The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-19 00:00:00

Ty
CORN-LAW REPEAL.

Mr. 'VILLIERS rose, and said—Sir, I beg leave to ask
permission to read a petition which has been presented to
the House, and which bears upon the subject before the
Committee. It is a petition from the Chairman of a Con-
ference-of Delegates from all parts of England, Scotland,
and Wales, appointed by their fellow-countrymen, to take
measures for the total repeal of the Corn-laws. (The Hon.
Member then read the petition of the Anti-Corn-law
Conference, which has already appeared in The Sun.
Sir, I trust that the reading of that petition
sA,Alpt, be thought„ Iln.,,inl!ppropriate introduction
to the motion which have' to `subs file Committee.
A motive, Sir, which, whatever has been said with re-
spect to the illogical order in which it is now submitted.
I cannot regret that this is the moment in which I
am called on to bring it forward. I cannot help thinking
that I acquired some advantage by the discus-
sion which has taken place ; for, in hearing that discus-
sion, it struck Inc that much ability and ingenuity were
displayed in the debate by Hon. Gentlemen on both
sides, elicited in order to escape the difficulties with
which the projects both of the late Government, and
of the Right Honourable Baronet were surrounded.
I think, Sir, there is something in that peti-
tion apposite to my motion, which, whatever
else may be objected, is free from the difficulties of both
the others. Sir, I rise to call on this Committee to con-
demn in tote, and abolish for ever, that law which we are
in Committee to consider. .A law, of which the avowed
object is to raise the price, by limiting the amount of
human subsistence—a law, which by the admission
of a distinguished member of the present Govern-
ment, is designed to raise the price of food and
the amount of rent, but not the amount of wages—
a law, Sir, which I must consider, inasmuch as these
objects and these purposes are in view, erroneously if you
please—yet that such a law can only exist in gross viola-
tion of every principle which could regulate the law of
this country, ; and yet I will not now abandon tilt idea
that at no distant period I shall be able to persuade this
House of the injustice of that measure, and that I shall
yet be able to persuade them to abolish a law of this
kind. I must say I have heard with hope, if not with
satisfaction, the admission made this year, which has
been denied hitherto, that this law has not worked well—
(Hear, hear.) I avail myself now of that admission, that
this law has worked ill, and ought to be repealed, and
I avail myself of the statement of an Hon. Member, who
said, and said justly, that it had been passed for
dishonest purposes to press my motion on the House.—
(Hear, hear.) These concessions having been made, I
now call upon the House, before they re-enact. a law
which is capable of having such a prejudicial effect, and
which, if the House succeeded in passing, their success
must be incomplete—l call upon the House to consider
that the principle upon which this law was enacted
is opposed to the object and end of all such enactments—
' ask the House to consider the basis of this law, and to
abandon it if they believe it is opposed to the prin-
ciples of justice upon which all laws should be
founded.—(Hear.) The House is bound to consider
the effects of this enactment ; their duty clearly is
rather to promote the general interests of the country,
than to secure the advantages and interests of a
patrician class.—(Hear, hear.) This enactment was
passed in opposition to the interest of a great body of
the people at large, and it is now attempted to be main-
tained in defiance of their feelings and opinions, for they
now understand, and are, consequently, opposed to them.
You are now about to attempt another experiment upon
their patience and temper. These ate not the times
when you can perpetrate wrongs in the open day,
when all men's eyes are upon you, and when you
suffer full liberty of thought and f expression, men
who have knowledge may perpetrate wrong upon those
who have it not: But it cannot be perpetrated with im •
punity upon people in the condition in which the people
of this country now are. Without intending any offence
to this House, I venture to say that it is not a true
representative of the intelligence without, nor a faith-
ful picture of the information possessed by the middle
and working classes of the country. For I believe that
it is within the knowledgeof every man who goes among
these classes, that they possess information, shrewdness,
and an absence of prejudice never remarked before. I
only mention this tdishow that it is utterly impossible for
the Legislature of this country to escape the severest
scrutiny that it can be submitted to, and, above all, respect-
ing this law, which has attracted so much attention,
and which the people of this country have determined
shall not continue. I belie've the minds of the great ma-
jority of this country are made tip upon the subject, and
that they will use every means in their power to
emancipate !their industry and their commerce—
(Hear, hear)--Land they now distinctly demand of
you, that you will rid the Statute-book of the dis-
grace, and yourselves of the discredit, of maintaining
this law, and that you will no longer suffer your-
selves to be charged as parties to a common breach,
of trust in using power confided to you for your own
purposes.—(Hear, hear.) You have no reason to com-
plain of the tone and temper in which the people
now approach you, for I well know, by the time and
trouble that I have given to this subject, the
endeavours that have been made to bring you to a
calm and careful consideration of it. You have been
asked in times of comparative quietude and prosperity to
ameliorate this law, and you have strenuously and steadily
refused to comply. You have refused the smallest
modification of this measure, on the ground that it
might lead 'to a greater change ; and you have no
right now, when the people are exhausted by dis-
tress, and, perhaps, excited by despair, to complain
that they approach you .in anger, and call upon
you peremptorily at once to abolish this law. Sir, lam
sorry that this House complains of the manncr and the
mode in which the people have sought to obtain redress;
and I think that those who profess to be their
" friends " - could better occupy themselves than
by complaining. of the manner in which redress is
now sought. I have heard much grumbling about the
people soliciting their pastors to go forth and bear testi-
mony to their miseries and sorrows. But what are the
people of this country to do ? They are not fairly
represented in this House. Where, then, are they
to . find advocates of their cause and expounders
of their sorrows, if not among their spiritual advisers?
Sir, I can only say, seeing what I knqw of kufferings

of the people,t that there is much to admire in their for-
feirancer, and much to
excusein their violenoe.
But I do not stand here only
redrew,to
manner in which 'they haveta vindicate th
to
jus-
tifye the measure of relief nowwhiththe
ne measure reasonable,
seek at your
- •
sought
thatand
hands. What they ask is, in my opinion,
I believe will be beneficial; it can lead to
it would be unjust to concede, but it is founded on
every'
principle of justice and policy.—(Hear.) What a
haveve
to say to recommend the measure which is the subject of
my notice, but to point to the condition of the country,
and the effect of the law ? What is the appearance
England presents to us at present ? More abundant
in resources, more fertile than any other territcoy
in the world ; yet her industrial population is in
that ,state of distress which he who was ap-
pointed by the Government to answer the address of
the. Crown, said, on the responsibility of that Govern-
ment, that it could not be exaggerated. It is admitted
on all sides that England is rich—rich in labour,
rich in knowledge, rich in the appliCation of /4't
means to labour and skill ; yet that her soil being of li
suited eXtetat,' and her population hourly increasing. they'
are in want of food. That is the condition of this country;
it is a state which all men must have seen she would have
arrived at ; that period h at length arrived, and is
there any ma hp-slare se t that thi; untie doom
, _
whick 1-1 • ' .
is tie` man so ignorant, who vould look upon any
chart, and see the locality o his island, who would not
•at once demand how it is t th's coo 1 ' b w
the two civilized confine c woe is in a. state
to endure this distress. And if he were to hear that
these other countries, though abounding in ftiod, but
wanting that which England possesses, t.re nearly in
similar distress, would lie not ask for some solu-
tion of the mystery ? Is there any could be offered
to satisfy any reasonable being, but that the
lords of the soil have established a barrier between
this island and the Continent which has caused the distress
in all ? That is. the condition in which this coun-
try is now placed ;—that is my solution of the
distress admitted on all sides . to exist.—(llear.)
If you can prove that it is not, you are‘',,,hotiral to
do so. This is the theory of those who ask of you to
abolish this law. You are bound to give us your theory
if you differ from us. But I ask you to test it by any process
that you please, I ask you to suppose only that I airi right,
to grant my hypothesis, that thek are the circumstances
and that this is the condition- of the country, and
upon due deliberation, whether there is any feature in
the present state of the country, which might not be
expected to result from such a law. I askyou to adMit
that this country does not supply herself with food
that she has now a deficiency, and that others have an
abundance of that food, and that England is stifferin,-
from what you yourselves style over-production ; an',}T
then I ask you to examine whether the present stute. of
the•country be not natural, under the existing lain, If
you expect a people to be exhausting their numns,
by paying an exorbitant price for food, that,
is the case of this country at present. If you
found them dispensing with comforts and luxuries
which they have hitherto enjoyed, you would find that
those whose business it was to produce these comforts
and luxuries were in distress. If you expect to find
that those why produced food and wanted goods
were manufacturing for themselves, that you will,
now find. If you expect that in case of a
scarcity' of food you were obliged to send out your
money to buy up the food which was grown for other -
men, and the consequence of sending out your money
was to contract the basis on which your credit in this
country was placed. I say, Sir, that that is what you
now find; and if you found further general discontent
and general distress, it is precisely that which must
result from the state of things which I have supposed to
exist. Sir, I venture, in confidence of the correctness of
my views, to defy any one to prove that this has not
been the cause of the distress. I have such confidence in
the good sense and sagacity of the people of this country,
that I am perfectly satisfied that whatever may be urged
in opposition to this view—whatever notions you may
start to divert the attention, you will not succeed.
Let us refer to the experience of many years past.
For a long period every thing has been said, every
thing has been urged. You have trailed the ground
with any kind of rubbish, with the design of diverting
the people from the real object.—(llear.) But, you hay.
completely failed; and you now find that the public mind,
is more strongly impressed with the conviction that this
is the real cause of the embarrassments of the country
than it has been at any former period.—(Hear, hear.)
Within one year two Governments have thought proper
to attend to the general expression of opinion. One Go-
vernment thought that there was so much importance
to be attached to the opinion write!' was generally, enter-
tained upon this subject, and the evils which result from
the Corn-laws, that they were ready to sacrifice offiee
in the attempt to effect the alteration. Another Govern-
ment hail thought proper, notwithstanding the pre-
vious denial that the evils of the country were
to be attributed to this law, to acknowledge that
the laws now in existence must be changed.
There have been now before the country and the House
two projects of a change7—two modes of mitigating the
evils of the present law. Sir, I object to them both.—
(Hear, hear.) Ido not deny that the plan of the Noble
Lord would meet many of the most prominent evils
of the present law ; and I believe that his plan
would effect many improvements.—(llear.) But my
complaint is, that both your laws are unjust, that no.
justice in principle or purpose furnishes a ground for
the maintenance of the present system.— (Hear, hear.)
.know, Sir, that I stand here to vindicate the •
people against charges of being extreme and unrea-
sonable, but I say that there are no teachers of
morals, nor writers of ethieF, who j ustify a modification
of wrong.—(Hear, hear.) A law is either right
wrong in principle, if it be wrong why should it be V?
maintained ?—(Cheers.) This is the objection of time Z, .1`
people to the plan of the Noble Lord, and, Sir, lam
here now to complain oil their part, of the manner
in which the plan now before the House has been re-
ceived, for in the discussion that has lately taken place
the principal argument in favour of the present plan was,
that if .it were unjust, so was that of the Noble Lord.
The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorsetshire,
says, he has been cured of giving large measures of
justice.—(Laughter.) His assertion is, if I am unjust
you are likewise. Ido not know enough of the Noble
Lord to say how far lie feels at withholding from the
people much of what they are entitled to, but I would
ask him to consider whether a people, upon obtaining a full
measure of justice, have remained discontented ?
(Hear, hear.) I must really complain of the manner
in which the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
the Government has treated those whom I repro-.
sent. He seemed to think that nothing more was
necessary then to show the difficulty and inexpediency
of the plan of the Noble Lord, and he (the Right Hon.
Baronet) seemed inclined to defend his own measure---a
measure involving the sustenance of millions of people
in this country—by referring to the party by whom those
are represented. He asserted that he believed
the party who supports us to be extremely
small, while it is very violent in its principles.
Such is the manner in which the Right Hon. Baronet
has been pleased to describe that party ; but that small
party has this consolation, that there has never
been any one single great or good measure, not
one :measure of which the country has a right to
be proud, which has not been treated in a similar
way— (Cheers) and the first proposers of which
have not been treated with similar scorn by the party
to which the Right Hon. Baronet belongs.—(Cheers.)
I When the Right lion. Baronet talks of the unreason-
able violence—(Expressions of dissent from Sir Robert
Peel) —I am glad to see that the Right Hon. Baronet
disclaims the charge, but.l certainly collected from what
passed the other night that the Right Hon. Baronet cast
the imputation of violence—of extreme violence—upon the
'party to which I alluded. But I know that these views
are entertained regarding_ that party, and that they
are not altogether confined to gentlemen on the
opposite side, of the House—(Hear, hear, hear)—
but that many Gentlemen not agreeing altogether is ith
Hon. Gentlemen opposite, have made similar imputations
upon those who seek for a total and immediate repeal of
• this law. I would ask is there anything more unrea-
sonablea total repeal of this law, than
there is, in a
aftersknmiattting this law for so many years, in
acknowledging that it is a bad law ?—(Cheers.) Every
charge of violence which has been brought against us
for demanding the repeal of this law may with equal
justice be retorted upon those who assisted at the first
enactment of it. I consider that every argument
which was urged the other night by the
Right Ilon. Baronet., as to intering with property,
and with the rights of the landed proprietors,
against the repeal of this law, may with equal propriety
be urged against the maintenance of it as interfering
with the rights and hopes of millions.—(Cheers.) You
talk of the delicacy of interfering, with the rights of
property, when millions are starving. There has not been
one single reason advanced in defence of the main-
tenance of this law, which might not have been advanced
with equal propriety in the defence of any abuse how-
ever flagrant, and of any monopoly however odious.—
(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet has no right to
make use of suchargument. The people have been calling
for thirty years for the abolition of this law.—(Cheers.)
Is this a time, when the people are in a starving state, to
talk of the 'injury which may arise to invested capital,
and of the delicacy required in interfering with existing
interests? It is too late in the day to make use of such
an argument. If this were the first time that the people
had called for a repeal of the Corn-laws there might be
some excuse for all this caution, and for not requiring
too speedy an alteration ; but that is not the sort
of language to held at the present day.—(Hear,
hear.) The people have long been calling for the
abolition of the law, and if you had altered it in
time you might have introduced certain modifications,
but the people have now neither time nor temper to wait
for your modifications.—(Cheers.) They are starving
in the streets.— (Hear, hear.) The present relative con-
dition of the landowners -reminds me of an anecdote I
have read of a Turkish 'captain, who took an. enormous
number of passengers on board his ship, engaging
that they should have an ample supply of food and water;
but when he got to sea he monopolised the water, and
woidd let no man satisfy his thirst who could not pay him
for the water. Now this conduct might be defended Upon
the principle of the arguments which had fallen from
the Honourable Baronet, that great
he used in interfering with the rightsc
capital, that his property wealth be wastites‘l,,t;thi:ine.:;:.,";
the people to have the water, and thati
entit
greaticm
mischief
the social rights of the navy, and. titisvested
s :,a-(41to talk of the
might be done by interfering.
ting it.—(Cheers.)
this law; think
mofisticiheiemfisacihiiicelfi
.),Tuiyhbaevedodiolencbrleeptinettelaling
one case as in the
Why the thing is
reasonable
beg to rest my claims ea the
non strong. authority, of its being
part of the people other.—(Hear, heara.s)
reasonable, as well as upon the possibility of its
ut danger, and even with advan-
being effected with' •
,tvaiice) is a class of persons
have scruples with regard to the total abolition of
:"._4l,oud cheers.) I know there
these laws. Ido not say that that elass.is verb fully re.
presented in this House, but their feelings go reptesew

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