The Sun.
London, England, 1842-01-20 00:00:00

tlbt _Salt

LONDON:
THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1842.

At the period when the Army Brevet and the
Iga.Tal promotions were made, the Spectator has-
tened to praise the Tories for fairness, justice, li-
berality, and all manner of virtues, particularly
praising their disinterestedness and disregard of
aristocratic influence in not promoting a son of
the Duke of NEWCASTLE and a brother of the
Duke of St. ALBAN'S. Last week, however, it
found out that the Tories had promoted both
these young Noblemen before the general
promotion, and gave them seniority above all
the older Mates included in the general pro- )
motion. It had praised its friends, the To-
ries, too, for having introduced the practice
of Gazetting Naval appointments for the first
time; but it has now found out that they only
Gazette such appointments as the public are sure
to approve of—namely, those for gallant conduct
or long service—and lead their friends astray by
not Gazetting such as are made from family
influence- It cannot be otherwise than indignant
at being tricked, but it, nevertheless, praises the
Board of Admiralty as having, on numerous other
occasions, looked only to merit.
This renowned Board of Admiralty, however,
seems unacquainted with the claims of. the Navy,
or negligent iu supporting them. We are no
advocates for profuse promotion, but if either
service must be stinted, let it be the land service.
I man is not fit for much active service at sea
after he has reached his 60th year. NOW we
find that the Naval Captains promoted to be
Rear-Admirals in November last all received the
former mentioned rank prior to 1808. As not
one in a score was made a Post-Captain
before he was 25 years of age, the youngest of
the Captains then promoted to be a Rear..
Admiral must be 57 years old. Probably the
majority of them are far above 60; while the
*or* of the Admirals and vice-4 druirals
13:Mt eiove "verging on 80. TO im-

pose on such men the onerous
and active duties
of commanding a fleet, is neither just to them,
nor worthy of the country.
Under such circumstances, when a great pro.
motion was to be made, the Admiralty should,
at least, have procured for the sea-service a share
equal to the land-service. But while there were
only 40 Post-Captains promoted to be Rear-
: Admirals, there were very nearly 80 Colonels
promoted to be Major-Generals. The promo-
tion in the other ranks was of like inequa-
lity ; and, with all deference to this much-
; praised Board of Admiralty, we think such a
fact is a strong proof that it has not attended to
the interest of the officers at head-quarters. In
the Cabinet the Army had its gallant and ve-
teran Chief to see justice done to it; the Navy
had only THOMAS Earl of HADDINGTON. The
Noble Duke was aware that the more the Navy
could be kept short, the less grumbling there
would be at the expense of the Army; and he
probably induced THOMAS Earl of HADDING-
TON, not to insist—after he had agreed with
his official advisers to a different course—on
including in the promotion to Rear-Admirals a
considerably larger number of Captains. Should
the country require to send large fleets to sea,
it will then be necessary, in order to have Admi-
rals who do not require nurses, to make a large
promotion.

As the time for the meeting of Parliament
approaches, it is incumbent on the Liberal party
to form some plan of operation which shall unite
the whole, or the greater number of them, under
leaders, in order to obtain from the Parliament
a specific good for the people. That is neces-
sary, not only for success, but even to preserve
the party from falling into battalions of free
companies or sharpshooters, who will injure each
other more than the common foe. At the same
time it is unhappily true that the Liberal party
is somewhat destitute of leaders, and is already
split into little sections, each one of which seems
to aim at conquering by its own peculiar mis-
siles, the whole Tory phalanx, expecting to mo-
nopolize for itself all the glory of victory.
But whatever may be the views of gentlemen
in Parliament, whether they are in office, or desire
to get into office, there is but one question which
fills the length and breadth of the land. All
the community is now divided into Pro and
Anti-Corn-law men. That one question, con-
trary to the expectations of the Tories, and con.
trary, perhaps, to the wishes of some Whigs,
like AARON'S rod, will swallow up all les-
ser questions. Since 1838 it has grown, month
after month, and year after year ; it first
caught the Whigs, and now the Tories are fain
to say there must be some alteration ; it began
with the political economists, it now embraces
all sincerely religious men ; it was ushered in by
science, and heralded forward by feeling, it is
now adopted by justice and religion; it was no
bigger than a man's hand, it now fills the atmo-
sphere, and hides every other object. The vast
distress of the working classes, the decay of the
capitalists, the resolution of the people, press the
question with irresistible force on the attention
of Parliament.

Even on this question the members of the Li-
beral party in Parliament seem to be divided.
Articles have been written in the public journals,
the sources of which are undoubted, and speeches
have been delivered recommending totally dif-
ferent courses. At Edinburgh, Glasgow, Man-
chester, and Leeds, the sentiment of full justice
and no compromise has been loudly cheered ; and
Members of the House of Commons, and those
who influence them, have recommended that on
the very first day of the Session, regardless of
the plausibilities of Sir ROBERT PEEL, whose
avowed object is to gain time, and fritter
away the attention of Parliament over
many objects, some notice shall be given
of a measure for the total and imme-
diate abolition of the Corn-laws. In Lon-
don three of the most influential of the
Liberal Journals have recommended that a fair
hearing should be given to Sir ROBERT PEEL,
that he should be allowed time to work out his
own schemes ; that he should he aided in his
attempts to achieve any petty improvements he
may propose and in short be helped to impose,
by means of Parliament, those chains on the
people, he has now been five months in forging.
Betwixt these two parties we cannot hesitate to
choose, and declare decidedly with the first for
immediate action, and for demanding a full mea-
sure of justice.
In our judgment, on the very first night of the
Session Sir ROBERT PEEL should be pressed to
name an early day for the discussion on the
Corn-laws, and, if he either postpone it to an in-
definite or a late period, if he refuse to explain
the nature of his measure, or if it fall short of
what the people now demand—notice should be
immediately given of a motion for an early day
for the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-
laws. The state of the country warrants that
course of proceeding, and the public will back
the Member, be he who he may, who adopts
it, and who forces on the discussion before con-
senting to a single vote of supply. The people
are clear-sighted and resolute, and they will no
longer be trifled with. If the Liberals in Par-
liament, follow the Peelite suggestions of the
Morning Chronicle, the Examiner, and the Weekly
Chronicle, they will lose the support of all the ear-
nest portion of the people, already not favourably
disposed towards them, for ever. If on the con-
trary they take a bold and decided course, they
will assuredly carry with them those sincere and
religious men who have latterly throughout the
country given a new tone to this contest ; they
will most probably increase the boldness and de-
termination of their friends, and rally around them
the great multitude of suffering, but now dis-
jointed and wavering, capitalists and labourers.
A bold heart, energetic in the good cause,
taking up just ground in the House of Com-
anon*, will, soon make all the suffering classes
forget all minor differences, and unite as one man
for the total and immediate repeal.
Certainly bold measures must also be taken by
the people, if they would save themselves from