The Sun.
London, England, 1827-05-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT, OF 'FM PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The appointments which we announced yes-
terday, were in consequence, generally circulated
in the course of the day ; and the new writs were
moved for, as we had stated would be the case,
last night in the House of Commons. Lord
Lansdown possesses a seat in the Cabinet, with-
out discharging the duties of any particular office:
his Lordship will therefore, we presume, not
have imputed to him the lust of gain. Lord
Carlisle is to be first Commissioner of Woods
and Forests : Mr. Tierney is Master of the Mint.
The occupants of these two situations are also
to possess seats in the Cabinet. Mr. Abercrom-
bie is Judge-Advocate-General ; and Sir
Macdonald one of the Commissioners for the
Affairs of India. Here, then, • is the mighty
affair settled, of constructing a Ministry out of
persons indifferent to office and averse to office,
after the old and hacknied servants of the Crown
had placed themselves in the awkward alternative
of either dictating to their Master, or leaving,
him, as they thought, in a helpless state of des-
titution. To our mind, a King of England
should frequently change his Ministers ; for
otherwise, they who are the mere dispensers
- of place and power are conceived to be the
donors of them—the pipes are taken for the
fountains. It is astonishing how incompetent the
British public had become, to think of any body
else as practically King of England, but that old
indefeasible Ministry, now shaken to its core,—now
jerked asunder and crumbled into dust, like a hot
lime-stone aspersed by a few drops of pure water.
There was a smart debate last night in the House of
Lords on the recent changes. Personalities are al-
ways deprecated,and alwaysamuse. The press has been
sneered at, under the appellation of the " immacu-
late press." We defend none but ourselves; and
we know that ours is the gain of honest industry and
intelligence. Gracious Powers! by what more ig-
noblo.arts than any which we practise or are capable
of practising, have many of those, and the fathers of
many of those, who are now hereditary legislators of
England, raised themselves and their descendanti to
that dignity As to the difficulties of forming a
Ministry, they are matters of fact; they could only
be known to those by whom they were experienced.
Is it certain that many members of the late Minis-
try resigned ? And as to the motive for their resig-
nation, can any man in England give any rational
account of it up to this moment, except that they
presumed to dictate to the King who among them
should be their Chief ? If there be any other mo-
tive, let them bring it forth ; but they may talk for
an hour, and many of them have talked for an hour,
and not one rational idea can be got out of their dis-
courses but this, which they affect to disavow,—
they meant to bully the King by their retirement;
and they have failed.—Tinies.
Our Lisbon letters, from the 3d instant to
eleven o'clock at night, on the sth inclusive, will
be read with an interest arising in no small de-
gree from qualities communicated to them by the
writer only, but powerfully enhanced by the anx-
ious crisis which they delineate in its most im-
portant features, and with a strength, acuteness,
and fidelity very seldom equalled, and not often
approached—We fear that, from all which trans-
spired at the date of the last accounts, the Re-
gency of the Princess Isabella Maria must be
considered as already terminated, by a hand more
potent than that which established it.—From
what causes we shall not say, the course of her
Royal Highness's administration did not seem to
run the smoother for the mixture of parties and
dilution of measures by which it was character-
ized from the earliest moment. If the confiden-
tial counsellors of her Royal Highness, whether
native Portuguese or foreign allies, imagined that
by chaining a friend. of the Constitution to the
same log with its bitterest enemy—an expedient
which was resorted to in almost every public de-
partment—the hostile action would be controlled
and neutralized, they ought to have borne in
mind, that the patriot would be trammelled by
the traitor, as•effectually as the latter by him.—
The result was a stagnation or paralysis of the
whole State, except so far as the 'insurgent forces,
operated tipon by priestly threatenings and by
foreign gold, produced a sort of convulsive ra-
ther than political or definite counteraction on
the part of their constitutional adversaries ; and
a semblance of external motion was thus given
to the extremities of the kingdom, though no-
thing marched directly to its object, and hardly
a foot of real ground was gained.—lt did, we
confess, appear to us, amongst others, that the
British Government, which scrupled not to un-
dertake the military defence of Portugal against
her foreign enemies, might, without any charge
of presumption, inconsistency, or injustice, have
employed a more energetic influence in so con-
stittiting or amending the frame of her civil
administration as to facilitate the success of
the military interference. England had an
undoubted right to make this demand of the
Regency which she came to rescue. Her
aid had not been obtruded upon Portugal:
it had been solicited—it had been claimed
in virtue of the faith of treaties, and at
the joint suit of policy and honour. We say, there-
fore, that England had a substantial and undoubted
right to insist that the functions which she was
pressed to discharge should not be surrounded by
superfluous and unnatural difficulties—that when
the Chief of the Government claimed assistance, the
Ministers and other functionaries should not be so
selected as to undermine the efficacy of that assist-
ance—or by favouring, instead of honestly opposing
the invader and his stipendiary insurgents, not
merely frustrate the objects of the auxiliary British
expedition, but invite and accelerate the dangers
'which it was' destined to avert, and compromise the
safety of the troops themselves which composed it.
It is evident, from the return of the British Guards
to Lisbon, that a disturbance was to be apprehended
there on the demise of the Princess Regent. The
aim of such disturbance would necessarily he, to
overthrow the Constitutional system,—to put down
the authorities established by Don Pedro,—to wrest
to the evil purposes of those who openly and inve-
terately attacked the Royal Government, so much
power as would enable them to destroy the State,
and to institute an alliance with Spain to the exclu-
sion and injury of Great Britain. Now it is, we
further observe, most evident, that neither the Con-
Nitutional Authorities of Portugal, nor the repre-
sentatives, civil and military, of English power,
could: without treason to their respective Sove-
reign, look art while a consummation of this deadly
nature was accomplishing. If the Regency were to
fall into the hands of the old Queen, or of Don
Miguel, under pretence that the charter so provided
a line of successors to the Princess (now, we fear,
deceased), it is plain that the letter of the chatter
would be employed to cloak and egfectuate the sub-
version of the charter itself; and, in that case, let
us recollect that the clear common sense and under-
standing of him who signed that constitutional act,
was, that the powers derived from it should be
exercised for its benefit, and not for its destruction.
The reiterated treasons of the old Queen, and the
total failure by Don Miguel in the formal duties pre-
scribed to him by the charter, form, we take for
sranted, abundant grounds to exclude these two per -
tonages from the Regency. In the 'meantime, itis
solid satisfaction to find that the Princess—grand
aunt to Don Pedro, who even by the' letter' of the
law stands first on the list of successors to the-fate
Regent,---11a$ actually consented to execute the all-

important duties of the office, and has thus afforded
means for measures of precaution and security against
perils like those to which we have alluded.—lbid.
The manner in which Mr. Wilmot Horton
opened, last night, the business of the Admini-
stration at the Cape of Good Hope, was suffi-
ciently instructive as to the dependent position
of Ministers, with regard to our Pro-Consular
Governments. If the Colonial Office were at
liberty to act towards those nominally subject to
them, on the principles which usually govern
the relations of superior and inferior, the mo-
ment. that an officer of Sir R. Donkin's rank

and character informed Earl Bathui st, on the
17th June, 1823, that he could make disclo-

sures relative to the Administration of Lord C.
Somerset, that would shock his 'Lordship—his
Lordship, instead of deterring Sir Rufane, by
throwing on him the responsibility of a public
accuser, bound to substantiate his charges in a
regular way, under almost insuperable difficulties,
would instantly have invited Sir Rufane to an
interview, and endeavoured to obtain all the in-
formation of which he was in possession, with a
view to further inquiry. Let us suppose an
Irish or Scotch Absentee to receive information
as to abuses in the management of his estate,
which prevented him from deriving benefit from
it ; if the Absentee in question were possessed
of a grain of common sense, he would of course
avail himself of the first opportunity which
presented itself, for throwing light on the affair.
Having once obtained a clue to the unravelling
of what before appeared inexplicable, he would
eagerly follow it. up, instead of devising pretexts
for allowing his agent to screen himself. The whole
conduct of the Colonial Office is utterly unintel-
ligible on any principle which governs men in
ordinary life. The object of Earl Bathurst was not
to gain a knowledge of what was going on, but a
pretext for ignorance. When at last the language
of the sufferers became so loud, that silence could
no longer be maintained, then indeed a.Commission
was sent out ; but this was merely a screen for the
Colonial Office at home. Who does not know that
the inhabitants of a Colony are, with respect to
their fortunes, in such a state of dependence on the
local Government, that they dare not come forward
with evidence ? In the case of the Cape, the per-
suasion was, that Lord Charles would return to take
ample vengeance on all who had given hostile evi-
dence against him. An inquiry in cases where pro-
tection cannot be afforded to witnesses, becomes a
mockery. The whole of Mr. Wilmot Horton's
speech last night was more like the special pleading
of an agei:t of Lord Charles Somerset, than the diff-
nified language of a functionary of the State. Every
where a blinking of the real situation of affairs at
the. Cape, and a disposition to peck at Sir Rufane,
in order to escape from the question to secondary
!natters ! If Mr. Wilmot Horton had been a clerk
in Lord Charles Somerset's office, he could not have
spoken in a more cringing style. If the Colonial
Office exhibited this spirit of prostration, a better
spirit, however, pervaded the House. Mr. Maberly
spoke the language of an independent English Re-
presentative, and put aside, in a manly manner, the
petty cavilling of Mr. Wilmot Horton. We shall
not enter further into this subject at present. Other
opportunities will soon present themselves for re- ,
mark, of which we will avail ourselves.—Morning
Chronicle.

The public now know what to think of the
new Administration. It is true, the arrange-
ments now definitively concluded have been for
some time anticipated, but till new writs were
moved for, it was impossible to make them the
subject of discussion. We know the composi-
tion of the Ministry ; but who are to form the
Opposition ? The solving of this problem was
looked to from Mr. Beaumont's motion. We
suspect, however, now that the Ministry are
known, the great object of the Opposition for
some time will be to keep themselves unknown.
They will not attempt to try their strength by a
regular conflict with the Ministers ; for regular
warfare supposes something like corresponding
forces. In fact, it may as well be stated at once
—there is riot at present in either House, one
man opposed to the Government, capable of
embodying his views in a series of connected
propositions, from which either his opponents
or the country could gather what the opponents
of Ministers would fairly be at. The only in-
dividual on the Opposition side in the Commons
(Mr. Peel), possessed of talents (and these cer-
tainly not first-rate), is only actuated by what
may be • termed a deadly personal hatred of Mr.
Canning, because the latter defeated a very pretty
intrigue of his, from the issue of which he pro-
mised himself a victory, without striking a blow.
But Mr. Peel has sense enough to see the folly
of throwing away the reputation he has ac-
quired, in a partnership with a set of ungovern-
able zealots, who may gratify him indeed, by the
rancour of hostility to the common enemy, but
who at the same time make him responsible for
the odium of it. Mr. P. therefore, however ready
to avail himself of any damage done to the indivi-
dual whom he cordially hates (as having baulked
him of the reward of his hypocrisy,—for we have
always considered Mr. P. a hypocrite on the Ca-
tholic Question) will cautiously avoid taking part
personally in the war. In the House of Lords mat-
ters are much the same. A Prig, who loves to hear
the sound of his own voice, but a man of no
weight either in the House or with the country,
has seized the opportunity allowed him of be-
coming conspicuous ; and one of these privileg-
ed individuals, whom no one thinks of answer-
ing any more than they would think of holding
a serious argument with the inmates of St.
Luke's, has, it is true, made a sputter day after
day, atoning for their lack of argument by the
loudness of their abuse ; but even this warfare
cannot be longer carried on. In fact, after a
dozen of silly old noodles of Lords have re-
peated the lesson taught them like parrots, that
they can have no confidence in an Administra-
tion formed like the present, and that they are
not a factious Opposition—.what remains for
them ? A speech of this kind may be delivered
twice, or even thrice ; but they cannot vary the
terms, and patience has its limits. Lord Hol-
land made last night an admirable speech, in
which, with the united force of reason and ridi-
cule, he swept away the sort of charges which
had been proffered against the Ministerial Union
which had taken place. With respect to the
point of consistency, he observed, " That for
the last three years, there has not been one divi-
sion in the House on which I have voted, with-
out having the concurrence of the Noble Earl at
the head of the Council ; and I think I may add,
that with the exception of divisions upon the Ca-
tholic Question, there have been only two within
that time in which I have been opposed to Lord
Liverpool himself." His Lordship very fairly met
What we cannot help thinking, a very wire-drawn
objection of Lord Grey. " If (said he) the
Right Hon. Gentleman, now at the head of his
Majesty's Government, adopts in many cases,
the same principles which I have long advocated,
must I oppose him because he does not agree with
me in ill ? Must I go to him, and, say, do you re-
nounce the opinions you formerly held regarding the
principles of Mr. Pitt, with which, I never :can;
concur; for if you do not, I never care support your
Government. —I say,. my Lords, can I go
.to him
and put these questions, and insist on his weemi

with me in every thing before I consent to afford
him any, portion of my support ? I say not ; and
further assert, that if men always pursued such a
line of conduct,, disagreements could never end, and
all Administrations would as much resemble a rope
of sand as did those Noble Lords now sitting on the
cross bench, who, when they retired from his
Majesty's Councils, declared that they had not acted
in concert in so doing.—(Hear, and a laugh.)"
This, and the succeeding touch respecting the sacred
right of resignation, must have been keenly felt by
Lord Eldon and his associates. It was well
observed by his Lordship, that the very same rea-
sons which justified the resignation of part of the
late Ministry (assuming them to be well-founded),
justified, equally, the accession of himself and his
friends to the present Ministry. A person inimical
to the Catholic Claims was at the head of the former
Administration; a person friendly to these Claims
was at the head of the present. Lord Goderich and
the Marquess of Lansdown also addressed the
House in an impressive manner. We have only to
add, that, for ourselves, we are somewhat like
soldiers, who have lost an enemy. In truth, as far
as our own interests arc concerned, a more respec-
table Opposition would be just the thing. But we
look forward to no such solacing prospect. What
may turn up for us, is a matter which lies hid, to use
the poetical phrasc, in the womb of time. But we
see no signs of an enemy. We are, therefore, some-
thing like half-pay officers with a trade to seek at a
very inconvenient period of life. One ray of talent
in the Opposition would save us; but, alack, there
is not that one ray.—lbid.

Though we are not in the habit of boasting of
superior sources of information, the public, we
have no doubt, perceive that we as often point,
without parade, to events which are likely to
happen, as those who talk more pompously of
being in the secrets. Among other things, we
stated, the other day, the probability of Lord
Lansdown's accession to the Cabinet without
taking office, which we now understand is posi-
tively the case ; and that Mr. Tierney and Lord
Carlisle are added to the Cabinet, the one as
Master of the Mint (with a seat at one of the
Boards for his Son), and the latter as Chief
Commissioner of the Woods and Forests. Thus
may Mr. Canning's Cabinet be said to be for
the present complete ; and that without ousting
either of the provisional Secretaries of State.—
Having so lately expressed our opinion upon the
utter destitution of Whig principle which Lord
Lansdown's acceptance of an irresponsible seat in
the Cabinet implies, we need not now enlarge
upon the subject. It will, we have no doubt,
give rise to much discussion, and we shall be
curious to see upon what grounds it can be de-
fended. The Marquis, we have heard, owes
the debasement (for such we must consider
it), to the shilly-shally, indecisive line, he
took with Mr. Canning, in the outset of their
negociation. It is even said, that during his
flight to Bow-wood (to which place it may be
remembered that the Duke of Devonshire followed
him), arrangements were made with the other Mem-
bers of the pa►ty, which made his Lordship's acces-
sion to the Ministry or not a matter of perfect in-
difference. The Whigs of the Mountain, as they
are called, are, we hear, extremely indignant with
'the Marquis at his coyness and old-fashioned sort
of diplomacy upon this occasion. They say that he
evidently missed the opportunity of gaining a great .
trinmph for the party by placing himself at the head
of the Administration; for such, they allege, was
Mr. Canning's difficulty when he first had recourse
to the Marquis, that if the latter had shown either
generalship or straight-forwardness, Mr. Canning
would probably have yielded the First-Lordship of
the Treasury to him, and kept his own place of
Foreign Secretary. The country has still to see,
how parties so opposite can, by any •possibility,
amalgamate. For ourselves, we believe they can-
not, and that the result will be, either that the one
party in the Cabinet will oust the other, or that, in
endeavouring to accommodate themselves to each
other, such a sacrifice of principle on both sides
must take place as will end in the country ousting
them both.-11forning Herald.

Lord Holland assigned his reasons last night
for joining his friends who had given their sup-
port to his Majesty's Government. They are
such, Re suppose, as satisfied himself; but we
cannot say they satisfied us, when we saw, among
the foremost of them, his declaration, that the
present Administration is not formed upon the
principles of the Administration of the 'Earl of
Liverpool. Our appeal, however, is, from the
Noble Lord, to those who have stated other-
wise, and who have better means of knowing the
truth. We would not scrutinize too rigorously
the process by which a man convinces himself, that
what he determines to do is what he ought to do.
We have not room for a line of comment upon the
speech of Lord Goderich; but we say, read it.
Sentiments more worthy of a British Peer and Se-
nator never fell from British lips. We could not
envy, but we shall regard with astonishment the in-
dividual, whosoever he may be, who is intrepid
enough to stand forth again, as a paltry, vexatious
assailant, after this manly defiance, to enter the lists
as an honourable antagonist.—New Times.