The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-29 00:00:00

27;41,1t

LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 29, 1845.

The intelligence from the United States, though
comprising much information on a great variety of
topics interesting to this country, leaves us nearly
as much in the dark as ever respecting the dispute
on the Oregon question. No decided steps had
been taken by Congress; the PRESIDENT'S
Message had , been referred to Committees, and
till a report was made the feelings of the two
Houses could not be accurately ascertained.
In the meantime preparations were in progress for
putting the country in a state of defence. The
Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs
was to propose a Bill for the immediate
organisation and equipment of 200,000 mi-
litia, and demand a vote of 10,000,000 dollars
for these purposes. General CASS, notorious for his
political intrigues at Paris some two years ago, had
in the Senate moved for returns of the military con-
dition of the country, and its means of defending itself
in case of an attack. Similar steps were to be taken
also with respect to the navy. Many new
ships, it was said, would be made ready
for service ; the weaker points on the coasts
and in the various harbour s were to receive addi-
tional fortifications, and every symptom, in fact, ap-
peared of a determination on the part of the Govern-
ment to carry things with a high hand. A report
prevailed that the negotiations between Mr.
PAKENHAIM, the British Minister, and Mr.BuCLIANAN,
respecting the Oregon territory, had been resumed,
on the proposition of the former, but we cannot trace
the report to any good authority. Our Government
will make every honourable attempt to settle the
differences, but they will yield none of our rights,
and we confidently believe will adhere to the ultima-
tum given by the British Minister at Washington.
The aggressive spirit of the Republic is too manifest
and the principles avowed by President POLE in his
Message with regard to European powers, chiefly
England and France, are too insolent to admit of any
compromise either of the claims or the dignity of this
empire. The Government of the Unites States
make it no secret, that they are hemming
in Mexico on every side. Texas has already
been swallowed up, the whole of Oregon is to be
extorted from this country, and California is to be
extorted also from Mexico by what is called a bar-
gain—in other words, by America setting up claims
for some doubtful arrears, and promising to let
Mexico off at
_a cheap rate, by surrendering Cali-
fornia. " The intelligence from Mexico," says the
New York Herald, " assumes additional im-
portance by every arrival. It will be interesting
to learn the progress of the negotiations between the
Mexican: end the new American Minister to that
republic. It is expected that the result will be a
satisfactory settlement of all our claims against Mexico;
the Rio del Norte as the boundary line of Texas and
Mexico; and the acquisition of California, including
the ports of San Pedro and Monterey, and the mag-
nificent bay of San Francisco. There will probably
be a vast del of bluster from the Mexican press be-
fore all this is acemnplishea; but as it is perhaps ne-
cessary for the good health of those philosophers who
write for the papers, to get rid of a good deal of their
angry feelings, no one will care what they
may s 4-," We are afraid this brief extract expresses
the feelings of a vast ppFpiop of the population,
and that the Government, unless restraiped by those
European; powers which it puts to the ban, will per-
severe in its aggressions on this weak and divided re-
public, till the whole is bropght under the dominion
of the -United States. Canada will be the next pride

to be contended for, and already the people of that
colony begin to look with anxiety, though not
with fear to the threatening in POLK'S Message.
One of the Montreal journals says the style of im-
pudent bravado adopted by him towards the Euro-
pean Governments are intended, no doubt, to
irritate, and show that if he can possibly ex-
cite a war during his administration he will
certainly do it. It adds, "We much fear
that the control of the affairs of the United States
has fallen into the hands of bad men." On this truth
the New York paper referred to makes the following
friendly comment :—" The control of public affairs'
in this country has indeed fallen into the hands of bad
men—decidedly,too bad for England or Canada."
Several of the other journals write in a more peace-
able spirit, but, unfortunately, their conclusions
seem founded on the assumption that America
is to get all she demands. "We are
happy," says the Courier and Enquirer, "to renew
our congratulations to our readers upon the convic-
tion which we have arrived at, from evidence which
we deem satisfactory, that war, as a means of adjust-
ing' the difficulty with England, is not within any
rational calculation of probabilities." But further
remarks on the subject at present are not required.
We must wait the course of events, and in the mean-
time be prepared for the worst.

We are not likely to know before the meeting of
Parliament what Sir R. PEEL means to do with the
corn-laws, and we must know soon after. Specula-
tion, under these circumstances, as to the course
which he will take may seem idle ; but, when the
corn-laws are the one single subject of interest in
connexion with the meeting of Parliament, when no
topic divides public attention with the corn-la ws, it is
impossible not to speculate on what the Minister
means to do. We believe that his policy will be total
and immediate repeal. As to measures of com-
pensation, there is no compensation but what
would be scouted by the people as outrageous,
that the agriculturists would not repudiate as a
mockery. A straightforward and decided measure
will procure for Sir ROBERT PEEL the support of the
whole Liberal party, which, with that of his own
following (whatever it may be), will probably ensure
success in the House of Commons. A measure of
compromise and attempted compensation will ensure
the combined opposition of the Liberal party and of
the agriculturists, and defeat in the House of Com-
mons would be its certain fate. Sir ROBERT PEEL is
not the man to plunge headlong into defeat.
Everything which has happened since he threw
up the reins of Government,—his indirect com-
munications with Lord JOHN RUSSELL,—the
unmeasured abuse which he has met with from the
TYRRELLS et id genus omne,—the . new Cabinet re-
cruits, Mr. GLADSTONE, Lord ST. GERMANS, Lord
ELLENBOROUGH, and Lord DALHOUSIE, all progres-
sive Tories ;—all these things increase the probability
of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S adopting a free-trade policy.
AS to the RIPONS, GRANVILLE SOMERSETS, &C., who
were supposed to be likely to secede, still being with
him, we do not know how long they may intend to
remain ; and if they have not screwed their courage
to the sticking-point of free trade, they may be wait-
ing only Sir ROBERT PEEL'S convenience till he has
had time to make the necessary arrangements as to

their successors.
We have already urged the necessity of the public
being prepared fur either alternative, and we rejoice
to observe the many great signs of even increased
exertion, as the hour of victory draws near. But
there may be more than one impediment in the way
of victory. Sir ROBERT PEEL may not triumph over
the Upper House ; and, unaccustomed to fight with
the Constitution, he may then turn over the task to
the Liberal party. The appeal will then lie to the
electoral constituencies of the kingdom ; and in pro-
portion to the loudness of their affirmative response
will be the ease of the victory—which in the end must
come—over the hereditary Legislators. And, if Sir
ROBERT PEEL perchance should truckle to the agri-
culturists, instead of defying them, it may still de-
volve on Lord Jour; RUSSELL to appeal to the coun •
try, before a measure for repeal of the corn-laws
goes up to the louse of Lords.
Looking to a dissolution of Parliament, sooner or
later, for the settlement of the corn-law question, we
have been lately led to consider the extent to which
corruption and proprietary influence still drown the
people's voice in the House of Commons, in our
Saturday's paper we stated that there were no less
than 82 constituencies, each of which contained less
than 500 electors; and no leis than 174 consti-
tuencies of less than 1,000 electors ; and that
as many as 241 Members were chosen, each by less
than 1,000 persons, and as many as 110 by less than
500 persons. With a few very honourable excep-
tions, nomination and corruption have marked these
small constituencies for their own. A strong excite-
ment, such as the question of Parliamentary Reform
created in 1831 and 1832, and such as the corn- law
question may yet create, is the only hope of the
popular voice finding expression in the returns of
these diminutive constituencies.
But the people will have a stronger case of re-
proach against
_these small constituencies when the
large constituencies of the kingdom have all done their
duty. We have taken the trouble to make out a list
of constituencies exceeding 1,000, which now swell
the ranks of monopoly ; and we publish the list in
order to show what there is yet to be done in consti-
tuencies large enough to defy foul influences, and to
urge the friends of free trade in these constituencies
to begin at once to prepare for a general election, and
to leave no stone unturned in their efforts to replace
next time every moeopolist Member by a free-trader.
There are 41 English cities and towns, having more
than 1,000 electors each, which return in all 57 mo-
nopolist Members. Shame on them, we say.

No. of Mono-
polist Members.

Aylesbury
Bedford ..
Beverley
Birmingham
Boston .
Bradford
Brighton
Bristol
Cambridge
Canterbury
Colchester
Dover

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