The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-24 00:00:00

Gentleman alluded to the brilliant career of Lord Wel-
lesley, and the-great success Of his Indian administra-
tion. But in the midst of his career the policy of his
conduct with respect, to the Mahratta war was commented
upon by Lord 'Castlereagh in 1804. The Right Hon.
Gentleman.then- went on- to quote from various papers
to show that if the policy which was recommended by
Parliament in relation to their Indian territory were
carried out, that empire would never have arrived at its
present power and extent, and all he trusted was that
he would have the honour of assisting in a vote of thanks
to some future warrior—as was the case on former occa-
shns, for having retrieved their melancholy, but he
hoped partial- disasters.—(Hear, hear.) He had now
performed his duty, and he had to• thank the House for
the patience with which they heard him—(llear, hear)—
and he would sit down, as he before said, impressed with
the most thorough conviction that Lord Auckland was
was not only justified in the course he pursued, hut that
if he acted otherwise he would have rendered hiatself
amenable to the just censure of Parliament and the
country.—(Cheers.)
Lord JOCELYN wished to state a few facts, which
he collected from sources which were deserving of credit.
He was rejoiced at the vigorous measures taken by the
Government, hut he hoped the House would pause be-
fore they took measures to reconquer Affghanistan.—
(Hear, hear.) The arguments for the Affghanistan war,
were the necessity fur a strong barrier for their Indian.
empire, and the necessity of making men believe in the
strength of their Indian empire. But was not the best
harrier for that empire to be finind in public opinion, and
the bravery of their troops ? He did not see the object
of invading Affghanistan, the people of whiCh country
were remarkable for their bravery and love of independ-
ence, and in which the foot of the invader had never
found a resting place ; a country, moreover, the most
friendly of all Central Asia to this country ; and, at
the same time, they profesSed the most friendly inten-
tions, just as Catherine the Second did, when she was
about to invade the Crimea. No one felt more respect
for Captain Burnes than he did ; but previous.to his in-
terference no one heard much of Russian intrigue.—
(Hear.) If all that had been alleged against Russia was
true, this country had fallen into their trap with a ven-
geance. For the purpose of raising Shah Soojah to the
theme, the late Government had stopped at nothing.
He would ask whether England had a right to enter into
such a war as had taken place in Affghanistan? Hun-
dreds of thousands had fallen in a war which he consi-
dered not only unrighteous but un•English. He
thought that a proper and just line aught to be drawn as
to how far this country should go on the bank: of the
- Indus. He deprecated the policy of those who had ad
-vocated the. war in India, and contended that the policy
that had beeti adopted was petty and selfish. He
such a policy could not be deorecated too much. The
flag of England. had waved and would wave for thou
sand:; of years in a just cause ; but in a cause like the
present it would be covered with disgrace.
Mr. HOGG said, that as his opinion had been directly
alluded to, and as hiS Right lion. Friend, the late Presi-
dent of the Board of Control, had so much, although no
doubt- unintentionally, misconstrued his statements on a
former occasion, be trusted he would be allowed to tres-
pass for a time upon the attention of the House. He had
formerly contended that the pension to Lord Keane
should be paid out of the Exchequer of this country; and
he should then be ready to maintain that a large portion,
at least, of the expenses of the Affghan war should be
borne by the people ofiEngland. His Right Hon. Friend
had also alluded to a resolation of the Court of Directors.
He (Mr. Hogg) Well remembered that, when that resolu-
tion was put, he had objectea to the word "sagacity;"
but the Chairman assured him on that occasion, that the
employment of the .word did not convey an approval of
the specific course taken by the Government of India.
He could further assure the Right Hon. Baronet that
the Court of Directors would be a very unfavourable
body for him to appeal to. The motion of that evening
placed him in some embarrassment, for he could ,not ap-
prove of any course which would paralyse the energies
of the country at a period when action and union were
called for on the part of our Government.—(Hear,
hear.) He did not think that the disasters which had
befallen our arms in the East, should prevent that
House from taking any- course which could embarrass
the Government, now that the national honour was to
be vindicated, and that the perfidious murder of our
troops in the Eaet was to be visited with the punish-
ment which it deserved. He had further to observe
that a motion of censure of the Eastern policy of the
late Government could not properly originate at present
in that House, which had never expressed an opinion
respecting that policy, at a time when its remonstrances
could be attended with effect. The Indian Government,

previous to the war, had been placed in a position of
great difficulty. The papers which had been produced
had, it appeared to him, made out a satisfactory case of
Russian aggression and intrigue. There was besides. at
the time, a vague apprehension—a grossing suspicion
—in the East, that English power in that part of the
• world was about to be shaken, and shaken by the in-
trigues of Russia.• He believed that the object of the
late Government, under those circumstances, was to
show the world that we were not afraid boldly to en-
counter the dangers which threatened us. He ad-
mitted that the case was one in which the wisest
might err, and where none should be condemned.
But he .differed widely from the policy that had been
adopted ; with regard to their own interests it was most
unwise.. With regard to Affghanistan, it was most un-
just. The RighCllon. Baronet had spoken of the ad-
vantages that had resulted ; as far as he could, he had
admitted them ; but the cost of the war had amounted,
he believed, to eipht millions. Now, had he contended•
for the principle of non-interference, he zould have under-
stood it.. But all he said was, that we had interfered at
the wrong time, with the wrong chief, in the wrong
place. Now he was opposed to interference altogether.
His Right Hon.. Friend said, if we did not interfere,
Russia and Persia would ; but, in that case, they would
have met with the disaster, the defeat, the expense, that
we have done, and we should have been safe within our
own frontier. If it was nocessary to oppose Russian in-
fluence, why not have done it openly by a fleet in the
Baltic, instead of an army on the Indus ? Why should
they shrink from the responsibility of their own acts ?
After what had passed, he wished to state that the Court
of Directors never knew, or heard, or were consulted;
on that war ; the first they heard of it was from the in
tellimence that an army had been assembled on the Indus,
with the exception of the MeMbers of the Secret Committee
One statement had fallen from his Hon. Friend as to the

reeqtion of the Ambassadors from the Raja of Sattara ;
nothing could be more void of foundation. The dethrone-
.

ment of the Baja cf Sattara Was approved of by three
successive Governors of Bombay. With respect to the
statement with regard to the finances of India, he thought
the Hon. Member for Guildford had indulged in some
rash assertions. He could not admit their truth ; but,

on the other hand, he could not allow it to go forth that
they were in a state of bankruptcy. At the present mo-
ment the balance in the East Indian Treasury was
1,600,0001. It was unfair to charge the horrors of the
war upon the Indian Government. The Right Hon.
Baronet would remember that on the occasion when the

vote of thanks was given to Lord Keane, he particularly
guarded himself against expressing any approval of the
policy of the war. He said that every consideration of the
policy of the war ought to be excluded. Nothing could be
more marked or guarded than the Eight Hon. Baronet on
that occasion, and his opinion was coincided ►with by
every one in the House: It was also the opinion of
the Court of Directors ; they only demanded that they
should be exempted from pledging themselves to the
policy of the war. As far as he had any communica-
tion with India, it was difficult to find any one ►who ap-
proved of the policy of the war ; the general opinion
►was, from the very first, that ft was most erroneous in
policy, and towards Afghanistan that it was unjust.
The Right Hon. Baronet said that Lord Auckland might
have made out a better case than he had done in his

manifesto ; not a single reason had been alleged, except
that the chiefs of Affghanistan had thought proper
to enter into friendly relations with Persia, instead of
ourselves ; he said that he wanted to establish commer-
cial relations with them, and to introduce English ma-
nufactures among them. But what was the nature of
the territory, with respect to invading it ? They might
lament the slate of Affg,banistan, moral, physical, and
political, but these very evils made them an impassable
frontier between them and the powers of the West. The
climate was subjected to alternations of extreme heat
and cold ; .its soil was barren and unprofitable,
and intersected with mountains that were quite
impervious, except by passes and defiles, which
must subject an invading army to destruction. The
people- of the. country, in spite of all the compli-
mentS that had been pastied on them, were proverbially

base ; they were divided among a number of petty
chiefs, till w;th conflicting interests. An invasion might
possible,be
if they established a despotic Sovereign, with

wt.jim an agreement might be ma-de for the riiainten-
'ance of an army., As long as the authority was di-
vided they were safe ; but put a despot on the throne
with unliwittd power and danger was to be apprehended
—and that was precisely the absurd policy which they
had pursued. If it had not been for the position
which he held, in the East India Company, and the
manner in which he had been alluded to, he would not

have trespassed upon the attention of the House.

'Mr. MUTT said he believed no one could have read
the papers presented by the Nuble Lord and the Right
Hon. Baronet without coining to the conclusion that
ilussia had been engaged in intrigues which were dan-
gerous to British power. It was the.opinion of almost
every, individual conversant with Indian affairs, that the
.

time had arrived when some new policy must be pursued.
The Hon. Gentleman said that, in order to counteract
the designs of Russia, they should have sent a fleet into
the Baltic. He appeared to forget that he was recom-
mending a European war, the disasters of which it was
impossible to tbresee. With respect to the e,:tpense of
the war, he believed that it was justified by the necessity.
On that occasion they were not discussing the good .Go-
vernment of India, but whether they should have India
all.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL said the question which the House was
called upon to consider was whether, under the
present circumstances of the country, and in the present
state of our relations with Affghanistan and India, it was
desirable that the particular papers for which the Hon.
Gentleman had moved should be produced. He formed
his judgment upon no other consideration than this, what
was best for the public interest under the present circum-
stances; he forgot all paltry, advantages, all political dif-
ferences; the single point -which weighed with him was,
what in the present position of Indian affairs was the
best course for that House to pursue ; and forming his
judgment upon those considerations alone, he came to the
conclusion that it would not promote any public interest
to present the papers for which the Hon. Gentleman had
.moved. Now, to illustrate his meaning he would
refer to our present relations with that great
power, the conduct of which appeared to have raised
the apprehensions of her Majesty's late Government.
He alluded to the conduct of Russia.—(Hear.) Now it
would be perceived that after many transactions on the
part of the agents and the,Government of Russia, full
explimations were demanded by the Noble Lord, and

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING.

those explanations were frankly given by the Govern-
ment of liuseia.• They were contained in the papers
which had been laid upon the table. In those paperS,
whatever might have been the conduct of the Russian
agent, however suspicious it might have been—and he
admitted at once that it did warrant suspicion, and even
required explanation—yet still there was, on the part of
Russia, a distinct and unequivocal disavowal of that can-
duct, the. recal of • one of the agents of that Go-
vernment, and a positive assurance, on the 'part
of the Emperor of Russia, first, that he had no
wish whatever to disturb British supremacy in India ;
s. eendly, that he had an earnest desire to act
ti:ith respect to the affairs of Persia upon a per-
fectly -good understanding with this country. Those
assurances were encouraged by Count Nesselrode, and
Count Pozzo di forgo, then Minister of Russia in this
country, in the must unequivocal and decided manner to
the late Government. The Noble Lord, in the course
of that correspondence, had expressed himself satisfied
With the assurances which had been given by Russia.---e
(Hear, hear, from Lord Palmerston.) But the Noble
Lord went further than merely expressing satisfaction.
In his note to the Russian .Ambassador, dated
December 20, 1838, the Noble Lord said, alluding
to the explanations of Count Nesselrode with respect
to the conduct of the Russian agents in Persia and
in Caubul , " The despatches from Count Nesselrode,
which your Excellency has communicated to tae, contain
on those points assurances the most full and complete.
Her Majesty's Government accept those assurances as
entirely satisfactory." The Noble Lord then went on to
state his conviction that Russia did not harbour any de-
signs hostile to British suprema.cy in India, and the des-
patch then alluded to the instructions which had been
given by Russia to her agent in Persia to co-operate
with the British agent in that country in persuading the
Shah not to undertake any more expeditions similar to
the one he had undertaken a.gainst Herat From the
Noble Lord's declaration that he accepted those declara-
tions as satisfactory, he (Sir. R. Peel) inferred that the
Noble Lord placed confidence in them—(Hear,. hear,
from Lord Palmerston)--and for himself, he (S:r R. Peel)
felt bound to state, that there had been, to his knowledge,
no act clone by Russia, in respect to her relations with
Persia, and more especially in relation to Affghanistan,
subsequent to our late disasters, but was in
precise and exact conformity with that declaration.—
( Loud cheers.) He begged at the same time to say, that
whatever might be .the conduct of Russia, the British
Government in India was powerful enough to protect
itself—(Cho ors)—that it did not depend ,on the co-
operation or good faith of Russia, or of any other Power;
bat he felt it to be his duty publicly to declare in the
face of Europe, that it was impossible for any Power to
have acted, not only with stricter good faith, but to have
exhibited a more friendly feeling towards this country
than Russia had done with regard to England, both in
P. rsia and Affg-lianistan—(Cheers)— and that at the
moment of our disasters, in the" latter country Russia
had exhibited the most unequivocal proofs of friendly
feeline•—(Loud cheers.)—and of a desire not to interfere
with the British supremacy in our Eastern dominions.—
(Continued cheering.) That being the case, how
could he reconcile it to his sense of duty to
produce papers relating to a different state of
things ?—(Cheers.) Would it be wise to disturb the
amicable relations at present existing between the coun-
tries by producing documents which bad been written
under different feelings?—(Cheers.) On the same ground
Ire must refuse to enter into any discussion on our In-
dian policy. He stood in a different position to that
occupied either by the Hon. Gentlemen who had propOsed
and seconded this motion, or by the Right Hon. Gentle-
man opposite who had been called upon to vindicate the
policy which had been pursued in India. He (Sir R.
Peel) was charged with a great responsibility, and. he
thought it would tend more to the public interest if he
were to abstain from entering into discussion on the
subject at present.—(Hear, hear, hear.) We knew
of the misfortunes of Caubul—we were uncertain
of the 'fate of the garrison of Ghuznee—an effort
had been made to relieve Candahar, with the
result of which we were, as yet, unacquainted—and he
did not think that the present was a time to enter into
any discussion on such subjects. He could not, how-
ever, quite coincide in the observations of the Right
Hon. Gentleman on the subject of Indian finance.
Whatever elasticity the Indian finances might have ex-
hibited at former periods, he could not consider the
present state satisfactory. He (Sir Robert Peel) had
made no exaggerated statements of the financial diffi-
culties of India. If the Right Hon. Gentleman would
refer to the papers, he would find, that in 1835-36,
there was in India a surplus of revenue over expendi-
ture of 1,556,000/. ; in 1836 37 it was 1,100,000/. ; in
.1837-38 it was 650,000/. ; in 1838-39 it was 280,0001. ;
in 1839-40, instead of a surplus, there was a deficiency
of 2,414,000/. ; and- in 1840 41, there was a deficiency
of 2,33.4,000 t The expenditure of the Indian Go-
vernment, in 1835-36, was 15,766,0001. ; in 1839-40
it w+ as 11,615,006/. ; and in 1840 41, it was
19,330,000/.—(llcar, hear.) Now, tinder these cir-
cumstances, he certainly thought it desirable that en-
deavours should be made to equalise the revenue and
the expenditure. They should Recollect that in India
they had nu Income-tax, that the collection of the re-
venue must press hardly upon the cultivators of the soil,
and must produce a bad effect, in their opinion, of our
Government. lie agreed with the remarks of the Hun.
Gentleman, on the inevitable tendency of Our Indian-
empire to extend itself ; and he feared that, wherever a
civilised nation came in contact with one less civilised,
such must ever tie the case ; but that general tendency
could not be taken- as a- sufficient justification of any par-
ticular expedition ;, and he hardly thought the Right
tlen.Gentlenian himself would consider that tendency
as an argument'sufficient to justify a march upon Persia,
ur the occupation of .Bolthara, under present circum-
stances. The Ilight Hon. Gentleman had expressed a hope.
that the policy, of Lord Auckland would not be departed
from. He (Sir 11 .Peel) thought that, considering the
great distance we were from the scene ofaction,-and our un-
certainty with regard to what had-occurred; that it would
be premature in him to pledge -himself to the adoption
of any particular line of policy, but whatever line of
policy he might think it expedient to adopt, ho would
never forget the paramount necessity there was for up-
holding the honour of the British arms.—(Loud cheers.)
He considered the disaster at Caubul as a great military
loss, but by no means as a disaster of such a nature as to
affect our dominion over our Indian possessions. It was
impossible to ace the examples of fortitude, fidelity, and
valour, which that cisaster had called forth—(Cheers)
—without feeling satisfied on that head:—(Loud cheers.)
How could they look to the patient endurance, to the
persevering valour, of Sir Robert Sale—(lmmense cheer-
ing)—or witness the heroism of that Lady—(lmmense
and continued cheering which drowned the conclusion of
the sentence.) He thought that those efforts and examples
ought not to permit them to be cast down or dispirited.
Teese were not greater reverses than had occurred be-
fore, and he had the utmost confidence that by the valour
and tbrtitude of the British arms these disasters would
at least be so far repaired that they would not in the
slightest degree shake the confidence of the people of
England in the supremacy of the British arms. As he
said before, he would not say a word more on the subject,
as he purposely avoided discussion, and he avoided the
expression of any opinion, under the present circum-
stance, of the policy of the Government ; but he could
not quite acquiesce in the fairness of the quotation which
the Right Hon. Gentleman made from his (Sir R. Peel's)
speech on a former occasion. The Right Hon Gentle-
man, referring to the declaration in the Queen's speech
in the year 1839, observed that all he (Sir R. Peel) had
said on that occasion was, that he viewed the prospects
of India with great anxiety. Now he did not think
any public man, speaking on such a declaration—of
course the subsequent events were unknown—he
did not think that any public man could do so
v.ithout seine, forebodings. He was afraid that
he did not limit himself to the mere expression of
anxiety on that point. The words he made use of iv re
these, that "I will now advert to• a subject"—he.
merely quoted the expression he made use of in his .own
vindication ; in 1839 these were the words he used :—" I

will now advert to a subject of far deeper interest than
the question before the House, a question not relating to
matters of domestic nature, for it refers to the state of the

British empire and interests in India ; for I consider it
most important to divert the attention of the inhabitants

oflndiafrom war, and teaching them the habits and ej-
cupations of peaceful industry. When I contemplate
the evil consequences of a great financial expenditure ha-
posing the necessity of additional taxation on the sub-

,;cots oflbis empire, I am bound to say that I cannot
look to Intlia ‘Aithout the deepest anxiety." He also re-
Furred to that part of the declaration of the Governor-
General, in which he stated that his Majesty Shah Soojah
entered Affghanistan surrounded with troops, and that
his possession of the empire would be supported. What
he said upon this was, " that is to say, this country has
entered into an engagement to this extent that the
tyrant and enemy of Caubul would.be"supported.. lcow,
Sir, I shall require some explanation on that point The
Shah who was deposed in 1809, deposed from all authority,
marched with 20,000 men into the country, tied the new
Governor-General gives a guarantee that he shall be
placed upon the throne, and that his continuance in
possession of the throne will be guranteed also. It appears
to me t. at that principle Would equally apply if England
was to attempt to place Charles the Tenth, if he were still
alive, on the throne of France, with this single difference
that the Shah has been deposed 30 years. This was
w hat he said in 1839, and he could hardly be charged
with having expressed perfect satisfaction. He did not
wish to say more than that in 1839 their disasters were
unknown. The Right Hon. Gentleman had referred to
the motion respecting Sir John Keane. Certainly
nothing could be more expressly stated than his (Sir R.
Pecl's) reservation. In the moment of success he was
ready to give every tribute of applause to Juilitary skill;
yet, even in the moment of success, he did not mean to
iteply approbation of their general conduct.. At the
Same time, he was very little disposed, now these dis.
asters had happened, nor was that thninomenf, tolnake
any positive declaration with respect to that policy- He
trusted that he had fulfilled the assurance whell he gave
to the House, that he would discuss this question with
reference to public considerations alone.....(Hear
hear.) Those public considerations ' had induced
him to think that it was not desirable to produce those
papers, and the same consideration prevented him from
entering into any discussion ofa party character, but
strictly confining himself to the question.
Lord PALMERSTON quite agreed with the Right
Hcn. Baronet in thinking that it was not expedient to
produce these papers. He agrecti:-"'"- him for the
reasons stated, that it would be inexpedient now, when
for some time past a footing of former good understand-
ing prevailed between Russia and England, because the
transaction had taken place'under difficult circumstances.
pe was happy to hear from the Right Hon. Baronet that
good understanding still existed between Russia and
England at the time when they left office.—(gear.)
He was glad also to hear the Right Hon. Gentleman
state that the Government of Russia had ' ShoWn,
in regard to the transactions which had taken place
since with respect to Persia 40. Affg4ni§taii, - .the,
same friendly feeling and good' faith that then existed.
Tli. Right .Hon. Baronet was perfectly right ill refusing

JUNE 24: 1842

the papers, and had acted wisely in deprecating discus-
s:on on the policy involVed. The lion. Member for
Shrewsbury had accused the late Government of supine-
ness in conducting the foreign affairs of the nation, and
their following it up with terrible energy. He certainly
might accuse the Hun. Member of much supineness during
the last three years, though he could not charge him with
having followed it up with any terrible degree of energy.
—(Laughter.) In their silence at the time of success, and
th it attack at the time of disaster, uneennected with
the policy, there was a great want of moral courage. It
was evident from their refraining at that period, they did
not expect they could carry the opinion of Parliament,
with them. There was nothing in the success to pre-
vent their bringing the policy under the consideration of
the House ; and as to the distance of the operations, that
did not prevent the Riot Hon. Baronet opposite from
bringing forward his motion on the war with China.
.He would admit that the statement of the Rus inn Go-
vernment was correct, and that the agents had exceeded
their instructions, yet still their case stood on good
grounds. Great stress was laid on the opinions of per-
sons who were supposed to be able to form a correct
judgment on the subject, and Sir A. Durm;s and Sir H.
Fane had been quoted. Bnt there never was a case in
which the current of authority was more one•sided than
in the present. The Home Government and the Gover-
nor-General of India came to the same conclusion, with-
out any previous concert with regard to the meiture
which ought to be adopted for the defence of the Maier,
Fos. -sessions He said of tle!r Indian possessions, be-
cause he denied that it was for any European puts-
poses. If they had not an empire in India, it
would matter little to them whether the PerSians
conquered the Affghans or the Affghans the Persians.
In the year 1836, Mr. Ellice, who was well versed in
Indian affairs, and who was in Persia and India, said it
would be fraught with the utmost danger if the influence
of the Shah were permitted to extend over Affghanistan.
Mr. MSNeil told the same thing, and several distin-
guished men in India were of the same opinion. The
opinion of Sir A. Burnes, as appeared from the public
papers, went in the same direction. But it was said that
in his private letters to his friends, he expressed opinions
adverse to the war. Now, he (Lord Palmerston)
had two letters in his possession from Sir Alex-
ander Burnes, dated the 4th and 26th of August,
In the first letter he says, " I have great hopes that our
army will march from Candahar to Herat, and that the
Ameer will evacuate Caubul, which will enable us to do
this." In the letter of the 26th, he says, "We shall
send Mahomed Khan to the Shah, to assist us in secur-
ing Candahar, but he will not be listened to in his ob-
jections to Soojah-001-Moolk, as they are untenable. I
have seen such papers since I arrived here, that I know
how critical is this course. Act we must, and if it
only concerned the Barukzyes, or the Suddoggees, we
must hesitate in rejecting the former." These
were the opinions of Sir Alexander Burnes.
All the authorities connected with India, that were in
possession of knowledge on which a sound opinion could
be formed, were of opinion that active and immediate.
measures were necessary to secure. Affghanistan.—
(Hear.) This country had, .for a great number of
years, recognised Persia as a sort of protection for its
Indian possessions; but since the accession of the pre-
sent Shah, Persia had acted in a very different manner.
Since that time she had been desirous.of extending her
possessions, and what was the result ? Why, when it
was seen that Persia was taking steps detrimental to this
country, vigorous steps were immediately taken. It
was thought by many that that was a bad step to take,
but what had been the consequence of it ? Why, for
three years no disasters had taken place. It was true
that disasters had taken place since, but they had nothing
to do with the original policy of the measure ; and such
being the case, it was no proof that the policy pursued
was not sound and judicious.—(Hear.) He agreed with
the Right Hon. Baronet that the disasters that had taken
place were no reason for imagining that they had not es-
tablishtd their affairs in the same position in India as
they were before. He was convinced that the measures
the Indian Government were taking would have the
effect of placing this country in the same position with
respect to Affghanistan as they were before.—(Hear,
hear.) He should be sorry to see the British
army laying Affghanistan waste, but still there was
something to be done to keep up appearances.
He could understand a Government saying that the cha-
racter and standing of the country required that a great
disaster should not be tamely submitted to ; he could
conceive that a great expense might be incurred for the
sake of securing to a nation the commanding. station
which it fiwmerly held ; he could conceive a Government
saying that the position from which we had been driven
was such that it was essential to our empire that we
should regain it ; but if they were to regain it, he
thought it sh mild not be regained in order that it might,
as recommended by some, be abandoned again. The
Right Hon. Baronet had very properly abstained from
stating what might be the future policy of the Govern-
ment upon the subject of our affairs in India ; but that
Government would indeed be bold which, having charge
of the interests of a great nation, would dare to take a
step that would endanger the empire, and which would
abandon those defences and that barrier which their pre-
decessors had established in the East.—(A laugh.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, smiled while he thought merely of the expenses of
the expedition, and forgot every other consideration,
Sir rt. PEEL—But where is the barrier ?

Lord PALMERSTON—The Right Hon. Baronet
would learn the value of Affghanistan as a frontier to our
Indian empire from the Hon. Member for Beverley,
_who bad set a due value on its importance. The Hon.
Member for Shrewsbury, in the course of his speech, not
content with the wide range which Indian affairs had
offered for his fancy, was pleased to express his condem-
nation of the foreign policy generally of the late Admi-
nistration. But that policy -had ensurod the peace of
Europe, without in any way lowering the character of
England, and that policy had, in most instances, been
eminently successful. Ile repeated that the manner in
which the late Government had conducted the foreign
affairs of the nation, had given satisfaction to the coun-

try at large ; they had also been enabled to become the
mediators of peace between other countries. Such was
the respect and confidence felt towards the English Go-
vernment, that when the English Consul approached the

coast of New Guiana, his vessel was boarded by contend-
ing deputies, who referred the party disputes they
were unable to settle, to his decision, and that mediation
had been quite successful. As far as the management
of their foreign policy went, the more it Isas inquired
into the better they should be pleased. Whether the
present Government did or did not follow the sarae path
as their predecessors, be was sure that the whole country,
that all the other nations of Europe, and an impartial
posterity, would render them that justice which the
lion. Member seemed disposed to deny them. lie was
prepared to stand by the papers that had been produced,
it would be impossible for any Government to publish in
e.rtcuso, all the despatches of its agents; if they did, no
agents would write any despatches worth receiving. He
thought it was rather ungrateful of Hon. Gentlemen
to accuse the late Government or a reluctance

to produce papers; he believed they laid more papers
before the House than any Government ever did. lie
hulled the present Government would be able to produce

as many papers for all they might do, and all they
would not do, as the late Government had for all they
had done.

Mr. HUME complained that the Noble Lord had not
produced all the documents from which his case might
be judged. lie believed that the Government of India had

noibeCri influenced by any desire to add to its territory.
The lion. Member then referred to several of the des-
patches of Sir A.Burnes, with a view of showing that there
had been a great aggression on the part of the late Go-
vernment. Although it might be desirable to form a
barrier, was it possible to form one at a distance of 2,000
miles from our own territory with the Punjab between
us and the barrier. At the very time we undertook the
invasion ofAffghanistan, we were receiving the assur-
ances from Russia to which allusion had been made. He
implored the House to obtain that infor-nation which

would cnab!e them them to judge of that policy, and to
cast blame on those who were really blameworthy.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL begged to state that as far
as he and the Members of the late Government were
concerned, he had nu objection to the production of the
Ffipers.—(Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Gentleman
had give-it reasons why the papers ought not to be pro-
duced; he (I ord J. Russell)
.cuuteided in opinion with
the Right Hon. Gentleman, and 'for the reasons which
the Right non. Gentleman had. given he would vote
with him against the production of the papers ; but
Ito begged it to be distinctly understood, that the mem-
bers of the' late Ministry had no objection to the pro- "
duction of the papers; The Hon. Gentleman had made
a most singular charge of unfairness and suppression.
Ile supposed. the Eon, Gentleman would not wish to

have large volumes of documents published which
no one would read; but he had complained that not
only was Captain Burnes' despatch omitted, but that
Sir W. Mecnaghten's answer to it was suppressed
also. The : Right lion. Gentleman said that Captain
Burnes' later was most important ; and that the argu-
ments in it were most cogent ; at the same time
he considered Sir William Macnaghten's reply
as of little consequence. That was the Hon-
ourable Gentleman's (pinion, but other gentlemen might
be of a diffdrent opinion. At all events, having omitted
both, the late Government could hardly be charged with
unfairness. Capt. Burnes might, at one time, have stated
that a union with Dust Mahomed would be the best

alliance, but the correspondence showed—indeed- Capt.
Burnes had himself shown—that it was impossible to
come to any arrangement with Post Mahomed, for he
was always seeking what advantage he could gain from
cur friendship and alliance. Post Mahomed asked cer-

tarn terms, •shich, when he thought that Russia and
Persia were advancing ho seemed disposed to raise.
Tho Hon. Member then read a short passage from

a despatch of Captain Burnes, and certainly, if ever
there had been a garbled extract that was one. The
extract stated that Dust Mahomed was willing to agree
to terms fur our alliance, and that all that he asked way

that we should use our good offices for him with the
-Maharaja, and the lloa. Gentleman had not gone on to

read the answer, leaving it to be understood that we bad
refused to accede to those turns, whereas if the Hon.
Gentleman had gone on he would have found that our

Envoy's reply was that, with respect to our good offices,
there could be no objection to use them with the Maharaja.
Lord Auckland himself, in a minute dated May 12, 1838,
stated that it was not desirable to make alliance with

Dost Mahomed. At one time it was impossible to
make an alliance with lost Mahomed. Would any one,
then, maintain that this was unreasonable ? Did the
lion. Gentleman who made that motion himself think

that it would be desirable to lend the British power to
Dost Mahorned in order to make war against Ranjett
Sing? The lion. Director who spoke in the course of
that debate .objected to this policy. It might be
, bad, or it might be good policy he would not
discuss that question ; but it showed what a differ-
ence of opinion existed with respect to this proceeding.
He thought the Secret Committee of the Board of
Directors, which was especially appointed to watch the
foreign policy of India, were the best judges of the policy
of the war, and they entirely agreed with the late