The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-23 00:00:00

IRELAND.
REPEAL ASSOCIATION.
DUBLIN, APRIL 21.—The weekly meeting of the Associa-
tion was held this day in Conciliation Hall. The excite-
ment caused by the protracted discussion on the Maynooth
Bill, and the anxiety to hear the sentiments of Mr. O'Con-
nell on the subject, drew together one of the largest assem-
blies that had appeared for some time in the Conciliation
Hall. At one o'clock, Mr. O'Connell entered, and moved
that Mr. E. B. Roche, Esq., M.P., should take the chair.
The CHAIRMAN briefly addressed the meeting, and said he
could not commence his discourse better than by calling
on the meeting to give cheers for the British Minister and
the majority by which the second reading of the Maynooth
Bill was carried.—(lmmense "applause followed, in which
Mr. O'Connell heartily joined.) He considered the late de-
bate as most important. It proved that the same spirit
which actuated the people of England during the Gordon
riots was still rampant, and that an innaie hatred of the Irish
and their religion existed in that country. The amende
which had been made by Sir James Graham was certainly
gratifying, and he felt bound to receive it in the same spirit
of frankness in which it was offered.—( Cheers.)
Mr. O'CosisiEra, handed in a number of remittances, and
read a communication from the Right Rev. Dr. Browne,
Bishop of Elphin, which contained the following passage :
I think you will never be disappointed in the convictions
you have formed of the Catholic hierarchy and priesthood of
Ireland. They will receive every good measure with grati-
tude, but the wealth of Crcesus cannot purchase them, or
tempt them to abandon the interests of their beloved flocks
in the cause of nationality."
Mr. Smith O'Brien and several gentlemen having handed
in various sums of money,
Mr. O'CONNELL again rose and said—This was a great
day for Ireland.—(Cheers.) Circumstances which had
lately occurred ought to prove to the people the value of per-
severence—by perseverence they could achieve the glorious
object for which they were contending.—(Hear, hear.) The
time was fast approaching when Ireland would be treated
as an integral portion of the British empire. It was now
his duty to bring up the second report from the Par-
liamentary Committee upon the Report of the Land
Commission. The Honourable Gentleman having read the
following report :—" That it is essentially necessary for the
alleviation of the misery of the people of Ireland that the
Legislature should impose a heavy absentee tax—that such
tax should not be less than 10 per cent. on all incomes ex-
ceeding 2001. per annum—that every person should be consi-
dered as an absentee who shall not reside in Ireland during at
least six months in each year, and that the proceeds of such
tax should be applied in augmentation of the funds raised
by local taxation for useful objects connected with the dis-
tricts from which the income of such absentee is derived"—
proceeded to comment on the many evils which absenteeism.
had inflicted on Ireland, and pointed out the means by which
it might be counteracted. He then continued to observe
that he had read with the greatest satisfaction, and in a
spirit of the greatest kindliness, the speeches which had been
delivered by the Ministry during the late debate.—(Cheers.)
As for the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Goulburn) he
did not much regard him, and if the granting of the boon
rested with him alone, he was sure' the people of Ireland
would not receive it. He never before in his life had
occasion to praise Sir James Graham, but he should
say that the manly spirit and straightforwardness with which
he delivered his speech was worthy of the highest commen-
dation.—(Cheers.) He would hold out both his hands to
him to assist in extricating him from the dilemma into
which he had fallen, and he would place him on a pedestal
the basis of which should be justice to Ireland !—(Cheers.)
Sir James Graham had said that concession had reached its
limits—the meaning of which was, that justice should not
be extended to Ireland. The Secretary for the Home De-
partment had expressed his sorrow for that exprdssion, and
had declared that the Maynooth Bill was to be the precursor
of more beneficial measures. Sir James Graham had told the
Recorder of Dublin that Protestant ascendancy had departed
for ever. An ascendancy of any kind must be prejudicial
to the interests of the country where it exists; and for his part
he would not hesitate to declare that he would rather ascend
the scaffold than tolerate for one moment a Catholic ascen-
dancy.—(Hear, hear.) They would have no ascendancy, and
three cheers for Sir James Graham.—(lmmense applause.)
Shaw was angry, he understood—he cared little. The best
friend to the repeal of the union was the Member for the
University, for it was in consequence of his opposition that
the Corporate Reform Bill and other measures were rendered
unacceptable. He was glad Sir James Graham had told him
that Protestant ascendancy was numbered amongst the
things that were. The speech of the Right Hon. Baronet
was a manly, candid, and repentant speech, and gave abund-
ant promise of amendment.—(Hear, hear.) He considered
they ought to send him absolution from the Conciliation
Hall.—(Loud laughter.) He then alluded to the speech of
Sir R. Peel, and thus continued—Sir Robert said the agita-
tion was not to be put down by force. He was right. How
could force be used when there was no violence, or nothing
that force could be brought against? I tell Peel that, so far
from using force to carry our objects, he may take away
every soldier out of Ireland, and if he wants a volunteer corps
we will give it to him. After this declaration, surely the sol-
diers ought not to be pent up as they are in their barracks.
There is no army in the world so brave as the national army of
our beloved Queen; but why shut them up behind barrack
walls? Peel says we are not to be put down by force. I don't look
for a higher authority, and therefore I make my bow to him.
—(Laughter and cheers.) But he says we are to be put down
by kindness, generosity and justice. lam much obliged to
him for making the trial; and if he only goes on he will
succeed. Now Peel has been cruelly treated by the bigotry
and fanaticism of the English.—(Hear.) How often have
I said the English people hated us? They hate us because
of the crimes they have perpetrated in Ireland; and it is
natural for those to hate who inflict injustice. Not a single
English Member spoke in favour of the Bill who had
not to make the confession that he was acting in opposition
to the will of his constituents; and I here give them credit
and honour for their conduct ; while we should the more
vehemently denounce the turpitude of the English people.
Before emancipation passed I should be alarmed at the feeling
which is exhibited in England, but now I do not care a two-
penny ticket for it.—Hear, hear.) The English Presby-
terians and Dissenters have led the van against the people of
Ireland, and Sheil very properly taunted them with the gross
ingratitude of their conduct. Duncombe checked him, and said
the Presbyterians objected to the Bill on "principle." What a
paltry excuse was that I Every year since I went to Parlia-
ment, 30,0001., as regium donum, was granted to them. That
sum involves the very same principle ; but when did any of the
Dissenters come forward to object on principle ? They ex-
ercise the principle against Irish Catholics alone; while even
the Irish Dissenters are allowed to escape. I tell Mr. Dun-
combe, that instead of applauding the conduct of the Dis-
senters, lie is only putting their conduct in a darker light,
and I tell them they are guilty of base ingratitude to us.
They were emancipated in 1828. but not by their own ex-
ertions—they were torpid, and it was we who led the van
and relieved them.—(Cheers.) This is the arm that drew
the petition which led to their emancipation.—(Cheers.)
drew up the petition which was adopted by the Catholic
Association—in a short time it received 28,000 signatures,
and in a fortnight after it was presented to the House of
Commons the Bill for their emancipation was passed. Oh,
their conduct is base—they are guilty of the blackest ingrati-
tude—they have exhibited the grossest bigo!ry and intolerance.
I repeat my charge against the people of England, and Scot-
land too. In the discussions between the kirk and the Free
Church in Scotland, the Catholics in the House of Commons
always supported the friends of the Free Church ; yet they
now attack us. Shame upon them—shame upon the men
who can exhibit such bigotry and injustice; but I have done
with them, I want nothing but their abuse.—(Hear, hear.)
Let it be recollected I ord John Russell took the part of the
Protestant Dissenters—he said they are the friends of civil
and religious liberty. Where did he get that fact? I look
back to history, and I cannot find any such thing; and their
conduct reminds me of the Established Church ; and I am
truly grateful to that Church, for they have ,offered us no
opposition.—(Cheers.) When I awoke this morning I found
myself laughing, and I still continue in the same pleasing
state of mind.—(Hear, hear.) The labours of my life may
now draw to a close. I do not think the repeal cause or
its humble advocate ever stood upon so high a pinnacle
as at the present moment.—(Great cheering.) By the
admission of our enemies we are irresistible.—(Continued
cheering.) Oh, indeed, the man who commits a crime gives
strength to the enemy. The man is a miscreant who does
not obey us now; and from this spot, in the name of the
sacred cause of repeal, I implore, I command the people of
Ireland to desist from crime.—(Protracted cheers.) Let
there be no more agrarian disturbances : the time is not far
distant when there will be a good system between landlord
and tenant, and disturbances will only have the effect of
postponing it. Let you all hunt out ribbon lodges; and ex-
pose them to the magistrates and the police, and I call upon
the people of Ireland to be peaceable, but vigilant, and they
must succeed.—(Cheers.) The Maynooth grant was gra-
ciously and well,done—l accept it, and I am thankful for it ;
but I do not give more thanks than it deserves. I will be
grateful for every such measure, but I will not rest content
till the last penny in the pound is paid in our own Parlia-
ment in College-green.—(Cheers.) I repeat again I am
grateful to the Ministry—considering their position—seeing
there is a manliness and boldness about them that no other
Ministry had—tbey deserve our warmest approbation for the
course they are pursuing.—(Cheers.) After some further ob-
servations the Hon. and Learned Gentleman resumed his
seat amid applause.
Mr. Dillon Browne, MP, and some other gentlemen ad-
dressed the chair.

The rent was announced to De 3561.95. 10d., and the meet-
ing separated.

THE PRESS AND SIR R. PEEL.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
Our Contemporary, the Examiner, argues more, we fear,
in the character of a theoretic than of a practical politician,
when it denounces the Premier as an unclean thing; with
which no communication should be held, to whom no tole-
rance should be extended, and from whose hands not ping
short of the bold and straightforward policy of the IN rhigs
should be accepted. We should be well pleased to be o f the
Examiner's opinion, and lo live in a world where such tren-
chant policy was appreciated, or was likely to be attended
with good result. IS, e should be delighted to develop to , their
completion the straightforward views of the Liberals, and at.zour
Contemporary expresses it, " to take the bull by the horn, 9,"
and with the strength of a giant lay it prostrate on t. he
sand. But the world is not so formed, nor are 14 Us
so manageable, as to be dealt with in this fashion.
Bull-fighters have their science as well as statesmen, a) id
have their flags to deceive, and their ropes to trip
up, as well as their weapons to pierce, their
long and formidable prey. We do not say that
the profession of matador is that which we 1, cost
admire, nor the use which he makes of his flag the kin 3. of
warfare that we most approve. But, if we are interesea' in
having the fierce animal disposed of, we really cannot qua'ry -el
with the art employed, nor scout the matador who skilfwl,ly
and courageously performs his part. There are certain :is
political tasks which may be performed at any time, a aCI
which may be performed openly and straightforwardly ;
and
the noblest instruments should be employed to of
them. There are others so difficult, atteenatitleedmobjNe‘d-eiottnl.fe' bet
them.
much delicacy and hazard,
ahtdh,atis ttoheget
with a mutinoeufgrs crew, and
benda
saenay
may find himself in the alternative
acanly)taiwnaym,
lie
demands or giving up his ship to the e conceding t heir
nem
compromise between the strict letter of his y.
He make
a
great aim ;he rallies his men and fights. duty and its
better by losing his ship and keeping Should he h Ave
should we, who gain by it, be the men
his principle ; ; or
to punish him -for
making h:e compromise ? We believe
admitted than the Irish are it to be univers illy
more aggrieved in their hot our
than in their intti:ests. Even if they were equally aggrie ed
our
in one as in the other; we can always put finger upon the
wounds of honour—we know where they lie, and hoN‘ r to
apply a remedy. But inteipsts aggrieved form a more c am-
plicated disorder. How can we hope to raise the I rish
peasant a cubit, when we cau.not elevate the Eng Esh•
peasant an inch? Religkus inequality is the rank ling
wound in the side of Ireland. Is it not wise and desir able
to apply a remedy ? Different doctors have cliff( rent
nostrums. Ours is the best, certainly, for a radical ( 313 re,
but we cannot apply it. The patient may go mad or ex pare,
before our hand can reach him. Shall we not, then. a I] ow
another practitioner to interfere? He tells us, indee, 1, on
coming in, that he will keep his prescription secret.. has
done so, ancrwe regret that he has felt it necessary to k iep it
secret so long. Let him apply it, hewever, and let ui , help
him. By quarrelling, the political doctors may lose heir