The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-14 00:00:00

PRE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORVISTG, JULY 14, 1842.

s ment _House. Now, we hare seen even a Government propos-
ing a fixed duty. Now, we have heard the head of another
; Government teaching the very doctrine long taught by the
League, though, in practice, lie strangely eintradicts himself.
Now, the Press is sending fords its publications oa this subject
by thousands per diem, an is calling in the aid of poetry, litera-
ture, and science, to enable it yet more plenteously to meet the
cravings of the people. Now, we have a cordial reception for
our lecturers and tracts in the rural districts, not excepting the
lovely neighbourhood of the renowned Sir James --. Now
the subject is taken up as one of humanity and piety. Now,
decided Christians join our ranks. Now, ministers of religion
can meet in conference, end, with the Bible to their hands, and
the love of God and man in their hearts. enter into vows with
each other, and with Heaven, to seek, by prayers and labours,
the abrogation of laws, which, while unjust in themselves, are
wasting and destroying the moralityand prosperity of these realms.
I am sorry to learn from a recent speech deliveresi by Sir R.
Peel, that he affects to believe, and wishes the House to believe,
that his late measures are approved and lauded by the country,
because the people quietly endure their now acknowledged
sufferings. If such speeches are correctly reported—such is
the inference he affects to draw—he lays a 'flat terinz unction, to
his soul, indicative of great ignorance of the real views and
feelings of the people. The Income-tax is justly execrated,
and will become more so when brought into operation
What then ! will he maintain and teach the doctrine, thst
his measures are popular and joyously received, because
the people do not break out into open rebellion?
What ! will he allow no other proof of the obnoxiousness of
his measures, but riots, and civil anarchy, and confusion ?
What is this but a direct encouragement of what we dread?
Did the League ever thus teach ? Will they adopt this senti-
ment of England's Premier? Never. If I have mistaken the
Premier's meaning, I ask his pardon ; if I have not, I charge
him with teaching what I neither admire, nor will imitate.
Last night I was in the House of Commons. I heard the de-
bate on Mr. VillierS's amendment on the motion to go into
Committee on the Supplies. Principles were enunciated by
Sir Robert Peel himself, which showed that our cause is, to
say the least, slowly progressing, and so far there is en-
couragement. There was one in the Tory camp who had
abandoned the sliding scale, and would now vote
for a fixed duty. This is progress made, though nut to the
extent of our principles. We must not, as I think, abandon
our principles, or cease to agitate fur their adoption. My own
opinion is, that if we can prosecute our object, with our
wonted energy, and refuse to lay down our arms, victory will
yet be ours. We have done much—we may do more ; the
country, though much enlightened, still needs enlightenment.
The League must continue its operations, and prosecute them
with unflinching vigour. Never had a previous national move-
ment been more successful in the same space bf time.
Never had a movement been originated more important
and philanthropic. Remember the awfully distressed condition
of the country. Remember distress is daily augmenting.
Winter with its horrors is advancing. We must do our duty.
Fix your resolve—and nobly say that you will.—( Cheers. )
Mr. CORDES, M.P. then rose to address the meeting, and
was most enthusiastically cheered. He was compelled to leave
early to attend a Committee over the way. He had nothing
particular to say, but be congratulated the Delegates on the
great benefits of their meetings.—( Cheers.) He hoped they
would continue them, and send to the country for recruits,—
(Cheers.) If their proceedings were only reported by the
public Press, they might depend open it they would excite
more interest in the country than anything that was done in the
great House over the way. But the meeting must remember
that they had still a great deal more to do befere they would be
believed among the higher circles. —( Cheers.) The present
state of the country was not yet understood in the metropolis.
The people here, at least the higher orders, were quite incre-
dulous of the statements of distress that had been made; and he
was not surprised at it, when he considered the splendour in
which they lived. How, he would ask, should they know any-
thing of the distress, when their own organs of the Press studi-
ously avoided mentioning it. (Cheers. ) In the daily Press—
he would allude to the Times—there was no allusion made to
the subject of distress, unless for the purpose of discrediting
the public mind on the subject.—( Cheers.) He had alluded
the other night to the fact of individuals eating carrion and de-
vouring nettles. This statement was disbelieved. He had
since, however, received a letter from the manager of his own
establishment at Chorley, relating an anecdote which was worse
than almost anything which he had beforelmet with :
Dear Sir,—There having been statements made at various
times lately of people being driven by distress to eat part of
animals that had died, and these statements having been
always denied, and treated as fables, by your opponents, I am
induced to send you the enclosed statement, that you may rely
on is a fact, as I know it to be so, it having occurred in this
neighbourhood, and I know all the psrties concerned ; and I
know they would not have thought of doing anything of the
kind twelve months since, bat the fact is they are nearly
starved, and have been for some time, indeed the people in
this neighbourhood are in a shocking state of distress : it may
be said they can go into the workhouse; but that they cannot
do in this parish, as all the workhouses are full, and no more
can be taken in ; there are several workhouses in the union,
and they are all crowded.

" I send the statement respecting the bull, as I thought you
might be speaking on Mr. 'Wallace's motion.
_ _

"-t The animal wax a bull, belonging to a woman who keeps a
farm in this neighbourhood, her name is Clayton, the tarn is
caled Brook-house Farm. The bull was taken ill some time
last week, and a 7eterinary surgeon in Chorley attended it.; it
died on Saturday morning last. The foilowtng men went to
the woman who owned it, and begged her to let them have it,
and she allowed them to take it away, instead of burying It ; she
gave them Is. for taking off the hide, and they brought it away
early on last Sunday morning, and divided it near our Bleach-
works; part of it was quite black, I believe, from mortification
having commenced ; this was cut off, and our watchman got it
for his dogs. The following are the names of the parties who
divided it amongst themselves, and then each one gave part of
Ira share to others, to those, as one of the men told me, who
'had the most children, and, consequently, was in the greatest
distress:— Thomas West, John West, John Ratcliffe, Daniel
Ratcliffe, James Holden, William Ratcliffe.

" I am respectfully yours.
" Crosse Hall, Chorley, July 9. " J. HYLAND."
These individual cases would be h-se worthy of notice if they
were not an evidence of what must be the unavoidable opera-
tion of the Corn and Provision-laws.—( Hear, hear.) A law
was passed to inflict scarcity upon an empire containing twenty-
seven millions of people ; without producing scarcity it would
be impossible to keep up the price.---( Hear, hear.) How
could they spread scarcity over twenty-seven millions of people
whose inequality was so great, without producing starvation at
one end, whilst the other was wholly unaffected.—( Hear,
hear.) Our legislators affected a holy horror of individual
statements of suffering such as those wliieh he and others had
made. They denied these facts; they shut their eyes against
the clear unavoidable consequences of their own wilkedness
and injustice.—( Hear.) Whilst, however, these facts were die
puted, there was a general admission that great distressprevailed.
It was very convenient to admit the general distress, but that
distress would not be obvious to the people of this country,
unless facts were brought to the Convention from all parts of
the country. It was on this account that the Government
were so exceedingly dissatisfied with these proceedings.--
( Hear, hear.) Now, what had been the conduct of Sir Robert
Peel? He would much rather speak of him in his presence
than in his absence, but his conduct had been such, that they
must speak of him trumpet-tongued everywhere. The only
cause of the distress to which Sir Robert Peel had alluded
during the debate on the motions of Mr. Wallace and Mr.
Villiers—the only cause to which he had referred—was ma-
chinery.—( Hear, hear.) Now he had no hesitation in say-
ing, that the alluding to machinery in 'the way in which Sir
Robert Peel had alluded to it, was as dangerous to the country
as it was reprehensible in the Prime Alinister himself.—( Hear.)
It would be reprehensible in any man, but in a man of Sir R.
Peel's character and origin it was especially blameable—he had
almost
wicked.---( Hear, hear.) Now
what
were
the
coun-
try by Sir Robert Peel's allusion to machinery? He had re-
ceived a letter en this subject from a friend at Burnley, which
he would read to the meeting ;

" Burnley. July 11, 1842.
Sir Robert Peel's machinery clap-trap is produci. g some
effects. During the last week a bundle of lueiter matches was
thrown into a cotton mill near Accrington ; part of the matches
were found consumed, fortunately they had not reached the
eotten, or the mill would have been destroyed. There is a com-
mon expectation among the poor suffering labouring people that
machinery is going to be done away with, and they refer to the
remarks of Sir R. Peel in the newspapers as authority."
These were the natural effects of the observations made by Sir
R. Peel. What more natural than that the distressed and
suffering people. driven to extremities by their sufferings, should
take up the opinion of Sir R. Peel, and attribute to machinery
all the miseries which they endured ? They were told that the
manufacturers wei e incendiaries. Now, he apprehended that
they were the last men in the world, circumstanced as they
were, to do anything likely to lead to violence of any kind.
When a lucifer match would destroy not merely the produce of
their industry, but would destroy the capital also, was it likely
that they would provoke violence in the manufacturing districts,
when the man, the pet, the protege, so petted by the Standard,
who was called the King of the factory children, recommended
some time ago the children to destroy machinery with knit-
ting-needles, were they likely to provoke violence when their
property could be destroyed by knitting needles? The real
revolutionists were not in that League, the real revo'utionists
were the majority in that House opnosite.—( Loud cheers. )
The real incendiaries were not to be found in that body, but in
the House of Commons and the Cabinet.—(Cheers.) As he
said before he thought that their meeting had been productive
of the greatest advantage. He exhorted them not to separate
If they adjourned the meeting from time to time let it be
merely to bring up more recruits from different parts of the
country. Had they any gentleman from Nottingham? He
was met the other night in the . House of Commons by Mr.
Golly Knight, who said that Nottingham was not so flourishing
as he could wish, but it was improving. He (Ur. Cobden )
hoped they would take pains to bring before the Con-
ference the existing condition of Nottingham. He would
undertake; if they furnished him with facts, to bring
them before the House of Commons, and Mr. Gaily Knight.
It was very importaet that the condition of 'Nottingham should
be understood, as there had been no improvement in mae
machinery there. He exhorted them not to separate—let ehem
continue there at long as the House of Commons sat, and if the
House should separate and leave the count, y in its deplorable
and declining state, then it would be for them to eonsicer what
next they would do, in order to justify themselves before the
country. There were thousands and tens of thousands out of
employment, and who were starving for want of work,looking to
them, and they called upon them and the country to take any
and every step to force from the Government justice for them-
selves and the people. They must keep within the law, and
proceed upon morality and religion. He would make no other
exception, but he would embarrass the Government in every
possible way. The more they embarrassed such a Government
the more did they fulfil their duty to themselves and the country.
He said take no other guide whatever but the strict letter of
the law, and that greater sanction, the sanction of religion and
morality, and whatever they could do to embarrass the Govern.
ment they were bound to do. They owed them no respect,
they were entitled to none. They owed them no service which
they could possibly avoid. The Government was based upon
corruption, and the offspring of vice, corruption, violence,
intimidation, and bribery. The majority o• the House of Com-
mons was supported by the violation of morality and religioe.
He said for sueli a Government they should entertain no respect
whatever. He would assist the Anti-Corn-law League all in
his power to embarrass the Government. A Noble Lord, for
whom they entertained great respect (Lord Brougham) had
deprecated anything hire endangering the creidit of the country.
Why what a mockery to talk to men who had the gulf of ruin
yawning before them, who saw nothing, but confiscation of their
property and starvation for their work-people, to talk to them
of the public credit ! He had no notion of preserving national
credit at the expense of national suffering. He would rather
see a bankrupt exchequer than a starving population.
They were not in a position to be chary of public
credit. What had been the conduct of the monied
interest in the City, whose policy revolved round their money-
bag ? Had they shown a sympathy during the last three
years, when property was wasting—when there was such a ruin
of capital as the history of the world never witnessed before?
Had they attempted to assist them ? Had they gore over their
counting-house door to inquire if their statements were
true or not? No. Why, t ley (the manufacturers)
could convulse the funds, and bring them down to-morrow
ten per cent. Then they would have Quaker men from Lom-
bard-street trotting up to Downing-street, and they would say
to Sir Robert Peel, " Thee must do something, for thou see'st
what is going on in the City."--(Loud cheers.) He (Mr.
Cobden) would be the last man in the world to advise any-
thing calculated to shake national credit, but he saw no alter-
native between the starving thousands and destruction of

capital of the manufacturing body. If there was no alternative
between that and shaking public credit, why let them shake
public credit to-morrow. —4, Cheers.) That was the languaee he
would use in the House of Commons on every opportunity he
.had. They were voting supplies of money without any consi-
deration as to how that money was raised. They sat at three
o'clock in the morning, the felon's hour of midnight, and they
took money from the people, when half an hour before they re-
fused to inquire into their distress. He said that no despot
would ever treat a people as the majority of that House
treated the people of this country. The Emperor of Morocco
would not dare to issue a mandate at midnight, and at the
same time issue an edict to starve the people. —( Loud
cheers.) He told them before he had nothing
to say. He dared say those feelings had crossed
their minds as they had crossed his. He believed they would
do nothing with the present Government or the present Par-
liament. Sir R. Peel was nut called in to save the country or
to save them. He was called in to save the great monopolies
of sugar and corn—and he had done his work admirably by his
sophistry and special pleading. He had done his work admi-
rably for his masters. They had nothing to hope from the pre-
sent Government or the Parliament. The remedy was in
their own hands, if they chose to exercise the power they pos-
sessed. It would be for them to consider what other means
ought to be resorted to. Whatever they did, they must be de-
termined, without the slightest reference to etiquette, to which
public bodies paid too much regard. Whatever they did, let
them keep within the letter :if the law, and he would do all in
his power to assist them.—( Cheers.)
Mr. R. R. Moons said, the night before last, in the House of
Lords, when Lord Brougham made a speech on the manufac-
turing distress, amongst others he was replied to by the Earl
of Ripon, and it would be useful to answer some of the fal-
lacies and absurdities contained in t hat speech. The Noble
Lord admitted the distress, but he would do nothing to relieve
it, and contented himself with saying that the Corn laws were
not the cacao, and that their repeal would not relieve it. If he
could not tell them the cause they could tell him, that it was the
Corn-laws, and that it would have caused much more extensive
and intolerable distress, if it had not been for the unparalleled
energy, industry, patienee, and perseverance of those whom
they (the aristocracy) despised—the manufacturers and la-
bourers of this country.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not enough
to show that the Corn laws were the cause, when they
deprived us of the markets of the world, and sent out
our best workmen upon the world, to assist in raising
new competition against us in countries with whom we had
now to compete?—( Hear.) Was it not enough that they made
bread dear, and left the teople the less money to lay out on
manufactures. They (the Anti-Corn-law advocates) told
Lord Rip n that the Corn-law repeal would relieve the dis-
tress. Did he deny that it would open an increased trade
wi .h America, and with the Continent ?—( Hear. )- Did
he deny, that it would immediately, by giving confidence to our
capitalists, set thousands of men at work ?—( Hear, hear.)
Did he deny that it would bring in bread to this bread-stinted
country ?—( Hear, hear.) But he (Lord R.) told them that
we already took all the surplus produce of the Conti-
nent actually consumed all the surplus produce of
the exporting countries of Europe. But we did not
receive it in the regular process of trade, but under such
circumstances as showed it to be in itself the sign and the
cause of embarassment and diistress. It was an uncertain
trade, in the hands of those who were jobbers in the bread of
the people, and it had to be paid for in money.--
( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that the repeal
would give no relief, because other countries, such
as Russia and Prussia, would not make any change '
in their system. But if they did not, the less would be theirs.
America and the rest of the world would trade with us.—
( Hear, hear.) So that it was easy to see the absurdity of that
argument.—( Hear.) But, in answer to Lord Brougham,
the Noble Earl said that in the years when the Corn-
laws were in full force, our trade with America
was 12,000,000/., from which he argued that the law
did not injure the trade. But it was easy to
show that it had done so. In the first plach, to go back to the
ten years before 1800, the Americans consumed English manu •
factures to the amount of 395. 4d. per head ; in the next ten
years, 41s. Bd. per head. In 1812, the war occurred. In
1815, our Corn-laws were passed; and, consequently, the
severe tariffs of America were enacted in 1816.—( Hear,
hear.) In the ten years commencing 1831, the consump-
tion of English produce in America was only 225. 6d. per head;
If America did not take our manufactures, it was because we
drove America to manufacture for herself, because we would
not take the produce of her fruitful lands—it was because we
were determined that our people should starve rather than
let them have our goods. What had given rise to the mone.
tary confusion of America but our Corn-laws. We had given
large loans, both in specie and in goods to America, which
were applied to opening up the great wheat country on
the banks of the Misessipi, in making roads, constructing
canals, &c., for the purpose of enabling that enterprising people
to cultivate that fertile district. But when the harvest came—
when the Americans had become possessed of the means of re•
paying us—our Corn-law interposed ;it forbade them the intro-
duction among us of that commodity which we most wanted—
the commodity with whiche alone the Americans could
repay us. The Americans could not sell us their
wheat, and hence the n.onetary confusion. Was it not, then,
caused by our Corn-laws? Lord Ripon had lately said that at
no period of American history had the people of that country
so much urged upon Congress the necessity of an universally
protective system as at the present. But why was it so? It
was because our manufactures were sold cheaper than theirs, and
the y wished to have their capital and labour protected. But would
such have been the case, if that enterprising spirit which led
them to open paths into the far West and cultivate its prairies,
was allowed to make the most of the land, is the hope of find.
ing a market for its produce. Lord Ripon said that the Ame-
ricans coo d not compete in any branch of manufactures with
the European States. Now the very thing we wanted
was to raise the value of our labour—to raise its price.
What were the wages paid to labourers in America? In the
manufactories the wages paid common hands are 9s. per week
for females, and 20s. per week for males, and their board. Day
laboUrers in the villages 4s. 6d. per day. Agricultural la-
bourers in ordinary times 3s. a day ; in harvest, 4s. 6d. to
Bs. The labourer who boards himself has an additional shilling
per day. In the country Is. per day is the ordinary
price of board and bed in respectable families. Common la-
bourers are usually employee by the month cr year.
at from 21. 10a. to 31. per month, with board and lodging.
The taxes, direct and indirect, paid by an ordinary labourer of
all kinds, reumually 10a. per year.. In the extreme western
parts of the -entry, where provisions are cheapest, wages are
higher by 'lO r cent. than these given for the same kinds of
labour in °L.,. parts of the country." Such were the state-
ments of Mr. John Curtis, an American gentleman, who came
to this country to show us the great field for industry, which
the United States presented to our labourers. If our Corns laws
were now repeated the factories at present established in Ame-
rica would find it impossible to continue any longer working,
The factories could not go on without skilled hands, and they
were few in number, and when they discovered that they could
get good remuneration and employment in the agricultural dis-
tricts, they would leave the mills and the factories; and the
factories of America would and could not be continued if our
Corn-laws were repealed. Now as to wages. Why should not
we have as high wages as the Americans, if the Corn-laws were
repealed ? If they could, for raising food for us, afford to
give good wages, why not we by raising clothes for them ? Lord
Ripon, at the close of his speech the other evening, said that
he feared such a Committee as Lord Brougham proposed could
have no other effect than that of increasing the enmity that
'already seemed to exist between the agriculturists and the
manufacturers. How an inquiry into the dtsti ess of the people
could set those bodies more at variance than they now were,
he ( Mr. Moore) really did nqt know, unless his Lordship
meant to say that the inquiry would prove that the agricul-
turists were the cause of the people's distress.—( Hear.) Did
he think that the people, feeling that the Committee of the
House of Lords was a salvation committee, standing
between them and the corruption of the House of Commons,
that they were a little band standing round their Queen, that
they were a Committee endeavouring to arrive at the cause of the
distress and to relieve it, would believe that such a Committee
would increase the enmity between the agricultural and the
manufacturing classes?—( Hear, hear.) No ; his Lordship
meaet what the country should understand ; he knew
that the Corn-laws trampled on their trade; he knew
that the Corn-laws prevented their trade ; he knew that
the Corn-laws diminished wages; he knew that the
Corn-laws raised the price of food, and would prevent the Ame-
ricans taking our manufactures; he knew that our trade with
America might be increased, if the Corn-laws were repealed,
to between 40 and 50,000.000/. per annum, instead of being
confined to 12,000,000/., as at present ; he knew that the land-
owners then would have their rants pulled down, to which
otherwise, though thousands should starve and die, they would
not consent ; he knew, too, that the Committee of Lord
Brougham would be a dangerous Committee. There was
nothing he and his party dreaded so much as truth. So
long as they could hoodwink and deceive the people they
would do it ; so long as they could eut their face
upon a foul disgrace, they would do it.--( Loud cheers.) He
Mr. Moore) was. delighte l to hear Mr. Cobden recommend
them to embarrass the Government. They had the power to
do it, anti he could see at once the means by which they had
the power to embarrass the Government. They would em-
barrass them by not using the articles which would bring in the
greatest amount of revenue, and if they were to recommend that
course to the people they would adopt it. They had the
power to work upon the Government by each man re-
fusing—not combining, for that would be unlawful—to pay
the taxes in money, but ccnsentine" to pay them with their
goads. So ought they to act with the feat pet tax of the
Government—the Income-tax—don't pay it in money, but pay
it in what they could well spare—goods. They knew how the
sales of such property were met. The moment it was found
that some people dared to make a stand in favour of their
rights, people would say, " These raen are in earnest,"
and they would temu them their most cordial and hearty support.
The Government would tremble to its foundations, the funds
would come down, and they would find monied men praying
for the repeal of the Corn-laws. It was right to embarass the
Government. They said they wanted supplies, and perhaps
it was right they should have them, but do not the people want
their supplies, and was it not right they should have them?
_( Hear, hear.) Don't let them laugh when they were
asked to give up what they liked, to give up their
wine, or their ale, or their tea, or their sugar, for
it was true, if the people gave up these articles, the
Government could not go on. Talk of not damaging the credit
of the country ! Why, the credit of the country was rotten to
its very heart's core. Security of the country l. when no one
could tell the day or the hour when the whole working classes
might rise to get rid of what now burdened them.
Credit indeed I when the people were dying for want
of food. They must make a bold and determined
stand. Every one should think not how little, but how much
he could do—not how little he could suffer, but how much.
They should use every effort to inspire the country, to inspire
themselves, with confidence ; so would they weaken the Go-
vernment, at the same time that they added strength to truth
and justice ; thousands and tens of thousands would aid them in
their cause; then would they obtain that for which they long
had struggled; the country would be re-instated in her former
glory, and their work would be accomplished.—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. Evvene, M.P., then presented himself to the meeting,
and was received with loud cheering. The Hon. Gentleman
said that even if there were no distress, the principles upon
which they demanded a repeal of the Corn-laws would remain
unshaken.—( Cheers ) Their enemies conceded to tham that
great distress was existing, but, even if they denied
the existence of the distress, they still would not
have shaken one of the principles On which they demanded a
repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) They refused the repeal
of the Corn-laws as a remedy, for the distress, because they
said that the Corn-laws had not occasioned it. Now, it did not
follow, that because a certain state of circumstances had not
originally been produced by a certain cause, that therefore the re-
moval of that cause would not alter the state of the circumstances.
This objection had beet. answered by Mr. Canning, who had
made use of a homely illustration ; he had said that although
the original maeady might not have been caused by the absence
of rhubarb and magnesia, yet that the exhibition of rhubarb
and magnesia would remove the malady.—( Cheers.)
He would ask, Sir Robert Pee!, in reply to his
denial, that the repeal of the Coin-laws would
relieve the distress, if the repeal of these laws would not extend
our commerce ?—( Cheers.) They had to call for returns for
the produce of their labour, and they asked for no more than
the right of asking for a repeal of the Corn-laws. They had
had an interview with Sir Robert Peel. Their Chairman
had cenducted their proceedings during that interview in a
manner that reflected the greatest honour on himself—( Loud
cheers)—and must prove beneficial in its results to their cause.
—(Loud cheers.) In Top!), to Mr. eleyworthls representation;
of the distress existing in Liverpool, Sir Robert Peel had asked
him in the most gentle, plausible, Lord Chesterfield sort. of
style, What was the state of their exports ? Mr, Hayworth was

•
• STATE OF
i
NIANC wa
EESTER.- here s a railivr •i tii.l h i
3;? !,'
!arket yesterd:ty tha i f.,r some wi?_‘l:s
increAsed amount of busine,s done in y3;l
(principally - for the Russian market) ; and also
in some descriptions of goods, particularly in domestics'
and inferior qualities in shirtings. Printing. (-4"t.hs'
however, ennonue as dull as ev•T ; and in no devil:.
i:ou. either of goods or yarn, can any ilaptiventen; 0'
price be noted. - -

, ROCHDALE FLANNEL \rARKET, JULY i
veen but a dug market to-day ; not many buyer, ha
attended, and the number of pieces sold has been limited._
Th9ugh the quantity I,f business has been sa:ailer,Lnr
price:,' hare been stationary. In the wool market prw`:
re,nain the same; but lamb and skin wools have IP°
muc:i inquired after, and are becoming scarce.--guns
cliester Guardian.

THE MARKETS.-N ESTERD-":

--- - - -
CORN EXCH ‘NGE. leo
The fresh supplies of Eoglish Grain since Monday have
iv
moderate, but Foreign Wheat has come in plentifull.
sale of every article was dull, at Monday's prices. There by
not been much demand for Flour this week.
COLONIAL MARKET.
The price of most kinds of merchandise were steadily rain'
tained, and a lair business was done.
TEA IIARKE'I'. Oro
The large public sale has commenced, and being the
since the arrival of the Overland from India, attracted
full room. Considerable anxiety was manifested to areer'the
the feeling of both buyers and seliers. At the
trade showed little disposition to purchase, and the hiuulav-
ld
were languid, but the merchants mostly evinced Ormneas to
con:iderable parcels were bought in. The small propor.,t,
sold was mostiy on previous rates, with here and there s P
chaser at a small decline.
TALLOW MARKET.
The prices continue at 48s on the snot, and 495. fOrdeliferf
in the last three months of the year, with a very flat market'
tA.)AL MARKEL
smps arrived since last maraet.dv, 77. 1/,
e
•
•Sf ew Tinfield M00r...
Old Tanti..l.l
Iledhengh l5 0 Walls End Whitwell ...... 140
anfield Moor
We-.t•Wylam
Wylam
Walls E d Herne ea. t' C
Walls End Heaton '9 3 Walt d Bowtiurn .........
Awls End Hi1da....... 11 6 Walls End Tees Hetton 9 9
ts walls •-,1 Killtnewnrth 17 6 Wal Et -d
Walls End Wharnctiffe
15 9
..v. r. ittadayti'sriettots •2I 9 131 ~the 0
...•• .... i 9
%V Its Et.-1 Hetton How red s Netherton Main ,5 0
tv,ll. End
'2.1)
Walls End Morrison

COUNT;

1 Wheat.

Per Quarter.: s. to a.
Carl►
Hexham 44 it
M11orp• t,t. 68
Penrlth
Sheffield ..
Winchest r
Per Bushel.
Carmarthen
Cowbri ge.
Swansea

a, to a.

64
62 70
s. d. s. d.
6t 70'
76 80
08 80

36 33
28 34

24 23
s.d. s.d.
00 44
00 40
44 54

Per 801 l
Barnardcastle 11 18 68 9 9 0
Durham
Richmond 14 19 0110 011 0
Stockton
NEWCASTLE CORP

ti! to I.

23 28
29 3
—.. 2A
•‘'3
20 '2O
s. d. is. d.
0 0 I Si
00 30
28 38

.......---"' e
.x a
Pe-- ~.
........"'
s. to
...

aw.
sd.
0 0 ,
0 0 01
u
0 0 01
o'o 0
~ 0
u 0
0