The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-25 00:00:00

unity, too long convulsed and shaken, as these have
been, by the internal disease of Irish discontent—a dis-
ease aggravated, from day to day, by the suicidal
follies of political bigotry, and threatening the
most fatal consequences if the action of eccle-
siastical and sectarian intolerance on that dis-
content cannot be stopped. We do, however,
and at the same time, cordially advocate, and would
humbly press upon Parliament its adoption of the excel-
lent amendment moved last night by Mr. WARD:—"That
the several suns proposed to be payable to the College
of Maynooth shall not be charged upon, or be payable
by, the Commissioners of her MAJESTY'S Treasury out
of the Consolidated Fund," but, " out of funds
already applicable to ecclesiastical purposes in
Ireland. That is to say, out of the revenues
of the Established Protestant Church of Ireland.
And why not ? If it be equitable and fair to make a
grant to Maynooth, it is of strict and simple justice that
the English people, professing Protestantism, should not
bear the burden of that grant in addition to the burden
of this their own Establishment. If to withhold
the equivalent of the intended grant to Maynooth be
a grievous injustice, that injustice is not to be cured by
throwing the extra charge of the grant on the Protestant
laity. Their own Establishment is onerous enough,
Heaven knows, already. To make them bar the cost
of upholding a large portion of the staff of another—
whilst their own is in the enjoyment of revenues ade-
quate to what it would require were it the
Church of the vast majority—of seven• eighths,
instead of being, as it is, that of the fractional
minority of one-eighth of the Irish people,—this does
seem to be the most Irish of all the processes of rectifica-
tion that were ever devised ! We are of those who hold
that two wrongs cannot make one right. But let the
Established Church in Ireland pay out of its maximum
revenues this minimum demand, on behalf of the clergy of
the minority, and you will do two acts of right. You
will make that just and necessary provision in aid of the
latter which common sense and public policy, as well as
all moral considerations, demand ; and you will clap the
burden of the provision on the right shoulders.
It is, therefore, with deep regret that we observe how
little of fair and candid support the Premier (with whom
we have, ourselves, so many grounds of political diffe-
rence, on vital questions, too) receives, on this occasion,
from those opponents who, at other times, strenuously
advocate the principles he is now manfully carrying out
into execution. For it is surely little like suppo. t, in a
crisis like this, to taunt and twit the Minister in the spirit
manifested by Mr. ROEBUCK on Wednesday. He broadly
imputes this wise concession to the " fears" of Sir R.
PEEL of the "agitation" of Mr. O'CONNELL, on the
one•hand, and of the possible coincidence of war with
America and a rebellion in Ireland, on the other. We
can better understand, though we deprecate, considering
it ill-timed, the argument of Mr. MACAULAY'S noble
speech. That Right Hon. Gentleman alio attributed the
grant to Maynooth to the influence of a similar intimi-
dation ; but he did so, hypothetically rather, and as the
fair inference from that fatal system of delay in granting
remedies for palpable:wrongs, which has been the besetting
sin for very many years of the general policy of England
towards Ireland. That sin, however, there has been
much done during the last sixteen years to wipe away ;
and we retain an unabated faith in the present actual
progress of many more healing and salutary efforts,
pointed to the same great end of political harmony,
by a far-seeing and manly, though it may be a some-
what overcautious policy.
Adverting, however, to the question in a general point
of view, and even admitting due weight to religious
principles, we must look first of all to the safety of the
people—in other words, the existence of our institutions
and the maintenance of British power among the nations
of earth. While these divisions exist a foreign war would
endanger not only the Protestant religion hut the union
of the empire. Ireland is not as it was at the close of
the eighteenth century. Her power has increased ten-
fold. That of America has increased in still greater
proportions, and a struggle--either with that State er
France, but more probably with both together—would
alarm even the most unyielding religionist. And what
is to be attained by adhering to the present system
and forcing a religion upon an unwilling people ? Let
the history of Scotland declare. " For the space of 28
years," said Mr. MACAULAY, there was an uninterrupted
series of attempts which rendered that country the
scene of the most frightful government that was ever
beheld. Then it was that LAUDERDALE on the bench, and
Viscount DUNDEE in the field, exercised ferocities and
cruelties to which even Ireland itself could furnish
no parallel. The horrible torture of the boot was
succeeded on the morrow by the assassination on the
highway, and the excited and savage recusants were
seen to attack the coach of the highest prelate in the
kingdom, and dragging him from it, they cut his throat
in the presence of his daughter, whilst she was scream-
ing for mercy. Peasants attacked dragoons one day,
and were slaughtered by them the next. Such was the
state of 'Scotland during twenty-eight years ; when, at
last, it was discovered that institutions are
made for men, and not men for institutions."
But all these revolting cruelties did not subdue the
Scotch. They resisted to the last, and compelled the
Government to yield. Are the Irish less attached to their
religion than the Scotch ? and if England could not put
down the Covenanters—only a handful of the population—
what chance has she now against seven millions of united
Irishmen?

Madrid journals of the 16th have been received. In
one of them it is stated that the Emperor of MOROCCO
shows every disposition to adhere faithfully to his en-
gagements with France, and as a proof of this had as-
sembled a body of troops to watch ABD-EL-KADER'S
movements, as well to put down disturbances in some
of the neighbouring States. It was understood that the
Queen of SPAIN would leave Madrid immediately after
the prorogation of the Cortes, about the middle of May,
for
the
principal purpose
toowfnys i isnitinthgeSnaorratghoesrsn provinces attached
to the C Saragossa,
Pampeluna, and
the
Madrid Bourse of the 16th.—Three per Cents. for
cash, 35h- ; for Account, 351 ; Five per Cents., for cash,
; fur Account, 23 11-16.
iac

The speeches in the House of Commons on the
May 'moth question, and the result of the division, have
excited touch interest in all political parties at Paris.
Some of the jburintri hostile to England attribute the
policy of Sir ROBERT PEEL ou this question to fear of
a war with America, and a consequent desire to recon-
cile Ireland to the English Government. "In the speech
of the Prime Minister," says the P/esse, "the proba-
bility of a war with the United States, on the subject of
Oregon, was clearly indicated, and it is in order to be
more certain of its ability to meet this eventuality that
the British Government is endeavouring to put a period
to the internal agitation which divides and enfeebles the
empire. England is now acting as she always has done
when afraid, particularly at the close of the last century,
when the war with France assumed an alarming character.
The Bill under consideration, of little importance in
itself, is much more so from the motives attached to it,
and the apprehensions which it betrays." The Refwme
writes :--" France might in a few hours land men and
arms on the Irish shores. The recollection of the pro-
jects of IlocßE and of the expedition of IIIII!dBERT is
still fresh on both sides of the Channel. But let the ap-
prehension of a Collision arise from the distant west, the
British Government suddenly thinks of Ireland, and
holds out to her the prospect of a milder treatment.
Two words of President POLK did more for the unhappy
Irish than all the protocols of the Cabinet of the
Tuileries." The Journal des Debut, which some days
since published a long inconsistent article against Sir It.
PEEL'S policy, evidently not written by the intelligent
editor of that paper, now does ample justice to his mo-
tives and to the honourable conduct of the Opposition.
" The English Parliament," it says, " has
just offered a
noble example in refusing to give way to exterior pas-
sions which it did not take part in. It is an imposing
spectacle, to behold a Prime Minister risking, without
hesitation, both his official position and his authority as
the head of a party, to accomplish an act which he
deems just, and the head of the Opposition generously
lending his assistance to adversaries whom he could
overturn if not replace. Such conduct is above all praise:'
The Ministerial Globe is equally complimentary :
" To obtain this result (the majority of 147) Sir R.
PEEL has made no concession whatever to the new
friends who brought him their support. All that passed
took place loyally and frankly between the Cabinet on
one side, and the Whigs and ultra-Tories on the other.
There was no sacrifice of principle. Happy that country
where reason and questions of State suffice alone to give
a triumph over personal enmities, and to rally to the
same side persons before opposed to each other." In
fact, all parties in France seem to be struck with the
sacrifices made by both Tories and Whigs, and regard
this union on a great principle of Government as the
triumph of patriotism over petty and selfish interests.
The general discussion in the Chamber of Deputies on
the reduction of the Five per Cent. Stock closed on
Monday, and on Tuesday the clauses were taken sepa-
rately. The motion of M. LIADIERES, the KING'S Aid-
de-camp, to postpone the question till next session, was
rejected. Previous to the debate the Minister of Marine
presented a Bill, demanding a credit of 600,000 E, for
the encouragement of European settlers in the French
colonies.

The Three per Cents. clesed on the Paris Bourse on
the 22d instant, at 85f. 80c. ; the New Loan, at 86f. 50c.;
the Five per Cents. at 118 f. 25c. ; Orleans Shares,