The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-15 00:00:00

S N, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, APRIL 15, 1845.

(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial side.) But, of late, too
many attempts bad been male by those who ought to have been
the last to make them, to scatter the minds of such men from
the right directien, and distract their intellects, to such an ex-
tent, that they were now almost incapacitated from compre-
hending the evil consequences of sech a system.—( Hear, hear. )
The national character of Irishmen had been deteriorated, and
their public spirit had become almost extinct.—(" Hear "from
the Opposition. ) Their unpolitical interests had been lost sight
of—their noble resources forgotten or neglected—their poor-
laws, their every public institution neglected or laid aside—
their position as a nation lowered, and their honour sacrificed
to measures of imperial policy.—( Loud cheers from the Oppo-
sition. ) Even the last remnant of royalty left them, their
Lord. Lieutenant, had become so great an object of inferiority
that it k ad nearly cea.ed to dazzle—( Hear, hear)—and the
Castle of Dubin was now very little better than a registration
court for the behests of the Home-office of this country.—
(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Then he would
say let the British Government and the Imperial Legislature
beware lest they at length form the Irish nation into one great
bond of union for the expression of a general feeling of dis-
content.—( Hear, hear.) For those reasons that he bad
offered, and not wishing to trespass longer on the House, he
would give this measure his most cordial opposition.
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT hoped the House would not
think it presumptuous in him, at this late hour of the
night, if, on account of the speeches he had heard, he should
endeavour to convey, in as few words as possible, his reasons
for voting fer this measure. But he did conceive it was his
duty to say a few words in answer to the speech of the Right
Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh, and also that of
the Member for Dublin, on the measure now before the House,
and at the tenor of which he was perfectly astonished. The Hon.
Member for Edinburgh, in his speech, which, like all others
that fell from him, was brilliant in language and powerful in
argument, had adduced many reasons which he (Mr. Herbert)
conceived were reasons for passing this measure.—( Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had shown that in this
measure there was no principle involved.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear," from the Opposition.) Nothing could be more clear
than that such was the effect of the Right Hon. Gentleman's

argument ; and if so, he would wish to know, then, how this

. .
measure could be called so great a violation of public prin-
ciple ?—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He (Mr. Herbert)
could not see what there was in this measure to charge
the present Government with dereliction of principle.—( Hear,
hear.) In every year that this subject was brought forward,
those who now belonged to the Government then supported it ;
and if so why should they now oppose it ?—( Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Member then alluded to passages in the speech of the
Right Hon. Member for Dublin, and having quoted them, then
went on to say, that the result of that had been to throw the
Catholic interests into the hands of men who had no property
nor stake in the order \ and tranquillity of Ireland; and,
therefore, the Government had seen the necessity of
proplsing this measure, in order to give the na-
tural instructors of the people an interest in

. .
the State, and to place the peace of Ireland on a firmer basis.
The Right Hon. Gentleman behind him, who had spoken
against the measure, had taken a course which he (Mr. Sidney
Herbert) could not understand. While his speech had cer-
tainly been against the measure proposed by Government, his
arguments were entirely in its favour. He argued by analogy
in favour of this measure, for he showed that other countries had
munificently endowed their Catholc clergy. If they were to
allow a grant at all, why not at once give a liberal one ? He
knew that they had been told that night to take this as a warn.
ing that this measure would not have the effect anticipated.
He wa3 fully prepared for the next year, and the year after,
and even the succeeding year, to find that this Bill would not
be a successful measure, but the House must bear in mind, that
all good laws operated at first but slowly, although the result
might be permanent giod to the interest they were intended
to benefit. He was anxious, however humble his efforts,
and however feeble his arguments might be considered—he
was anxious that whatever might be the odium, or the un-
popularity, or the responsibility that attached to this measure, for
good or evil, to share in it, and for this reason alone if for none
higher, he troubled the House at that late hour of the evening.
He was not one of those who thought with the Right Hon.
Gentleman, the Member for the University of Dublin, that the
independent spirit of the Irish would be destroyed by this mea.
sure of the Government. He did not know, indeed, what the
Right Hon. Gentleman meant by this independent spirit of
Ireland. Surely measures calculated to give them an enlarged
-ducation, and to spread abroad a more liberal feeling, could
not be expected to destroy this Irish spirit. If, by an inde-
pendent spirit, the Right Honourable Gentleman meant the
spirit of party—which unfortunatply then existed to a great
degree—he would inform the Right Honourable Gentle-
man that the Government asked for no higher corn-
pl ment than the having destroyed this independent spirit.
—( Cheers.) And such a result he thought might be now
prophesied, for no Gentleman in that House could have

ii.tene I to the speeches of the Trish Members without being
struck by the altered tone of their speeches They heard none
of the party feelings, they heard none of those perverted
appeals to religious feelings which were the disgrace of former
debates. He trusted that the Government would
receive from Irish Gentlemen that c3-operation and assistance
without which the best measures would most certainly fail.
His firm conviction was, that the measure was so sound in prin-
ciple and policy, and so calculated for the good of the people of
Ireland, that he felt bound to give it his support.—( Hear.)
`n the motion of Mr. BERESFORD, the debate was then
adjourned till to-morrow.
The Justices Clerks and Clerks of the Peace Bill went
through Committee, and was ordered to be read a third time
to-morrow.

OR the motion of Mr. LYALL the following gentlemen
were appointed a Select Committee on Commercial Marine:—
Mr. Lyall, Mr. Gladstone, Viscount Sandon, Mr. Chapman,
Sir William Clay, Mr. Liddell, Mr. Bingham Baring, Mr.
Stuart Wortley, Captain Gladstone, Mr. Hutt, Mr. Thomas
Baring, Mr. Ross, Mr. Dennistoun, Mr. Wawn, and Mr
Barclay.

NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE.
FRIDAY, APRIL 11.
Dim and Colchester Junction Railwav —( committee on
petition, adjourned from Monday 14th till thurklay, April 17.
Dias, Beccles, and Yarmouth Railway,—Conunittee on
petition, adjourned till Wednesday, April 16.
Bristol and Gloucester Railway,—Committee,. on petition,
adjourned till Thursday, April 17.
Great Western Railway (Ireland) (Dublin to Mullingar
and Athlone),—Committee on petition, adjourard till Friday,
April 18.

.
Direct Northern Railway (No. 1),--Committee on peti-
tion, postponed from Monday 14th till Thursday', April 17.
Ely and Huntingdon Railway,—Committee on Bill, Mon-
day, April 21, at twelve.
Blackburn, Burnley, Accrington, and Coke Extension
Railway,—Committee on Bill, Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Bristol and Gloucester Railway (No. 2), -Committee on
petition, Tuesday, April 22.
Dunstable and London and Birmingbani railway,—Com-
mittee on Bill,
Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Bedford and London and Birmingham Railway,-.--Com-
mittee on Bill, Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Midland Railways (Syston to Peterborougli),—Committee
on Bill, Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton Railway,—Committee on
Bill, Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Leeds and Bradford Extension Railway (hipley to Colne),
—Committee on Bill, Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Barnsley Junction Railway,—Committe4 on Bill, Monday,
April 21, at twelve.

Huddersfield and Manchester Railway,—Committee on
Bill, Monday, April 21, at twelve.
York and North Midland Railway (Harrogate Branch),—
Committes on Bill, Monday, April 21, at twelve.
Leeds and Dewsbury Railway,—Commi ttee on Bill, Mon-
day, April 21, at twelve.
Harrogate and Ripon Junction Railway,—Committee OR
Bill, Monday, April 21, at twelve.
West Yorkshire Railway,—Committee on Bill, Monday,
April 21, at twelve..
Leeds and Thirsk Railway,—Committee on Bill, Monday,
April 21, at twelve.

_ .
Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction Railway,—Committee
on Bill, Monday, April 21, at twelve.
Birmingham and Gloucester Railway Acts Amendment,—
Committee on petition, postponed from Monday 14th till
Wednesday, April 16.
Manchester, Sheffield, and Midland Junction Railway,—
Second reading, Tuesday, April 15.
Londonderry and Coleraine Railway,—Committee on Bill,
Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Leeds and West Riding Junction Railway,—Committee on
Bill, Monday, April 21, at twelve.
Londonderry and Enniskillen Railway,—Committee on
Bill, Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Belfast and Ballymena Railway,—Committee on Bill,
Tuesday, April 22, at twelve.
Manchester and Leeds (Burnley Branch and Oldham and
Heywood Branches Extension) Railway,—Committee on
Bill, Monday, April 21, at twelve.
Lynn and Ely,—Committee on Bill, Monday, April 21, at
twelve.
Eastern Union and Harwich Railway and Pier (No. 1),—
Committee on petition, postponed sine die.
' Staines and Richmond Railway,—Committee on petition,
postponed from Monday 14th till Wednesday, April 16.
Birmingham arid Gloucester (Wolverhampton Line) Rail
way,—Committee on petition, postponed from 31onday 14th
till Tuesday, April 15.
Birmingham and Gloucester (Worcester Deviation) Rail-
way,—Committee on petition, postponed from Monday 14th
till Tuesday, April 15.
Birmingham and Gloucester (Worcester Branch and Chel-
tenham Extension) Railway,—Cotnmittee on petition, post-
poned from Monday 14th till Tuesday, April 15.
Birmingham and Gloucester (Gloucester Extension, Stoke
Branch, and Midland Junction) Railway,—Committee On
petition, postponed from Monday 14th till Tuesday, April 15.
London and South. Western (Epsom Branch) Railway,—
Committee on petition, postponed from Monday 14th till
Wednesday, April 16.
Midland Railways Company (Birmingham, Gloucester, and
Bristol and Gloucester Railways Purch-ase),—Committee on
petition, postponed from Monday 14th till Purchase,—Committee
April 18.

ENDOWMENT OF MAYNOOTH.
PUBLIC MEETING AT THE LONDON TAVERN.
A requisition, signed by about 200 of the principal
merchants, bankers, and traders, having been addressed
to the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, praying him to call
a public meeting of those who were opposed to any en-
dowment to the Roman Catholic clergy from the na-
tional treasury, and disposed to take part in such oppo-
sition, for the purpose of petitioning the Legislature
againstv en e da
the
meeting,
eetmeasure,ing,
whichhis Lordship, shheilpd yesterday, at twelve, in consequen.te, con-
for one o'clock, at the London Tavern.
The large room, which is able to contain about 1,000
persons, was crowded long before the latter hour.
The Right Hon. the Lord Mayor took the chair at
a quarter past one.
Among those upon the platform we observed—Am-
brose Moore, Esq., D. W. Wire, Esq., D. W. Harvey,
Esq., John Labouchere, Esq., Rev. Michael Gibbs, and
a great majority of those gentlemen who signed the re-
quisition.
Before the chair was however taken by his Lordship,
it may be mentioned that a person in the body of the
room, who gave his name Mr. Murray, addressed the
meeting in the most incoherent manner, against the pro•
posed grant. He concluded, amid the laughter of theme
about him, by prophesying that a great religious crisis
was at hand, when sectarian differences would be for-
gotten, and when the Ishmaelites and others, "at pre-
sent under the curse," would be rescued from the house
of bondage.
The cheering consequent on the entry of the Lord
Mayor and the gentlemen who accompanied him, having
subsided,

The LORD MAYOR rose, and said—Gentlemen, in con-
sequence of having received a requisition, numerously
and respectably signed, requesting that I would call a
meeting of the merchants, bankers, and traders of the
City of London, being opposed to any endowment out
of the national treasury for the Roman Catholic College
of Maynooth, and to consider the best means of opposing
such a measure, I felt it my duty to comply
with this request; and in order to give them an
opportunity of expressing their sentiments against the
proposed measu e, I have called this meeting to-day
for that purpose. The object being unique I trust there
Kill be no opposition displayed by any present, for
while we give every credit to the advocates of the grant,
we also claim credit for the purity of an opposition. I
trust, therefore, that whatever is said or proposed to-day
w ill be in a Christian spirit, without allusion to party or
political objects, and without any personality.
Mr. D. W. WIRE—I beg to announce that the first
resolution will be proposed by John Labouchere, Esq.
Mr. LABOTTCHERE—My Lord, ladies, and gentlemen,
if the proposed measure which we are met here to oppose
had received the sanction of the popular opinion and of
Parliament, I should, however much I regretted the cir-
cumstance, have submitted to it without murmuring.
I might, indeed, have deemed it my duty to lift up my
heart in prayer to God, that he would avert from this
guilty nation the judgments which they so justly do
served; but when a measure of this kind, which is con-
trary to the law of God as revealed in his Holy Word,
is under the deliberation of the Parliament of
the country, I think it is my duty to avail
myself of my privilege, as an Englishman, to protest
against the measure, and to join in any petition which
may be drawn up to oppose it. It has been stated by
an eminent opponent of the measure in the House of
Commons, that a great majority of the inhabitants of
England and of Scotland are opposed to it. lam well
acquainted with that individual,
and he agrees with me
in the sentiment that the opposition is founded, not upon
political but on relicious motives. Numerous petitions
have been presented'by every Member of the Legislature
against that measure, and surely we may enter-
tain the hope that the Legislature will not turn
a deaf ear to the representations contained
in those petitions, and that our gracious
Sovereign will not be called on to affix her signature to
a Bill which practically disavows the principles she
swore to maintain on coming to the
scuhrEeeri:.giii)
with-
nolt
bhoavcearraineodthtehrrohugop that the mea-
be; Throne.—(Loud
numerous instances recordered ill
country
or oof l
tmo
ge ae
tsbu
er
re sa
bgenerally. u nopnoep
thebeeeaens annals a l wes
of h oure % e
otletrhebseeiiengstances
occurred in the time of Sir Robert Walpole,
where the measure was of a secular natufre a . Isecul the
popular voice was so powerful in the case osecular
nature, how much more strongly does the analogy
apply to this case of a religious nature. I dodo,
then, entertain the hope that the distinguished
individual
at the head of the Government cannot be wholly indiffe-
rent Loa sentiment so largely expressed throughout every
m
part of England and Scotland, and that he will drop theeasure. Among the various arguments in support of this
measure, the one to which the greatest weight is to be
attributed is this, that we are under a contract to afford
relief, either by grant or by endowment, to the Roman
Catholic College of Maynooth. If we were under such
a contract, I. addressing myself to commercial men, would
not urge the Legislature fur one moment to break
through that contract. If the bargain were made they
were bound to adhere to it, whether for better or worse.
But it is not so. I feel convinced, after ex-
amining every authority upon the subject, after
weighing every argument _ advanced to prove
it, I still feel convinced that there is no con-
tract at all in the matter.—(Bear, hear.) I am
willing to allow that the College of Maynooth, when
first established in 1795, received from the Irish Par-
liament a grant of money. lam willing to allow
that at the period e.f the union between
might be increased
England and Ireland a certain sum of money was voted
utions included in
i for a specific number of years, to the support of a certain
Among these the
College of Maynooth was comprehended;f but this, be it
tor
remembered, was to be a. space of twenty
years only. Each gr
or diminished, or suspended altogether.—(Cheers.) Nay,
chartable instit • '
number of charities and institutions.
that number, after a few years, received no assistance at
all.—(Hear.) One of these was purely 1
Protestant. Now,
if they were justified in withdrawing the grant
several religious and
from one aanitorr
of these chartlies—(Hear, h
that they were • •.9_ . ear)—
it was equally clear
with-
drawing it from all,Again, b has been argued that
this allowance was for, and has been given for a number
But is that a reason why it shouldalways
of years, be
they called
continued ? Why were d on to give their
money towards such an institution ? On political
grounds he might oppose i
might clearly show
that, instead of conciliating the eßoman Catholic popula-
tion, the efforts of the Government had, on the contrary,
conducedHeontrary,
conduced to greater hostility. might show that the
Catholics themselves were neither
desirous nor under the
necessity of asking for such a grant. But he argued
against this grant neither
but
he did argue against
grounds ; it because he con-
ceived that the Church of Rome was imbued with despe-
rate and fatal errors, and he could not assent to a grant
to Maynooth, because it
He then . was,, _ helping to propagate such
moved That
errors. this meeting regards
with the deepest repugnance and apprehension the pro-
position just submitted to Parliament by her Majesty's
Ministers, for the permanent endowment of the Romish
College of Maynooth, considering that measure to in-
volve a distinct renunciation of the national Protestantism
to which it would humbly ascribe that Divine blessing,
which has raised Great Britain to its present elevation of
power, aad wealth, and prosperity."
Mr. D. Gov= said that he would not hare presented

himself before them, if he had thought that discussion
or argument was at all necessary in order to oppose a
grant like that to Maynooth, in the most Protestant city
of the most Protestant country in the world, and he,
therefore, seconded the resolution, which was carried
with some opposition.
Mr. J. J. CUMMINGS, in moving the second resolution,
said he did not feel himself justified in taking the same
ground as Mr. Gould, on 3 question which he regretted
had met with so much favour in Parliament ; because
he thought that, in giving his suppol t to a resolution
such as that which he held in his hand, he was bound to
state the reasons which had intluenci d his own mind ;
and he would not have taken part in the proceedings
of this meeting, if he had net been impelled to do so
by conscientious motives. They had been discussing
points in which debatable positions were introduced.
But they had new come to a point in which it was not
toleration, but participation which they were called upon
to take in what they all conceived to be a sin against
God. The Roman Catholic had been admitted to a full
and fair participation in all civil rights ; but to re oss the
line, and themselves voluntarily to support that which
they were well aware was in itself nothing less than
idolatry--
The LORD MAYOR interrupted the speaker by remind-
ing him that it was a contract.
Mr. CUMMINGS said his Hon. Friend had reminds d
him that it was a contract, and the very name of a eon
tract reminded him of that which would carry with it
the principles of every high and right-minded merchant.
But in this instance they were called upon to bind
themselves hand and foot to—not the support of May-
nooth alone—but also for the endowment of the
Roman Catholic Church in Ireland. They knew no
thing of such a principle of expediency as this. The
attempt to conciliate the Roman Catholic people of Ire-
land was a vain and a fruitless effort. There was au
expediency that was allowable, but that expediency was
limited by the word of God, and they were now called
upon to give their adhesion to a principle which
transferred the honour due to God alone to a
faith which gave that honour to graven images.
They were all aware that the prosperity of
the nation depended, not on their merchants,
their commerce, and their manufactures, but upon the
fiat of God alone—and if God did but for one moment
frown upon them the whole of the prosperity of the
country would vanish in a moment. Having thus ex-
pressed his views he moved--" That this meeting,
contemplating the measure in the light in which
it is viewed by leading statesmen on both sides of
the House of Commons—as the first step to the
establishment of the Romish priesthood in Ireland—is
of opinion, that before attempting the introduction of so
great a change in the national policy, there ought to
have been offered, on the part of its promoters, some
distinct explanation of the course intended to be pursued
on the great question of religious endowments. And,
without implying or admitting that such a question
ought to be entertained at all, this meeting considers that
those who have propounded the present measure should
at least explain whether their object is to establish two
religions in Ireland, or three, or what number."
Mr. AMBROSE MOORE said that no one could doubt
the splendid abilities with which the Premier had been
endowed, but as he had not stated what was his
particular object in proposing this endowment,
it was was plainly clear that the people of
England had a right to require them. This measurse
was not opposed by any one or two sections of the com-
munity, and heconceived that the combination of parties
by which it was opposed was the happiest union of parties
which he had ever witnessed. He thought that if they
looked at the Bible Society, and the other religious so-
cieties, who collected hundreds of thousands of pounds
for specific objects, they would hardly think that it was
either fair or just that this money should be taken out
of their pockets for a purpose to which upon every
principle they were opposed. He then quoted a passage
from the last pamphlet of the late Sidney Smith, to
show what he conceived to be the misconduct of the
Roman Catholic priesthood in the administrations of the
sacraments of their church. With respect to the only
principle contained in the Premier's speech—namely,
that Ireland should be governed through the agency of
the Romish clergy—on this ground alone he would have
opposed it, for ho was of opinion also that Mr. M'Neill
was right when he asserted that the less temporal power
the better, and much as he respected the clergy of the
Church of England, he would rather they were without
any power at all than that they should possess the power
with which the Romish priests were now to be endowed.
He thought that the policy of this grant was the very
worst that could possibly have been pursued, and thus
thinking, he seconded the resolution.
Mr. DANIEL WHITTLE HARVEY said that when
ho recollected that brilliant eloquence which had
been used both in favour and in opposition to
this grant, he regretted that he had not had more
time to brush up old recollections than that which was
allowed from the time he entered the room. He was
no advocate of intolerance ; he had never drank at the
fountains of sectarian bitterness ; and it was not because
he was no friend of the Church of England, and still less
a friend of the Church of Rome, but because he
thought that religion was too sacred and unearthly to be
at all upheld by State endowments that he opposed it. If
the principles which he had heard propounded to-day
were to be carried into effect, the Church of England
ought to send into Ireland an army of clerical crusaders
to Protestantise Ireland.—(The speaker was here inter-
rupted by great clamour and confusion.)
The LORD MAYOR interposed, and stated that if he
were not allowed to keep order, he must quit the chair ;
but he must remind his friend (Mr. Harvey) that this
meeting was called for a single purpose.
Mr. HARVEY readily recognised the rule which the
Lord Mayor laid down, and he conceived that every
speaker was bound to state his own reasons for opposing
the grant to Maynooth.—(The speaker was again
interrupted by great clamour.) He was opposed
to the grant on two grounds. First, that the
grant was uucalled for ; and secondly, that if
made, it ought not to be made out of the taxes.
In his opinion, if this grant was made, it must ultimately
become a rule of State, and on this ground he was en-
tirely opposed to it. It was an objection to this step,
that if they were to have an Established Church at all,
they must have the Catholic Church, for it was for them
to say whether it was right that there should be a people
for a church, or a church for a people. But it
should be recollected that there was a nume-
rous and highly respectable body of people, who
would put in the same claim, and he would ask them
whether they were ready to concede an endowment to
every dissenting sect in the country? If not, they must
refuse this grant. He knew that many people liked to steer
their course by their political leader, and he was sure
that Sir Robert Peel's followers would be grateful to
him for reading a few lines from a speech of that Right
Hon. Baronet himself. It should be recollected that about
ten years ago the Whigs, in order to turn out the friends
of Sir R. Peel, brought in what was called the celebrated
—now it was called the notorious—Registration
byHe then read part of a speech made Sir It. Peel
after his exclusion from office, to the effect that the
Whigs, if powerful in the House, were powerless without
it, and that there was a public opinion superior to
all majorities, and which must ever hereafter become
an element of every Government of this country. In
compliance with the suggestion, he came there not to
oppose the Government of Sir R. Peel, but to assert
the power of that opinion, and to coalesce with them in
opposing whatever might be an imposition on their
liberties or a plunder of their pockets, and with this
feeling lie should most cordially move " That this meet-
ing feels entitled to complain of the unprecedented at •
tempt now making, by a coalition of the two great par-
ties in the Legislature, to force through Parliament,
with unusual haste, a measure, including a grant of the
public money, in spite of the deep repugnance so strongly
manifested by all classes, degrees, and denominations of
the British people."
Mr. WetEeurose moved the adoption of a petition to
Parliament to the effect that the grant to Maynooth was
the first step to the endowment of the Roman Catholic
Church in Ireland, and that some explanation of the
extent of the intention to establish one or two, or more
religions in Ireland, was necessary.
Mr. RIDLEY seconded the resolution, and the petition
was adopted.
the Rev. Dr. BUNTING then rose to propose the next
resolution---" That the sincere and grateful thanks of this
meeting be given to the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, for
his kindness in calling the meeting, and for the ability
and courtesy with which he has presided
over it." He considered that his Lordship was
entitled to their thanks for promptly calling such a
meeting, and of giving the citizens of London an oppor-
tunity of declaring their sentiments on this important ques-
tion. He saw no reason why the Protestants of this couutry
should support the Roman Catholic religion and Roman
Catholic establishments in Ireland ; but at the same time
he thought that their Roman Catholic brethren in that
country ought not to be subject to any civil disabilities
on account of the religion which they professed.
But because he was of this opinion, was he to be asked to
further and to patronise their peculiar and distinctive
doctrines ? Could not Sir Robert Peel have adopted
souse measure in favour of the Roman Catholics
without placing a tax on Protestants to give effect
to it ?—(Hear.) Had a measure been proposed
to conciliate the people of Ireland, without
entailing upon the people of this country the expense of
supporting it, he thought they would have given it their
hearty support. But it was a monstrous principle to
tax the people of this country by a property-tax —for, in
fact, it would have to come out of this tax—to support
doctrines and establishments to which they were so
strongly opposed.—(Cheers.) Conciliate Ireland. Let
them do what they could to allay religious animosities,
but do not let them effect it by the sacrifice of religious
principles. Religious peace was a great object to attain,
but to maintain religious principle was a greater object
still.—(Hear, hear.)
THOMAS FARMER, Esq., seconded the motion. He
considered himself honoured by having been called
upon to support it, and perfectly concurred in the sen-
timents of the Rev. Gentleman who had last spoken, and
in those of the gentlemen who had addressed the meeting.
The motion was then put by Mr. Wear., and was car-
ried by acclamation.
The LORD MAYOR then rose and said it was a source
of great satisfaction to him, in the discharge of what
he considered his public duty, to receive so unanimous a
testimony of appreciation as to the manner in which he
had conducted the meeting. His Lordship resumed his
seat amidst general cheering.
the
ed
chair,been mooted.
and
tthe
e meeting
Mr. WIRE called upon the meeting to sign the pe-
titions which were lying in the tavern for signature, and
to use their exertions to induce their friends and others
to
separated.
TaghietaLteortdh the question
then
tn which
left

On Saturday morning the body of a middle-abed man was
found in the river Thames, off Phunstead, in Kent, and re-
moved to the workhouse to await an inquest. The same
afternoon another body, of a young man, was found in the
river off Battersea, and removed to the Red House to await
an inquest. Both bodies were much decomposed, and ap-
peared ty have been in the water for some tune.