The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-14 00:00:00

Utt 2nit,

LONDON :
WEDNESDAY mortm-NG. SEPTEMBER 14, 1842.

__~-

we have for some time been of opinion that
the Editor of .the Poit is a most convinceable
man, and we assured the members of the Anti-
CornAaw,League, when they were in town, that
if they went on the right tack, on obtaining an
interview 'with him, they would certainly convert
hint. • IV;rint their assistance, however, we see
that he i!;, by his own reasniiing, daily converting
himself. process, and a little help from
us, he has at length arrived at the conclusion
that the great error of our community is a faulty
distribution, of wealth. Of course, therefore, he
gives up the well stuffed and long paraded buga-
boo of over production. He is become, too, a
convert to the total and immediate repeal of the
Corn-law, on one condition, that it be proved to
him that the repeal would give " people offering
their labour an increased value for it," or distri-
bute a larger share of the national wealth to the
labourers. We can scarcely hope at once to sa-
tisfy him that this condition would be consequent
on the repeal ; but we must try, and we believe
his own suggestive fancy will help our endeavour.
The Post complains that Corn-law Repealers
only make assertions on this point ; but what
else can be made with reference to the unknown
future? If the Post were to question whether
the sun will rise to-morrow, we could give no
proof other than that it has risen regularly since
man has existed. If it question on any similar
grounds the assertions of the free-traders, that
morn employment would be immediately found
for our people by setting trade free, what proof
cart they offer of their assertion other than that
. such bias generally been the consequence of the
.retnov al of restrictions? In fact that is implied
in tin proposition. That restriction prevents
trade, and that there would be more trade were

there mu restriction, is self-evident, for the two
statements are identical. The Manchester men
and the men of Shefield have said aloud, give
us liberty to import food from wherever we

please without subjecting it to a tax, and we win
instantly set a great number of additional bands
to work. Their assertion implies that they will
pay, more wages—if not raise the rate of wages—
and so distribute more wealth amongst the work-
ino- classes. What other proof can the Post de-
sire that the repeal of the Corn-laws would rea-
lise the condition on which it declares the Legis-
lature ought to repeal the Corn-law ?
Will any other employer pay less wages ? Not
filo.. generous and benevolent landlords, accordieg
to .toe theory of the Post, for they are only
anitsTitis to benefit the people. Not the farmers,
for they will and must sow and prepare the
ground for next year's crop. They will be wise
in doing so, for the increased employment in the
intiritifacturing
,districts will infallibly cause an
incased demand for agricultural produce, to
satisfy mu
which will re - ,
nerate tnem. Pricesmay
notbe so high, hut they will have to give less for
whUt they use and consume, and they will be
benefited by the change. That they will em-
ploy fewer 'hands, and that land will go out
of cultivation as the manufacturers increase
and the towns-people multiply, is
an assertion of
the Post, far more groundless, allow us to a
than our assertion that the farmers win not spc
,
less wages, and that the master manufacturersa
will pay a great deal more.
In truth every person is aware—is firmly con-
vine.ed without any reasoning—that the present
abundance will meliorate the condition of the
labouring classes, though not to thatextentwhich
the benevolent Post and the :elfish Sun desire.
-Why is this? Because the things mainly pur-
chased by .wages are, first food and next clothing.
When there is more food, then wages will buy
inoee It is admitted that free trade would in.
crease the present abundance of food. It would
therefore raise the value of wages; it would
give the whole labourers more wages, and enable
there to buy more goods,- so that free trade
would immediately improve their condition.

Moreover the demand for labour is necessarily
determined by the quantity of tbod which
call get or can command. To increase
the titiantiiN of food is to give the capitalists the
command of a 4 greater quantity, and is to make

wv
them set a great, n. number of hands to work.
•
The immediate n.d certain effect, therefore, of
totally abolishin 'e Corn-laws, would be, to
g
increase employment, to increase wages, and
give to the labouring classes an increased share
of the abundance with whip -II the ALMlGirry ap-
pears to have blessed almost the whole civilized

world. What might be the ultimate consequence
can be as little known to the Post as to us; we,
however, are inclined strongly to recommend our
rulers to do right, and trust in GOD ; abolish the
Corn-laws, give the people food at present, and
leave tht future to His, whose eye already sees
the whole. Only let the Post join with us in
procuring free trade and full bellies for the
people, and it may safely rely that everything
It can desire for society—
all other graces,
Will follow in their proper places.

We insert, in another part of The Sun, a
letter signed "H. P.," of which we willingly
accept the compliments, and shall endeavour to
reply to the objections. Our Correspondent
says, in reference to an article which appeared
in our paper as long ago as the 3d instant, that
a sentence in it "is a jumble." It is very pro-
bable that, writing without time to revise our
sentences, we have expressed ourselves ob-
scurely; but our Correspondent insist be sensible
that legislation is not intended to operate on
the past—that the present is a mere line which
divides the past from the future—and that in
fact, all laws are intended to operate at a future
time. Now, our statement was—that " the pre-
sent condition of the manufacturing population
was neither foreseen nor provided for by any
scheme of legislation ;" " that it had grown up,
as it were, in the course of nature, would con-
tinue to grow, and that the legislator should
now endeavour to adapt his laws to what will be
the condition of society in, future, if he can
ascertain it." This may be a jumble, and it
may be impossible to ascertain the future state
of society ; but the principle we laid down is not
our own—it is borrowed from no less estimable a
philosopher than Mr. DUGALD STEWART. He
says, in the first volume of his " Moral Phi-
losophy"—
" It is easy for a statesman to form to himself a dis-
tinct and steady idea of the ultimate objects at which a
wise legislature ought to aim, and to foresee that modifi-
cation of the social system, to which human affairs have
of themselves a tendency to approach ; and, therefore,
his practical sagacity and address are limited to the care
of accomplishing the important ends which he leas in
view, as effectually and as rapidly as is consistent with
the quiet of individuals, and with the rights arising
from actual establishments."

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