The Sun.
London, England, 1829-06-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.

There -is an address in this (lay's Journal
from Mr. Cavendish, in which that gentleman
states, that " he yields to none in attachment to
our civil and ecclesiastical establishments, and. in
a sincere disposition to maintain them." We
are not sorry to see this declaration, though we
believe that fundamentally there was no great
necessity for making it. Let any one look at
INIr. Cavendish's situation in the University of
Cambridge, and then ask himself whether the
proposition can be doubted that this gentleman
is attached to the establishments of the country
emanating from that and the other University I
What is it that produces aversion in the human
mind, and dislike to any institution ? Disap-
pointment in the hope of obtaining the advan-,
Cages which it holds forth to competition,=de,
feat in struggling for its honours. But has AIN
Cavendish been disappointed or defeated in the
noble conflicts in which his. youth has been en-
gaged in the schools and Senate-house of Cam-

bridge ? On the contrary, has he not there ob-
tained the only distinction which rank cannot
bestow ? Has he not there gained all that his
station did not previously command ? How can
it be, then, but that he should love and reve-
rence a place, and all the institutions springing
from, a place, in which he has reaped so rich a
harvest of reputation and youthful renown ?
Has not that University sent him out into the
world with the signet of her approbation stamped
upon his brow ? And whilst he continues to
act a part in the world, he would be sullying his
own reputation were he not to uphold her cha-
racter, to sustain her privileges, and reverence
her counsels. But how scandalous would it be
in that body which has crowned Mr. CaYendish's
studies with their appropriate meed of honour,
instantly to turn round and make him fly the
field of honest ambition before such a naked
ungarn
is ed
This
son of
indeed,
mediocrityto as the younger
Bankes.

" -- take off the rose
" From the fair forehead of an innocent love;`
" And set a blister there."

The men who would do this are those who
would sink the University, and sap the venerable
establishment of the realm, both in Church atO
State. And now with respect to his rival,. Mr:
George Bankes. He is said to have the sup'
pert of Government ! We have a remark or.
two to make on this rumour. We observe that
taunts the most unjust are cast upon the Duke
of Wellington, as if he were a soldier merely,
and his government of the state like that of the
army. It is probable that the habits of his
Grace's life may have taught him to prefer the
military to the civil or ecclesiastical character.
Yet, with this probable bias, we can assure the
University of Cambridge, that if the Duke of
Wellington had thought proper to recommend to
its members a candidate for their approbation, that
candidate would not have been a third or fourth-
rate placeman ! a clerk of a bureau! And the chief
Personage of the state too—that " higher than
the highest," who condescends to be the per-
sonal friend of the Duke of Devonshire—what
would he think of his loyal University of Cam-
bridge, should it choose as its representative a
placeman of the third or fourth grade from the
top ? The University will recollect, that it has
been represented by Pitt, and Perceval, and
Gibbs, not third or fourth-rate placemen these,
or briefless lawyers, and by the immortal New-
ton. But, apropos of lawyers—this Mr. Bankes,
we find, was not the wooden spoon, but a law-
student of Trinity Hall, and since called to the
bar. Would the University be content to take
him as one of its counsel to plead in that cause,
for example, in which its right to presentation
copies of new works is contested ? Mr. Caven-
dish is untried in the school of politics—there is
no occasion therefore to put him to any test. Let
a mind proved to be so capable of distinguishing be
left free to choose—if its possessor make a wrong
choice, visit his error afterwards by rejection.
But it is not likely that the place in which he
has obtained his first distinction should ever
cease to be dear to his heart, or that he could
ever bear with patience to hear its character tra-
duced, or to see its institutions, or the more im-
portant establishments springing out of them,
attacked.—Tinges.

The inevitable division of the business which
has hitherto appertained to the Lord Chancellor,
has given occasion to a rumour that the changes
which himself has recommended or arranged are
pointed at the breast of their author. The in-
ventors and propagators of this rumour say well
that they do not know who is to succeed his
Lordship. Who is to succeed him indeed ?
Who can direct the movements which are al-
ready begun, and cannot now retrograde, in
what may be called the attributes of the Chan-
cellorship as it once stood ? If the hand that
first impressed motion were withdrawn before
the goal were reached, the most mischievous con-
fusion would follow. We should suspect that
every slander' that is conveyed to the Royal ear
is reported on the way by its bearer to tlae at-
tendants in the surrounding apartments, who
give it weight by surmising and reporting that
its object is attained ! But this is not so : the
King is not so indifferent to a servant like the
present Lord Chancellor some would repre-
sent his Majesty : neither are the friends who
really possess the Royal confidence, so treacherous
as to blazon the private conversation of the closet.
But Lord Thurlow is dead, and he possessed
many offices almost sinecure,—as Clerkship of
the Hanaper, Patentee for making out Bank-
ruptcy Commissions, and Clerkship of the Cus-
todies of Lunatics and Idiots. Be it so : we
have no doubt that these offices will be either as
faithfully reduced, or as discerningly bestowed,
as under the late Lord Chancellor, or any other.
This is probably all the notice that the rumour
deserves.—lbid.

No Assembly ever displayed more esprit de
corps than the House of Commons. The Mem-
bers have, like the hornets, their battles among
themselves, and now and then use each other
hardly enough ; but no sooner is any of the
body menaced from without, than the whole
hive is in commotion ; their intestine quarrels
are forgotten,. and all cordially unite to drive off
the assailant. Like Caesar's murderers, they
are " all honourable men." Who can fail to
remember the generous scorn with which, at the
famous bursting of the bubbles in 1825, the

House refused to believe any of its Members
implicated in those -disgraceful transactions ?
Did you mention the South Sea scheme ? You
might as well have talked of the sin of our first
parents. It.was just the same when, the other
day, some imputations were thrown on the im-
partiality of Government in making the grant
at the Swan River Settlement to Mr. Peel's
namesake and cousin. Men rose from all parts
of the House, eagerly bearing their gratuitous
testimony to the infinite disinterestedness of the
Right Hon. Gentleman ; it was monstrous to
think that the least taint of cupidity should infect
the mind of a son whose father had thriven
through life with so sharp an eve to the main
chance ! Any defence against Se, Incredible a
slander was unnecessary. For the first time,"
says Mr. Brougham `'now refined the compliment)
" I have he'':ect Mr. Peel make an unnecessary
sPeech.7 Yet how are the facts ? It is ad-
'.:aated that Mr. Thomas Peel sought, as he was
very wise in doing, and that he obtained a letter
of recommendation to the Colonial Office from
his cousin. The terms of that letter are referred
to. Does any one suppose the smooth, cautious,
plausible Man of Office would pen a request for
" facilities" other than "proper facilities ?"
Could such a request be necessary ? Was it
not enough to accredit the bearer to his col-
league—" My dear Sir George"—as his name-
sake and relation ? We are far from affirming
that Mr. Thomas Peel derived from his cousin's
recommendation any undue favour—far from
the Home Secretary with an improper
interference on behalf of his relative. But while
every man of common sense must feel that an
application to the Colonial Office could not be
better backed than by the recommendation of a
Cabinet Minister so high in power and station
as Mr. Peel, surely the nature of the grant
made upon that application ought to be ex-
plained. This is not to be done by producing
the written communications between the one Mi-
nister and the other ; but by disproving, if it be
possible so to do, the allegations which have
been made—.namely, that the grant to Mr.
Thomas Peel is far more extensive than, with
reference to the interests of the colony, it ought
to have been ; that it comprises much the most
eligible territory ; that it appropriates to the
grantee exclusive facilities of water carriage ; and
that he enjoys the extraordinary advantage of
having double the term appointed to the other
settlers for planting, his allotment. It is by
showing these assertions to be unfounded—they
are none of ours, we take them from another
publication—not by vapouring about the extent
of his family connexions, and protesting an in-
difference to their welfare, which, if real, is nei-
ther natural nor commendable, that Mr. Peel
will relieve himself frOm the imputations which
he is so condescending as to recognise.--Morn-
ing Chronicle.
We have always been endeavouring to show
that poverty is the great parent of vice and
crime; and that if we wish to improve the body of
the people, we must first endeavour to ascertain
the conditions which determine the remunera-
tion for their labour. A case at the Rochdale
Petty Sessions, to be found in another column,
will serve to illustrate this :—A female appearing
to affiliate a child on a stone-mason, stated, in
her cross-examination, " My father, sister Jane,
myself, and half-brother slept in one bed."
This might have passed unnoticed, but Mr.
Collingwood, the Overseer of the township
of Spotland, to rebut the inference which
might have been drawn from the circum-
stance, stated " that they had twenty large fa-
milies in their township, who had but one bed
each, and the same remark would apply with
equal truth to Me other townships in the
parish." The labourers of that district are
evidently a drug in the market of labour. They
have gradually sunk down to that state of
apathy when decency is utterly disregarded.
" Gentlemen," said the father, " I had my
goods taken and sold, and the times have been
so hard, what could we get ?" When distress
is transient, a struggle is made to preserve ap-
pearances ; but man gradually reconciles him-
self to every thing. The problem, then, is to
guard against the population out-growing the
means for employing them. A superabundant
population must be a criminal, a vicious, and
degraded population. It is the duty of those
who profit by the labour of the poor to make
themselves acquainted with the means of in-
suring them comfortable subsistence, and to
endeavour to apply their knowledge to insure
that object. But we do not exaggerate when
we say that the higher ranks of this country are,
in general, grossly ignorant on this most im-
portant subject, and that hardly any thing is
done in the way of enlightening the poor as to
their interests, or protecting them by legislative
measures against the evils into which they have
a tendency to involve themselves. The Clergy,
who receive a large portion of the income of the
country, and who might be of use as instructors
of and advocates for the people, are themselves
so ignorant of all that is useful, that they are
more likely to injure than to benefit them by
their interference. In the Second Agricultural
Survey- of Shropshire, by Joseph Plymley,
M.A., Archdeacon of Salop, published in
1813, there appears an earnest desire, on the
part of the Reverend Author, to better the
condition of the poor ; but, unfortunately,
he posseses zeal without the knowledge
to render it beneficial. Utterly unaware of the
doctrine of population, and the intimate connec-
tion between the rate of increase and the com-
forts of the people, he recommends the promo-
tion of marriage among the labourers, as if there
were any necessity to promote that which a man
is always sufficiently prone to when
,the means
exist. " I will only mention further," he says,
" that one distinct cause of the rise of poor-
rates, previous to that friom the high-price of pro-
visions, was the increase of illegitimate children.
The extension of Comfortable' cottages, as men-
tioned in a former sections besides its- other ten-
dencies to lowering the poor-rates, will affect
this by its. promotion • or marriage among la-
bourers ; but the increased size of farms, where
they are principally cultivated by household ser-
vants, does certainly tend to increase -the number
of illegitimate Children." Now, the Rev.
Writer, though be "saw- that an' illegitimate- child

••
Was occasionally a burden to a parish, yet the
condition of the labourers must rise or fall with
their numbers, and that with regard to them the
question was in which Way most children would be
born.. Now it is utterly impossible to conceive that
the number of illegitimate children can ever equal
the number born in marriage, and as to the charge
io the parish, if the father and mother cannot be
made to pay for one child, how can they support
a family ? But so generally prevalent among
the Clergy has this maxim of the Rev. Author
been, that we owe to them, chiefly in their capa-
city of Magistrates, the determination so long
acted on, of compelling the parties to marry in
all bastardy cases, by throwing the father into
prison, from which he was liberated only on con-
dition of marrying the mother. They have in
this way, under the idea of encouraging morality,
bee.m the great authors of poverty and crime.
Mr. Henry Drummond and several other gentle-
men, examined before Committees of the House
of Commons, distinctly state that the marriages
of labourers were generally forced in this way.
If a nation is to be at the expense of a religious
establishment, care should be taken that the
clergy be instructed in the knowledge calculated
to promote the temporal benefit of the people.—
ib id.

The other night Mr. Brougham presented a
petition from Birmingham, to the effect that 11.
and 2/. notes should be again suffered to be
issued by country bankers, or that the taxes
should be reduced ; for the petitioners asserted
that the alteration of the currency had doubled
the value of the National Debt, and had render-
ed it impossible for us, with our present cur-
rency, to pay the interest of the debt, or the
taxes for the expellees of the country. Now,
how the withdrawal of probably altogether
10,000,0001. in value of 1/. and 21. notes can
have caused the debt of 800,000,0001. to be of
the value of 1,600,000,00 W., or why the with-
drawal of 10,@00,000/. of 11. and 2/. notes, and
substituting 10,000,000 of sovereigns—for we
assume that sovereigns have been substituted—
can have rendered it more impossible now, than
it was before, to pay the interest of the debt or
the other taxes for the Government, we arc at a
loss to conceive. To us there appears to be no
difference, as to the question of currency, whe-
ther there is 10,000,0001. of paper in circula-
tion, or whether there is 10,000,0001. of gold ;
of the two we should prefer gold, except that
the latter in time of invasion, war, or rebellion
disappears for a time. For our part we do not
believe in the two assumptions put forth by the
Birmingham petitioners. The Birmingham men
say that over-production is not the cause for the
present distress, but only the alteration of the
currency (that is, getting rid of 10,000,0001. of
11. and 21. notes, and substituting 10,000,000
of sovereigns) ; which, however, is not an altera-
tion in the amount of the currency. Now
these Birmingham men must have forgot that
Within the last 30 years Birmingham has doubled
in its size, and its inanufactures have increased
in proportion. The Birmingham men must
know, that Manchester, Stockport, Bolton, Bury,
Macclesfield, Coventry, Rochdale, Leek, Car-
lisle, Glasgow, Paisley, and various places in
Scotland, have also more than doubled in size
in thirty years' time, and that the manufacturers
of all these places have increased in not merely
a two-fold proportion ; but, in consequence of
the introduction of machinery, the production
of goods has in many cases increased in a hun-
dred-fold proportion. Now, the writer of that
Birmingham petition never, perhaps, thought
of this increase of towns and of manufacturers.
As for Mr. \Vaithman's speech, it was one of
the weakest and mcst contradictory we ever read.
In one part he said that there was no over-pro-
duction, and, in the other, that there were
40,000 power-looms at work (which said power-
looms, by the bye, produce calicoes, &c. almost
as fast as we can print Morning Heralds by
means of our steam power). Now, Mr. Waith-
man must remember the time when there was
not a power-loom ; he must also remember whet:
there was scarcely a cotton factory in the coun-
try ; and he must or ought to know that in the
United Kingdom there cannot be short of 300
cotton and other factories, all pouring forth twist
and cloth at a prodigious rate. We remember
the time when there were in the United King-
dom not many more weavers of cotton goods
than there are now master manufacturers; and
Mr. Waithman must know this as well as we do.
There has been also a comparative stride as to
production in the linen, woollen, hardware, silk,
and almost all other manufactures, and yet, in
the face of all this, in opposition to Mr. Waith-
man's own knowledge of these facts, he asserts
that there is no over-production.—Morning
Herald.

Our readers would see, by Mr. O'Connell's
speech, that more is to follow the granting of
the Catholic claims. The Union is to be re-
pealed ; Ireland is to force the repeal, as she
forced the late alteration of the oaths. Upon
the same principle, however, that Ireland should
have a Parliament of its own, o ought Scotland,
or, indeed, every county in the United King-
dom. But we would ask Mr. O'Connell what
(food the Irish Parliament did to Ireland when
she had it ? Was it net continually enacting
laws in respect of trade ? Did it not enact linen
laws, butter laws, and so forth ? Had it not
its Linen Board, at the head of which were
Noblemen, Admirals, Generals, &c., with sa-
laries ? In fact, was not the Irish Parliament a
nest of " jobbers ?" Did not the Members
carve out places in every way they cad for their
relations at. td;friends, and was it not almost as
ridiculous a farce as our Common Council
farce ? Our chief fear, when concession was
made to the Catholics was, that they would not
be satisfied, but that they would wish the Union
to be repealed, &c. It would not, however, be
very easy for Mr. O'Connell to have his own
way in an assembly of 650, where he would be
replied to ; nor could he easily persuade the peo-
ple of England to agree to the humbug of an
Irish Parliatnent.—lbid.

The Duke of Wellington, like Frederick the
Great of Prussia, the present Sultaw, and other
distinguished characters, often mixes with com-
pany by whom he conceives he is unknown, with
the view of collecting the opinions of various
parties on . political and other public subjects.

Its Grace, 'aware that the bow which is con.
stantly kept bent to its extremity, must in time
lose part of its elasticity, occasionally relaxes the
mind, and relieves it from the pressure of weighty
affairs of state, by taking a rural ramble on
foot, and, when fatigued, entering the first stage
coach he meets, where he chats with the pas-
sengers with the greatest affability. In these
rambles he is peculiarly felicitous in extracting
the opinions of the passengers, and has been
sometimes amused by finding himself and
his political conduct the subject of dis-
cussion ; one party extolling his military
genius and talents as a statesman, while another
will not allow him any merit whatever. The
contest often ends with an appeal to the Duke
himself, who is unknown to the parties, and he
freely gives his opinion, by observing that " he
has long known the Duke, of Wellington ; be-
lieves him, at least, an honest and upright man,
but considers the praise bestowed on his talents
overcharged, and more the effect of partiality
than of any merit which he possesses." On
one occasion, having expressed himself to this
effect, he was grossly attacked by the vitu-
, perations of a furious parson, on the sub-
ject of the Catholic question, on whom he
retorted with deserved and triumphant severity ;
but the intolerant priest became dumb-founded
on his adversary leaving the coach, who
was immediately recognized at the inn-door as
the Duke of Wellington. The Duke in some
of his rambles hears not only his own character,
but the characters of his colleagues dissected—
the affairs of the nation discussed, and many re-
forms and measures of the highest importance
suggested—but he has more than once come in
contact with a dandy " who has been intimate
with him for years, and been at all his parties,"
though he never before saw the vain boaster,
whom he quits without chiding him for his false-
hood and vanity. On Saturday last the Duke
amused himself with one of those stage-coach ex-
cursions to Kew, and was no doubt considerably
amused by the observations which were made
on his personal character and political conduct.
His Grace pursued his plan of concealment so
successfully, that no one suspected with
whom they had the honour of travelling until a
few minutes before his Grace had left the coach.
The late Catholic Emancipation Bill—" the
man Ivot drives the Sovereign"—the war be-
tween Turkey and Russia, and many other mat-
ters, were discussed, or rather questions put re-
specting them, part of which only his Grace
chose to answer ; but the conversation never
lagged, and it was only when his Grace said, a
few minutes before leaving the stage, " that he
knew the Duke of Wellington well," " very in-
timately indeed," that his fellow-travellers began
to suspect with whom they had the honour of
conversing. The Duke seemed to enjoy his
incognito amazingly, and what may perhaps be
more gratifying to our readers, appeared to be
in excellent health. On quitting the coach at
Kew Bridge, his Grace ran across it with all the
alertness and agility of a youth of nineteen.—
Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.

Three young men, named Wilkinson, Sheen, and
Brown, were brought before the LORD MAYOR,
charged with having stolen three loaves, the pro-
perty of Mr. Baber, a baker, in London-wall. The
case was rather a remarkable one.

One of the three walked into Mr. Baber's shop a
few mornings ago, took up three loaves, and, turn-
ing out into the street, handed a loaf to each of his
companions and ran away. It seems that thieves
have often visited the shop and stolen biscuits, cakes,
&c., and the complainant was determined to make
an example of the first that should be appre-
hended in the act of robbing on the premises.—
The prisoners tore the loaves in pieces, and
upon being pursued pretended to be voraciously
hungry; but they happened to be too well fed to be
able to eat, so that the imposture was most easily
detected. They were taken into custody,- and on
being asked why they committed such an outrage,
they said they would be if they would die of
hunger for any one, and as they could not get work,
they would get bread wherever they could.
The LORD MAYOR asked them whether they had
not applied for parish relief ?
Wilkinson—Vy, yes, we applied, but the officers
would not give us no money, and 1 should think we
vouldn't starve for nobody. Vot right have we to
starve any more nor yourself, my Lord Mayor ?
The LORD MAYOR—I'II show you that you shall
not commit an impudent robbery without being pu-
nished for it. The prosecutor has been plundered
and annoyed by such ruffians as you are frequently,
and to prison you shall go.
Sheen—lt's very hard that a poor man can't take
a bit of bread to satisfy nature without being grab.
bed for it. We have no right to starve, for we are
honest industrious men, and we can't help it if we
can't get nothing to do.
Brown—l can tell your Lordship, if you don't
know it, that it's a disagreeable thing to be hungry,
if it an't I'm blow'd.--(Laughter.)
The LORD MAYOR having ascertained that the
prisoners belonged to Whitechapel parish, sent for
the keeper of the workhouse, and questioned him
about them.

The keeper said that the prisoners were three of
the most idle and refractory vagabonds in the parish.
The parish had set up each of them in his trade
several times, but they all sold or pawned their tools,
and gave themselves up to smoking, and drinking,
and thieving. They had been " pulled" by the
police before ; and if not checked, they would, no
doubt, engage in some desperate offence.

The LORD MAYOR asked the prisoners what they
had new to say ?—Sheen said that he had in vain
applied to the parish. They would give him ro
money. All they could be prevailed upon to give
was a little bread and cheese, and not more of that
than would feed a moderate-sized rat.

Wilkinson.—No, nor it wient good neither. It
wa'nt fit for a beggar. If I could eat it I'm blow'd.
Alderman ATKINS, who sat with the Lord Mayor
to adjudicate on matters of parochial business, said,
that he never saw three fellows who deserved punish-
ment better. It was terrible to see such fellows at
liberty. Magistrates had not the power to inflict a
Anishment of sufficient severity, and therefore he
thought the best plan would be to send them for trial
to the Old Bailey, where, upon conviction, care
would be taken to make them suffer.
The LORD MAYOR adopted this advice.

The prisoners prayed hard that the Lord Mayor
would be good enough to convict them as rogues and
vagabonds, being about the streets for the purpose
of thieving.
His Lordship said, that he could not consistently
convict them under the vagrant act, with which they
appeared to be particularly conversant, and he sent
them off to Newgate for stealing the loaves.