The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-27 00:00:00

or the negro race, was to be permitted or not ? The growth
of sugar in those countries was the greatest. aggravation- of all
the horrors of the slave trade.--( Heai, hear.) 'The
question was not whether we were inconsistent or not, but
what was the course which we should pursue, all things
considered, for promoting the great interests of humanity.
We had entered into engagements with other Governments,
who joined with us in establishing a sort of naval police onlhe
coast of Africa. Now, they might depend upon it, that if
this country were to take measures fur receiving an un-
limited quantity of sugar from Cuba and Brazil, we could
not expect the co-operation of the Governments who 'aided
us in cur efforts for the suppression of the slave-trade,
whilst we encouraged it with one hand, and
thwarted it feebly with the other. He believed that the
Governments of Europe were alive to the real state of this
question. They felt that after the measures we had taken it
was not safe for them to continue slavery in their own posses-
sions in its present state.—( Hear, bear.) The King' of
Sweden had very recently taken measures fur its modification
in his peasessions ; and the question of abolition in the Dauish
colonies was under discussion in the States of Denmark. A
petition, most numerously signed, had been presented to the
States, praying slavery to cease.—(Cheers.) In France the
question was under serious consideration whether slavery should
be continued or not. And Portugal was making honourable ef-
forts to fulfil her engagements with this country. Even in the
United States, where there were peculiar obstacles—where.
there had been a resolution of Congress that no petition for the
abolition of slavery should be received; public feeling was un-
dergoing a change—the resolution was rescinded, and now .it
was competent for every Member to present such a petition.-a-
-( Cheers.) He might venture to say that, notwithstanding
the state of public feeling in the United State.., it would be
very difficult to maintain slavery there on its present footing.
It was not for him to offer any opinion upon the internal po-
licy of the United States—( Hear, hear)—but, speaking of
Europe, he believed that there prevailed through Ger-
many, France, Sweden, and Denmark, a strong opinion that the
time had arrived when they ought to follow the example et
England—(Cheers)—that the time had arrived when an end
should be put to the state of slavery.—(Cheers.) He hoped
that the House would not come to any decision which would
interrupt that course into which the current of public opinion
throughout Europe had turned.—( Hear, hear.) England was
now admitted to be the only power that took effective measures
for the suppression of slavery—which made vigorous, deter-
mined efforts to put down the slave trade on the coast of Africa.
Hear, hear.) There might be an inconsistency in ad-
mitting cotton the produce of slave countries; but that
inconsistency did not affect the moral position which
England held in the eves of Europe en this question.
The efforts which we had made were acknowledged as most
generous, nil even splendid. But if we departed from that
course—if we unintentionally, but practically and certainly,
encouraged the slave trade, by admitting the sugar of Cuba
and Brazil, it would be an admission that their efforts hid
failed, and it would appear to justify the assertion of Mr.
Colquhoun, that we were reviving the slave trade on the coast o
Africa under the name of apprenticeship. Whatever imputa-
tion might have been cast upon him ( Sir R. Peel) for the
course which he hail taken upon the reaulutions in 1541, he
assured the House that if he now stood unfettered, he would vote
against the proposition of the Noble Lord—that sugar, the pro=
duce of slave labour, should be admitted into the markets of
Great Britain.— ( ( heers. ) ' .
Lord PA IM ERSTON said that, whatever might be the re.
suit of the debate, nothing could' be more- satisfactory to him
than the discussion.— ( Crieers and a laugh.) The Right Hon.
Baronet had made no attempt to, answer the arguments which
had been urged in favour of his Noble Friend's proposition.--'
( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, as was usual with
expert d haters, began his speech with topics in no way relavant
to the question. The Right Hem Baronet began with the
income-tax, and taunted the Opposition with inconsistency in
supporting that tax, and complaining that use had not been
made of the surplus, so as to enable the GovernMent
to dispense with it at the end of three years.—
( Ikar, hear.) It was perfectly consistent for • men
to think that protection was the bane of the interests which it
was meant to prosper, and at the same time that it was not ex-
pedient to withdraw it from the interests which had been long
vested upon its faith. The Itight Hon. Baronet had taunted
the Opposition with their want of success in their commercial
treaties with foreign Powers. Now, the Right Hon. Baronet
some years ago seemed to expect that when he came into
office he would be able to settle these matters. What was the
fact? Why, the Right Hon. Baronet's Government had en-
tirely failed.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet threw
over the commercial and financial part of this question, and
justified the distinction they made between free-grown sugar
and slave-grown sugar, on the ground that they had under-
taken to do all they could to suppress the slave trade. In this
respect, his ground was much narrower than the ground taken
up by his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and the Right Hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of
Trade, because they took their stand upon the general prin-
ciple of humanity, and contended, upon that principle, that
the country ought to do everything toward discouraging slavery
and the slave trade. The Right Hon. Baronet renounced this
advantage, and took his stand upon the arrangements existing
between foreign Powers and Great Britain, on the subject of
the slave trade. The Right Hon. Baronet, in reply to the un-
answerable argument of his Hon. Friend the Member for Edin-
burgh, founded upon the importation of cotton, said the United
States had not entered into anegotiation with this country, and,
therefore, hone had been violated. Ihe United States were
free from any engagements, and of course they had, said the
Right Hon. Baronet, a right to breed slaves and employ them
in the production of cotton. But, with regard to Brazil, the
case was different, and he made the distinction to punish them
for doing that which they had wide, taken not to do. The
Right Honourable l3ar.,net had thus avoided the principle of
humanity, and thrown himself solely upon the rights given to
this country by the treaties. Brazil and Spain had entered
into treaties, by which they bound themselves not to prosecute
their trade in slaves. Those treaties were broken, and, there-
fore, as a punishment, this Gpvernment said they were enti-
tled to say their slave produce should not be admitted. If this
argument, however, applied to one, it *as applicable
to all import duties on slave produce. If this p rotection
were given to sugar, it ought to be given to coffee.
But what did the Goverdreent do last year? Why, they re-
duced the discriminating duty on Brazilian coffee, the produce
of slave-labour.— ( Heat, hear.) 'flits they did last year, but
had they done nothing this year in direct violation of their
principles ? The Government proposed to reduce the duty on
copper ore, and where did copper ore come from ? From
Cuba. How was it got from the bowels of the earth ? By
the labour of slaves.—( Hear, hear.) Thus by the tariff
of last year, and by the measures proposed,
the Government directly violated the principles they
asked the House to sanction—(llear, hear)—and withheld
from the population of this country comforts and indulgences
which might otherwise be afforded to them. But he must say
that this course was inconsistent from beginning to end.
He. nee•l hardly say that he concurred in all that
hail fallen from the Right Honourable baronet about
the horrors of the slave 'trade. It was a matter
upon which the people and Parliament had always been
united, and however strongly Honourable Members op-
posite might declare that the Opposition only agravated the
slave-trade by their present course, he would venture to say,
that there were those out of doors, who would confirm their
opinion. Instead of the evils being increased there was no doubt
they had been greatly diminished. In the year 1840, 1841,
and 1842. the number of slaves imported into Cuba and the
Brazils had very considerably fallen off, and no one
denied the assertion of the . Right Honourable Ba-
ronet that this change had resulted from exer-
tions made by the Government to suppress the traffic.
Now, though he should feel sorry that there was any division of
opinion upon this subject, he was very glad to hear the state-
ment of her Majesty's Ministers, that it was their intention not
to relax in their endeavours until the slave trade should be en.
tirely dune away with. But whatever the opinion of the Go-
vernment should be on this question, or whatever their argu-
ments might be in support of this absurd doctrine of
protection, he would ask bow they meant to defend
the course they intended to pursue of continuing
this protection? Of what value, he would ask, would it be to
the country that large estimates for the naval force should be
granted, in order to Ite cp up a number of armed vessels on the
slave coasts, if those vessels had not the power of the right of
seat ch ?—( Hear, hear.) What had been the object of all
modern Governments of England on this question ? In
the year 1814 it was a great object of Lord
Castlereagh, an.l it was with that view that he
entered into a treaty with Gene, and a few years afterwards the
(hike of Wellington tried to get a consent from France for the
abolition of slavery, but he found it to be impossible. Again,
in the year IblB, the same experiment was tried with France,
but again a refusal was the result. The same experiment was
tried in 1823, and again in 1827, and with a like result. Well,
then, the present Government came into office, and
what did they do? Why, s s far from following
un this subject with I erseverance, they recklessly threw it over-
lmiard altogether.—( Hear, hear.) Then came the letter of
Loid Aberdeen, which was now on the table, and that letter
recommended the trial of an experiment as a substitute for
what previous Governments recomm ended.—( Bear, hear. )
Now, he would ask, what would b e the result, if
.20,000 tons
of sugar were taken out of the market ; whether that were
the produce of slave labour or ftee labour, it would
create a void which should be made up, and until it was, the
price of m hat remained would be increased.—( Hear, hear.
Therefore it would be quite absurd to make distinctions which
admitted of no difference, as in the proposed plan of the Go-
vernment. 'Therefore, whatever might have been the argu-
ments of Honourable Members opposite., there was no
real ground on which they could support them ; and
when those arguments came to be read by the public,
and particularly the speech of his Right Honourable
Friend the Member for Edinburgh, the opinion of the public
would he that the interests of the consumers had been sacri-
ficed without any consideration for humanity, but that it had
been done merely to promote the West India interests, which in
the eed it would be found had not been benefitted, but pa-
ralysed by such legislation, and uron whom real benefit would
be conferred if all protection were withdrawn, and a fair and
full and free competition given to every branch of industry.
Sir C. NAPIER contended that sugar would be shipped
from Cuba and Brazil and sent to Florida, reshipped to this
•
country, and admitted as free-labour sugar. As to the slave-
trade, he believed that sending vessels to the coast of Africa
was useless, unless they also sent cruisers to the coasts of
Brazil and Cuba to stop the slave-traders that escaped
from the coast of Africa.—(Hear.) The Right Hon.Gentl
eman
had put words into the mouth of the Noble Lord the 111ere-
for the City of London, which he ( Sir C. Napier) did not
think the Noble Lord had wed. The Right Hon. Baronet
stated that the Noble Lord had said that the slavers only con.
tained two feet of stowage room for the slaves. This was
evidently mistake, for two feet would not be sufficient to
stow . urkey in.-Laughter, and cries of " Divide.") •
stow
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw,raw,
a
and the House
divided, when there appeared—

..
--
. For the amendment
Against it
Majority against the an:endrnent -94
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned shortly before One o'clock.

MAXIMS AND OPINIONS CT TAE DUKE OF WEL-
LINGTJN.—A volume has just been published under the
above title, which must meet a welcome reception from
all the admirers of the Noble Duke. The Editor oh-
s.ilives—" Almost all preceding works of which the Duke
of Wellington Las formed the subject, have been almost
exclusively occupied with the military exploits which
tendered him so illustriom during the first twenty years
of his public life, while his political career has been com-
paratively neglected. The Editor of these pages has
therefore endeavonred to supply materials by which a
just estimate may be formed of the Duke of Welling-
ton's claims as a Minister and a Statesman. The volume
wid be found to contain the Duke's deliberate opinions
upon all the great questions which have agitated the
public mind since the commencement of the present
century.
Disratches were sent off Yesterday evening from the
Colonial-office, for Sir R. P. Wilson, Governor of Gibraltar.
The great number of letters which we have received
on the subject of the glas ; duty, and the statements connected with
it, show how lively an interest is taken in this part of the Govern-
ment financial scheme. Above all, Were is a great anxiety to remove
the impression that the present duty weighs so heavily on flint-glass,
the material of which decanters and wine-glasses are made. Instead
of being 200 or 300 per cent. on the value- of the article, it seems not
to exceed 10 per cent. The circular which was noticed yesterday was
for the purpcse of showing, that on the rich flint-glass articles no re
duction'of price weuld be made, and the trade are evincing Muth
enierness to cliobuse- the octal of the public in this respect.