The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-27 00:00:00

the recent abolition of slavery. Let us observe what is
the state of the West Indies in consequence of the
very great advantage given to them. The -West
India labourers have had the advantage of a great
state of prosperity ever since the passing of the
Aet of emancipation. During the last year that state of
prosperity had diminished, in so far as the amount raised
from labour had decreased, and the s ages of the labourer
had not been more than 7s. per week. Now, under this
state of affairs, what has taken place in the West In
dies has been this :—There has been a great stimulus to
immigration—there has been a great number of labourers
attracted to the West Indies, in order that there might
be a sufficiency of labour to supply the sugar of this
country. But, Sir, the way in which that scheme has
operated has been this : a tax has been imposed under
these circumstances, which has borne with great severity
on the labourer. In proof of this, I hold in my hand a
letter from a person, who was a remarkable man during
the anti-slavery agitation, and who now has a most ex-
traordinary influence over the winds of a great part of
the population of Jamaica. The person to whom I al-
lude is Mr. Knibb, the Baptist missionary. and this letter
was written by him in 1844. Mr. Knibb says, "I do
not believe there is another labouring population on
the face of the earth who would so patiently
have borne this reduction in their wages. It was made,
too, at a time when a tax was imposed upon the country
which had no other effect than to increase the price of
provisions, and, of course, as this tax pressed more upon
the articles of food which they consumed, it
must have tended still further to reduce their wages."
Now, Sir, this proves that the plans you propose, though
they may have the effect of giving so large an amount
as a million or upwards to the planters, will not have
the effect of increasing the comforts or happiness of the
peasantry of the West Indies. I believe that the admis-
sion of 'labourers from Africa to the West Indies, if
conducted under regulations, and allowed to take
place in small numbers, would be for the ad-
vantage both of the West Indies and of Africa.
I have recorded that opinion, and I still believe both that
the civilisation of Africa would be promoted by persons
going from Africa to the West Indies, and that the ge-
neral prosperity of the West Indies would be improved
by that plan. But I did not like to hazard the
scheme of proposing to carry large numbers of
persons from Africa to the West Indies. In
the first place, I should beg the House to
look back—and seeing the Right Honourable Gentle-
man the Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment, with whom I acted in the Committee that
preceded. that Act, in his place, I would ask of him
what made the Act of Emancipation so successful, as it
was universally allowed to be, so far as the peace and
happiness of the people of the West Indies was con-
cerned? Why, because, much to the credit of the
masters of slaves of that day. the slaves were
so far brought into a state of civilisation,
that when the Act of Emancipation took place, society
fell into its natural order, and no outbreaks or riots
were committed, as might have been expected from the
sudden change from slavery to freedom. But be it re-
collected that the change had taken place nearly thirty
years after the slave trade had ceased ; thereby the
people of the West Indies had become to a great
degree civilised, and this great revolution was made
without convulsion.—(Hear, hear.) lam stating what
is to the credit of the owners of the slaves in the West
Indies. But if you were now to introduce vast numbers
of Africans from the shores of Africa—if you were to
take them from places which were still in a state of
barbarians—if you were to transplant them into
the West Indies, and turn them at once to
labour, I cannot but foresee that, in no long course of
time, you would have a population whom it 'would be
difficult to bring into that state of civilization which your
present negro population of the West Indies are in.
And yet that is the attempt you are now making. I
hardly think it will succeed, because I think the very
great cost of carrying labourers from Africa to the West
Indies is very much against it. But still the attempt is
making in this way, by makinglarge loans in Trinidad and
Demerara, and taxing the people and especially
taxing the admission of their food—for the pur-
pose of raising means to bring great num-
bers of people from Africa to the West Indies.
Any law which you may pass in this country which
has a great tendency to give a monopoly, as far as this
country is concerned, to sugar, the produce of the West
Indian colonies, will produce a disadvantageous effect
upon the labourers in the West Indies. In; the first
place, it will tend to the oppression and disadvantage
of the labouring population of the West Indies. I
state this upon the authority of Mr. Knibb.—
(Ironical cheers from the Ministerial Benches, answered
by counter-cheering from the Opposition.) Mr. Knibb
is a man who possesses great authority among the
labouring population of the West Indies—a man of most
remarkable talent, and of great influence and authority.
In the next place I think it would endanger the future
condition of the West India colonies, making it doubtful
twenty years hence—when we consider the immense
numerical superiority of the black population over the
white—whether the colonies may not be the scene of some
most frightful convulsion. And all this is done to keep up
a system which is contrary to your own professed prin-
ciples, and is proposed to be brought about in the most
artificial manner. I am free to confess that it appears
to me that this attempt to produce an artificial price of
sugar in this country, as you say, for the purpose of giving
an advantage to the West India colonies, must result in
producing effects which must be very dangerous, and
may be quite fatal to the interests of those whom you
are anxious to protect.—(Hear.) But when gentlemen
speak of the additional advantage which this system of
protection is to confer on the labourers in the West Indies,
let them not entirely forget that there are also labourers
in this country.—(Cheers.) That there are labourers
employed in agriculture—(Cheers)—and that there are
artizans employed in manufactures who also require
some little consideration.—(Cheers.) I can readily
conceive that a sudden and immediate reduction of all
duties on for. ign produce, as compared with the produce of
the West Indies, to 14s. or to 285., might produce such
an immediate disadvantage to the West India proprietor
as to cause a great shock ; but, on the other hand, if
you attempt to give an additional advantage to
the planters you will put off to a still further period the
time which we all hope to see arrive, when the principles
of free trade shall be universally adopted.--(Hear' hear.)
I heard the other night an Hon. Gentleman, who has re-
cently become a member of the Government, state that
the principles of free trade were true in the abstract. That
principle I believe is universally admitted ; but I wish
to see the practical application of those principles with
regard to such great articles of consumption as that
which we are now called on to consider.—(Cheers.)
I now come to the results which the Right
Honourable Baronet stated would ensue from
his proposition, as far as the finances of the
country were concerned. He stated that the result
would be an increase in the consumption, from
207,000 tons to 250,000 tons, with a consequent
increase to the revenue of 1,300,0001. Now it ap-
pears injury whatever to the
West
g anyhtremit the whole of that—if
Indies,
you without
might
were to have, for instance, 20s. or 28s. ; or it re-
ducing the duty very largely, you were to have a similar
duty to that proposed by the Right lion. Baronet of 10s.
or 125., and of 18s. or 20s. on foreign produce—you
might not make any difference in the present prices
between the colonist and the foreign producer, but you
might preserve a very great part of your income, and
you might have the means of making this experi-
ment. The Right Honourable Gentleman has pro-
posed this experiment with regard to sugar. He
might make that experiment with regard to sugar,
and he might preserve the whole of the revenue, it' he
would but admit all foreign sugar, and decrease the pro-
tection he proposes to give. Suppose the price of foreign
sugar to be 20s„ if he were to add a duty of 205., he
cannot have a less price than 405. If you were to have
a very mush less duty, it is evident that the consumer
would obtain a great benefit, and you would very much
increase the consumption of sugar. It is very doubtful,
as you now stand, whether the loss of 1,300,0001. will
be the total loss the revenue will sustain ? Unless
consumption increase at the rate the Right Hon. Gen.
tleman anticipates, the loss to the revenue will be
1,800,000/. or 1,900,0001. Now if you could but save
that revenue, I think I have shown that there need be no
additional price to the consumer. You need not make
the consumer pay a single farthing more for sugar, and
at the same time you might preserve the whole of the
revenue. Now, when I consider the various duties there
are which press heavily on the consumer, which might be
lightened if you had but that sum you could spare as
part of the surplus, I cannot think this great sacrifice to
the West Indian planter at all desirable or advisable.
There are various duties with regard to which
the Right Honourable Gentleman has declared
his disapprobation. There were duties which
were mentioned when the tariff was discussed—
I will take a small instance, cheese and butter.—(Hear,
hear.) When these duties were mentioned, it was said
that the duty was thirty per cent., and in some inferior
descriptions of cheese 100 per cent., and the Right Hon.
Gentleman the late President of the Board of Trade
said, it was impossible to look to maintaining that
duty. That dnty was absurdly high. But he said it was
then' impossible to make experiments in the revenue
There are other duties that press heavily on silk and
other things, which ought to be removed ; and if the
lion. Gentleman has a surplus of 1,300,0001., I think
the experiment ought to be tried whether or not
some reduction might not be made in the duties on those
articles without affecting the revenue.—(Hear, hear.)
When there is no surplus, of course the experiment
cannot be made, but when the Ministry have one,
it is their duty to try how far they can reduce
taxation. It is proposed by the Government to impose
a duty of 14s. on sugar the produce of our own colonies,
while in colonies where the slave trade exists, it is pro-
posed to exact a duty of 28s. The consequence of that
is a great burthen upon the consumer.—(Hear, hear.)
It may be said that the subject is one for a Com-
mittee, that is, whether or not it would be wise to
take away all duties on sugar, or make a gradual
reduction, but, in my opinion, the plan proposed
by the Government does not give adequate benefit to
the consumer, while it keeps up a distinction between
free and slave labour. It risks the revenue,
not for the sake of the Queen's revenue,
or the army or navy, but for the sake
of a particular class, which forms only a small portion of
the population of the country. The Noble Lord concluded
by moving the following resolution:—"'That it is the
opinion of this House, that the plan proposed by
her Majesty's Government in reference to the sugar
duties, professes to keep up g distinction between foreign
free-labour and foreign slave-labour sugar, which is im-
practicable and illusory ; and, without adequate benefit
to the consumer, tends so greatly to impair the revenue as
to render the removal of the income and property-tax, at
the end of three years, extremely uncertain and iiilvr9-
ba1310."
The SPEAKER having put the question,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose
and said, that when the Noble Lord who had just sat
down had first given notice of his motion, he (the Chan-
gepor of Ow ;chequer) yip ipalico SP hor that it