The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-10 00:00:00

late debates on the subject there had been most stress laid on
this cause by Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House. He
referred to over-speculation and over-production. He pre-
sumed when Hon. Gentlemen at the other side talked of over-
speculation and over-production that all they meant to say was
there had been over-production in a particular branch of our
trade or manufactures. It certainly never would be contended
that we Suffered distress because generally the country had
been too industrious—because too much labour and capital had
been practically employed—that because there had been too
great an amount of all commodities required, therefore distress
arese.! In short, that distress was the consequence of our being
too rich. That was a contradiction in terms which he
(Lord Howick) did :the Right Hon. Baronet justice
in saying never had been his intention to make use of,
and therefore he ( Lord H.) was putting the right interpreta-
tion upon the Right Hon. Baronet's argument, when he said
that the Right Hon. Gentleman, in speaking of oven:produe-
don and over-speculation, meant that there had been a mis •
direction of the productive energies of the country. The
I Right Hon. Paronet might correct him (Lord H.) if he was
wrong ; but he thought he was right in saying that such must
be the meaning of the Right Hon. Gentleman. If that was
the Right Hon. Baronet's argument, he would no doubt concur
with him that over-production was the cause of the existing
distress, as it produced a reaction in some branch of our manu-
facture by the misdirection of capital and labour. But if
it was true, as it undoubtedly was, that this was
one cause of our distress, the best cure, and, in-
deed, the only one in the power of the House to apply,
was to remove those restrictions, in the first place, upon the
trade in corn, which forced the capital and industry out of their
natural, and as their natural, their most productive channels.
If misdirections and mistakes 'a the employmentof capital and
labour were the causes of the distress, he would say,. guard

against it in future by abrogating those bad laws whleh—pre-
vented trade from falling into its natural channels, and which

prevented the industry and capital of the country from being
applied in the manner which would be most productive. This,
he would say was the legitimate inference to be drawn fr, m
the statement and from the argument of the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet. But on this point there was another observation to
which it recurred to him very material to call the attention of

the House. He had aired), admitted that there had been,
as the Right Honourable Baronet had argued, some over-
speculat:on, over-production, and misdirection in their
productive powers. But he wished to ask any gen-
tleman acquainted with the actual state of the nation,
whether that misdirection and error was riot in a
great measure accounted for by the great difficulty ex-
isting at this moment in finding any profitable fields for the
employment of labour and capital. Was it not notorious that
in every branch of trade there was the most intense competition,
almost every employment was overstocked, and throughout the
whole circle of industry, every occupation, either for the em-
ployment of capital or labour was occupied, and they found a
race of the severest kind, both between capitalist and labourers
going on. How was it shown ? It was shown most strikingly
by the extraordinary tide of emigration that had been vetting
out from this country during the last few years. This ten-
dency to emigration proved the existence of that state of thing.,
a difficulty in finding fields for the employment of both capital
and labour. He did not find fault with emigration; he thought
that every encourgement that could consistently be given, ought
to be extended to it, but he thought the extent of it

did prove what he had adverted- to ; and it was
an emigration not confined to labour alone, but consisting
both of labour and capital. It was very instructive to observe
what took place when an extensive emigration occurred. Let
them look at their newest colony—that of New Zealand. A
great amount of capital, and a large number of labourers, had
proceeded to that colonja; and it was a fair inference to sup-
pose that, in consequence of the over-crowded state of this
country, they had found it impossible to obtain any profitable
means of employment at home. When they went to New
Zealand part found employment is raising food for the whole,
and the others, in .various ways, in providing for their wants.
lhe consequence was that want of employment was no longer
heard of, and the only complaint was, that they wanted
more capitalists and .more labourers. Now, what was the
cause of all this activity, but the increased means given them
of procuring food ?—( Hear, hear..) For it was not agricultural
labourers alone that were employed and sought after; but
carpenters, masons, and the makers of and dealers in articles of
clothing.—(Hear, hear.) Did it not, therefore, deserve the
consideration of the, House whether it would not answer their
purpose just as well—instead of forcing the manufacturers of
this country to go to CatiaAa, Australia, New Zealand, or else-
where, to engage in agricultural pursuits which they did not
understand—to alloW 'them to stay at home and continue
employed in the irides to which they were brought
up, exchanging the proficts of their labour and irgenuity for
food wherever it could be found ?—( Hear, hear.) Would any
man tell him, that in a short time supplies would not be offered
in exchange for the manufactures of this country from every
corner of Europe, if only• we would give them a rea'onable as-
surance of a steady market?—.(Hear, hear.) This would not
have the effect of displeasing a single man now employed in
agriculture, in any department, as iandlord, farmer, or labourer.
—( Hear.) The landoWner would participate directly in the
general advantage resulting to the country.—( Hear, hear. )
Those producers being enabled to remain at home, their con-
sumption of meat would'be a benefit to the landlords, and their
comsumption of excisable articles would go to increase the re-
venue of the United Kingdom. Having concluded what he had
to say in favour of such'a change as would promote the general
interests of the community, be would beg to address a few
words, and they would be only a very few, to the owners and
occupiers of land, as one having a common interest with them,
an interest to which'. he assured them he was not philo-
sophical enough to be by any means indifferent, for though
they might, perhaps, think so, he assured them that he had
no desire to see the ruin of himself, and al all who were con-
nected with him.—(A laugh.) As having a common interest
with them he was anxious to address a few words to the owners
and occupiers of land, and to point out to them the extreme,
the overwhelming importance to them of an early and satisfae-
tory settlement of this question. In the first place he would
ask them whether it was not perfectly clear that the Bill which
was then about to pass was but the precursor of further altera-
tions?—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Mem-
ber for Pembroke, hadgone out of his way to disclaim its being
a final measure ; lie had told them as plainly as a gentleman
in his situation could tell them that it was merely introductory
to a further alteration. The same inference might
be drawn from the whole conduct of the Government.
The agricultural party had , been completely triumphant
at the late elections the Government was one in
which, as they were told by the Honourable Member for
Devon, that party bad the greatest confidence, and it was err-
tainly the most powerful Government -which had existed for
many years ; yet, with all these advantages, they had actually,
before they were attacked, struck the flag which thay had so
long nailed to the mast in favour of the existing Corn-laws.
Why had they made that surrender ? Obviously because they
felt that public opinion had been pronounced so decided y
against the existing C6t-n-laws, that it was impossible to main-
tain them. The Hon. and Gallant Member for Middlesex
had candidly told thern.that was the case; and there was a
statement in the introductory speech of the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet ( Sir R. Peel) which amounted to the same thing. The
Right Hon: Baronet told them that the communications which
he had had with the agricultural interest convinced him that
they were generally satisfied of the necessity for a change in
the Corn-laws. But could the change which they were about
to make be satisfactoi-y to the agrieu'turists themselves?—
( Hear, hear.) Would it be satisfactory to any one class of per-
sons in the country?—( Hear, hear.) Was it founded upon
principles so just in themselves, so consistent with truth and
sound reason, that the-practical working of the measure was
likely to be beneficial to the country ? He contended that it was
not. He contended that a continuance of the same policy heretofoi e
adopted would be attended with the same disappointment ; and
in a few years' time they would have the Riht Hon. Baronet,
if he then happened to be at the head of the Government, again
coming forward and _saying, " These Corn-laws cannot be
maintained; 1 find that, though I have a majority in the
House of Commoni and in the House of Lords, common sense, •
and reason and experience, are too strong for me ; the law has
practically worked ill, and it must be altered." Such was the
language which the Right Hon. Baronet must employ, but it
was not wise to delay the settlement of such a question, be-
cause the longer the compromise was withheld, the worse would
be the terms they could obtain. —( Hear.) Hon. Gentlemen
opposite say that even a fixed duty would not now give satis-
faction. He (Lord Howick) admitted it; he admitted there
were a large number Whom it would not satisfy; but his belief
was, that if a sufficiently moderate duty were imposed, all agi-
tation would subside, 'anil the country would .acquiesce. But
if such a state of things was to continue, and if the battle was to
be fought as heretofore, and if the practical working of the
Corn-law was to be-what he anticipated it would under
the measure now before the House, he was persuaded the
country would not acquiesce.—( Hear, hear.) By deferring a
final settlement of the question, they saw already how much
worse were the terms now than what they might have been a
short time ago. —( Heir, hear.) In the year 1828 there were
few Gentlemen, he apprehended, in that House, or in the
country, who would have objected to grant to the agriculturists
a fixed duty of considerable amount.--( Hear, hear. )• When
he voted formerly for a moderate fixed duty he found himself in
a considerable minority, and believed that at that time the
country would be perfectly satisfied with a fixed duty as high
as 20s. ,or at least as high as 15s. But what was the state of
things now ? Only three or four months ago, a proposition of
an Bs. fixed duty was -made, but that duty would not now
answer.—( Hear.) He believed they should now fall to a 55.
duty to satisfy the people ; and every day they deferred putting
off the settlement of the question, every day would the
terms become worse ; and he believed that the interval
during which they could obtain terms at all was now very
short.—( Hear, Leaf.) In his opinion that was not very
material, for although he was in favour of a fixed duty for the
sake of the owners or land, he was only so that the first dis-
turbance of agriculture may be avoided. He had no fears ulti-
mately for the agriculturists.—( Hear.) Hg was not afraid
that the British farmer was inferior to the Continental farmer ,

In skill, industry, or "the possession of capital—that he was so
inferior as not to be able to enter with the farmer of the Conti-

nent in the race,of competition ; and he believed this the more
especially because he' saw the manufacturers of England was
not afraid to contend with his continental competitor.

He believed the Englishman could 'compete as suc-
cessfully with the 'foreigner in agricultural as in any
other branches of manufactures or trade.—(Loud Cheers.)
That opinion he knew prevailed very extensively amongst the
better informed of those engaged in the cultivation of land in
the country which he (Lord Howick) lately represented. He
(Lord Howick) had tertainlybeen defeated at the last election,
but he was able to say from what he had seen during that elec-
tion that the opinion of the best agriculturists in that country
was strongly in favour of some further change. All the better
farmers were in favoilt even of a greater change than that A hich
had been proposed lase year. It was notorious that in Scotland
and the North of England, where the land was the best culti-
vated, the farmers were in favour of a great change in those
laws. Devonshire was no exception to the rule, unless the
county had been greatly changed since he (Lord H.) had last
had tne pleasure of Visiting it. It was only in those parts of
the country where a barbarous and neglected system of avicul-
ture prevailed---( Cheers and laughter) —that any apprehensions
were entertained of the results of a change in these laws. But
the fear of obtaining worse terms hereafter, was one of the least
arguments which he would address to the House
when urging them not to lose time in settling this
question.—( Hear, hear.) He would urge them to consider
the effect which must be produced upon agriculture while the
question continues undecided; how could they hope that any
improvement could take place in agriculture under such cir-
cumstances ? No plan could be adopted more effectual for
delaying every species of agricultural improvement, and for the
accomplishment of its ultimate ruin, so effectual as the keeping
the laws relating to -the importation of corn in a state of doubt
and suspense. In spite of the majority by which he had no doubt
that Bill wouldbe carried into a law, in spite of the arguments
of those who gave this system of restriction their support, in
spite of their assertions that no further alteration in the law w s
intended, the public mind would not look upon this law as any
thing hut a temporary measure. Nothing that 'they could do,
no declarations that they might make, no maj(irity by which
they might be sustained, could satisfy the public mind that that
Bill would continue.—( Cheers.) But while further changes
were I.anging over the head of the farmer, how could they
possibly
imagine that. the relation of landlord and tenant would
e,•ntinue in a satisfactory state ? What farmer would venture
to take a long lease whilst he dreaded what might be the
future changes in the laws regulating the imp .rtation of corn?
—(Hear, hear.) Who could venture to make any permanent
improvements in his lands is such a state of uncertainty?
and when he spoke of permanent improvements, he con-
sidered it an important point to consider in what
had tended
man
manner the presosit state ograntinglelaasteva.
h
to discourage the system of granting