The Sun.
London, England, 1829-07-10 00:00:00

ROWING MATCH.

Another good rowing match took place yesterday for a
new wherry and other prizes, given by the Gentlemen be-
longing to the Inns of Court and the inhabitants of the
immediate vicinity of the Temple, by six pair of sculls in
three heats. This is generally the best stairs wager, all
being good men, and it was therefore most numerously and
respectably attended. Considerable sums had been betted
on the occasion, and a few days before rowing the average
betting was five to four on Goatley; but when it was ge-
nerally known that he would row last Monday for the lied
House sovereigns, and again on Wednesday for a purse
given by Messrs. Rawlinson and Lyons, the odds fell ma-
terially, as a rational inference might be drawn that no man
could be good enough as a wagerman to exert himself in
long distances three times in one week. When this idea
suggested itself to his patrons and admirers, the expecta-
tion excited was that he would not contend on Wednesday
in a match of such extreme length (from Westminster to
Putney-bridge), when he must be aware that he had so fair
a chance of carrying off the prize liberally given by the
Gentlemen of the Temple on the following day (yesterday),
if he were in any thing like a good condition. In conse-
quence of his finally having rowed so much, several of those
who had laid large sums hedged off, but many were still
sanguine of his success. The distance was to start from
buoys moored off the Temple Gardens, round a boat
moored off the Adelphi, down the north shore through
the second arch of Blackfriars-bridge, up again to the
Adelphi, and down to the wherry off the Temple Gardens.
The men had been entered thus to contend for the Prize:—

FIRST HEAT. SECOND HEAT.
Edward Collins. Scarlet. John Goatley ....Purple.
John Strong Pink. James Mallet Light Blue.
Joseph Perren Orange. Thomas hills ....Yellow.
In the first heat—Orange was first, Scarlet second.
In the second heat—Purple was first, and Light Blue se-
cond. At starting for the grand heat, Goatley took the
lead, and Mallet was close up ; they maintained the same
positions all the way, Goatley being fist, Mallet second,
and Perren third, the other resigning. The result has
proved Goatley to be a first-rate lasting man. It was won
by five yards.

The Marquis of ABERCORN left town on
Wednesday for the Priory, at Stinmore, and yesterday
took his departure from that place for Ireland.

A notice has been forwarded to the respective
dissenting ministers of this town, by the town clerk, call-
ing upon them to furnish a return of the number of indi-
viduals forming their congregations. The following is the
form of the notice:—

" Guildhall, Hull, July 3, 1329.

" Rev. Sin—Having been requinal by Mr. Secretary
Peel to make a return of the number of places of worship
not of the church of England, in each parish within this
town and county, distinguishing of what sect or persuasion,
and the number of each sect ; I have to request thlii you
will, without delay, transmit to me the information re-
quired, respecting the congregation under your charge."—
Hull Packet.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

To those of our readers who have often read
with interest the communications of our Irish

correspondent, we would recommend some at-
tention to his letters from the capital of Ireland,
inserted in yesterday's and this day's journal.—
It appears to us that the Orange faction—that
is to say, the " loaves-and-fishes" faction—are
moving, not indeed Heaven and earth, but, be-

sides the earth, another world at a considerable

distance from Heaven, for an object, in their
eyes of vast importance, but which they cannot,
or will not, render intelligible to those not be-
longing to their own fraternity. The Bill of
Emancipation was passed, that Ireland might be
pacified_ The .Catholics said it would pacify
the country, and from the hour at which that
Bill received the King's assent, the protnie
of the Catholics was kept religiously, so far
as on them depended. From that moment
they ceased to excite each other by any reference
to wrongs which had been, however tardily, re-
dressed ; and, with generous forbearance towards
their persecutors, they abstained from even the
slightest demonstration of a triumph,—;--so signal,
and, to the vanquished, so humiliating. The.
Catholics, therefore, made good their word ; and
in their persons emancipation gave peace to Ire-
land. But there must be two parties to peace or

war. The Orangemen protested that emancipa-
tion would do nothing towards restoring tran-
quillity, or uniting the people ; and it must be
confessed, that if the Catholics performed their
promise the Orange faction far exceeded theirs,
amplifying and fearfully aggravating in its execu-
tion the amount of their own sinister prediction.
Not only have the Orange faction taken care that
there should be no progress towards national tran-
quillity, but, so far as on them depended, they
have improved a state of turbulence into one of
absolute civil war. It is by Orangemen that the
Catholic desire of repose has been frustrated,—
it is owing to Orange rancour and desperation,
that the evil prophecy of their leaders has been
enabled to fulfil itself. They everywhere insult
and outrage the Catholics, even the most
unoffending, where an opportunity offers ;
and they are now preparing, throughout
the whole island, to form processions-4o
carry flags—to parade with arms—and to
provoke, by every species of fierce and exas-
perating commemoration of the 12th inst. (even
Sunday next), such a re-action on the part of
the Catholics as may serve for a pretext with the
whole body of Orange advocates to represent Ire-
land as still a prey to the priests, and emancipa-
tion as an experiment already proved to be fruit-
less, futile, and ridiculous. We have dwelt on
this subject the more emphatically, because we
knew that the pith of the whole question of Irish
policy is contained in it. The Orangemen—let
us repeat once more—are getting up disturbances,
which they will by and by charge upon the Catho-
lics. They are running counter to that pacific
current of which emancipation would naturally
have been the fountain ; and when they set the
outcountry
st
yn, e Iron:
Tiiese t
are th to h
ebsl
blessings illg
st he()ty will cry
emanci-
pation !" The Duke of Cumberland's extraor-
dinary letter to Lord Enniskillen appeared in
yesterday's Times. It is written in his assumed
character of " Grand Master" of the Orange In-
stitution. His Royal Highness'desires his com-
rades to avoid processions—an advice which Lord
Enniskillen and the other delegates of the body
appear to treat without much extraordinary cere-
mony. But of what is this Prince- of the Blood
of England, or rather this prospective sovereign
of a foreign state ?—what is he, when he calls
himself a " Grand Master ?" What is the
" Orange cause ?" the " holy cause ?"—the ob-
ject for which he and his associates are to keep
themselves " firm and compact ?" Is it the inte-
rest of the Church and State ? Of that the Par-
liament, consisting of the King,- Lords, and Com-
mons, is the only constitutional protector. if the
Orange confederacy be any thing else, it is a
conspiracy—a thing unknown to the laws. But
the truth is, that the whole must now be con-
sidered a mercenary and sordid job. The higher
class of Orangemen find it convenient to veil a
shrewd purpose under this broad hypocrisy.
They wish to turn out the Duke of:Wellington,
and other liberal and strong-minded men of the
Administration now in office ; and .they would
esteem it a cheap purchase to pay no more than
the slaughter of two or three hundred thousand
Irishmen, the renewal of the Insurrection Act,
and the destruction of the country, for a spell of
some few years in Downing-street. We trust
the Duke of Wellington will defeat their game ;
let him begin by showing that the Irish rump
of this incendiary faction shall have no tolerance
or impunity from his Government ; but that
Orange policemen, and Orange Magistrates,
shall not at the same time enjoy commissions
from the Duke of Cumberland and from himself.
Times.
Although fully aware that any attempt to give
importance to the exploded orgies of Orangeism
would, at this side of the water, be as hopeless
as an effort to revive the mummery of the
Eleusinian Mysteries, yet we hold it a duty to
notice a strange Manifesto, and its stranger com-
mentary ; not for the superfluous purpose of in-
sisting on the spirit which dictated them, but as
affording a fair opportunity of estimating the
pretensions of the names thus obtruded upon
public observation. The original letter of the
Grand Master of the Order of Orangemen, ad-
dressed to the Deputy Grand Master in Ireland,
while it inculcates the necessity of maintaining,
in all its pristine vigour, an Institution long since
discountenanced by law, does yet recommend
the discontinuance of those offensive processions
which have almost uniformly been attended with
a waste of human life. But the commentary put
forward by the local functionaries in Ireland
passes over this wholesome recommendation
with a studied ambiguity, which will be inter-
preted in his own way by every ferocious and
ignorant retainer who has been taught to con-
sider the nominal profession of the Reformed
Faith as a palliation for every outrage offered to
those who conscientiously adhere to another
Creed. And who and what are the persons
who thus put themselves forward to perpetuate
this political anomaly—this Imperium an Im-
perio? Are they eminent for their intellectual
supremacy ? Are they important from exalted
rank, or extensive property, or well-earned popu-
larity ? No such thing. They are men, not
much considered in their own country—here
they are utterly unknown. It may be not
wholly useless to the English reader to lay be-
fore him, fairly and dispassionately, the preten-
sions of the least obscure of these, the real agi-
tators of Ireland. The Earl of Enniskillen is a
jovial, well-intentioned, weak-headed alarmist—
too short-sighted to discover all the mischief
that must result from the course he sanctions by
his signature, and too limited in capacity to
perceive that his good intentions only serve
to render him a more mischievous imple-
ment in the hands of the designing men

of whom he is the unconscious dupe. Mr. Verner,
of Church-hill, in the county of Armagh, is
in private life a respectable Country Gentleman,
who having unsuccessfully stood for his native
county on the Ultra-Ascendancy interest, thinks
an occasional display of unabated Orangeism
wholesome exhibition for a candidate in abey-
ance. In point of intellect, he may honestly
take his place in the same class with the Noble
Deputy Grand Master of Ireland. Mr. R.
Hedges is a country 'squire, rather remarkable
in his own distriet r:or- having long kept a crack
r —of fox hounds—of his political talents or
intellectual acquirements the less that is said the
better. Of Mr. Nathaniel Sneye, ex-representa-
tive of the county of Cavan, and formerly an ex-
tensive dealer in Yin de Bordeaux— it is only
necessary to say, that his constituents got tired
of him, and that the mode he has adopted of
attracting notoriety is not likely to restore him
to their good graces. Sir Henry Brooke, Bart.
known as the frequent disturber of" the harmony
of the county in which he lives, by provoking
contested elections on an interest which any ra-
tional man must at once perceive to be utterly
inadequate. The Rev. Charles Boyton, Fellow
of Trinity College, and (prohpudor !) Deputy
Grand Chaplain to the Orangemen of Ireland—
tantone anzinis celestibus bye? It is unne-
cessary to analyse the catalogue more minutely ;
we have (abut invidia !) honestly exhibited the
qualifications of the more prominent signatures.
In compassion to the sine Nomine Turba which
accompanies them, we shall, for the present,
extend the charitable mantle of oblivion,
Morning Chronicle.
According to the Rev. Edward Irving we arc
now Close upon the grand Millenium ; and
Messrs. Cobbett and Hunt have put forth a de-
claration announcing an approaching struggle
between the Land and the Funds, which must
end either in the total ruin of the Land-owners
or in Parliamentary Reform. With respect to
the religious Millenium we pretend to no skill
in interpreting prophecy, and therefore we shall
not attempt to gainsay the Reverend Commen-
tator. But with respect to the political Mille-
nium we are not so diffident. We will frankly
own that we do not believe that the struggle in
question is fast approaching, and we will also
own that we are not anxious that Parliamentary
Reform should he too much accelerated. We
mean, by Parliamentary Reform, not a mere trans-
ference of the franchise from one or two corrupt
Boroughs to Birmingham, Manchester, and a
few more large towns, but such a Reform as
would afford protection to the people. The
people of England have of late years made con-
siderable advances in improvement ; and we do
not doubt that the progress in improvement will
hereafter be greatly accelerated. The hope of
England is the number of towns, which facilitate
the circulation of knowledge among the people.
Each town is a centre from which the rays of
knowledge spread in all directions. If the
people of England are yet too generally ill-edu-
cated and grossly ignorant and prejudiced, it is
to be recollected that our civilization is recent,
that our towns are of yesterday's date, and that
the character of a people can only be changed
with time. Allowing, therefore, with the able
author of the article on the Causes of the popu-
lation, in the last number of the Edinburgh Re-
view, that, " what with nonsense verses at school,"
and novel readers, Apocrypha controversies,
and other misapplications of time, " notwith-
standing all that is said about the march of in-
tellect, and the efforts to multiply shipenny sys-
tems," we are still greatly deficient as A people
in knowledge; we contend that the desire of
knowledge, especially among the young, is de-
cidedly on the increase, and that there is no
cause to despair of the future. If a Parliamen-
tary Reform of a searching kind could be effected
without violence, the ignorance of a very great
proportion of the people (and after the late
beastly exhibitions, no man would think of ques-
tioning it) might be productive of little injury ;
because, though a man may himself be unable
to arrive at correct conclusions with respect to
political questions, he may err less as to the men
deserving of confidence. But a Parliamentary Re-
form in this country (superseding as it would, to a
certainty, the House of Lords, or reducing it to
an echo of the Democratic House ; whereas the
Democratic House is at present the creature of
the Aristocratic), will never be effected without
commotion ; and we should exceedingly dread
the letting loose the population of England, in
their present state of ignorance. It would be
easy to deal with questions of organical Reform,
if men were, in any given country, what we wish
them to be. But we must always bear in mind,
that men are the creatures of the circumstances
by which they have been surrounded. In Eng,
land, the High Church men, till lately, stre-
nuously opposed all attempts to instruct the
people, and they have been reared in ignorance,
and inoculated with all manner of prejudices.—
As if ignorance was not enough, pains have
been taken to demoralize them. They
have been literally driven by Government into
the public-house. The hours that are not spent
in hard toil, are spent, in too many cases,
in gross sensuality. Though we should he sorry
to subscribe to any system of Government which
places any portion of the people at the mercy of
others, we should at the same time be sorry, in
the present state of the English population, to
be ourselves at the mercy of no °Small portion of
that population. We subscribe to Ow doctrine,
that the object to be kept in view is the adrni:J-
sion of all to the privilege which is now possessed
by s few ; and also that there can be no adequate
security for good Government, so long as the
property of all is at the disposal of a few. But
if a man have been long in darkness he cannot
see when he is suddenly brought to the light,
If a man have been degraded into a beast of
burden, and (like no small put of the labouring
population) rendered worse by ;the little lie has
been taught than if his mind were s tabulq Tara,
the safety of others may dictate to them the wish,
that the capacity to use his power wisely may
precede his obtaining power. We confess, there-
fore, that our fear is, lest circumstances should put
the people of England too soon in the possession
of their franchise. We are aware that wher4he cir-
cumstances which produce revolutions are in
existence, wishes, either one way or the other,
will be inoperative. Whether the people are
wise or prejudiced, well or ill-informed, they
will be appealed to whenever the wheels of Go-
vernnzent are clogged. This ought to be a mo-
tive with all who have influence of disseminating
knowledge as much as possible, that if a change
take place it may be productive of as little as
injury as possible. The difference between Mr.
Bentham and ourselves la, that his man is a rea-
soning animali 'whereas an ii;nglishman hardly
deserves that character. The " a4eyript of the
writer in the Edinburgh. ReVietv to turp into
ridicule what Mr. Mill has written on Governs
mint is hardly f
worthy o serious consideration.
It is throughout a play on words, and the trickery

consists in the giving a meaning to Mr. Mill
which he had not, and combating wind-mills of
his own setting up. The following passage is
intended to be a reductio ad absurdum of Mr.
Mill's Theory :