by hiring or bribing ruffians to betray vic-
tims into crime, and if Orange Judges are to expound
that law more according to the principles of the cruel
oppressors who framed it than to the enlightened prin-
ciples of our own time, then will the Executive be as Lad
as the law of a past and ignorant age. Insurrection Acts
will, in that case, speedily be called for to put down re-
newed outrages, and Ireland will relapse into its former
insecure and unprosperous condition.

" In a Parliamentary Report relative to the sanatory
regulation of towns, it is observed, that where there are
children of both sexes mere decency requires four rooms
—three for sleeping, and one for daily use. These are
the least that is sufficient to afford to an average family
the house-room necessary for decency." But we showed
on Saturday that through a great part of the agricultural
districts, and in a large part of our towns, the population
live huddled in cellars, or eaves, or single rooms, render-
ing decency impossible, and puzzling the imagination, as
the Bei,. Dr. GILLY says, to know how the inhabitants
avoid unutterable horrors. " You may give," said a work-
ing mason, as qufAed at a late meeting of the North umber
land Agricultural Society, " all the advantages you can
to a hind's cottage, you can never give anything which
is so great. as that of a second apartment." With proper
notions of what is due to the other sex, this working
mason stated that the second apartment was wanted as
a sacred af;ylutu for the females of the house. Such r.
remark proves how justly the people appreciate what de-
cency requires, and how completely, yet, the hinds of
Northumberland are compelled to house all their family
in one room. There is scarcely a log-hut in the United
\SiitekiailtlPicat.not supply more accommodation than
42
"..--;tim_bevo,transia by a peasant and industrious artizan
7i-ii*nglait..-;`., >a
W-hateauTonr 'slators, our Lord ASHLEYS, our
Captairt-EiTztois , d others, who interfere continually
~ r ,
with
,thepeetile,i-:-say/ to the indecent manner in which
they are 104%0;14'6y have no right to plead ignorance
of the 'facts-that the hinds of Northumberland and Dor-
ham. nreciowcit4 with their families in to one room, and that

the weavers of Manchester have only damp and ill-ven-
tilated, ill-lighted caves to dwell in, because they are
bound to know with complete and minute accuracy the
condition of all those for whom they make laws. If they
he ignorant, what shall we say for their excessive pre-
sumption ; if they be not ignorant, what excuse can be
assigned for their scandalous neglect ? As long as they
interfere with the occupations and rewards of the people,
they must be regarded as responsible for most of the
evils to which the people are exposed, and must be
blamed for the unhealthy and indecent manner in which
the people are lodged..
The object of those Bills which .were introduced into
Parliament, both last session and this session, was to
throw on the Parliament the onus of ordaining a com-
plete system of drainage for every town of the empire.
It must also look to the sewerage, to all kinds of cleanli-
ness or filth, and be responsible for removing from E -
cie ty every cause of disease. At least that seems to
the object of those who call on the Parliament to perform
these duties, and who compile books, like the Reports
drawn up by the Secretary to the Poor-law Commission-
ers, to show how much disease is caused by the neglect
of cleanliness, drainage, and ventilation. Such a vast
extension of the duties of Parliament, though not justi-
fied by its present neglect, will naturally increase the
anxiety of the people to obtain an influence over it.

If those who desire so much to extend its duties de-
fend its present ignorance, or its present neglect, as L
sometimes done, by alleging the rapid increase of our
population, we must state that the tendency of population
to increase is as well known a fact as the tendency of a
stone to fall to the earth. For all its consequences the
lawmakers are hound, as long as they interfere with
trade, to provide. The increase of population is a
law of nature, which lies at the bottom of all social
phenomena. The progress and decay of nations is little
more than the increase and decrease of people. For
their well-being a continual increase of comfortable
houses, of food and of clothing, is indispensable, and
the Legislature which prescribes where and how they
they shall labour, with whom and how they shall trade,
makes itself responsible to provide all these things.
The people, however, are starving ; the people are
badly lodged ; the people are in rags ; in fact the
Legislature does nothing for them. It expects them to
provide all things for themselves, and a revenue for the
State into the bargain. At the same time it will not
allow free scope for their exertions. It even takes from
them the means of providing for themselves. It makes
no provision to stop the increase of people ; nay, it
opens our ports to riff-raff and ragamuffins from all
nations, as our streets testify, but it shuts the ports
against supplies of food and against the materials for
building houses. Either it ought to stop the increase
of people, or it ought to supply them with food, houses,
And clothing, or it ought not to interfere with thir
occupations, and then it would not be responsible either
for the increase of the people or the manner in which
they are fed, lodged, and clothed. Their present con-
dition on these points, generating both moral and phy-
sical pestilence, speaks trumpet- tongued against the un-
bounded pretensions of our law-makers.

The writ for Ipswich was last night ordered to be
postponed till the evidence taken before the Election
Committee is laid on the table of the House of Commons.
For the second time within two months have the elec-
tions for Ipswich been set aside on account of bribery.
That, however is only an exemplification of the general
character of the borough. For years it has been con-
tinually bought and sold. In spite, however, of its
general notoriety, and of the late decision which un-
7ieated Mr. RENNIE and Mr. Wasox, the 'lonics, headed
by Sir B. PEEL, persisted in issuing the writ, inviting a
repetition of the bribery, while they withheld the issue
of the writ for Nottingham. They are the real authors
f the renewed bribery. Their conduct was not dictated
'ay principle, and were we to mention the motives and
hopes which influenced them, we should be accused of
want of charity. We leave them, therefore, to be
imagined by our readers. Our principal object in re •
erring to this matter, however, is to point out the in-
herent and incurable vice of the system, not to select one
political party for reproaches. Both are only too willing
to corrupt and debase the people. Such a radical disease
.t,s continual corruption, indicates the want of a radical
!tire; and to expect that from bribery laws, passed by those
Arembers of Parliament who combine to cause the
lisease, is like looking to the action Of accumulated filth
And increasing nuisance to cure the typhus, that always
at this season prevails more or less in our crowded
towns.

We hope that Mr. COBDEN does not mean, by the
iuestion he is to ask to-night concerning some ships
itting out in the river for Mexico, to interpose any ob-
,tacle to our people supplying the Mexicans with vessels
war, and men to fight them, if they be so inclined.
Why not free trade in shipbuilding and soldiering as
,vell as in corn ? Of course, if our countrymen enter
:nto such a service, they give up all claim to protection
:corn our Government ; and, as long as they do not serve
its enemies, we know no reason why the law should
turbid them to serve Mexico any more than Texas. We
Amid regret to see Englishmen fighting against English-
men, for that would very often be the nature of the
contest; but without going the whole length of forbidding
our people to enter into any foreign service or supply any
state with vessels of war, we know not how that is at all
Imes to be prevented. It may be right to ascertain what
he Government knows of the fitting out of these vessels,
ight to inform it that English officers, whom it may with
dropriety forbid to enter into such a service, are about
.o command Mexican vessels ; but, we think no free-
rader can, with propriety, interfere with the trade of
)uilding and supplying vessels of war, any more than
vith the trade of building and supplying locomotive

The news received from Germany last night is, com-
mercially, of some importance. The cotton-spinners there
are exerting themselves after the fashion of our land-
ords as to corn, to procure additional heavy duties on
!otton yarn and cloth imported. It is, however, added,
hat they are not likely to succeed. We fear, however,
the bad example which England now sets will be
very g-cnerally followed.

Every day reveals some atrocious proceeding on the
part of the Irish Government. The old spy system,
which flourished in Ireland during the rebellion of 1798,
s revived under the auspices of Lord DE GREY and Mr.
BLACKBURN, whose agents first make Ilibbonmen, and
:hen transport them. The infamy of these tools of a
•orrupt Government was exposed, in all its revolting de-
ormity, at a late trial of persons accused of the crime of
;tibbonisto at Armagh. Five of them were found guilty
m the evidence of a spy, named HAGAN, and a policeman
timed Cox, and sentenced to be transported for seven
;ears. Mr. WHITESIDE, a liberal Tory, defended the
„,risoners, and denounced the conduct of the Govern-
nent as atrocious. In his cross-examination the spy
HAGAN gave the following account of himself. We
;note his evidence from that really Ldependent journal,
Newry Examiner:—
" I took the temperance pledge, but broke it on the 'doe-.
ror's authority ;' I kept it as honestly as Father Mathew for a
year. I was nabbed' in September last. I was eight days in
• crib.' The first I spoke to about Ribbonism, alter I was
necked,' was Constable Johnston, and told him to go for the
Provost of Sligo, which he did. When I had conferred with

hat gentleman, I was let out on heavy bail. After that I
Mended meetings, made passwords, Ribbonmen, and all that.
I made Ribbonmen by the hundreds. The police knew that
vas the business I went on. I was ' out' from September
ill February. I did not expect to be wanted by
•he police till about Patrick's Day—till the assizes
time. When I returned, I told them about the
,neetings. By the word them,' I mean Mr. Faw-
cett, Provost of Sligo, and the Magistrates. While I
was out of gaol, I concocted about SIXTY-SIX RIBBON
PAPERS, AND SCATTERED THEM ♦BOOT as well as I could.
7'he Magistrates knew all this. During the time I wrote
several letters to people, and got answers. I took the oath of
the Society, once, twice, thrice, four times—aye, fourteen
times—l had no further to go, or I would have sworn, more.
I AM THIS MOMENT BREAKING THEM ALL. I get my sup-
dolt from the Government. My conscience stretches some-
times. During the six months I was out I was as busy as ever
it the old trade.'" "I WROTE THE RIBBON LETTERS,
&C., DISTRIBUTED THEM, AND CANVASSED RIBBONMEN,
UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE MAGISTRATES, but not of
the police; the former were perfectly aware of what I was
doing."

Tile Government which employs such a wretch as this
to make criminals, for the purpose of prosecuting them,
covers itself with infamy. No honest, impartial man
could believe him on his oath. In the policeman Cox,
the other witness, he found a worthy colleague. Cox in
his cross-examination said :

• " I told the party that I ;vas from Termonbarry, in the
county Roscommon. That was a lie. I told other lies on the
occasion. It was another lie to say that a man from Stokes-
'own was to have met me there. I may have told other lies
,hen. /think it quite right to tell the lies. It would not an-
swer me tell the truth always. 1 consider it was only my duty
to tell the lies. When it comes in my way as a policeman, I
-lon't think much about telling a lie. The public good can only
•he effected by that."

Cox has evidently imbibed the Machiavellian spirit of
,he Irish Government. He believes with the author of
,he " Prince," and Mr. Attorney-General BLACKBURN,
:hat the public good is only to be effected by lies, and so
ue tells them, and swears them, and transports those
who are credulous enough to believe him. Except in
Russia there is not, out of Ireland, a Court of Justice in
Europe in which the testimony of such monsters
would convict any man of a crime to which
penalty of five shillings attached. But under
the parental Government of Lord DE GREY,
their evidence is sufficient to send scores of Roman
Catholics to Norfolk Island. Judge CRAMPTON, who
presided at the trial, admitted that the conduct of
the witness, HAGAN, as described by himself, was
" strange," and " at variance with the spirit of the

Christian religion," but he did not tell them, as we con-
tend it was his duty to have done, that these witnesses were
not to be believed upon their oath. Mr. WHITESIDE well
exposed the base conduct of the Government in em-
ploying such wretches to betray innocent men into
crime for the purpose of prosecuting them. We regret
that we can only make room for the following extract
from his speech :
"I never knew that it was the duty of any:Government not to
use their most strenuous, their incessant, their undivided exer-
tions to guard against the perpetration of crime, but rather to
make criminals, in order that they might show their vigilance
in the punishment of the offenders of their own creation.
hiever,•knew that a Government could not only tolerate,
out absolutely sanction the mission of a tutored spy, who
was let out on the people in order to entrap into his
wiles the innocent and the unwary. Many have doubted
the propriety of receiving the evidence of a villain steeped
in crime—a monster, who feared not, it might be, to
embrue his hands in the blood of his fellow-man, or (as in
the present case) who was a participator, according to his
own admission, in the offence with which the prisoners at the
bar are charged—l say many have doubted the propriety of
employing the evidence of that corrupt accomplice against
the life and liberty of his fellow-man. However, I do not
question it, nor do I object to juries acting on such testimony,
provided it receive full corroboration from faith-
worthy witnesses. I could have had no objection, if,
when Hagan was first apprehended, a trial against
these unfortunate men had been instituted ; then by
his evidence, let the case either stand or fall ; but
when it is well known that the information he then possessed
was not sufficient to obtain a conviction—when it was fout:d that
with his whole stock-in-trade of news, no sane person would be
presumptuous enough to bring a prosecution forward—when it
was found that, as matters then stood, littiemere than patched •
up stories and a superabundance of villany could be de-
tected on the `conscientious' scrape-grace—they invest him
with new powers, full impunity is awarded to him, he is decked
out with all the ability to deceive, to decoy, to allure, to
betray, those upon whom he can foist his villainy ; and when
he has made a rich harvest, he returns home, parading the
long list of his victories, and from a paternal' Government
claims honours, rewards, and patronage, in proportion to the
amount of crime which he has the unparalleled, monstrous
audacity to pride having perpetrated, during his cursed career,
on the lives and properties of those whom it was the duty of a
wise Government to i'protect and foster against the wiles of
iniquity, instead of letting slip on them the organised, pre-
meditated, and deep-laid treachery of a tutored spy !"
What is Mr. O'CONNELL about that he does not bring
the conduct of the Irish Executive Government before
Parliament ? It is impossible that Sir ROBERT PEEL
and Lord ELIOT can know and sanction such an abomi-
nable system as is here denounced by a most respect-
able Tory barrister. Lord ELIOT is incapable of sanction-
ing the entrapping innocent men into crime, to fill the
pockets of Crown lawyers, and supply blood-money to
;pies and informers. We, therefore, hold it to be the
duty of some of the Liberal Irish Members to bring the
question before the House of Commons.

! There is not much political news in the French Journals.
In the Chamber of Deputies on Friday an exceedingly
tumultuous scene took place on the report relative to the
election of M. LAROCHE-JAQUELIN, for Ploermel, being
presented. Some objections were made against the return,
but the.bureau proposed unanimously that the Hon. De-
puty should be admitted. M. BILLA ITT rose, not, he said, to
oppcse the admission of M. LAROCHE-JAQUELIN, but to
complain of the conduct of the Ministry in the elections
in general. He accused them of having supported the Le-
gitimist candidates against the Dynastic party, and
founded his accusation on a letter written by M. DE-
LATOUCHE, the Sub-Prefect of Ploermel, which de-
clared that the neutrality imposed on him by the
Ministry, with respect to M. DE SIVRY, M. LAROCHE-
JAQUELIN'S opponent, not having been guarded, he
had considered himself released from any further obliga-
tion, and had voted for that opponent (M. DE SIVRI).
The Minister, M. BILLAUT argued, had acted thus be-
cause a Deputy of the Extreme Right was less dangerous
to the position of the Cabinct than ono of the Left
Centre. The Minister of the Interior denied that the
statement just made was founded on truth ; the
Sub• Prefect had forgotten his duty to the Go-
vernment if he had voted for M. DE SIVRY.
M. ODILON BARROT said that there was this difference
between the Government and himself, that he was not
ashamed to acknowledge the support he gave to any
particular candidate. M. BERRYER declared that,
whether in elections or other political matters, he had
never looked at anything but the interests of his country.
M. LAROCHE-JAQUELIN was then admitted to take the
oath and his seat.

The Theatres Royal will be closed this evening, and will re••
main so until Wednesday evening inclusive, on account of the
obsequies of the Prince Royal. The other theatres will be shut
only on this evening and Wednesday.
The King and Queen of the Belgians will remain in Paris
until after the funeral and interment of the Duke of Orleans.
On the occasion of the death of the Duke of Orleans the
Polish refugees have presented an address to the King. Among
the signatures are many eminent names.
According to a Royal Ordonnance of the 24th of July, the
family council of the King's grandsons, the Comte de Paris
and the Duke de Chartres, will be presided over by the Chan-
cellor, and will be composed of the Princes when they have
attained their majority, and the following persons in addition,
via.:—Marshal Soult, Marshal Gerard, M.' Portalis, First
President of the Court of Cessation ; M. Dupin, Procureur-
General ; and M. Barthe, First President of the Court of
Accounts.

Letters of condolence have been received by his Majesty
from the King of Sardinia, the Grand Duke of Baden, the
Grand Duke of Mecklenburg Schwerin, and the Grand Duke
of Saxe Coburgh, in auswer to the notifications of the death of
the Duke of Orleans.
The body of the Duke of Orleans will be removed from the
church of Notre Dame for Dreux, on Thursday morning at
four o'clock. It will pass through Sevres, Versailles, Pont-
chartrain, and Houndan. TEe prefect of the Seine-et-Oise
has ordered that, as the funeral car passes through the towns
of hiidepartment, the line shall be formed by the National
Guards. The clergy of each place will also assemble on the

occasion.
ADDRESS OF THE CHAMBER OF PEERS AND THE KING'S

REPLY.

His Majesty came yesterday to the Tuileries, and received
the grand deputation of the Chamber of Peers, with the Chan-
cellor at its head. The Chancellor presented to his Majesty the
address in answer to the speech from the Throne, voted on
Thursday by the Chamber. It is couched in the following
terms :

" Sire—The Chamber comes to unite its grief with that of a
King, with the despair of a mother and venerated Queen, and
with the mourning of a nation. A great misfortune has fallen
upon us. That Prince whom your care and your example had
formed for the glory and happiness of France, to whom situa-
tions so difficult and circumstances so diverse had given the
education of experience—who grew up in respect for the laws
and in love of his country—whose valour on the field of battle
our soldiers were proud of, and whose wisdom when he took
part in our councils we acknowledged—this rrinee has been
torn from us so suddenly that we can scarcely believe that he
whom we loved to see by the side of his father is there no more.
If paternal grief admits not of consolation, it is a duty for us to
say what ought to sustain the courage and constancy which have
never abandoned the King in the most severe trials of his
life; it is a duty for us to proclaim what ought to maintain
the nation in its security, even when it is profoundly affected
and afflicted. Yes, Sire, this grief which unites all classes
and all opinions in one sentiment is undoubtedly a sad, but it
is also a powerful, proof of the attachment which France has
conceived for the d)nasty which she has called to the throne, and
to which she has entrusted the preservation of her liberties and
her honour. Yes, Sire, in this public calamity it cannot be
doubtful that we all love the monarchy that we have founded ; it
is placed above the storms and discussions inseparable from the
political existence of a tree people. It is the fixed point to
which our rights and our affections are attached. It has now
become indispensable to fill up a chasm in our institutions. Our
confidence in the future has teen betrayed. Providence has
been severe towards us; but we should be urgrateful it we
forget how frequently it has preserved us. It win prolong for
many years the life of your 111,jesty. God still protects France,
to which you are so necessary ; the Royal child, whose birth
was a source of public joy, wilt grow under your eyes ; he will
gather the lessons of your wisdom. Your sons, those
sons of France, those faithful and devoted servants of tEe State,
will constantly set him the example of love of the country and of
the fulfilment,of duty. His mother, that Princess who shared
our love and confidence with the husband for wham she for too
few years was the cause of happiness, will devote her life in
rearing the King of our children for the future welfare of
France. And the whole nation, surrounding him with its love
and its hopes, will prove to him that it is a noble task to reign
by the laws over a great and powerful empire."
The King replied—
" Messieurs les Pairs—l am much affected by this address.
I find in it the expression of those sentiments with which my
own heart is penetrated, and a new pledge for that union of all
the powers of the State on which is founded security for the
present, and a guarantee for the future, against the dangers to
which they might have been exposed from the cruel blow which
has fallen upon me."
Most of the Members of the Chamber had joined the grand
deputation charged with the presentation of the address. All
the Peers had crape on their arms, and on the hilts of their swords.
BOURSE—PARIS, SATURDAY, JULY 30.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
French 5 per Cents 117 90... 118 ... 117 90... 118
4 per Cents. lO4 40... 104 40... 104 ... 104
3 per Cents 77 75... 77 90... 77 75... 77 90
Laffitte Bank 5,000 f 5020 _5020 —.5020 ...5020
Belgian Fives lO2/ ... 1021 ... 1021 ... 10'4
1840 1034 ... 1034 ... 1034 ... 1036
Spanish Active 224 224 ... 2'4 22{4
Passive
Roman
BELGIAN t UNDS—BayssaLs, Jinx 30
Actual Debt, IN per Cont.
Hothschild's LO3ll, 5 per Cent lOll4
Loan ot Thirty Millions, 4 per Cent. 90%
•
• --- 3 per Cent..........

0%
(1340) lOll,,
L0.:91 of City, 1732, 4 per Cent 543%
Society of Commerce, 4 SperCent. S6
Bank of Belgium, 5 per Cent 73
National Society —
Exchange on Louden (short) -
-Brussels Payers, July 30.
HAMBU RGH BORSEN HALLE, JULY 29.
Bills. Money.
Austrian 5 per Cents.
Bank Shares 1( 31 1629
Anglo. Russian Loan 1(94% 18.9
Russian 5 per Cent., Ist series, Certificate lO3 10214
Inscription, lot series . ..
Russian b per Cent. Hope and Co., Od and 4th
Series 9B 97;4
Ditto in Certificates 9B 97%
New 4 per tent. (1840)
Dutch Actual Debt. u% per Cent. .........
Ditto :, per Cent.
Polish Bonds —
New 'Pickets 11•8
Anglo. Danish Loan, 3 per Cent.
Spanish, New 5 p r Cents.
EXCHANGES ON LONDON.
HAMBURGH, JULY 29 —l3 9%, Two months 13 734.
PETERSBURG, JULY 22.—Three months, 38 pence.
RIGA, JULY W. —Three Months, 35%,
'PRUSSIAN FUNDS.—BERLIN, JULY 26.
Bills. Money
St. Schuld Sch., 4 per cent.
Prussian English Bond •,1830, , per cent L2i.
Exchange on London ..- 2423 i,
Prussian State Gazette, July 27.

Thirty.sQven.

FROM THE DANUBE.--Prince Metternich will
certainly go to the Rhine towards the end of August, but make
a very short stay ;
he will not be accompanied by the Princess.