Star.
London, England, 1830-03-11 00:00:00

IJ

°• 13,419.

THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 11, 1830. PRICE 7u

long deprived of their civil rights on account of religious opinions.
It is with satisfaction that 1 perceive $ bill has been introduced
on the subject to which the petition refers in the other house of
Parliament. I will not now detain your lordships by any further
observations—The petition was then read, and laid on the table.

ANATOMY.

The Marquis of LANSDOWKIIIIin presented a petition from
the physicians and surgeons of Sheffield, praying an alteration of the
law, so u to afford greater facilities for the study of anatomy.

RAJT INDIA TRADS.
The noble MARQUIS likewise presented two petitions from the
Chambers of Commerce in Greenock and Glasgow, against the re-
newal of the East India Company's charter.—Referred to the com-
mittee.
Adjourned at a quarter put Five.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—WEDxnaDAY.

The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.

Mr. BURRELL presented a petition from the inhabitants of a
parish in the county of Suffolk, against the malt tax.—Laid on the
table.
Mr. O'HARA presented a petition from the inhabitants of the
county of Galway, end another from the Roman Catholic* of the
same county, praying for the abolition of that part of the act 4th
Geo. I. which deprived them of equal privilege with Protestants..--
Ordered to be printed.
The hon. Martian also presented a petition from the merchants,
traders, and others of Galway, respecting the duty on coals carried
coastways.—Ordered to be printed.
Mr. MOORE presented a petition from the merchants of the
Chamber of Commerce of Dublin against the renewal of the East
India Company's Charter.—Refereed to the committee sitting on
this subject.
Sir E. T. WINNINOTON presented a petition from the per.
sons interested In the iron trade of Bradley, complaining of distress,
and praying for the disallowment of payment of wages in goods.—
Ordered to be printed.
Mr. G. LAMB presented a petition from the tanners of the
city of Waterford, against the tax on leather.—Ordered to be
printed.
Sir JOHN WROTTESLEY presented a tion from the
Inhabitants of Sedgeley, in the county of Stafford,praying for the
payment of wages in money, and not in truck.—Ordered to be
printed.

IDISTRZU OT THZ COUNTRY.
Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN gave notice that be would, on
Cityxt, present a petition from the merchants and traders
of the of on the distressed state of the country.

Cork, praying that they might be excepted from serving the office
of churchwarden.—Laid on the table.
The honourable MENIZI also presented a petition from the dbl.
tillers from corn, of Cork, praying that their interest might be
protected.
A petition was also presented from a congregation of • chapel In
St. Thomas-square, Hackney. praying for tte abolition of the
practice of burning Hindoo widows in India.
Mi. S. RICE, in moving for leave to bring In a bill for doing
away the disabilities under which the Roman catholics of Galway
laboured by the act 4 Geo. L said that it was unnecessary for him
to go into the merits of the proposed bill on the present occasion, as
he understood no opposition would be made to it. He should there.
tore confine himself merely to moving for leave to bring such bill in,
and abstain from all comment until a more convenient state of its
profits's few words from Mr. TaawT, leave was given to bring in
the bill.

On the motion of Mr. CaoKEe, the report on the Mutiny Bill
was brought up.
Lord PALMERSTON moved for a return of the number of
licebettlers vs in the several counties in Ireland on the Ist,
Jan. 1820, and let Jan.lB3o.—Ordered.
On the motion of Mr. CIOICEII, the house resolved itself into a
Committee on the Marine Mutiny Bill.
The House then resumed, and the Report ordered to be received
tomorrow.

Mr. MARTIN moved for a return of the Salaries of Officers en.
gaged in the 'Amine Office in Dublin, with the amount of dist.
denda, balances remaining in their hands, Az.
Mr. F. LEWIS gave notice of a motion for consolidating the
laws regulating the pay of Naval Officers.
Mr. CROKER presented a return of the number of Nlediter.
rattan passes issued to ships in the years 1828 and 1829.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL presented a petition from the maltaters
of Taunton, against the duty on malt.—Ordered to be printed.

Arndt, OF PoltTuoaL.
Lord PALM ERS'I'ON, in rising to move for further papers re-
specting the affairs of Portugal, said he had to apologise to the
house for bringing the question forward on a day which was usually
devoted to relaxation from Parliamentary business. In consequence,
however, of previous arrangements, be could not avoid doing so,
having no option but either to bring it on to-day, or suffer it to stand
over to the lit of April. While he admitted the principle, that in
many cases his majesty's government might and ought to resist
the production of papers, be must at the same time say that, in
the present case, no such resistance could fairly be offered..—lt
was incumbent on his majesty's government to afford the fullest in.
formation to the house in such • shape as to enable honourable
members to form a correct judgment upon the subject.--
(Hear, hear.) When ministers gave only mutilated informs.
don. ad when a fragment of that which contained the most im.
portant part was cut off; it would appear that they only meant to
delude the house by a mere mockery.—(Hear, hear.) This was
precisely the case with regard to Portugal. It would be recollected
that for some years past the affairs of Portugal had engaged the se-
rious attention of this country, and that a voluminous corre-
spondence had been carried on with foreign powers, in order to
arrange the conflicting claims of the house of Bayou. He would
now put it to the house to say whether it was Portugal alone whose
interests were involved in the result ? Was not England also
deeply concerned ? It was true, however, that England was less
interested than Portugal, for there was on the one side the all kn.
portant question of freedom and political existence, and on the other
only the dry question of profit and loss. The former question re-
ferred to Portugal, the latter to England. The lot of Portugal was
to submit—ours was to arbitrate as to her fate, when she lay pros.
trate with the dagger at her throat. It was, therefore, most int-
' portant to know what objects were aimed at by the ministers of
England when they suffered a revolution to take place, and a
usurpation to supersede all legitimate authority, without on their
parts making any resistance whatever.—(Hear, bear, bear.) It
was also most material to know what could be their object in
permitting an indignity to be offered to the British flag almost
in the very presence of a British force. It was truly lamentable
to see that Portugal was utterly ruined by the misplaced con&
deuce which she had reposed in the good faith of England. The
voice of public scorn was heard loudly resounding against Eng.
land ; but in all these transactions the house was kept in profound
ignorance, except so far as the few indistinct expressions which were
put forth in the speech from the throne. But let him not be mis-
understood. He maintained that the fault was not entirely with the
government, for the house must take its share of it. The house
could not expect that the government would be disposed to afford
' ant information unless it was urgently called for. No one was
bound to criminate himself, or make any statement which might end
in his own condemnation. The silence of the government, there.
fore, was very natural, considering the peeuliar nature of the sub.
ject. It was the imperative duty of the house to call fur informa-
tion, and still to persevere in calling for it until it was granted. Yet
he was well aware of the distaste which existed in the minds of many
persons to enter into a discussion on the subject of our foreign rela-
tions, for they thought it better that all such matters should be left
entirely in the hands of his Majesty's ministers, being of opinion
that they themselves sufficiently discharged their duty if they
merely attended to the domestic interests of the country. The noble
lord then proceeded to contend that this was altogether an erroneous
idea, and one that ought not to influence the conduct of any member
of the British legislature. He maintained that there was no more
difficulty to forming a just opinion upon matters regarding foreign
policy than upon any others, for chicane and intrigue were r.o longer
regarded as desirable expedients, and it was now found that plain
dealing and sincerity of purpose formed the best system of policy
that could be adopted. If a few of the tririmi Homanortsse—he
would not say of the public, but of the empire—adhered to the old
system, still it was found by experience to be an erroneous one.—
lie implored honourable members to rouse themselves on the
subject of foreign affairs, for never was their earnest interference
more called for than at present. (Hear.) They would perceive that
His majesty's ministers had condemned the conduct of Dun Miguel
In breaking his engagements with this country ; but at the same
time they said that his bad conduct and bad qualities were greatly
exaggerated. Yet. in spnking of him, they still represented him
as having broken his faith with England—as having offered an in.
Ault to his majesty, and u having proved towards Portugal per.
jured, tyrannical, cowardly, and cruel. But then they said that we
had no right to interfere in the internal government of Portugal.
He (Lord Palmerston) maintained the very contrary, and be would
further say that the alleged neutrality observed by ministers was
only a cloak under which they were enabled to afford effectual as.
sistance to the party whom they wished to favour. The difference
between him and his majesty's ministers was, that upon this point
he insisted on a proposition which they were not disposed to sanction.
He insisted that the solemn engagements which Don Miguel
had entered into with us gave WI a positive right of interference, in
the event of his violating those engagements, as it was well known
he had done. He admitted that otherwise no such right would have
existed. It was the duty as well as the interest of England to see
that the obligations under which Dun Miguel had bound himself
should be duly observed, and she ought to have seen them strictly
enforced. But there was one important point on which be desired
to acquit the government of England. This government had had
nothing whatever to do wish the original grant of the charter to
the Portuguese people by Don Pedro; and, indeed, it was pity-
'deafly Impossible it could have had any thing to do with it,
considering the period at which the late King John died, and the
circumstances that had taken place upon that event. The grant of
a free constitution to his people was the spontaneous act of Don
Pedro himself, suggested by whet he found to be passing in Eu-
rope. In the course of sonic further observations upon this point,
the noble lord adverted to all the circumstances attending the down-
fall of Bonaparte, at a time when the people rushed forward simul.
tancously in support of their respective governments. It was sub-
sequently found, however. that the sovereigns were struck back
froin the very power which they themselves had mated in enlisting
the feelings of the people against the common enemy ; and the
consequence was that some thought it prudent to grant those con-
stitutional rights which could no longer be resisted. It appeared
that Don Pedro, observing the state of things in Europe, was ac-
tuated by this impression. When Don Pedro found that, by the
death of Don John, his own daughter, the Infanta Donna Maria,
would succeed to the throne of Portugal, was it unreasonable or
wonderful, he would ask, that he should think that the best mode
of giving tranquillity to the kingdom was by giving it, not the de-
mocratic and absurd constitution of 1820, but a mixed constitution,
founded on those principles which were the beat security for the
stability and happiness of states ? With regard to the papers which
had already been produced, the first series of them would show that
She constitution was brought to Portugal by an Englishman - acci-
dentally, of course; but that the adoption of it sou also pointed

ont by the direct interference of an Englishman. England was oiled
what Portugal was to do; and the cabinet—whieb, be It observed,
included at the time some of the members of tbe precut adminia.
p tration —the cabinet of England answered by recommending the
acceptance of the constitution. This advice was sot, he admitted.
given in a peremptory style, and he was aware of the distinction
f which was made between recommendations of a_peremptory nature
and • advice which was submitted in a spirit of friendly medial ion ;
but these distinctions were too refined not to escape general observe.
ties. He would say that with Use first series of papers he was
content ; because, although they contained but little positive info.
mation, they presented a vast deal of inferential matter. The first
eleven pages were full of examples of British interference in the
affairs of Portugal. The next part of the papers related to the
transactions at Vienna in the year 1827, previous to the departure
of Don Miguel from that Court, and they contained the negocia.
1 dons between the plenipotentiaries appo nted by him and the minis.
ten of the Courts of England and Austria; and they also compre-
hended the protocols which were afterwards carried into effect in
the form of conventions. He was not disposed to ask for more
papers than were actually necessary; and he should content himself
with this portion of the papers on the subjects to which they re.
(erred. lie confessed he should like to know whether, in the c.. n.
munications between the Courts of lanui.in and Vienna. a-.y din:
tina intimation was given of the wish of England for the muints.
mince of the Portuguese constitution, and whether it was distinctly
stated that the of ly means by which Don Miguel could secure the
countenance, or even the friendship of the King of England, wit. by
Foveming Yortugal according t.• the spirit of that conatitit.i to.
these papers implied that something of the kind had taken pl.tre ;
and if documents to hear out that inference were in existence, is
would be desirable to have them, in order to contrast the feelings
and views of the then administration with what, to judge from their
measures, appeared to be the sentiments of the present Cabinet.
But these papers were not before the house : and, as they were not
altogether essential to the objects for which he made the present
motion, he should content himself with the despatch of Print.
Aletternich to Prince Eatethasy, and with the protocols which had
reference to the Fame subject. In the despatch of Prince Metter.
nich it was given to be understood that England and Austria had
taken upon themselves the government of Portugal. It contained
also the wishes of England as to the conditions upon which Dui
Miguel should be allowed to leave Vienna, and the terms upon
which he should conduct the Government of Portugal ; and refer.
efts was made to measures to be adopted, in order to put an end to
a dangerous state of doubt and uncertainty in Portugal. These
things afford pretty strong examples of interference in the internal
policy of the nation. These protocols showed that Don Miguel had
appointed Plenipotentiaries to treat with the Ambassadors of Eng.
land and Austria. The protocols ended in conventions, to which
we were a party, and by which Miguel bound himself to three
things, to maintain religiously the institutions of Don Pedro, to
bring in oblivion past offences against himself, and to maintain aid
subdue the spirit of faction in Portugal. In seeming compliance
with these obligations he wrote three letters ; one to Doll Pedro,
another to Donna Isabella, the Regent of Portugal—through
whom he announced to the people an amnesty and the Constitu.
don, and the third to the King of England, entreating his
friendship and countenance, on the promise that he would
govern the nation according to the principles of the Constitution.
(Hear, heat.) To all the arrangements made in furtherance of
these ends he (Lord Palmerston) contended that we were net,
as was represented by some, mere witnesses, but parties ;
and Don Miguel's departure from his engagements, by which
thousands of Portuguese were led to take steps by which he
had placed their lives and property in jeopardy, lett us no
choice but a choice of evils. He should now call the attention
of the house to what was an important feature in these transactions.
The protocols to which he had referred were signed in October,
1&27, and in the papers they were followed immediately by an ex.
tract of a despatch from Sir Frederick Lamb, dated at Lisbon, i i
March, 1828, thus ing over an interval of five months, and
transporting Don Miguel from Vienna to Portugal without notice,
and as if nothing h occurred in the interval. But he would ask,
aims
had no Portuguese business been done while Don Miguel was :n
England? Were no negotiations then carried on ? V. ere no pro.
tocols entered into as to the ,oaths and engagements by which he
was to bind himself still deeper to the Constitution ? and, if su.h
things were, why were they not produced ?—(Cheers.) Was it
from a fear of completing the chain of evidence which would prove
to demonstration the constant interference of England in every
transaction which led to the return of Don Miguel to Portugal ?
But it was certain that there was a protocol in January, 1828.
What was that about ? It was about a loan of 200,0001. to Dun
Miguel, to enable him to assume the reins of government. It was
about the:return of the British troops, which was postponed at his
express desire, in order that he might have an opportuaity of coin.
municating his ideas on the subject after his return to Portugal.
The protocol was also about the separation of Portugal from the
Iltrazils. It was about the abdication of Don Pedro, which England
and Austria undertook to press. Finally, it was about the regula-
tion of the future succession to the throne, which England at.d
lAustria undertook to arrange, and then to communicate to the to her
powers of Europe. Now for a nation, whose peactice it was
1 never to interfere in the domestic concerns of other state e,
to furnish Miguel with resources to seat him on the throne,
to undertake the separation of Portugal from the Brazils, to
urge the sovereign to abdicate, and to settle for ever the lit.
Lure order of succession to the throne—he thought these
were rather ample specimens of a departure from the pro.
feared principle. (Cheers.) But was there nothing else settled at
that period ? He concluded there was, for he found an extract from
a dispatch of Sir Frederick Lamb, dated, he believed, on the Ist of
March, 1828, in which he stated that be had objected, and suc-
cessfully objected, to the form ofany oath to be taken by the regent,
and that the reason why he had so objected was, that the oath was
expressly in opposition to all that had been previously settled on the
subject. Then there bad been something settled, and be contended
that the house ought to be informed what that was. From this
date forward the papers, he was sorry to say, afforded no satisfac.
don. Without wishing to say anything uncivil, be must declare
that there had never been so complete a mystification as had been
practised upon parliament in reference to the affairs of Portugal.
They communicated a variety of details, cer.ainly, with regard to
unimportant points, which could as well have been learned from
private communications, or from the columns of the newspapers.
He looked in vain in these papers fur any thing to show the views
and intentions of the government at the period to which he referred.
He looked in vain for any thing to show what instructions had been
given to our ambassador when he was sent out, or what Instruct io-s
were afterwards transmitted to him in consequence of his repo is
of what was peeing in Portugal. He looked hi vain for any thing to
show what those urgent and serious remonstrances acre which
they were informed, in the Speech from the throne, had been of-
fered by his Majesty against the measures which were going on in
Portugal, and the resistance to which was, unfortunately, unsuc-
cessful. He looked in vain for anything to show what steps had
been taken by his Majesty's Government, either to hold Don Mi.
I guel to his engagenterns or to learnt the indignity which he had
offered to the Sovereign of this nation. He contended that Parlia-
ment ought to set the instructions s bids were given to our Ambas.
sador, when he sailed .to enter upon his diplomatic functions, and
also the subsequent communications which were made to him in
consequence of his reports of the progressive departure of Do,
Miguel from his engagements; but, above all, they ought to
have those urgent and repeated rentorstrancee which were referred
to in the speech front the throne. It was admitted that a gross
indignity had been offered by Don Miguel to the F.nglinh crown.
He said, therefore, that it was the right of Parliament to know the
nature and extent of that indignity. (hear) It was a question which
touched our national honour, and any attempt to conceal it would cx.
cite a suspicion that that honour had been imperfectly guarded.—
With the instructions to which he had alluded, it would be neces-
sary to have also the reports of our Ambassador as to the manner in
which he had executed the instructor na delivered to him, and the
temper in which ts e remonstrances had been received by Don Mi.
guel. He therefore proposed to move for these documents. It was
said, and he believed truly, that the presence of the British troops in
Portugal had facilitated to Don Miguel the accomplishment of his
projects. The instructions to which he alluded were instructions to
these troops to prevent distutbances in Portugal, and to tweet the
persons of the Royal Family. These instructions were intended bier
other times and different circumstances ; but, unfortunately the y
were taken advantage of by Don Miguel, and made the means ti
fulfilling his iniquitous views. He (Lord Palmerston) had rot
been a party to those instructions, but he found no fault with
the intention of them. (Hear, hear.) He was prepared to avow
his approbation of them. To the delay in recalling the tutees
he had been a party ; and he was willing to bear any share
of the responsibility attached to him for that measure. He did rot
think that any blame could be affixed to it, far it was done fur the
best. Rut it was clear that, having given to Don itlipel an early
facility for accomplishing his unjust ends, we were the more bound
to interpose to prevent their pernicious consequences. lie, there.
fore, proposed to call for these instructions, and for the instructions,,
to the same effect, to our then ambassador, Sir William a'Court.
He did not intend to move any thing relative to Terceira. A right
honourable friend of his had given notice of a motion on that sub-
ject ; and he was glad that such was the case, because the question
was one of too much importance to be introduced in an incidental dia.
amnion, but ought to be made the subject of a substantive motion.
It deserved the undivided attention of the house, and be hoped it
would be brought on in such a shape as to secure it. There was in
the papers a letter of Sir Frederick Lamb to the Earl of Aberdeen,
in which he spoke of eine communications which he had had with
the Marquises of Barbacena and Pahnella, wieder to the arrival of
the Queen of Portugal. He proposed to move for that correspond.
nee. It was well known that his majesty, by the advice, no
doubt, of his ministers, had recognised Donna Maria as Queen of
Portugal. When she came to this country she did not shrink into
that incognito with which other sovereigns shrouded their misfire.

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