The Sun.
London, England, 1842-04-19 00:00:00

THE MARKETS

PRICE OF Bit &A D.
Ihe loghes, -rir eof re. • i.. the Metropolis is 9d, for 41b.
I. ..if. Good Bread may be had at 71d.
eItILE., OF SEEDS.
Per Cwt. I Per Quarter
Sew English Ile. C10aer...65s 80s St. Fein -s ..Des 50.3
(lid Pitt. Ditto .... ..... -s -s -s Rye Grass --, ifs it s
New Foreign Ditto... ..-s 75s 92s Pam Grass -s -s -s
Old Ditto Ditto -s -s -slinsool, for lip ding ...-s 52s 563
New White I lover 54s res 650Dit,0, for sowing -s s's 64s
Old Ditto Ditto -s - s -slDitto' far crushing ....-s 47s 52s
- ew Tre'oil -s 20s 4Osil Hem.. -s 468 52s
Old I:itto -s f..1,:1s :iBs,Canary -s 845120 s
Jr' folium -s -s -s! Per li,istiel.
ii glish Carraway -s 5Us 511 s; White Mustard.... tOs 011 to 1311 d
Foreign Ditto -s 46s 50s1Brewn Ditto 12s lid to 14s ea
Coriander -s -s -siTares ... ss Cd to 7s 6l
PRICE JF OIL. ii::4
Rape Oil, brown, per ton £4910
Ditto, refined
Linseed Oil 34 In
Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill (per 1000) la 0
ltape . eke, per ton, 6 6
PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per 1121 h.
Town Tallow £2 8 61Melting Stuff £1 14 0
Yellow Russia
White lt 0 0 Graves
Soap Ditto 0 0 0 Good Dregs 0 5 0
PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of albs.
Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters).... ........ '..:s. 7)4d.
COAL MARKET.
Ships arrived since last marKet ,clay, 36.
.. d.
Buddle's West Hartley l7 6
Carr's Hartley l6 0
Chester Main ... 15 9
Holywell Main l6 0
Leaez's. Main l4 0
sew Tan field Moor l4 0
Old Tanfield -13 9
Pontop Windsor
West Wylam l5 9
West Hartley ..........
Walls End Heaton.... ......
Walls End Hilda.
walls End Killingworth
Walls End Riddell's l9 0
Walls End Todd's Bensham 14 6
Walls End Wharnciiffe l9 3
W. E. liraddyll'sHetton
Walls End Haswell. ......
Walls End Helton 2l 61

s. d.
Wahs End Pemberton l7 9
Walls End Stewart's
Walls End Whitwell 2O 6
Walls End Cassop 2l 3
Walls End Hartlepool
Walls End Ileugh Hall 2i 6
Walls End Kelloe 2l 6
Wails End Barrett lll 0
Walls Et.d Bowburn l7 0
Walls End Brown's Deanery 19 0
Walls End Coundon AI 0
Walls Et d Evenwood 16 6
Walls End Gordon lO r,
Walls find Hopper l7 3
Walls End Tees Hatton
Walls Ei,d Tees ........ 20 6
Anthracite 23 0
teowpen

COUNTRY MARS ETS.

Wheat. IBaxley. oat, I Beans. kiwi,
Per Quarter. s. to s. 1. to s. s. t.i s. s. to s. 0. to
53 68 30 36 20 28 34 46 40 MI
'ttandford.-- 52 72 31 34 t 3 26 46
nridport 68
''hard 56 72 28 92 22 26 351
.42 40
Exeter
alculcester 6O 62 20 30 19 24 2$ 40 40 4S
Buildford 58 74 27 34 20 28 32 38 34 40
Newbury 48 70 23 32 18 28 30 43 32 33
34 76 22 96 18 30 21 43 30 38
Salisbury 60 68 28 35 20 vs 40 50
Strerborne 56 60 26 30 20 24 36 40
Sherton Mallet 50 70 25 34 18 '24 34 48 34 36
Uxbridge 37 43 2:: 28 ss 40
Wrrininster 4B 67 24 33 19 24 26 46
Worcester 64 68 32 35 it 26 138 42 36 40
teovil 148 60 24 28 20. 22 32 44
SCOTCH MARKETS.
Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. Catmoal
S.bcrdeen... 60 to 70 25 to iS It; tol2o —to 33 to 35
Berwick..,.., 25 46 16 21 15 17 20 21 33 36
Coldstream . 40 55 22 24 17 19 23 30 28 22
Cupar (FifeN i4B 65 26 31 18 22 22 26
Dunbar 50 ' 64 29 30 19 24 127 20 37 se
Elgin ..... 70 7t 30 31 22 25 36 50
Inverness... 60 70 29 31 22 23 42 33
Kelso lO 47 17 2:3 16 18 36 30
Kirkaldy 54 66 29 35 20 25 25 0.8 43
Perth GO 67 30 40 25 '35 41 44
11:p Theme of the measure varies thous out the country.

IMPERIAL. PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, April 18.
The Loan CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wooslack
shortly before Five o'Clock.
FACTORY INSPECTION.
The Earl of RIPON laid on the table the last Half-yearly
Report of the Impectors of Factories.
RATING OF STOCK IN TRADE.
Lord PORTMAN wished to inquire of the Noble
Duke opposite (Wellington), whether it was the in-
tention of her Majesty's Government to renew the
Bill now in force relating to the rating of stock in trade to
parochial assessment ? The present Bill would soon expire, and
there was considerable anxiety to know whether it was intended
to make a permanent enactment on the subject.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said, it was the intention of
his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, to in-
troduce in the other House a temporary Act to continue the
present law, for the purpose of giving time for farming a per-
manent measure.
IRISH SPIRIT DUTIES.

The Duke of WELLINGTON postponed to Thursday next
the third reading of the Irish Spirit Duties Bill, which stood
fixed for this day.
CO RN-L AWS—THE TARIFF.

The Duke of BUCKINGH A?I presented numerous peti-
tions from places in the counties of 'Kent, Warwick, and For-
far, against the proposed alteration of the Corn-laws.
Several petitions to the same effect were presented by the
Duke of RUTLAND and Earl STANHOPE.
The Earl of ZETLAND presented petitions from Selkirk
and other places in Scotland, against the sliding scale, and for
the total repeal of the Cern-laws.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from the shoe-
makers and leather-dressers of King's Lynn against the reduc-
tion of the duty on foreign boots, shoes, and curried leather ;
also petitions from Guisborough, Leeds, Huddersfield, and
other places in the county of York, against the income tax and
all Corn-laws.
Lord BROUGHAM presented petitions from Arbroath, in
the county of Forfar, and from St. Mary's, Newington, in the
borough of Lambeth, against the Income-tax • and a petition
from the farmers of Northumberland, against all Corn-laws.
The House went into Committee, an the Indemnity Bill
passed through.—The House then resumed.
CORN IMPORTATION BILL.
The Earl of RIPON rose and said, although the matter to
which their Lordships' attention was about to be called, had be-
come, from not unfrequent discussions, familiar to their Lord-
ships, and though the Bill, the second reading of which
he was about to recommend to their Lordships' attention
did not proceed on any new principle, but was rather
a modification of the existing law, nevertheless, he felt that
he should not adequately discharge the duty which devolved
upon him, if, before proceeding to explain to their Lordships,
the provisions of that Bill, and the reasons which had induced
her Majesty's Government to propose- it for the adoption of
Parliament, he did not make some observations of a
more general nature with respect to this question. He
felt this question to be, and he always had felt it to be, infinitely
the most important subject with which the Legislature could be
called upon to deal. It related to a subject in which were
involved the prosperity, the contentment, and the safety of the
State ; for the question really was the subsistence, the food of
the people ; and what was the best mode by which that essen-
tial object could be secured, and by which there could be
obtained for the public at large an adequate, a steady
supply, of the first necessaries of life, at a reasonable and mode-
rate rate. There were, he knew, many other most important
interests connected with this subject—the interests of agricul-
ture, the interests of commerce, the interests of manufactures,
of the capitalists engaged in one or other branch of industry,
and of those by whose labours those capitalists were enabled to
receive the advantage from the expenditure of that capital. He
knew that those interests were most important in the consider-
ation of this question ; but still it appeared to him that the
essence of this question was, by what means of legislation the
people could be best supplied. In the point of view in which he
looked at the question it was one of the most paramount, but
at the same time one of the most difficult, that could come before
them. Great authorities differed as to the mode in which that
object could be obtained ; men of the most extensive
1 iniormation, of the wisest experience, of the most
unquestionable probity and independence, had differed
fundamentally as to the mode in which the Legis-
lature ought to promote that object. But it unfor-
tunately happened that from the nature of the case, it
was so mixed up with strong feelings, and with an
eager sense of interest en the part of those whose
interests, philosophically speaking, were identified—but of what
identification it was impossible to impress the parties themselves—
that it was scarcely possible to discuss the question without giving
rise to feelings which rendered a satisfactory discussion impossible.
It was, therefore, their duty to discuss the question calmly ;
and he hoped their Lordships would call him to a sense of his
duty if he departed from that spirit. There were two
great antagonist principles involved in the question—ane
was, that all restriction upon the' importation of foreign corn
should be removed ' - the other was, that importation should
be regulated by the Legislature. The first proposition was on
the face of it extremely plausible—it was a kind, considerate, and
charitable proposition, and there seemed something gratitying
in being told that if the supply in their own country was short,
the whoe world was open to them to make good that supply.
But he confessed he felt that the more he looked at the state of
those countries from whence those supplies could be obtained,
the more he was convinced that the proposition was
fallacious in itself, and was likely to lead to disappoint-
ment. If that principle was adopted, they would be
compelled to look to other countries for supply, not
when they wanted it on certain occasions, but as a principle,
and he thought he would he able to show that they would
incur the greatest risk and danger in adopting it. It was
perfectly obvious that, in a country like this, where from
a thousand considerations not necessary to detail, the cost of
production was higher, and must be higher for almost any ar-
ticle as compared with other countries where the causes did not
exist, it was, quite clear that this great increase in the
amount of produce in this country, which had enabled
us to stand so well against the demands of the
increasing population, could never have taken place unless
the capital invested in agriculture were encouraged by adequate
remuncrie ion to continue in the same line of employment. Ap-
plying this principle, then, to the protection of corn, it was
clear that if you de. e.-mined to admit at all times, and under all
circumstances, foreign corn without referesice to prices,
or to the harvest at horns, a great dial of the capital now in-
vested in the raising of fond must be withdrawn, for the
I price being reduced below the remunerating point, the
British farmer must seek other fields for his money and in-
genuity, much land would be thrown out of cultivation, and
the amount- of the home supply of corn would be very greatly
diminished—whether it would be the higher quality or the
lower quality of soils that would be throWn out of
I cultivation, he would not now stop to inquire, for each
result had been predicted. The fact that our produce
would.be very greatly diminished, and our lands thrown out of
cultivation to a very considerable extent, through the inunda-
tiou of foreign corn, could not be denied, and that was enough
fur his arguments. We already depended on foreign countries
fors occasional supplies.. The question was, whether
we should also depend for the much greater and
continual supplies which, under a change of the sys-
tem, would be imperatively necessary. Let it be sup-
posed that our own produce be reduced 10 per cent. Now
where were we to look for those great supplies in addition tow hat
we already got from foreign countries? The late information
laid before Parliament slit oved that the only countries we could
look to were the small territories of Denmark and Mecklen-
burg. We could not rely on any. other country in Lurape.
It was stated distinctly, that notwithstanding the encourage-
ment that might be given by the repeal of the Corn-laws, the
utmost amount upon which they could calculate would be
2,2•20,500 quarters of wheat. But if they looked to the paper
which he held in his hand, they would find that from
Palermo, to which a large item was assigned, .none at
all was exported into this country. Warsaw was men
firmed twice in the same piper. The utmost, then, that
they could expect to obtain would not exceed 1,500,000
quarters annually. During the last thirteen years the total
amount imported into this country for consumption had been
at the rate of one million quarters per annum ; but if we re-
duced our own produce two millions and a half more we would
have no source in Europe from which to derive a suffi-
cient supply. They were told that Russia could not
extend its production. He knew that there were defects in
the Ist to which he referred, but that did not change his ar-
gument. His of jest was to show that the hopes of one party
were exaggerated, and could not be realised; but at the same
time he etiolated that the fears of the other party were also
exaggerated. He wished-to dwell on this part of the subject,
because he thought that the abolition of the protective scale
of ditties would not give the permanent and abundant
supply of corn that was proposed. From Russia, they were
told in the document to which he had referred., they could not
derive greater supplies than they did at present, and
yet Russia was one of the greatest exporting countries
in Europe. It was asked in that document whether,
if there was an increased demand for foreign corn in
England, the corn produced in some of the districts
could without much difficulty, and in a short time, be
increased ? The answer was, No. The same question and
reply was given respecting Riga and Odessa. It would be impos-
sible then to rely upon Russia in cases of deficieney. Russia could,
indeed, send enough into this country to interfere with mate-
rially, and prejudice our agricultural producers; but that
was a very different thing from sending a great quantity
sufficient to supply the great demand of such a country as this.
A much smaller quantity might do a great mischief in discou-
raging agriculture, although a large quantity, if required is
consequence of that discouragement, could not be
obtained. At Dantzic there would be no increase.
At Koenigsberg, none. At Stettin, none. At Memel, there
might be an increase of one-fourth. The quantity at present
was .5,900 quarters ; and an increase of one-fourth upon that
would not go far to fill up the deficiency that
would be occasioned by a diminution of the home
production. At Elsinore, from which the whole of
the produce of the Danish dominions was exported,
there would be an increase. But if their Lord-
ships would examine the whole of the papers,
they would find that the increase would amount to
nothing at all towards supplying the deficiency. At Hamburgh
it was doubtful whether or not there would be an increase.
But as that port was supplied chiefly from the Prussian domi-
nions, of which he had already stated from the report, it would be
unnecessary to go over the same ground again. There was no
doubt that in the course of years there might be an increase
by the application of additienal capital, which however would
prevent the exportation of the •produce at a cheap
price. He must advert to Russia, from which, undoubtedly,
the greatest quantity would be derived. But Russia her-
self, although she at times exported considerable quan-
tities, yet, at other times, suffered grievously from
famine. During the last nine years there were six years of
bad harvest, amounting in some years to positive famine, so
much so, that the Emperor found it necessary to suspend
the duty on the importation of foreign corn, which was
13s. 4d. per quarter on wheat, and Bs. on rye. All the other
States of Europe, with the exception of Denmark and Prussia,
imposed duties on imported corn, and yet it was said
that in this country it was an unchristian shame
to impose a tax upon food which prevented our manufacturers
from competing with 'foreigners. But although Prussia,
which was an exporting country, had no tax on the im-
portation of foreign earn, yet there . was a tax
on corn in the towns containing a population of two millions,
of which the price of bread was rendered dearer at times
than in England, as was actually tho case in Dantzic
at this moment. Much had been said of the great
and inexhaustible supply which might be derived. But even
in Philadelphia,which had been the greatest market since 1793,
the price of bread has frequently been higher than in London ;
and if they added to that the necessary charge for bringing it
to this country, they would find that in no less than 12 out of
the 24 years, the price there would be higher than here.—(The
Noble Lord here referred to some papers published in
the United States to prove that the consumption in that coun-
try always equalled, and had equalled for the last 50 years,
the production. ) This would go to show that from the United
States we could not expect those great supplies that those
who were in favour of no restriction on corn lead them to
expect ; and any idea of supplying any deficiency from thence
would lead to disappointment. If this were true, the system
would go towards destroying existing contracts in this country,
and it would be incurring a risk which it would be
little short of insanity to attempt. The inference that we
must draw then was, that it was much wiser and safer to
rely essentially upon our own produce; and to ensure that
reliance, they ought to give protection to that produce.—
( Hear.) Then came the question, " What should be the
nature and extent of that protection ?" It was obvious that
protection could only efficiently be given by some duty, either J

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING. APRIL 19, 1842.

fixed or fluctuating. He would not now enter into a comps;
rison between those two modes of protection, as that
question would be fully raised when the Noble Lord's
amendment should come on. He would proceed nay
to discuss the remaining part of the subject, which
was the principle of protection by a fluctuating duty,
and then to explain to their Lordships the nature of the Bill.
With respect to this duty, which fluctuated in an inverse ratio
to the price, whatever objection might be made to it—whatever
defects might be observed in the existing law, and however
desirable it might be to modify the application
of it by a new law, he could not see
anything inconsistent with equity and justice—if they
were to have protection at all—in adjusting it so that
when it was no longer necessary for the protection of the pro-
ducer, it should diminish so as to give the benefit of it to the
consumer. It was just in principle. It was not an ad valorem
duty. The only question, therefore, was, whether they could so
apply the principle as to prevent those inconveniences and
evils to which it may have been liable. They had thirty years
experience of the principle, it was said, and its total failure had
been proved; but he (Lord Ripon) did not see that. He did
not say that it had not defects, but the principle was
goad which regulated the admission of foreign corn ;
he thought the principle of the law had worked according to the
views of those who enacted the law. He might be asked why he
went, then, to alter the law, but he did so because the subject
was one to which the attention of Parliament must be called
from time to time. The interests of commerce were mighty,
and required the intervention of Parliament when necessary.
The extent of protection necessary at one time might not be
necessary at another. The population of the country was in-
creased by 2,000,000, who required to be fed, and though the
productions of agriculture had increased also, they did not in-
crease in the same ratio. It was therefore clear that the cir-
cumstances of the country had altered already, and it was
necessary that the wisdom of Parliament should interpose—
(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—and not allow itself to
be taken by surprise. It was then supposed that this country
would receive large progressive supplies of wheat from Ire-
land—but this had not turned out to be the case. During the
first six of the last thirteen years, the average supply from
Ireland was 658,000 quarters, a quantity nearly equal to one-
third of the largest import of foreign corn we had had in any
one year; but during the last seven years this quantity fell off
to 427,000 quarters. This was a very material fact. The
cause was, first, that notwithstanding the high prices this coun-
try offered, the growth of wheat was not found to be so profit-
able in Ireland as the growth of other articles ; and next, that
the people of Ireland consumed a great deal of their own wheat
—a most gratifying change from that miserable food on which
they used heretofore to drag on life.—(Hear, hear.) The
people of England had but lately abandoned barley and rye-
bread for wheat exclusively. A similar satisfactory process
was now going on in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) This was a most
important fact, however, for the people of England. It must
be admitted, too, that the present Corn-law had some defects
which required to be corrected. —( Hear, hear.) One of the
defects of this Bill was, as it struck him-s-one which no doubt
some of his Noble Friends would think one of its beauties—
namely, that the protection was extravagantly high. What
could be the advantage of a protection that was greater than
necessary? it would but injure the principle of protection
itself; and if they would attempt to maintain such a protec-
tion, they would go far to destroy the principle itself. He had
reason to know that the general feeling of the country was,
that the present rate of protection was higher than necessary.
It was a defect which it was fit to remedy, and to remedy it
was one of the objects of the present Bill. There was an-
other detail of the present measure that was objectionable—
namely, the rapidity with which the duty varies. Their Lord-
ships might recollect, that in the year 1827 a Bill was pro-
posed, in which the principle of a graduated scale was
introduced. That Bill had not passed into a law ; it was
unnecessary to state the reasons why it had not passed ?
but their Lordships would remember that the fluctuation was
not by any means so rapid according to that Bill, as according
to the law as it now stood. He (the Earl of Ripon) had the
honour of proposing that Bill in their Lordships' House. It
was opposed by some Noble Lords, but the House generally
acquiesced in its principles, and in most of its details. The
following year the present law was proposed, which was de-
scribed as a jumping scale, and consequently defective, be-
Cause when the prices were rising, the difference between the
several amounts of duties became so great, it gave a temptation
to holders of corn to wait till the duty became low,
Notwithstanding the rising of the price indicated the want of
corn by the community, they were tempted to wait until they
could bring out their corn at a duty of ls. instead of 10s. That
was a considerable defect in the existing law, and which the
present measure would correct. In other articles, such as
rye, oats, and barley, there was not the same jumping. With
respect to taking of the averages there were some objections ;
but those objections were overstated, and the present pro -
posal would, he trusted, also remove that defect The
average would be taken by a different class of per-
sons from the present, and greater security would
thus be occasioned in the transaction of business.
In his opinion the extension of the number of towns for taking
the averages would be a great improvement, as it would in-
crease the difficulty of fraud, which was attempted only in great
markets, where a great quantity was returned, and the average
could be materially affected by an artificial addition to the
prices. The question had frequently been put to him as to what
was likely to be the effect of taking the prices in these towns in
raising or lowering the averages? and his invariable answer had
been, that it would have no sensible effect whatever,
unless it could be supposed that the quantity
and prices in those new towns were immensely
higher or immensely lower than in the old towns
If the effect of taking them in would be to raise the price by ss.
a quarter, it must be plain that, to bring that about, the prices in
the new towns must exceed them in the old by 10s. a quarter.
That was a state of things that could not be well supposed to
exist ; indeed, it was generally admitted that no such result
could be produced, and that there would be a much more exact
amount of the prices of corn throughout the kingdom, without
introducing any principle than could be objected to. Perhaps
he had trespassed too long upon their Lordships in these pre-
liminary observations, but he had not thought that he should
discharge his duty if he had not laid before them
those views which he thought must he taken into the
consideration of the measure which he was about to propose.
The proposition itself was, that instead of a duty increasing to
any amount, not defined, the highest duty on the importation
of wheat should be tlO-., and that duty should be imposed when
the average prietrs wnoul,l b., on, ter sls . It ,as then 11r1)pc,e4 t bat-
the duty should diminish Is. for every Is. increase in the price,
with two exceptions, in the e..urse of the scale ; that was to say,
when it arrived at 525. and was under 555., the duty should be
the same, 18s., for each. After that, it diminished shilling by
shilling, till the price rose to 663., and then again it remained as
at 523. It was a difficult thing to say what was to be consi-
dered a remunerating urice.—( Laughter from the Opposition.)
He was not aware of any better means that there were of as-
certaining what that point was than the information which was
laid within everybody's reach, compared with wha had been
the average price for the last 13 years. That had been something
more than 583., and therefore he thought that something be-
tween 565. and 585., or 605., might fairly be considered as that
which should be thought reasonable, and which, in his (Lord
Ripon's) opinion, was necessary fur the maintenance of agri-
culture in this country. He believed that the proposition re-
lating to wheat was held to be a fair arrangement, and
had not met with great complaints from either party.
With respect to barley and oats, however, some difference
of opinion had arisen. The principle on which they had
endeavouredon barley and oats,
was possible
duty
ibleto the principle of the
to
adhere to
as act in
nearly fix
asinir t
existing scale. VI heti wheat was at 50s. the duty was 1/., and
wilc] barley was at 253. the duty was 11s., being rather more
than half the duty on wheat. The same principle was pursued
with regard to the rest, which occurred when the price was 275.
and under 30s , when the duty was fixed at 9s. Some persons
thought that barley with the present duty was to enter into a
ruinous competition with foreign barley, but he confussed he saw
no grounds for such apprehension. From the paper which was
laid before Parliament in July last, and which was a summary
of the answer received from her Majesty's Consuls, it ap-
peared that the average price at which barley could be pur-
chased abroad was 19s. 6id., and by adding the amount of
freight and other charges, which could not be less than 4s. or
59., the total amount of the price of barley would be from
245. to 255. ; so that it was clear that the protection given
by the 1.1111 was sufficient up to anything short of the point, and
he confessed that he hardy heard any reason to induce h m to
think that that was a protection inadequate for its legitimate
purpose. It was less than the protection given to barley at
present; but the whole Bill proceeded upon the principle of
the diminution of price, and therefore he did not see how any
person disposed to admit that a reduction ought to take plane
could make use of the reduction on barley as any argument.
In the Bill of 1827, though the protection by that Bill was
higher when prices were low at that particular point, the differ-
elite was not very
.material as compared with the scale now pro-
posed. The Bill proposed that at the price of 31s. to 325., the
duty should be Bs. 6d. ; the present Bill proposed 79. 6d., but he
could not see how the difference of eighteen-pence should jus-
tify the apprehensions that had been expressed in the country.
No country of Europe offered us large supplies of barley but
Denmark. But the power of increasing her supplies to us
was very limited, for her own population was increasing, as was
also that of the other countries she supplied. We should also
forget that the increased demand for the barley of Denmark, or
of any other country, would greatly raise the prices in their
own markets.—( Hear, hear.) Looking at other countries, he
found that the barley of the north of Germany was not very
good, while the nature of the soil would prevent in a great
degree an improvement of the quality. In the poorer soils of
Prussia they coul not produce good malting barley, if at all,
without an expensive process of improving the land. In the
south of Germany, in Bavaria and Wirtemburg, the growth
of barley was considerable, but the great quantity of beer
drunk by the population required it all. Moreover, there was
an export duty on barley leaving Bavaria; and the cost of the
voyage down the Neckar, through Holland, and thence hither,
and the apprehensions of our farmers would vanish. In like
manner the apprehensions of the vast influx of foreign oats
were groundless. We could net expect an average supply of
more than 800,000 qrs. from abroad, whilst the consumption of
this country was 15,060,000 quarters. A protection equal
to 2,35, a quarter ought not to be complained of. Having made
these statements to their Lordships, it only remained for him
to express his confident hope and belief that this measure
would work beneficially fur all classes of the community. This
was the sole object of the framers of the measure. If they
were guilty of deceiving the people, on this or any other sub-
ject, they would commit at the same time as great a political
iniquity, and as a contemptible a piece of folly, as any Minis-
try could be accused of, for the people of this country were too
quick-sighted and intelligent to be deceived. While they kept
a strict eye on the proceedings of the Legislature, they were
able to judge of their principles, arguments, and plans. They
relied with confidence on the hope, that the proposed measure
would be received by their Lordships as a satisfactory adjust-
ment of the question ; and though some on the other side
might dissent from it, yet he believed that the public generally
would think that her Majesty's Government had done their
duty in proposing this measure, and he trusted that Parlia-
ment would do their duty, by giving effect to it in the shape
of a law.

Earl STANHOPE would not enter into the general ques-
tion of free trade in corn. It was impossible for him, how-
ever' not to advert briefly to some circumstances connected
with the history of the question. It was somewhat singular
that those who originally recommended the present measure,
and who, after having bestowed great attention upon the
! subject, had stated that that measure was most unexception-
able in its mode of operation, should now come forward and
declare that a very considerable: decrease in the protection
conferred by that law ought to be effected. The sliding scale
was no part or parcel of the principle of the Corn-law. It
was only one of the modes—it might be the best or not—of
executing that principle, which principle was protection to the
agriculturist. It was therefore obvious, that a sliding scale
might be so contrived, as to be equally pernicious with a low
fixed duty. It had been staled by a Noble Lord opposite
( Viscount Melbourne, as we understood), that the removal
of the protection given by the Corn-laws to the agriculturist
could not be effected without causing much ill-blood and dis-
turbing society to its foundation. He (Earl Stanhope) be-
lieved that it could not be effected without overthrowing the
whole fabric and structure of society. The Noble Viscount
departed afterwards from those opinions, and when an appeal
was made to the country, a majority far more triumphant than
the most sanguine Conservative expected, declared itself in fa-
vour of British agriculture.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)
He proposed to short that they were strongly attached to the
agricultural interest. At the elections the Conservative can-
didates fought under the banners of " Protection to Agricul-
ture."—(Opposition cheers.) Did the Noble Lords opposite
deny hiastatement ?—(Cries of " No, no," and renewed cheer-
ing and laup .er.) Promises and pledges were given in pro-

fusion, and with the most grave solemnity to support the pro-
tection as it was.—(Cheers.) In the course of the elections
the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, ineaddressing his constituents at Tamworth, said that he
" deprecated a struggle in this question of the Corn-laws, be-
cause he believed, with Lord Melbourne, that the advantages '
would not be equal to the risk, and he asked for their free
suffrages on that frank and explicit declaration."—(Cheers. )
Frank and explicit !—(Laughter.) Why, he never read a
sentence less explicit in his life.—( Cheers and a laugh.) What
was the advantage to which the Right Hon. Baronet alluded?
If it was the advantage of altering or amending the present
laws, then his intention was utterly inconsistent with all his
known and recorded opinions.—(Opposition cheers.) What
was the risk which the Right Hon Baronet apprehended, with
an immense and overwhelming majority in both Houses of Par-
liament, ready to support the interests of British agriculture?
It would have been convenient if the Right Hon. Baronet
had been a little more frank on the occasion ; he need not
have told his constituents whether there were to be one rest, or
two rests, or three rests, bnt he might have hinted that the
effect of this Bill would be to cause a considerable decrease of
protection, and that the importation of cattle would be per-
mitted. The effect of that would have been that the Right Hon.
Baronet would have been saved much time, expense, and
trouble, and his colleagues, and himself would have been spared
the anxiety and trouble of office.—( Hear, hear.) He (Earl
Stanhope) was not surprised at this, because he saw very plainly,
long before the close of the last Parliament, indications that
there were to be considerable alterations in this law.
Earl RIPON—Just now you said there were not.
Earl STANHOPE said, that he said there was no expressed
determination. He was not surprised, he repeated; but the
result had been that, instead of allaying the popular clamour,
every possible excitement had been added to it. Great distrust
and discontent had been excited aniongst the agriculturists ;
and the Minister who proposed this plan had lost, and for ever,
the confidence of the great majority of the agriculturist's, who
might still, however, continue to support kim either through
feelings of respect, or for a desire to exclude
the opposition from power.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) He
would consign them to the castigation they weld receive from
those whose interests they had betrayed.—.( Hear, hear.) He
would now proceed to the consideration of the question before
them. It was obvious that every Corn-law must proceed on
the consideration and comparison of the prices at which corn
could be imported into this country, and at which it could be
grown in it. It had been aeowed that no satisfactory informa-
tion had been obtained on the subject, but that information
could be obtained by means of a Parliamentary inquiry, and
until such had been obtained, no measure on the subject ought
to be introduced. There was a stigular misapprehension in
regard to the price at which corn could be produced abroad.
It was supposed that because the seasons of late years had been
unusually unfavourable, and the price, high on the Conti-
nent, as well as in this country, that those prices were to be
taken as the ordinary price of the country. As far as he was
aware, there was no inquiry since the year 1627. According to
the return of the Consuls then, the average price in 1825,
in the North of Europe, in Copenhagen, Bremen, Ham-
burgh, Rotterdam, and Antwerp, was eighteen shillings and
sevenpence ; and in the year 1826 he presented a petition
from the Agricultural Society of Holdernesse, which stated
that good wheat in bond was sold at Hull at 245, a quarter. In
the year 1836 it was stated, by an eminent corn-factor, that he
purchased fine wheat for 265. or 285., and that corresponded
with the opinion very recently given by two corn-factors of
Liverpool, who stated that the effect of a present Corn-law,
after one or two favourable seasons, would be to reduce the
average price to 48s. or 465. He could refer to a letter, written
on the 26th of May, by one whom the Noble Lord would admit
to be an authority, to the effect that corn had been imported
into Liverpool, and other ports, and freely entered, and that,
having paid a duty of 225. a quarter, it had left a fair profit to
the speculator. Now this Bill proposed to reduce that duty to
Ss., and vet he was told it would do no injury to the agricul-
turist. With such a price it would be impossible to maintain a
price of 565. for wheat, nor perhaps even 50s. He could show
that, in a part of Burkinghamshire, and not the worst part, the
rent alone could not be paid out of a less price than
50s. He would not say, that whatever might be the
effect of the present Bill, the land would be thrown out of cul-
tivation ; but he did say that the effect would be to break the
existing frame of society, the destruction of public and private
credit, and, in the end, national bankruptcy. His Noble
Friend ( Earl Ripon) had said that the present protection was
extravagantly high, and might without inconvenience he dimi-
nished. His Noble Friend had not adduced even a shadow of
proof in support of that assertion. In the year 1828, when the
present law was passed, it would be proper to argue that a
lower rate of protection than that given by the law of 1815 was
wanted, because at the former period that most destructive
and pernicious of measures, known as Peel's Bill, came into
operation. The late Mr. Ricardo had said that after that mea-
sure the fall in the price of corn would be three or five per
cent. ; hut the fall was now thirty or fifty per cent., and could
he (Earl Stanhope) have foreseen such would be the case, no
power on earth could have induced him to support the measure.
No Corn-laws could raise the price of corn while there was a
currency that kept it low. In the years 1834-5-6, the prices
of corn were 395. 6d. and 445. Bd., which no man in his senses
could suppose was a remunerating price. The Noble Earl (Ripon )
said that a free trade in corn would be a very good thing if it
were practicable. Now he would say to the Noble Lord in the
language of Holy Writ, " Out of thine own mouth will I con-
demn thee."—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) In the beginning
of the Session in 1825—(and he wished that this Session and
every other since had eommenced with such auspices)—the
Noble Earl advised his late Majesty George the Fourth to
congratulate the House on the unexampled prosperity and
happiness of all classes of the people of this empire.—
( Cries of " Hear, hear.") But in that year, and in the one
preceding, the price .of corn had been 625. a quarter.
The statute of Charles 11., passed professedly for the protection
of agriculture, enacted, that when the price of wheat was 555.,
the duty should be 16s. 6d. ; and the duty by the present law,
and for the last century, was 17s. ; and now, notwithstanding
the enormous unparalleled distress which prevailed, the duty
was only 16s. 6,1. per quarter. He would ask Noble Lords to
giee a frank answer to this question, ‘‘ hether, under the ope-
ration of this law, they did or did not expect a large or small
importation ; and whether they expected a large or small re-
duction of price?" In either case he was ready to argue with
them. If they expected a small importation, a small reduction
of price, where was the benefit to the consumer? If they ex-
pected a large importation, which might be very profitable to
rrvennt-, and at-rrptahlr in that kloproAsed state in which it
now was, had they considered at all the effect which moist neves-
sat ily be produced, not only on agriculture, but on all branches
of productive industry. all of whom had one common interest
in preventing the competition of foreigners in the home market ?
If much corn were imported, a great quantity of specie would leave
t his country, and in favour of this view lie had the evidence or
these who were in fivour of free trade in corn, who considered
it as " a convummation most devoutly to be wished for," that
money must be used in great quantities for the purchase, f coin.
The effect of this exportation of specie would be that the Bank
of England would stop payment. It was true that the supplies
of wheat front Ireland had been diminished, but what we had
lost in corn we had gained in cattle from that country. The
farmers were advised to accept this Bill on the principle that
half a loaf was better than no bread. But who would say that
the present measure would be final? Why, the Secretary for
the Home Department himself had assured the public that this
was not to be considered as a final measure.—( Hear, bear. )
Then ho (Lord Stanhope) would not agree now to a commuta-
tion of the sentence on the farmers.—( Laughter.) He would
say, " No surrender," in common with a Noble Duke, who, when
patriotism and devotion to the public service were almost ex-
tinct in this country—(Laughter) showed an eminent example
of both, by abandoning power and place when they were crip-
ping the influence he knew ought to be exerted for the benefit
of the community. Offer free trade in manufactures, and
those who cried out for free trade in corn, would soon
be scattered to the winds and annihilated. The farmers
must riot be sacrificed. It mattered not to him whether he
was to have a Whig or a Tory Executive.—( Laughter.) It
had been truly said that it mattered not to the farmer whether
he were put out of the world by an axe or a guillotine. In
like mariner the Noble Earl cared not whether the instruments
were to be a sliding scale or a fixed duty.—(Grttat laughter.)
It the present head of the Government were in opposition, he
might be able to do what he did before—to stop the influence of
bad measures ; but h e was grieved to see that nothing but mis-
chievous measures had been proposed—the Corn-law, the new
tariff, and the Income -tax, which he would oppose. The
people were silent, but he might say dum silent clamant. He
might say, and he was speaking not unadvisedly, that the si-
lence proceeded from the conviction that they were only at
" the beginning of the end," to use the words of Talleyrand ;
the signs of the times were written in such large and legible
characters, that " those who run may read." He begged to
warn their Lordships of the inevitable consequences that must
ensue from the system pursued by Tory, Whig, and Conser-
vative Governments. The "end" was not far distant, and
would be accelerated by the measures which the Government
proposed. He entreated their Lordships to consider, even at4ke
twelfth hour, whether, if their Lordships were condemned as " the
tree bearing bad fruit," they might not be " cut down, and cast
into the fire"—whether, if their duty consisted in registering
edicts, the Acts of the Commonwealth may not be renewed—be
voted zseless and abolished. The first French Revolution
would afford but a faint outline of the proscriptions and confis-
cations that would take place. Seeking for himself no favour
from any Government, he thought it right to warn them, and
he would move that the word " now" be omitted, and that the
Bill be read that day six months.
Lord HA RD WICKE felt himself inadequate to do justice to
the subject before the House, and he would address their Lord-
ships but for the purpose of justifying the vote which he should
give to-night upon the question. He was not one of those who
supported the measure merely because he feared that if he did
not do so they would tend to overthrow the present Government.
He certainly should deplore such an occurrence as the restora-
tion to power of the Noble Lords opposite, as he had understood
not merely from themselves, but from their supporters in de-
mocracy, that they were unable to conduct the Government of
the country in the manner in which they most wished. The
Noble Lord who had just sat down had stated his intention of
adhering, in his address to the House, to the question before
their Lordships ; but, instead of doing so, the Noble Lord
had travelled out of his way to assail the Right Hon. Gentle-
tleman the Prime Minister of the country, having accused
that distingu,shed individual of deceiving the people of this
country upon the present question.
Earl STANHOPE explained that he had not intended to
make what was called an attack on the Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of her Majesty's Government. However, his
(Earl Stanhope's) observations might have been interpreted
both ways.—( Laughter.) That Right Hon. Gentleman had
given reason for the belief that he was a zealous supporter of
the Corn-laws, and he ( Earl Stanhope) would leave it to his
Noble Friend to say whether he was a zealous supporter of
them or not.

tion which could come under the consideration of the I
House. He was anxious thus early to state the course he 1
meant to pursue, as no alterations could be made in Corn- I
mittee. The question was, whether the Bill was to be real
now or this day six months. He confessed he looked en the
Bill with deep feeling of alarm, and without attributing any '
motives, the Bill, in his judgment, is calculated to do harm to
the agricultural interest. The progress which agriculture han
made for the last few years they must all be rejoiced to see;
but if it appeared that by this Bill the farmer was not pro-
tected, the effect would be that our fields would go out of the
high state of cultivation in which they had hitherto been up-
held by the system of Corn-laws. He must say, also, that he
looked with alarm on this Bill, because it afforded an oppor-
tunity for the foreign farmer to compete with the farmers as
home. In what state would this country be if the Engl.sls
farmer were compelled to give up his tillage ? The bright sue
of this country's glory would be set. He was told that this
Bill would not satisfy the Opposition, and he could say, on be-
half of a large portion of the agricultural interest, that it woule
not satisfy them.—( Hear.) He felt that there was not suffi-
cient protection given to agriculture, and on this ground he
should support the measure of kis Noble Friend ( Earl Stan
hope). He regretted some of the remarks which had been
made by his Noble Friend, but he agreed with him that suffi-
cient protection was not given to the farmer. If they passed
this Bill, it might be too late to retrace their steps, and, acting
upon his feelings, as the friend of the farmer, he could not but
view this measure with the greatest alarm. His Noble Friend
who had just sat down had attempted to prove that this mea-
sure would be beneficial alike to the farmer and himself ;
but how could that be, when under the present law tin
foreign farmer could not come in under 68s. or 695., but by
the rew law they could come in at 585.? He adhered to
the opinions he had given and to the statements he had for-
merly made on this question, and he should now give his mos'
cordial support to the proposition for reading this Bill again
this day six months, because he believed it would be in-
, furious to the farmer, to the consumer, and crippling to the
agriculturist.
The Earl of WINCHILSEA said he was prepared
to contend that the frequent agitation which had taken
place during the last three years in and out of Parliament
had been productive of the greatest evils. On this question the
great body of the labouring classes were quite unfit and unpre-
pared to give an opinion ; they were unable to grasp it in al.
its bearings, and to look with justice on this protection which
the Legislature of this country had so wisely given to domestic
agriculture. Those, however, who knew better, were aware of
the evils of fluctuating prices, and would prevent them, as far
as human means could prevent them. These discussions had
shaken the confidence of the great body of the agriculturists.
and had also stopped, in a great degree, those great improve-
ments in agriculture which were about to be carried on. He
alluded more especially to the system of drainage and manur-
ing. He was one who was prepared to state that, if during the
next 15 years the same improvements should take place iri
agriculture as had taken place during the last 15 years, the in-
crease in the produce would equal the increase of the popula-
tion, and he believed that Great Britain, instead of being an
importing, would be an exporting country. Unless this Bill
were passed, the land would not be able to bear the peculiar
burdens which pressed upon it, such as maintaining the poor and
preserving the peace. He agreed with the Noble Earl that a
fixed duty was a perfect fallacy in the way of protection, for if
wheat was very low, of what use would it be ; or if it rose to
585., 605., or 703., what Government would endeavour to en-
force it ? The Government had now, in this measure, main-
tained the principle of the existing law, and the Right Hon.
Gentleman had redeemed his pledge that he would maintain
the principles of the existing Corn-law. He did not apprehend
that the agricultural interest, with respect to wheat, would re-
ceive any injury in the reduction of the scale of duties.—( Hear,
hear.) He ever viewed this question, not with reference to
agricultural interest, but in reference to the general interests of
the great mass of the labouring classes.—( Hear, hear.) He
trusted that this measure would insure to the great body of the
people bread at the lowest price they could afford to give it.
Ile was sorry that the Noble Lord had spoken so strongly with
regard to Honourable Gentlemen in the other House, because
he was sure whatever steps they had taken were for the
general welfare of manufactures, commerce, and, agriculture.
For these reasons he should give his support to the measure of her
Majesty's Government, and he hoped it would be productive of
those benefits which he believed would result from them.
Lord WESTERN said he had listened with great attention
to the remarks which had fallen from the mover of the second
reading of the Bill, who had so deprecated the fixed duty that
it really almost became a question whether they should not
he acting right in doing away with the fixed duty and the
sliding scale too.—( Hear.) If this Bill were to pass, pro-
tection would be taken away from the agriculturist, and the
weight of this would fall upon the labouring classes. For this
reason he felt called upon to support the motion of the Noble Earl
( Sta, hope). The agriculturists thought the country were of opi-
nion that the present Government, when it came in, would.
support the agricultural interest ; and though he would not say
how that impression was occasioned, yet he would say there
was a great disappointment felt, and he was one of those who
had to complain of having been disappointed. The only occa-
sion on v hich he had withdrawn his -upport from his Noble
Friend (Lord Melbourne) was when the Noble Viscount's Go-
vernment proposed a measure which he thought would be fatal
to agriculture. But he would not be deceived again. Cheers. )
Every Conservative gentleman throughout the country expected
that the present Government would maintain the Corn-laws.
The Government had lost the confidence of the country, and the
people in the agricultural districts would rather have the Whigs
and open ports.—( Hear, hear)—than have such a measure as
the present carried into effect by, the present Ministers. If it
were not for the state of our monetary system, British agricul-
ture would be able to contend with all the countries in the
world. But then the monetary system had prostrated the
commerce and manufactures of the country, which were the
real causes of the greatness of England.—(Cheers.) The
violent contraction of the currency since 1837 Was the cause of
the present depression.—(Hear, hear.) In consequence of
that contraction, here was nqt less than forty millions lost to
the country, and the loss since that, in every year, was to be
counted by tens of millions. —( Hear.) The blame lay with
the management of the bank which contracted the currency and
threw down prices for the purpose of keeping up the price of
bank stock. He thou gl.t that the prosperity of commerce and
manufacture was the best source of prosperity to agriculture.
But this country never could prosper whilst the present mo-
netary system was continued. He wished that subject could
be brought before the House fairly, and be fully discussed. He
would be happy if the present state of the country would allow
the Legislature to satisfy the wishes of the people by throwing
open the trade in corn, but it was impossible to do so without
an ameniiment the currency.
Lord FITZGERALD said that any one who heard the
forcible appeal of the Noble Lord on the depres,ed state of
our commerce and manufactures, to vs hich, as he justly
said, the country owed its greatness, would suppose that he
was certainly not going to vote for the motion of
the Noble Earl (Earl Stanhope).—( Hear, Kear, hear. )
'Fite Noble Baron had explained that the deception of which he
complained the other night was riot deception on the part of
others, bet misapprehension on his own. His ( Lord Fitzge-
rald's) Noble Friends behind him did not separate themselves
from the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her
Majesty's Government. Had the principle of protection been
abandoned ?—(•, Hear, hear," from the Duke of Wellington.)
Would they not, before the close of the next twenty-four huurs,
agree that the protection was maintained too high ?—( Hear.)
Was it not known before the close of the last Session of Paella
ment, that it was intended to make a considerable alteration of
the present law ?—( Hear.) In the last Session of Parliament
the Right Hen. Baronet was arraigned by the Member for the
Tower Hamlets ( Sir W. Clay) with having said that he would not
alter the figures of the scale in the schedule for the protection of
corn. Sir Robert Peel on that occasion distinctly de-
clared that he was not pledged to maintain the scale with
the same figures, but he would adhere to a liberal pro-
tection for agriculture. The Noble Lord then read other
extracts from speeches of Sir R. Peel to the same effect.
He (the Noble Lord) had not heard any argument against the
Bill, except from those who wished to maintain the present
law. All they said was, that it would adequately protect agri-
culture ; but this objection was already disposed of. He would
not proceed further, nor should he have spoken so much, had
it not been that he felt obliged to censure the language of tile
Noble Earl against that man, than whom none had ever pos-
sessed in a greater degree the confidence of his Sovereign awl
his country, and who would be the last person in the commu-
nity to introduce a political measure for the party and per-
sonal objects most unjustly attributed to him by the Noble
Earl.--k Hear, hear.)
Lord BEAUMONT opposed the Bill, and :Putted to the
meetings is Lincolnshire, Essex, and Berkshire, as a proof of
the general feeling of the agriculturists against the measure.
The Bill would show that the first act of the Government was to
amputate the right arm of those who had raised them to power.
He thought they could not compete with the cheap labour of
the Continent, and would not be able to meet them in the
market. Then, in case of a war, what would be the conse •
quence ? They would be like an army without a commissariat
if they depended on foreigners for their supply. He would,
therefore, lay down the broad principle, that on this account.
they ought not to alter the law. They acted on this principle
of not depending on foreigners in former times, and the con-
sequences were, that waste after waste was reclaimed, and a
large part of the country was brought under cultivation. It
was said that the manufactures of the country would be
taken in exchange for corn, but the manufacturers themselves
knew that the best customers they had were the agricultu-
rists. But was it a fact that other countries would take
their manufactures ? He thought there was no ground for
coming to such a conclusion. What was the fact? There
was Russia, who imported a great deal less from this country
than they did from Russia. Would Prussia, or rather would
the League, take their manufactures ? He thought not. Neither
would France. No, she would not ; and, in fact, it was natural
that that should be the case. The Noble Lord went on to
argue that the cause of the distress of the country was attri-
butable to the commercial operation of Joint-stock Banks
and the increase of machinery, and concluded by saying, that
taking the whole, or, as he might call them, the bouquet of
measures presented to them by the Government, he considered
them manly, straightforward, and impartial.—(Cheers.)
Lord BROUGHAM said that he would not occupy
much of their Lordships' time, but it was obvious that
it was difficult for those Noble Lords who differed
both from the Bill brought in by the Noble Lord, and
the amendment proposed by the Noble Earl, to decide
what course they were to adopt. The Noble Earl avowed his
complete, entire, and uncompromising hostility to the measure ;
and in what position was he (Lord Brougham) placed, who did
not altogether agree with either of the Noble Lords ? He was
reduced to the alternative of either wholly adopting the measure
of the Noble Lord, or the amendment of the Noble Earl. He
considered the Bill proposed a considerable change in the right
direction, and he approved of it, by comparison with the ex-
isting law. He considered it an improvement—be would not
exaggerate—he did not consider it a great improvement, but yet
a considerable one, in the existing law, and he would tell their
Lordships presently why he so considered it. Upon the whole,
therefore, he was favourable to the existing law.—( Hear. )
But it did not go far enough, and he would, therefore, move, by
way of amendment to the amendment of the Noble Earl,
that which he considered to he the assertion of the right princi-
ple of legislation on the subject, namely, a total and absolute
repeal of the Corn-lave.—( Hear, hear.) He would now state
how far the present Bill was an improvement on the existing
law. He did net think, that between the two extremes in the
prices, the alteration was material. It did not appear to him
to be a matter of much consequence that the duty of 20s. was
substituted for the duty of 365. ; and the reason was obvious,
because, whatever the price of wheat was abroad, whether it was
455. 6d. or 405., besides the freight, the duty of `)Osewould be
as effectual in excluding foreign wheat as the present duty of
365. The effect was precisely the same if they took the highest
price with the lowest duty, because the duty was t same. But
the advantage of the proposed scale over the present was
when the price was from 535. and 545. ti 645. and 65a. The
Noble Lord then quoted the existing law, and went on to show
how the present proposed scale was superior to the existing
one. For those reasons, he thought that there was a consider-
able improvement in the proposed measure as compared with
the existing law. He was also ready to admit that the change
had. another advantage. To a certain degree the trafficking
and jobbing in the averages would be less frequent, and that
the temptations to such would be diminished. Upon the last
of the material changes which the proposed measures would
introduce, he was by no means certain that it, namely, the ad-
dition of 150 towns to those in which the averages were
taken, would have the effect expected from it.
He was very apprehensive that it would have a prejudicial
effect, because, generally, those towns were in out-lying dis-
tricts, at a distance from the great internal corn marts. To
carry corn from those districts to the corn marts would impose
an additional expense, and consequently the grain, thus car-
ried a distance, would sell higher in those central places. Ac-

...-... -
The Earl of HARDWICKE defended Sir R. Peel from the
charge of deception, and said that for his own part he would
not support the measure if he were not perfectly convinced
that it would have nb effeet'iii deteriorating agricultural pro-
duce.—( Repeated cheers and laughter on the Opposition
benches.) What ! wbuld any man suppose that he would sup-
port the measure, if he thought it would have that effect ?
( Renewed cheers and laughter.) Their Lordships might re-
ject that Bill, but they could not prevent an alteration of the
present law after the derision of the House of Commons and
the majority of the nation. He was sure that the change
would not depreciate agriculture, because, although the rate
had been changed twenty-six times since the year
1660, and the duty had varied from 2s. to 305.,
the average price in that long period was 51s. Id.
The existing Bill protected the farmers amply. The Bill pro-
posed only took away the surplus protection, which could be of
no use to them—(Laughter)--for they could still sell cheaper
than the speculator importing from Dantzic, paying duty ,and also
for unloading, carting, and re-dressing. The protection for
barley would be also sufficient. He would therefore support
the Bill, because he believed it would give a fair protection to
the agriculturist; but he would oppose an 81. fixed duty, be-
cause he believed it would not bo tenable in hard seasons. He
considered the additional towns for taking the averages was a
great improvement. With regard to the pith of the measure
he said all he intended. With regard to the opinion out of
doors, which had been alluded to by the Noble Earl, he ( Lord
Hardwicke) would challenge him to prove them. No pro..
tection was given by the speech of the Noble Earl, and the
present Government were so opposed to all class legislation,
and so anxious to promote the general welfare of all, that the
people of this country could not doubt that their best interests
would be preserved. He believed the people of this country
were honest and loyal enough to appreciate the value of the
present Government, who set aside all class interests and
looked alone to the general welfare of the people.—( Cheers. )
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said he agreed with what
had fallen from the Noble Ear! who commenced
the debate, that this was the most important quest-