The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-30 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1845.

The House of Lords met at Five o'Clock.

The Church Buildings Act Amendment Bill was read
a second time, as was the Customs Duties Imports Bill.
Lord BROUGHAM again drew their Lordships' atten-
tion to the encroachments of Railway Companies.
After a short conversation on the subject of the Wc,lah
hisboprio.,

Lord DENMAN moved the second reading of the Oaths
Dispensation Bill.

Lord CAMPBELL and Lord BROUCHAIFI censured the
principle of the Bill, which was objected to by the Earl
of WICKLOW.

The Earl of DEVON objected to leaving it to the dis-
cretion of the Bankruptcy Court to decide whether the
objection to taking an oath was conscientious or not ;
and the Duke of WELLINGTON suggested that a general
declaration should be substituted for an oath.

This suggestion was acceded to, and the order of
the day was discharged, in order to afford an opportu-
nity of introducing a clause to carry the suggestion
into effect.
The Bail in Error Bill was read a second time.
The Earl of DALHoursiE moved the second reading
of the Auction Duties' Bill.
After a few observations from Lord BROUGHAM and
Lord STANLEY, the Bill was read a second time, and
the House adjourned.
In the Commons, as there were but twenty-nine
Members present at Four o'Clock, there was no House.

Taking advantage of " the present state of political
tranquillity, and the revival of trade," Lord JOHN Rus-
mu. is about to propose certain measures which " may
tend permanently to improve the condition of the
labouring classes." Such an all-important subject could
hardly be introduced at a more fitting season; the pre-
sent session has already done much to retrieve the errors
of the last—Conservatives have thrown aside their Con-
servatism, and dared to exchange prejudice for prin-
ciple; while the Opposition has nobly refused to oppose,
preferring integrity to interest. Party spirit being thus
cast to the winds, all may now cordially unite to pro-
mote the interests of their common country. Having,
to a certain extent, vindicated justice to Ireland, the
next act of the House must be one both of justice
anti humanity they must legislate for the
people at large. Aware of the necessity for improve-
ment, and feeling the deep importance of the subject,
Lord J. RUSSELL has not brought forward any single

measure, but has proposed for the consideration of the
House a series of resolutions, all having for their object
the improvement of the great body of the people. In
one of the first he declares " that the laws which impose
prohibitory duties impair the efficiency of labour, re-
strict the interchange of commodities, and impose ruin-
ous taxation." They are few who can conscientiously
contradict this assertion—they are yet fewer wko dare
act in accordanc.e with their convictions. Year after
year, session after session, the great question of the
corn-laws has been brought forward, argued, de-
bated, and dismissed, but never finally defeated.
It may continue so for years to come ; but
of its ultimate decision no one can doubt. This law can
never be permanent, for it is opposed to the great prin-
ciples of the country. It is one of the last remnants of
the feudal times—one of those laws tending to conserve
in the hands of the few the wealth and power acquired
by the labour of the many. As such it can never be
tolerated in England. Does she owe her power and great-
ness to her proud aristocracy ? What has made the
little island of the " painted Britons," the leader of na-

of all civilized countries, but greater
tions, and the mistress of the seas—not
evoennlytthhaen first
mighty empires of antiquity ?
" Not one of all the conquerors that are, or ever were,
In wealth, or fame, or grandeur, with England can compare."
And to what is all this owing? Is it to geographical posi-
tion or natural advantages? llas she the glorious cli-
mate of the south or the boundless riches of the east?
Have her sons more vigorous frames, or higher forms of
thought? The secret of her power is this—the little island
has learned that" union is strength." She has found that
men are all dependent on each other—nut like
slaves and tyrants, but by the -cordial co-operation of a
free people : by this she has acquired the blessings of
liberty—by this she has learned the power of commerce.
What have our Kings and Princes done to compare
with the deeds of the people themselves? The con-
quests of our lIENRIS anti our EDWARDS are forgotten;
but the acts of the people are revealed in the nation's
glory. The name of ELIZABETH is celebrated, but that
of GRESHAM will be as immortal. It is needless to
pursue the subject—all must admit the source of our
greatness. Then should the people be neglected in the
prosperity they have created ? Should commerce "lie
in fetters on the soil which gave her birth ?"
Should industry be bound down and restricted by
those whose power she herself has made? Surely the
day is at hand when truth shall be not only felt, but
feeling is diffused through the
acted upon. Now, at this time, le
'Thetushope,
poor
abeter
feelland.