The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 1, 1842.

1f his time to these papers, and his opinion was that the
Raja was not guilty. If other persons examined these
papers with the same care, that would, he thought,
be their opinion also. Of the authenticity of the
locuments that were before him he had no doubt
whatever; there was nothing secret about them ; he
could give the Court the names, dates, and places con-
nected with them; they had shed a new light on the sub-
j net. They proved to him the absolute inocence of the
Raja ; that ne had been the unseemly victim of false
accusation ; and that the great error of these proceedings
tn•d been secrecy, aided by the wicked plans of the ma-
lignant enemies of the Raja. He had had enemies ; he
(Mr. Thompson) could point to their names and
.heir hiding places. He was surprised at the motion for
adjournment. What was the motive of the Directors ?
Did they desire that the Raja should not be found inno-
cent ?—(Hear.) Was that the conduct of honourable
men who wished to do their duty ? Would not such
men have said they had rather prove themselves in error,
than that the Raja should be found guilty ?—(Hear,
hear.) Had the court of Directors felt as they ought,
they would have let it be shown that the Raja was inno-
cent.—(Hear.) They would have taken every oppor-
tunity of ascertaining all the facts. They would have
said, " Our servants may have misled us ; their excellent
character and long services induced us to believe they
were correct ; but if you can show that our judgment
was not sound—if you have papers from which you think
the Raja was unjustly dethroned, let us know those
faults in order that we may come at the truth of this
matter." Such would be the feelings and language of
gentlemen desiring to govern" India upon principles of
justice—of doing justice there to all people, from the
prince on his throne to the ryot in his hut.
Several Directors loudly protested against the use of
these documents. They reflected upon the character of
the resident, Colonel Ovans, who was an officer of honour
and integrity.
The CHAIRMAN again moved that the Court do now
adjourn.
Mr. THOMPSON said he had no desire to implicate any
British officer, but he must do justice to the innocent
man who had been dethroned, As for motions of ad-
journment, they would have no effect upon him. He
should stand his ground.—(Order, order.) Gentlemen
might cry order, but he would meet the cry with
" justice," " justice," though late, to a cruelly injured
man. The next document he would read was the exa-
mination of this man. (By whom examined?) By the
Raja.
A PROPRIETOR—I could get fifty such depositions. I
don't believe a word of them.

Mr. THOMPSON-But you believed the depositions
against the Raja, and condemned him without giving
him a single copy. Now you are for ruling these of
mine out of Court. Is this justice ?
" Examination of Haibat Rao, at Sattara, on the 23d of
November, 1838, with reference to the above Depo-
sition.

" The prisoner having been enjoined to speak the
truth, the following questions were put to him in the
presence of the Raja :
" Q. Do you still adhere to the statement you made in
your deposition, as to the persons therein named and the
circumstances mentioned ? A. Yes, Balajipunt Natoo
and Balajikasi Kibey took Atram Luksuman and myself
to the Resident, in order to remove any doubt we
might entertain as to their means of fulfilling the pro-
mises they made regarding the jageer of ten thousand
rupees and the lac of rupees cash. On obtaining the Re-
sident's sanction we forged the papers.
" Q. How many letters and papers did you forge with
the Raja's seals ?—.A. Eleven letters and twenty-five
other papers ; altogether thirty-six documents.
" Q. How many persons were there in the conspiracy?
—A. Atmaram Luksumun, Nishwanath Rao, Bapuji
Anund Rao, myself, and Janeo Bhandari, the keeper of
his Highness' seals.
"Q. To whom were the papers given, and how many
are there still remaining ?—A. Atmaram Luksumun
gave me one letter and two other papers, and the rest
were in the possession of the other three individuals.
The three documents which were in my possession I
took to Mahin, (near Bombay), and put them for safety
into the hands of Luchman, a Brahmin ; and Nana
Gurao, Bhawu Leley. and Atmaram Luksumun informed
me that they had found a man who could forge the hand-
writing of Bella Sahib Chitnis, his Highness' secretary.
" The above is a true and correct statement of the
facts."

This document is attested by three witnesses ; and
here, Sir, let me state the only feeling of reluctance
I experience in bringing these papers before you—it is
a feeling of compassion for those who, if not shielded
from the malice of their enemies, when these things shall
be known in India, may fall the victims of the enemies of
the Raja. I throw on the Court of Directors the so-
lemn responsibility of protecting these persons. I ask
for them safe conduct to Bombay, and an examination
there before a Judge of the Supreme Court.
If you let the mail depart without taking
steps to defend these persons, on your heads be the
guilt of any injury they may sustain. I shall now give
you the simple, narrzaive of Rungoo Bapojee, now in
your presence. If you doubt it, call him to your
bar and examine him. " The Raja's two agents,
Eswunt Row, and Bugwunt Row, and myself,
were at this time in Bombay. We received a
letter from the Raja, instructing us to direct Haibut Row,
who was then at Mahim, on leave, to repair, without
delay, to Sattara. There-was also a letter addressed to
Haibut Row himself. We sent the letter and the mes-
senger who brought it to Haibut Row, and requested
him to come to us at Bombay. He came that even-
ing. We told him to pass the night there, and to
set out early the followin7 morning in the boat which
bud been ordered` "for The next morning he
manifested great reluctance to proceed ; protested that
he had done nothing, and shed tears. A few days after-
wards we received orders from the Raja to proceed
to the house of a person named Nana Gurao,
Mahim, and toj.obtain from him certain papers
Which Haibut Row had left in his possession. We
all three went to Mahim, found out Nana Gurao,
and told him our errand. He acknowledged having
certain papers, but refused to give them up, saying,
Haibut Row was indebted to him. We thereupon
sent for Lukhsmun, the Brahmin, Haibut Row's ser-
vant. whom he had left behind, and asked Lukhsmun
whether this was the case. He said it was, and that he was
desired to pay the money ; . on which we told him to pay
Nana Gurao, and Nana Gurao then delivered up the
papers, and made the above declaration, which was written
by Govind Lukshmun, an inhabitant of Mahim, for Nana
Gurao. The two agents and myself carefully examined
the three papers, One of them, inserted below, was
filled up as a letter written by his Highness, and
as if recognising Haibut Row as one of his
ernts. The two others were 'dank. To every
oue of them we found that the genuine seals of
his Highness had been affixed, the papers themselves
being utter forgeries.—RuNooo BAPOJEE. London,
July 16, 1842." Now, Sir, take another deposition.
It is the deposition of Atmaram Luksumun, (abbreviated)
taken at Sattara, on the 22d of November, 1838. (This
person was brought from Poonah, at the requisition of
the Raja.) Addressed to the Resident, Colonel Ovans.—
" I am rcquainted with Gundput Rao Kibey, the nephew
of Balejiliasi Kibey ; through him I became acquainted
with his uncle, to whose house I was taken. Bala-
iikasi Kibey asked me to get the Raja's seals, for
forging papers. I said I would, but I did not
succeed in my attempts • to get them. Balajipunt
Natoo mid Kibey again sent for me and Haibat Row, and
promising us a jageer of ten thousand rupees, a lac of
rupees in cash, and also a pension from the Bombay Go-
vernment, took us to the Resident, Colonel Ovens. The
Resident promised that all this should ba given to us.
Depending then upon this assurance, we returned and
cot the Raja's seals from Janeo Bhandari ; after which
Haibat Rao, Vishwanath Row, Bapuji Annul& Rao, and
myself, affixed them to the forged papers. Bhawu Leley,
on a subsequent occasion, took some of these from my
handkerchief. This is a true and correct statement.—
(Signed) ATMARAM Luasumuts." Now, Sir, for one from
the Keeper of his Highness' seals. " Deposition of
Janeo Bhandari, the person having the custody of his
Highness' seals, taken on the 29th November, 1838.
—Vishwanath Rao, Atmaram Luksumum, and Haibut
Rao, spoke to me on the subject of the papers, and said
t hat if I would join them in their project, Balajipunt
Natoo an d Balojikasi Kibey would be the means of ob-
taining for us a jageer of ten thousand rupees in money,
besides a pension for all of us, guaranteed by the Resi-
dent, Colonel Ovans. After this I gave up the seals,
which Haibat Rao put upon the papers, and returned
to me. This is all I know of the circumstances. (Signed
by Wamonaji Morishueer, for) JANOO BHANDARI, (Not
knowing how to write.)"
Mr. MARRIOTT said, he thought the Court had a:right
to know whether these papers were before the Court.
The CHAIRMAN said, they were now brought to light
for the first time. They appeared to consist of the depo-
sitions of a single native, and he did not hesitate to say
he did not believe a single word of them.—(Hear, hear.)
He would ask the Court whether they aught to allow
such papers to be read.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WEEDING said, that Colonel Ovans's character
required no defence at his hands, but he would ask
whether the Hon. Proprietor should be at liberty to send
these depositions forth to the public; he should like to
know whether any gentleman was to read libels in that
Court.—(Hear, hear.) He believed an Hon. Gentleman
must possess 1,0001. stock for a year before he
could speak in that Court, but the Hon. Proprietor
was possessed of only half that stock.—(Hear, hear.)
The CHAIRMAN ' said, by courtesy, if not by law, a
Proprietor of 500/. had for some time past been allowed
to address the Court ; but it did appear to him a most
extraordinary thing that a Proprietor should speak upon
a subject, and when it came to the vote he should be
obliged to walk out of the Court.—(Hear, hear.) He
did not think it was treating the Court with proper
courtesy to read such papers, reflecting most atrociously,
he must state, on the character of Colonel Ovans.
Mr. THOMPSON—He was not bringing any charges
against Colonel Ovens ; he was there to show reasons
for going into a new examination of the case of the
Raja of Sattara.
The CHAIRMAN.—I must put it to the Court whether
this should be allowed to ge on.—(" Hear, hear," and
great confusion.)
Mr. THOMPSON would ask, if they objected to these
depositions, what were the depoisitions on which the
Raja was deposed ? He observed that the allusion to
the amount of his qualification was contemptible. He
had invested 1,2501. to give him a right to sit
in that Court. If it was all he could spare for
that purpose, his apology must be that he
had not enjoyed the same means of making
wealth as many around him. He had had to carve his
own fortunes, and had laboured hard for what he pos-
sessed, and had gained it in the cause of justice and hu-
manity. Let them go to Parliament and get an act to
raise the qualification. Possibly that even might not put
him down. Who knew but he might purchase another
5001. of stock, and still be amongst them ? They might,
in order to annihilate him, annihilate the Court. of-Pro-
prietors ; but they would, by so doing, annihilate them-
selves. His opponents had him at a disadvantage. He

could not use their, weapons. He would not degrade I
himself by resorting to them. Sir, lam not here for
any factious purpose. I abhor faction and :cabal. Our
country is cursed by faction. I would not walk from
Cornhill here for the sake of annoying you ; but I am
left without discretion in the course lam taking. Should
I fail to stand upon my right, and to reveal what I know
and believe, I should be a traitor to truth, and the vic-
tim of the hitt:Test self-reproach. But you will not hear
these papers, because they are not official, although they
were given to your own pet Governor, Sir James Oarnac,
and ought to have become, official. Well then, I will go
to the papers which you yourselves have furnished to
Parliament, and which I have examined at the Journal-
office of the House of Commons, in the handwriting of
your own clerks. To prove the authenticity of these
documents, I will read you a letter from an officer in
your service to the very Colonel Ovens referred to in the
deposition :

" CAPTAIN F. DURACK TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL OVANS,

RESIDENT AT SATTARA.

"Sattara. September 26, 1837.
" Sir,—l have the honour to acknowledge the receipt
of your letter of yesterday's date (not found in the Par-
liamentary Papers) together with its accompaniment,
and in reply to subjoin the following statement :
"2. Some days after my return to Sattara, from leave
of absence on medical certificate, in the month of June
last, Lieutenant Horne, who had been performing the
duties of Line Adjutant in my absence, mentioned to
me that a young lad of the name of Pundurung, and a
person calling himself Hywut Row, had called upon
him, and said, that they had been instructed by one
Bhawu Leley to say, that if he, Bhawu Leley, were
handsomely rewarded, he would procure certain treason-
able papers connected with the conspiracy. in which his
Highness the Raja of Sattara, and his minister Govind
Row, were implicated.
" 3. Two or three days after Lieutenant Horne had
related the above to me, I received a visit from Pundu-
rung,• who made a similar statement to me (and which,
on a subsequent occasion, I desired him to commit to
paper), I replied, that if Bhawhu Leley had anything of a
treasonable nature to communicate, he had better come
to me and do so. Pundurung said he would tell him so,
and retired.

" 4. On the evening of the 11th, Bhawu Leley called at
the house of my puroso (clerk), Auund Row, and stated
that he was anxious to be introduced to me, and re-
quested permission to accompany him on his going to
office in the morniug.

" 5. On the 12th Bhawu Leley came, accompanied by
the agents, Pundurung and Hywat Row ; the two latter
were dismissed. I then met him in my office, and in the
presence of Lieutenant Horne and Anund Row, he re-
peated the substance of the matter contained in No. 2 :
after which he was desired to call on the 14th. He did
so, when I told him if he would call on the 16th I would
be able to give him a definite answer regarding the ad-
vance of money he had so earnestly solicited.
"6. As you were at this time hourly expected in
camp, this affair was not mentioned to Colonel Lodwick
at all, but on your arrival, the 16th of June, I reported
the circumstances to you, and requested instructions as to
what part I should take in the business ; and in reply
received your commands to sift the matter, if possible, to
the bottom, with authority to advance a sum not exceed-
ing two hundred rupees, to pay the expenses of Bhawu
Leley's trip to the place where those papers were said to
be ; also, to pass a note to the effect, that he would be
afterwards rewarded according to the services he per-
formed.

" 7. On the 16th, Bhawu Leley called, and I told him
he might have one hundred and fifty rupees for his ex-
penses. He accepted the sum on the condition of being
rewarded on his return with the seditious documents.

"8. On the 18th of June Bhawu Leley received
from me one hundred and fifty rupees for the assigned
purpose, also a note of hand, of which No. 3 is a copy.
In return I received his autograph Memorandum, No. 4,
in which the individuals are named to whom the sedi-
tious letters had been-addressed, together with his re-
ceipt for the money, No. 5 : he then departed.
" 9. After the lapse of a month, Bhawu Leley called
upon me, and reported that he had been unable to find
the persons in whose possession the docgments were, but
that the said persons would be at Poona during
,the fes-
tival of the ' Nag punchinee,' and of his intention to pro-
ceed thither, and to return in the course of fifteen days
with the pepers. I replied, 'As you have failed to pro-
duce them within the given time, it becomes necessary
for you to return the money.' He said, Very well, I
will do so.'

" 10. You will probably recollect my naming this cir-
cumstance, and your desiring inc to give him a further trial.
" 11. When Bhawu Leley returned with the money, he
said, • I am not the bad man you take me for, and if you
will allow me fifteen days more, I will then satisfy you.'
I replied, Very good, take the money again, and recol-
lect your promise to return with the papers fifteen days
hence.' He then left me, saying he would fulfil his
promise.
12. A day or two after that he started, I believe, for
Poonah, since which I have seen nothing of him.
" 13. The foregoing is, to the best of my recollection,
a faithful narrative of what passed.
" 14. A statement from Lieutenant Horne is appended,
No. 6; also one from Anund Row, No. 7.

" 15. The zubbannee (or deposition) which accompa-
nied your letter, is herewith returned.
(True Copy.)
(Signed) "F. DURACK, Staff Officer.
" W. H. WATHEN, Chief Secretary:"
Mr. Thompson then read the whole of the •depositions
referred to in the letter of Capt. Durack.
A PROPRIETOR-How do you know those papers were
ever in the hands of Sir James Carnae?

Mr. Tilostesort would not answer that .at present.—
(Loud cries of " Question.")
Mr. M. SMITH (a Director) hoped the discusion would
be allowed to go on, as it would show the necessity of
newly constituting that Court. Let the libels go forth,
and it would give strength to the hands of the executive
in obtaining an alteration.
Mr. HOOG hoped the general Court would support the
Chair. The Hon. Proprietor was not to hold at defiance
or treat with contempt the authority of the Chair in
reading depositions and papers which were not sworn
to. He hoped the Chairman would express his opinion
strongly upon the subject.
The CHAIRMAN said he had expressed his opinion in
the first instance as to the conduct of the Hon. Pro-
prietor, and was of the same opinion still, and moved
again that the Court adjourn.
Mr. THOMPSON—I dare you to adjourn the Court.
The law will not permit you.—(Loud disapprobation.)
Mr. SALOMONS rose to order, and said, that as it was
the opinion that the papers the Hon. Proprietor was
about reading ought not to be read, he should desist.
Mr. TuoatesoN persisted in proceeding.
The CHAIRMAN thought that, unless order and regu-
larity were preserved in their discussions, the Legislature
would think the Court of Proprietors a useless body.
Aspersions had been cast by the Hon. Proprietor on
men in the service of the Government of India— a
course unworthy of any man, and especially of one usu-
ally assuming to himself the character of liberality.
There was no ground for further discussion. The Court
of Directors thought the Raja a guilty man ; the Hon.
Proprietor thought him innocent.
Mr. THOMPSON persevered, on the ground that he
was :peaking to the adjournment and he was again
called to order.
This led to a desultory and rather hot discussion. in
which the Chairman, Mr. Weeding, Mr. Fielder, and
others took part ; and
Mr. THOMPSON declared that he would say all he had
to say; and would now proceed to show that documents
had been kept back for eleven months, which showed
the innocence of the Raja.
Mr. LEWIS asked whether the object of the motion
for adjournment was to deprive hiAu of his right to be
heard on the original motion ?
The CHAIRMAN replied in the affirmative.
Here there were again loud and general cries of
" Question," in the midst of which
Mr. THOMPSON declared he would proceed, having the
honour of an innocent man to advocate as well as to
vindicate the honour of that Court and that of the
Queen. The Raja was a proud man, was opposed to the
Brahmins, and was not likely to conspire with them to
plot against the power of the Government of India.
He would show that the plots were all on the side of the
enemies of the Raja, aided by the whole strength of
the Bombay Government. His next case should be taken
altogether from the Parliamentary unprinted papers,which
were also under the roof of that House. The Hon.
Proprietor then went into a very lengthened argument
to prove that a document purporting to proceed from the
mother of Govind Row, the Minister of his Highness,
and containing evidence of the Raja's guilt, was an
utter forgery; that the forger himself had confessed his
criminality to Colonel Ovens, in September 1837, and ,
delivered up all his papers ; but, although Col. Ovens
had before given to the Government of Bombay, a to-
tally different account of the authorship, he nevertheless
concealed the existence of these documents for eleven
months, and only then divulged them on the accidental
discovery of the plot by the Raja. These papers we will
publish hereafter. The first account of the petition of
Govind Row's mother, criminating both her son and the
Raja, was in a letter of Colonel Ovans, dated 7th July,
1837 ; and, although the deposition of the forger was
given to Colonel Ovans by the man himself, personally,
on the 20th of September, Colonel Ovens only sent the
deposition and accompanying documents on the 16th
August, 1838. Mr. Thompson contended that he had
now proved the necessity of going into the discussion of
the whole question. The fact was, that owing to the
disagreement with the Bombay Government arising out
of the seizure of the Raja's jagheers, a host of enemies
had appeared, and had succeeded in the ruin of the
Raja. He would remind the Court of the case of
Hastings, as described in an article attributed to Mr.
Macaulay. Warren Hastings, who had, like a god,
swayed the destinies of the native States in India,
was at one time all but ruined by the ma-
chinations of the Brahmin Nuncomar. The ma-
jority
.of the Calcutta Council were opposed to
Hastings.
this out. They considered him as a fallen man ; and
The natives (says the reviewer) soon found
they acted after their kind. Some of our readers may
have seen, in India, a cloud of crows pecking a sick vul
ture to death—no bad type of what happens in that
country, as often as fortune deserts one who has been
great and dreaded. In an instant, all the sycophants
who had lately been ready to lie for him, to forge for him,
to pander for him, to poison for him, hasten to purchase
the favour of his victorious enemies by accusing him.
An Indian Government has only to let it be understood
that it wishes a particular man to be ruined ; and, in
twenty-four hours, it will be furnished with grave
charges, supported by depositions so full and circumstan-
tial, that any person unaccustomed to Asiatic mendacity
would regard them as decisive. It is well if the signa-
ture of the destined victim 13 not counterfeited at the fort
of some illegal compact, and if some treasonable paper is t
not slipped into a hiding-place in his house. Hastings was
now regarded as helpless. Immediately charges against
the Governor-General began to your in. They were
eagerly welcomed by the mjority, who, to do them

justice, were men of too much honour knowingly to
countenance false accusations, but who were not suf-
ficiently acquainted with the East to be aware that, in
that part of the world, a very little encouragement from
power will call forth, in a week, more Oateses, and Bed•
toes, and Dangerfields, than Westminster Hall sees in a
century." he (Mr. Thompson) would now proceed in
the course he had marked out for himself in
case the debate had gone on in a regular way,
and should not be affected by anything that had passed.
What he had now said was but prelimnary matter.
Sir, it is now a year and a half since the members of this
Court were told several times, during a debate on the
case of the Raja of Satturn, that the discussion was pre-
mature, and that it was necessary for them to be ac-
quainted through the official papers, with the facts of
the case, in order to their arriving at a just conclusion.
At last, Sir, we have the most important papers, in a
printed farm, in our possession. We have long had all
the Court of Directors thought it prudent to give us, and
we have for three months been in possession of an autho-
rised copy of the proceedings of the special and secret
Commission by which the Raja was tried and found
guilty. In the debate to which I have referred, the
Members of this Court were also told to wait and learn
the decision of the Executive. The expectation was
raised by more than one member of the Board of Direc-
tors, that the decision might be in favour of the Raja.
These excuses for procrastination no longer exist. On
the Ist of April, 1840, the Court of Directors, with some
most honourable exceptions, bestowed their warm com •
men•lation on all the proceedings connected with
the dethronement of the Raja of Sattara, and
this Court has, since that vote, and for the second
time, by means of the votes of the Directors themselves,
decided that it is inexpedient to interfere with their
responsible executive in the affairs of Sattara. More re-
cently, however, we have had an opportunity of pos-
sessing ourselves of the grounds un. which the au-
thorities in India proceeded, as well as of certain facts
and documents of the most important kind ; and it ap-
peared, therefore, to many of the members of this
Court, that the interests of truth and justice required
a reconsideration of the case. It is under these cir-
cumstances that we are assembled to-day. To lay the
basis for a discussion that should embrace the informa-
tion which we possess, the proposition of my Honturable
and Learned Friend was introduced. I believe its truth
may be abundantly demonstrated. Sir, permit me to lay
before you a plain statement of the motives by which in
common with others, I am influenced in again taking
up this question. Sir, we have a deep conviction that
the Raja of Sattara is an inno;ent man—entirely in-
nocent—(Hear, hear.) We believe him to be utterly
guiltless of all the charges which have been brought
against him, and made the grounds of his deposal. We
as firmly believe that bad he been permitted the means
of vindicating himself—those means which are within 1
the reach of the meanest offenders in these more
favoured realms, he would have come forth out
out of the inquiry with unspotted reputation—pure in
proportion to the rigour of the investigation ; if to rigour
had been united righteousness.—(Hear.) Having de-
voted, many of us, no small portion of our time to the
minute examination of the papers before the Court—an
examination throughout the whole of which our facul-
ties have been quickened, by the recollection of tha oppo-
site opinions which many in this Court have publicly
avowed—we conscientiously believe that there is evidence
of a false conclusion having been arrived at by those who
sat in judgment on the first charge brought against the
Raja. We think we can make this apparent. and effec-
tually purge the character of the Raja from so much of
the stain as has been attached to it by the recorded opi-
nion of the tribunal before which he was brought.—
(
(Hear.) In addition to all these motives, we have, Sir,
another. Documents never before printed—hitherto
wholly unknown, yet of the most remarkable and im-
portant character—of the authenticity of which we have
no doubt, and the full history of every one of which we
are prepared to give—have come into our hands. We
have examined them with care ; they have shed new
light upon the subject ; they have deepened, if it were
possible, our impression of the Raja's innocence; they have
compelled us to regard him as the unsinning victim of a
foul conspiracy ; they have strengthened our belief that
the great error throughput these proceedings has been
the secrecy with which they have been carried ;
which secrecy, involving As it did, at every stage, the
ignorance of the accused, combined with the eager de-
sire of the Government to receive evidence of a prejudi-
cial nature, has aided the wicked plans of the Raja's ene-
mies. I say enemies. We can show that he had ene-
mies. We can point to their names, and their abodes,
and their deeds of darkness and iniquity. We can de-
monstrate the existence of a plot, long, latent, and con-
cealed, but at last ripened into execution by the un-
happy difference between the Government and the
Raja, in reference to the Jagheers. With such motives
did we come before you to-day to bespeak your patience
in the first instance, and your conscientious verdict in
the last. It cannot but be that you desire that the de-
posed Raja should be proved aninnocent man. Surely.
Sir, you would rather .have it proved tbat you had done
wrong than that he was guilty. You will not refuse to
one, who, from the ground of his heart, after the most
anxious and pains-taking inyiiry, believes him to be
guiltless, a full and fair opportunity of say-
ing what he deems caleulated to dispel the
mists in which the ' case . has been shrouded.
Gentlemen, at no time does the:upright judicial func-
tionary lend a more willing ear than when there appears in
court an individual who proffers. evidence in favour of
the accused. To thelooennocetK country be it spoken,
that even after contlemn#42ll,jmkey,en while the cOn-
detnned is suffering bis I...eptieny4ftlirre is ever a di3posi-
tion to review procee.disanOrtp save, the innocent from
undeserved punislMiept:`:sli#lllx be said that sucli is
the case in referentatO 6+617 court. bit: this ? No Matter:
I have a plain duty'ib perkiMotrld will discharge it. I
am determined, thht if yeicpOtterevere in withholding
justice, you shall be withoUt extinse.. I shall now proceed
to prove that the commission, by' his Highness the Raja of.
Sattara, of the crimes laid to his. Charge, was morally im-
possible. In order to establish this, I must carry you back
to the early history of this
,Prince. His father died in
1808, when he was hut eleven years old. His education
devolved uon his mother. It had been the policy of
the Brahmin Ministers, from the year 1749, when they
assumed the reins of,Government, to keep the nominal
princes in a sort of honourable, but not limited confine-
ment, and to circumscribe their learning as well as their
liberty, by making their accomplishments to consist in
horsemanship and the use of the bow, rather than in
reading and writing, and the science of government. The
I mother, however, contrived to teach her sons letters
1 during the hours of midnight. Herself a hater cf the
Brahmins, she taught her offspring to cherish strong
feelings of dislike towards those who had for many years
monopolized the power of the princes of Sattara. Her
eldest son, the man you have depose:?, was not slow to
profit by the lessons he received ; and, before he left the
fort of Sattara, he might be said to have received a tole-
rable education ; still one, however, which entitled him
to be regarded with the utmost indulgence. I have this
week conversed with a Gallant Officer, who was at the
battle of Ashta, which, as all who hear me know, was
fought on the 20th of February, 1818, and decided the
fate of the Prishwa. On the death of Gokla, the leader
of the Mahrattas, and the dispersion of Bajee Rao's
troops, the attention of seven or eight of the British ca-
valry was attracted to a female and several youths who
were at a distance under a tree. The soldiers gal-
loped towards them, and one of the youths, who held a
sword, was called upon to give it up, which, however, he
repeatedly refused to do ; his mother, in the meantime,
calling out in great distress the name and titles of her
son. The Gallant Officer I have referred to, reached the
spot just in time to receive, on his own weapon, a blow
aimed by one of the troopers at the life of the brave
young man, who had resolved to die rather than yield up
his sword. That youth was the Raja of Sattara, and the
officer is Colonel Pringle Taylor. My friend
said, " I could not help gazing with admiration
on the calm dignity, the undaunted courage, and the
perfect self-possession of the young Prince. The im-
pression produced upon my mind by the scene I then
witnessed, was most favourable. From what I recollect
of the Raja on that occasion, I should be most reluctant
to believe that he was capable of a mean or unmanly
action. He seemed rejoiced to fall into the hands of the
British, and I have no doubt had separated himself from
Bajie Rao for that purpose." Sir, I have discovered
nothing in the subsequent career of this Prince, that be-
lies the promise of his youth. Dignity, courage, a high
sense of honour, and an extraordinary degree of can•
dour, mixed I am ready to acknowledge, with a lofty
notion of his dignity, and proud descent, appear to me
to be the most obvious and controlling ingredients in his
character.—(Hear, hear.) This, I think, I shall be able
to show in my future remarks. On the 11th of February,
1818. the fort of Sattara was taken, and the standard of
his Highness set up, and an assurance was given to the
Mahratta people that, on the release of the Prince from the
hands of Bajee Rao, he should be placed:at the head of
an independent sovereignty. Sir, I will not admit the
generosity of this act—l am willing to admit its policy,
and I can go no further. On the 20th of February, as
I have said, the young Prince was rescued, and came
into our camp with dignity, confidence, satisfaction, and
joy. On the 9th of May, he made his entry into Sat-
tara, surrounded by British officers, and detachments
from all our corps, and took his seat on the throne in
full Durbar. Let us now see how this youth of 21,
hitherto shut out from the affairs of the world, whose all
of useful learning had been obtained during the stolen
hours of the night, while his attendants slept, conducted
himself in his new, responsible, and trying circum-
stances. Captain Grant Duff was, as you know, ap-
pointed over him, with the designation of political agent,
and on the 25th September, 1819, a treaty was concluded,
securing to him, his heirs, and successors, perpetual sove-
reignty over certain districts specifiedin a schedule annex-
ed. I am aware thatin the 74th page of the last series of
Sattara papers, an attempt has been made (I cannot
help saying a most unfair one) to press the evidence of
Capt. Grant Duff into the cause against the Rajlt. But
to my mind the evidence of Captain Grant Duff goes
directly to show the readiness with which the
Prince corrected whatever errors he had been led into
by his early education, when those errors were judi-
ciously and kindly pointed out. The passage quoted in
the Report of the Commission I shall notice by-and-by ;
for the present let me say that according to the account
given by Captain Sutherland.—(See " Sutherland's
Sketches," Calcutta edition, page 164.) " The young
Raja proved himself of good disposition, and suffi-
ciently intelligent ;" and although at first somewhat un-
reasonable in regard to the allowance which he deemed
necessary to support his dignity, yet, upon being told
by the agent what sum the Government had for the
present assigned him, the year passed without any excess
of expenditure."—(Hear.) The agent reported, that
" the good disposition of the young Prince very much
assisted him in arranging the affairs of the Principality.
I found no difficulty.' says he, " in obtaining his confi-
dence, and he frequently told me things which I should
otherwise never have become acquainted with." His
revenue in 1620 amounted to about 150,000/. a-year,
with a prospect, on the improvement of the waste lands,
of 180,000/. In March, 1821, Mr. Chaplin, the Cem-

missioner at Poona, reported to the Bombay Govern-
ment that he had "personally witnessed the general
prosperity and good order that prevailed throughout the
Raja's territories, and the satisfaction displayed by all
classes of the people under his management. The Raja
expressed his gratitude and respect for the British Go-
vernment,and his:determination to be regulated in every act
of his administration by the wishes of that Government.
—(Hear.) He was by no means eager to be emancipated
from restraint, and intended, when his authority was
increased, never to adopt any measures without con-
sulting the Resident at his. Court. He spoke most kindly
of the anent, Captain G. Duff; and, says Mr. Chapman,
" I left him impressed with a very favourable opinion of
the good sense and judgment, and the respectability of
the acquirements which his Highness evinced, both at
this interview and on the occasion of a visit at which I
received and entertained his Highness on the following
day:" This was in March, 1821; on the sth of the fol-
lowing month, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, the
entire management of his Principality was committed to
his charge,and the Political Agent became a Resident et
his Court. What was the Raja's future conduct? Such
as most fully to justify the change in his condition; it
was such as realised the most sanguine hope entertained
respecting either his ability or his sincerity. The excel-
lent advice given him by Captain Duff was followed out
with the most scrupulous attention, and his dominion
continued to flourish for years under his wise, en-
lightened, and benignant sway. He considered (says
Captain Sutherland) the laws and revenue regulations
introduced by Captain Grant, so like the laws of the
Modes and Persians, that on the next Political Agent
(Major-General Briggs) suggesting some alteration cal-
culated to be beneficial, the Raja, like a true Hindoo, ob-
jected, saying, that they had so long worked so well,
that he would rather continue them as they were than
run tne risk by altering any portion, of injuring them
as a whdle, Next, let me refer the Court td
a minute of the Governor of Bombay, Sir John Malcolm,
in 1829, describing the Raja's territories as " well go-
verned," the Raja himself as " doing justice to the
trouble that had been bestowed on his education ;" de-
scribing also the towns and villages in many of the
jagheerdars as "in a better condition than any under
British rule in the Deccan ;" and further, that " justice
in most cases was administered in a way fully as satis-
factory to the inhabitants as under our improved sys-
tem." Let me refer, also, to the opinion expressed by
this Court during the same year. In a political letter
to Bombay, August 19, 1829, the Court declare that
•they are " impressed with a highly favourable opinion
of the administration of the Raja of Sattara. He ap-
pears to be remarkable among the Princes of India for
his mildness, frugality, and attention to business ; to be
sensible of what he owes to the British Government, and
of the neccessity of maintaining a good understanding
with it; nor does he, in his intercourse with your officers,
furnish any grounds of complaint, except an occasional
manifestation of that jealousy of our controlling power,
which it can hardly be expected that any native Princes,
however well disposed to us, should entirely suppress.
Again, on the 21st September, 1831, the Court says :
" The information which your records supply, as to the
proceedings of the Raja of Sattara, continues to confirm
the highly favourable opinion we had formed of his dis-
position, and of his capacity for Government. His ad-
ministration of a certain jagheer is described as having
been distinguished for good sense and disinterestedness.
His conduct to the dependent jagheerdars was just and
conciliatory ; and in his general government, while he
appears to have seldom stood in need of your advice, he
seems to have been duly sensible of its value on the
few occasions when it was offered." And on the 11th of
June, 1834, the Court wrote another political letter to
Bombay, in which they say :—" With respect to your
suggestion, that we should confer upon his Highness
some testimonial of our sense of the public spirit and
liberality, by which he is distinguished among the native
Princes of India, it is for you to inform us what it should be.
Again, as if never weary of expressing their admiration
of the Raja of Sattara, the Court addresses another letter,
dated the 26th September, 1834,-after describing him as
" a Prince whose administration is a model to all native
rulers (I, Sir, should have said to all rulers), they say
" He appears to be most attentive to business, superintend-
in.' ' every department of his Government without the aid
of a Minister. He confines his own expenses, and those
of all under him, within fixed limits. He pays all his
establishments with perfect regularity; but when, in any
year, his resources are inadequate to his fixed expenses,
a rateable reduction is made from all allowances, not ex-
cepting his own. * * * By his frugal and care-
ful management, the Raja has kept free from debt; and
as he does not accumulate, he is enabled to expend large
sums in liberality and in the improvement of his country.
We have read with great pleasure the following passage
from Lieutenant-Colonel Robertson's despatch :—" He
also maintains a well-regulated school at Sat-
tara, in which he has teachers of great respecta-
bility, both as to character and attainments.
This seminary was closely examined in all its details
last October, by a very competent judge, the Rev. Mr.
Stevenson, of the Scottish mission, who, I am happy to
say, expressed the highest satisfaction with it, and did
not scruple to say, he considered it a far more useful es-
tablishment than the College at Poona. In this seminary
his Highness teaches Mahratta, Sanscrit, and the sciences
usually taught in that tongue, Persian, and English, as
well as arithmetic, surveying, and other kinds of know-
ledge useful in the transaction of public business. In this
school his Highness has a number of youths of his own
caste, and relations of his (whose forefathers despised all
such tuition), training up for his public service, and this
is one of the causes why the Brahmins are hostile to
him." Then, Sir, comes the resolution of the Court on
the 22d of July, 1835, voting the Raja a sword; nil*:
then, the memorable letter which accompanied it, of Intr
cember 29, 1835. But, strange to say, though voted for-
eighteen years of " exemplary fulfilment of the duties of,
his elevated situation;" for eighteen years of " con-
duct calculated to promote the prosperity of his domi-
nions and the happiness bf his. people;" for eighteen
years of, undeviating rectitude reflecting the • highest
honour on his character, and justly raising his reputa-
tion in the eyes of the Princes and people 'of India"—
strange to say, this sword, voted, fabricated, jewelled,
' packed, directed, and transmitted (and, I suppose,• pro-
perly insured), was never given to the Raja ; and, of
course, neither the letter, so carefully and beautifully
written. The Hon. the Court of Directors reaped the
" high gratification"—the " unqualified satisfaction and
pleasure"—they luxuriated in unalloyed feelings of " ap-
probation," " respect," " applause," "esteem," and " re-
gard," and subscribed themselves his Highness's " faith-
ful friends"—but, his Highness never got the sword.
It seems, indeed, to have cut their love. And yet, on the
22d of November, 1837, we find the same Court taking
occasion to express " the pleasure" they feel—(it must
be gratifying to us all, and to the Raja in particular, to
find the Directors enjoying so much pleasure)—the plea-
sure they feel from the Resident's reports of the Raja's
administration ef his jagheers. Such has been the con-
duct of our faithful and loving friends the Hon. the
Court of Directors. We owe the mention of this de-
spatch to Mr. John Forbes ; it has never seen the light.
Let me turn for a moment to the conduct of the Raja
subsequent to his misunderstanding with the Govern-
ment. How did he act when the Resident at his. Court
demanded some of his subjects, suspected of conspiracy
in the matter of the Sepoys ? The Raja gave them up
instantly. •In an hour from the time of the demand they
were at the Residency.. How did ho appear before the
Commission ? " I shall never forget the scene," says
General Lodwick ; " he came in with the proud and
high dignity of a sovereign. The whole people of
Sattara had turned out—many of them were in
tears." how did he part with Colonel Lodwick ?
As the bust means of evincing his desire to be reconciled
to, and conciliate me, the Raja had placed at my dis-
posal 19,000 rupees for the formation of a lake on the
Mahablaysvvur Hills, a work I had originally suggested
'to him, and he knew to be a favourite scheme of mine ;
observing that I might apply the sum either to that
work, or to the completion of the unfinished road
through his-territory to Poona, and lie would in that case
assign 20,000 rupees the next year to the lake. And when
the news of my -recall reached him, his Highness
begged me not to quit his Court without receiving a
public entertainment from; him and when that was de-
clined, asked, as a last token of friendship, that I would
permit his servants to bear the palankeens of myself and
family from Sattara, and his camels to carry my bag-
gage, and that I would write to him from England.
How did he receive Colonel Ovans ? With the dignity
of a Prince—with the frankness and kindness of a gene-
rous, high-minded, and unsuspecting man. In proof of
this, read the letter of Colonel Ovans to the Bombay Go-
vernment, 24th June, 1837, paragraphs 2 and 6 :
" 2. Immediately on the receipt of your communica-
tion I waited upon his Highness the Raja, and delivered
the letter to him from the Right Hon. the Governor, ac-
quainting him of my appointment to officiate as Resident.
Very little passed on this occasion ; his Highness's man-
ner was conciliatory, and he professed himself willing to
give me every information in his power.
" 6. In the interview above alluded to, the Raja showed'
an inclination to put himself into my hands, but as my
communication with him at this crisis are necessarily re-
served and distant, and in accordance with my instruc-
tions, this feeling on his part must be expected to wear
off. In reply to his frequent allusions and remarks on
the subject of the Commission, I gave him distinctly to
understand that the whole case has been referred for
the consideration and instructions of the Government of
India."

I shall leave the deportment of the latter functionary
until I coma fo notice it in the right place. Suffice it to
say in passing, that while on the side of his enemies,
leagued with the Government, every act was
of a dark, stealthy, and feline character, on
the side of the Raja, all was open, undis-
guised, straightforward and honourable. How did
he deport himself in the first interview with the
new Governor, Sir James Carnac ? Here is an extract
from what puports to be a correct statement of the
substance of the conversation. They are the minutes of
his Highness himself, anti though long printed their
accuracy has never been disputed.
" Sir JAMES—Your Highness has been making a plot:
this has been proved by evidence.
" His HIGHNESS—I have made no plot; you may refer
inquiry of the matter to a Committee.
" Sir JAMES—I have seen all ; there is no need of
further inquiry, and I have no time for it. What is the
use of discussions ? Your Highness should listen to
what I say, and should sign a memo andum which I am
going to propose.
" His Hionnuss—lf your Excellency has no time, I
will show all my papers and documents to Colonel Ovens.
He will inquire how evidence has been procured, and
will know how enmity has arisen. You should do
justice ; I will have nothing to say if there be any
paper of mine connected with the plot. * *
" Sir JAMES—Your Highness should listen to what I
say, or else you shall not retain your kingdom.
"His HIGHNESS—I have never coveted the kingdom; I
care for friendship with the Engl'sh Government only. I
do not wish to retain my kingdom by confessing myself
guilty without trial. If you like you may take charge
of the kingdom; I will maintain myself by begging. If