The Sun.
London, England, 1845-11-29 00:00:00

of those national questions this evening. Gentlemen,
one of the most prominent and most important duties
confided to the general tioVeriiing iit g di% aftti
preserii-ation of the foreign relations of the country. The
fOreign relations, in a peculiar manner, are entrusted to the
discretion, the authority, and the power of the general Go-
vernment. At the present moment all perceive that in re-
gard to oar fort irli telatiOtie there fs one; aril I ant happy to
say 'At 011 e, question of exciting interest. ig of a datiite
so delicate and important, that while there rest upon it the
peace and happiness of the country, it is nevertheless a ques-
tion upon which it is not easy to speak with security and care
before a tiolle Matadi I referiGentlemen, to the question
Hob/ pending as a question of main intefegt, between the
United States and Great Britain, on the subject of Oregon.
I suppose it is the sentiment of every sensible and just man
that the preservation of the peace of the country on honour-
able terms; and tinder eiretinistancee favourable to the great
interests of the country, is an object in itself highly desirable.
I suppose I may take it for granted that, in the judgment of
this assembly, .the public peace of two great commercial
countries, which hold together a daily intercourse exceeding
that between Any other two eountries in the world, shall not
be lightly disturbed; and upon the ittindation of these ge-
neral ideas to say a word or two upon a subject which seems
within a few days to have excited considerable alarm. The
only question now remaining out of all those which have'
excited attention between the countries, is the question of
the Oregon Territory. What is the qiiesti6n? How does it
stand? The Oregon Territory embraces that part of the
continent which lies west of the Stony Mountains, and be-
tween the Stony Mountains and the Pacific. It is not neces-
. eery to go into the history of the discovery of the territory,
or of the rights which one or the other party find to it. It
is enough to say it is in dispute between England and the
United States, and has been in dispute for forty years.
This controversy seems now to be approaching a sort of
Crisis; and there are from time to time symptoms of
alarm on one side of the Atlantic er the other, as to
the consequence of the course of policy which either
Government may pursue. Let us look fairly and calmly
to see how it stands. The territory, as I have said, has
been the subject of claim, in whole or in part, by both Go-
vernments for a great many years. It has constantly been
the subject of negotiation, and yet the Governments have not
been able to agree. As far back as 1818, not being able to
come to terms of agreement they stipulated by a convention,
which is in force at this preSent moment, that the whole
territory should be thrown open to both eotititriet until the
boundary was finally settled. That was the proi4Sion of
convention, which was confined at first to a limit of 10 years;
afterwards continued by agreement indefinitely—or until one
of the two nations expressed a disposition to terminate it.
That signification of a disposition to end it has never been
given by either party, and the whole country of Oregon at
this moment is open to the hunting, the satlements2 the
commerce, and the ships of both nations, under treaty stipu-
lations. Now, Gentlemen, I desire to speak with the utmost
care, and I hope that I may not be in the slightest degree
misunderstood, while I proceed to make a few re-
marks on this subject. And, in the first place,
I say to you, and through you to the country,
what all know, that in the whole scope of this
question it appears that this is a subject for negotiation,
for discussion, for amicable settlement ; and so it has been
regarded by both Governments for the whole length of
time. It was because the two Governments could not agree
as to the proper division of the territory, or upon any other
satisfactory arrangement, that in 1818 they determined on
joint occupation until they could come to some understand-
ing about it. And, with the same spirit, this Government,
at three different times, in 1818, in 1824, in 1826, has pro-
posed to the British Government a straight line of division,
the parallel of 49 deg., all north of which should be assigned
to England, and all south belong to America. While the
English Government did not accede to this proposition of our
Government, it did not insist upon any right to the whole of
Oregon. Therefore the position of the question, by the
admission of both Governments through this long series
of years, is that of a question for discussion and nego-
tiation, and compromise, and amicable settlement.
(Prolonged applause.) Now, Gentlemen, I read, with
interest of course, the discussion upon this subject
in the House of Commons three months ago, resulting
in an expression of opinion from the British Premier,
which received the sanction of that House; and I am wil-
ling to avail myself of the language of that Minister upon
this subject, and apply it to one side of the question, as he
did to his. I have nothing to complain of as to the temper
of that language ; I am free to say that it was a temper be-
coming a large-minded, liberal, and just statesman. But
what the British Minister said in the House of Commons—
in its sum and substance—was, that England had rights in
regard to this question that must be and would be respected.
I adopt the same language on our side, and say that we also
have rights that ought to be, must be, and will be, respected.
—(Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, Ido not propose to express
to you an opinion un this subject. I have no better opi-
nion than any one of po
you as to the manner in which this ad-
justment ought to be made, but I have full confidence, the
utmost confidence, that it can be made t that it can be made
by wise and moderate measures in a manner perfectly con-
sistent with the honour and with all the rights of all par

• that the Government, that the country, will act soberly and
wisely and justly, it is a less difficult thing than some people
imagine to begin a dispute whose result no man in the end
can control: bet the Government only be sure that it is
right; in the words of Offc of the late Presidents of the
United States, let us claim all that 13 right, and ask for no-
thing that is wrong, freely and magnanimously, and without
any particular array of patriotic declaration.—(Laughter.)
Among the other great questions upon which the election
of riikt Monday must have some bearing, is that system
of laws which We Call the tariff, which has received the
general support of the peOple of the state. Every man
expects a ferocious attack upon the whole system.
Every man expects that, since the Government now in
poises was established by the general voice of the anti•
tariff state, an attempt will be made to destroy that
whole policy.. HoW far they will succeed I know not.
There are circumstances• of eneouragement—circumstances
of an opposite character. But my question is with
the people of Massachusetts. What have the people of
Massachusetts to expect from any change? Taking the Act
of 1842 as a general law, of general operation, what have
the good people of Massachusetts for good to expect from
any change? The question is, -whether the tariff is condu-
cive to the prosperity of Massachusetts? What is the
criterion? I put it upon one ground only ; I put it upon
this one ground. Ido not inquire what proilts are made by
the rich capitalist, or whether or not a few individuals grow
rich under its influence; but I put the question—Are the
labouring classes well off? Are their wages high? Is labour
in demand (and these questions comprise the prosperity of
five-sixths of the community). Are they in good
condition ? I ask these questions, and if you give
me a country where labour is in demand and the labour-
ing classes well off, I call that a happy country—
tariff or no tariff.—(Cheers.) Does any man suppose
that if the tariff of 1842 were repealed it would raise
the price of wages in Massachusetts? There are parts
of it which had we opportunity, we might doubtless alter
to advantage; it has its imperfections; but take it as a whole,
does any man suppose that if it were destroyed to-day, and
the grand favourite system of a horizontal duty, as they call
it, of twenty per cent., should be levied in its stead, that
the labour of Massachusetts would be recompensed as it is
now? I observe that the Government organ quotes the ex-
ample of England to support this theory of ad valorem duties
and a revenue standard ; and the rate of twenty per cent. is
fixed upon as just right. Now, I have reason to know that,
from the beginning of this Government down from General
Washington's Administration to this time, the average of all
the duties, reducingspecific duties to advalorem, would amount
to an average ad valorem duty of more than thirty-four per
cent. Another fact is, that while we are constantly told of
the example of England in this matter, and of her liberal
policy, and are advised, as all those who read our Government
journals must remember, to follow in the footsteps of Sir R.
Peel, and adopt his liberal policy—l have seen it demon-
strated by competent writers of England, that the average
rate of duty in that country this day, even under Sir R. Peel's
new system, is no less than forty-nine per cent. Forty-nine
per cent. I and yet we are to follow the example of Eng-
land and bring down our duties to twenty per cent. !
(Laughter and cheers.) One thing more, gentlemen. There
has always been an attempt—for the last twenty years or
more—to show that this protective policy helps the rich only
—building up such establishments only as Lowell and
Springfield, and other places where large operations are
carried on. This is not the foundation of the system, and
never was. If you go back to the adoption of the constitu-
tion, or if you look at the state pf things amongst us as it is
now, the fact is, that it is in the nisti2ufactures of a more indi-
vidual character, the shop manufacture, those of the workers
in iron, in brass, of the artisans working in Pei!:
own shops,
with the assistance of their wives and children,
here are the
interests for the benefit of which the system was founded,,, 1,
Washington's time, and is now. And let every man 101 n"
of this, and when he is told of the aggrandizement of tho'
great capitalists at Lowell, and Dover, and Providence, and
elsewhere, let him look at the many hundreds of thou-
sands of small capitalists--hammering over their own anvils
—making hats in their own shops—obtaining by those
processes of manufacture support and education for their
families ; and then let him remember that without the duties
at the customs there is not one of those:manufacturers that
could survive twelve months. Gentlemen, the election is
before us. We should be here to-night with no possible
doubt of the result of‘ next Monday's balloting, were it not
that in the course of years of prosperity there have grown
up—l will hardly say, divisions among the Whig party
but that some of them have separated from us, drawing off
from us friends, many good men, who think with us upon
those great questions, particularly in regard to the peace of
the country, the protective policy, and the maintenance of the
constitution of the United States and of'Massachusetts. These
have withdrawn effectually all their aid from us, in the sup-
port of these great objects, for the sake of what that' call a
" separate organization." I allude to the party called the
Liberal party, and to the Native American party. I cannot
speak of either of these parties in terms of reproach or
unkindness. I think of them " more in sorrow than in
anger."—(Applause.) I must look upon some of them as
upon our brethren who were with us but lately, listening and
speaking in our councils in this very hall. I mean, Gentle-
men, the Native Republican party, of whom it is the farthest
thing from my mind to speak of them or think of them with
any unkindness. They are " bone of our bone and flesh of
our flesh."—(Cheers.) I lament—deeply, fervently lament
—the course they think it their duty to pursue. What can
they do? What can they do? If there is anything in this
country which is a cherished object of the Whigs, it is a
reformation of the naturalisation laws. Who of all the na-
tive American party will go further for this purpose than I
have gone, and am tenting to go still under the constitution,
for the protection of American, native American, rights, and
the purity of the ballot box?—(Applause, in the midst of
which a loud voice cried, " You're a good native, Daniel ;"
to which Mr. Webster answered, as the cheers subsided, " I
rather think I am." Renewed laughter and applause.)
Within the limits of the constitution I am willing to go as
far as he who goes farthest. I am older than many of the
native Americans themselves.—(Laughter.) I have seen the
pernicious influence of these foreign votes for the last thirty
years and have raised my voice when there was some chance
to mice it heard ; and I have been met by that party, that
political party that always counts upon every foreigner as
certainly as any monarch of Europe counts upon his serfs.
I have seen that there was no remedy for the evil but a re-
vision of the naturalisation laws. For this I have done all
in my
i power—l will do all in my power. And what I la-
ment s, that those who have united for this very purpose
themselves, take away a great part of the strength necessary
to accomplish what they desire, and which, let me tell them,
we desire as much as they do. And I put this to them as a
matter of conscience, for I held that every man who holds
the elective franchise holds it as a trust. We may say that
he may vote as he has a mind to do, unless he takes care not
to injure others. He is as much bound to give a correct
decision as if he were acting upon a jury under oath. Every
man's vote affects the interests of every other man, and
when we say that he has a right to vote as he has a mind to,
we must reduce it to this, that he has a right to vote right.—
(Applause.) Now, I put it to every man—and there shall be
neither taunt nor reproach in my language—what he can pro-
pose to himself favourable to the amelioration of the natural-
isation laws by a :separate organisation ? On the contrary,
dfrion n
itshhe t
hWe hpiogwcearn,
tdhi de act
he a inse e i k e
andatnn
eepxro presss p
I do firmly believe that every vote withheld for this reason
resolutionrevisi
revision
ectof a
of the naturalisation laws. These gentlemen will send no
Members to Congress, but, if they go on, they will prevent
the sending by the Whigs of those who would probably ad-
vance their objects, and they thus promote the electing of
those who are opposed to their objects. Who are they who
are responsible, on this principle of general morals, for the
annexation of Texas and the spread of negro slavery over
another great portion of the globe? Men to whom the evil
was pointed out, and who, in the exercise of a common
intelligence, could not but have foreseen it. It will be ad-
mitted to be a general principle of morals that every man
who foresees an evil and can prevent it, and does not choose
to prevent it, is himself responsible for that evil ; and I would
apply that remark not only to the native American party,
but, by an awful application, to another party that exists among
us. There could not have been a man in the United States
who did not see that in withholding his vote from the Whig
candidate, he aided directly in the election of the Loco-
foco candidates for President and Vice-President, and that the
choice of those Locofoco candidates must inevitably result in
the annexation of Texas. Was it not proclaimed from every
hill-top ? It was told to Mr. Birney and his followers again
and again. "If the Whig candidate is chosen, Texes is out,
and you know it ; if he is not chosen, Texas is in, and you
know it." But they said, "We do not vote for Mr. Polk."
Very well. But you had the means of preventing the an-
nexation of Texas; you knew your own power. By joining
those as anxious as you are, or as you profess to be, to pre-
vent it, you could prevent it. If you did not join them, it would
take place. You did not join them, and it did take place. Gen-
tlemen, this is a subject on which I have deep feeling—very
deep feeling; and I think it must stand on the pages of history
as the recorded judgment of mankind that those among us who
asserted themselves to be in a peculiar and marked degree
friends to universal liberty, have by their own deliberate act
fastened the chains of slavery on a great portion of the black
race over a vast extent of this continent. It is to me
the most mournful and most awful reflection. I know that
thousands of gentlemen who took such a course say that
they meant well. They meant well. lam not to scrutinise
their motives ; they must answer for those elsewhere ; but
I beseech them now not to fall into another such mistake.
It is thought—it is an idea Ido not say how well founded—
that there may be yet a hope for resistance to the consum-
mation of the annexation of Texas.—(Enthusiastic ap-
plause.) I can only say, for one, that if it should fall to my
lot to have a vote on such a question, and I vote for the ad-
mission into this union of any state with a constitution
which' prohibits even the Legislature from ever setting the
bondsman free, I shall never show my head again, depend
upon it, in Faneuil Hall.—(Tremendous cheering.) But,
Gentlemen, suppose the case, that in the ensuing session of
Congress your members fairly and freely protest against the
consummation of this annexation, why how are we to stand
in Massachusetts ? How are we to stand in Massachu-
setts? Are we to have the gentleman who is nominated by
the Locofocos the governor of the state, and to fight
the battle under his auspices? By dissensions among our-
selves, and lists of several other candidates, are we so to
prostrate ourselves? While we are to sustain these great
principles in Congress, are we to be unsustained at home ?
No, Gentlemen; but, I say again, that every man who gives
a vote for any other man than George N. Briggs, doe,s, in
that respect, all in his power to weaken the authority with
which his representatives in Congress can stand up and pro-
test any longer against consummating this annexation. I
may not flatter myself, perhaps, that any person belonging
to that party hears me ; but if there be such, I beseech him,
in brotherly love and kindness, and as a partaker in the
general sentiments which they entertain, to consider
whether he is not defeating their best objects by pursuing
the course which they have adopted. I would beseech
brethren to come back upon that old platform, broad
enough to sustain us all, on which we set out together
as .Whigs; on which, as Whigs, we achieved something
for the good of the country; on which, and not otherwise,
letting by-gones be by-gones, rallying under the great
name which our ancestors bore; confident that as Whigs
we can accomplish a good for the Constitution and the coun-
try which no other name among us is able to accomplish here
or hereafter. But, gentlemen, there are among us those who
are willing to do old duty under the old name—Whigs with-
out variation or change.—(Cheers.) What is the duty de-
volving upon as ? What are we to do under some circum-
stances of discouragement ? What are we to do ? The
answer is plain. We are to do our duty, our whole duty with
all the affections of our hearts and all the powers of our
minds, and then to trust to Providence. If anything should
happen to tarnish the fame of Massachusetts, anything
which should cause deep regret for her or for
the country, let us so conduct ourselves that the poignancy
of personal self-reproach shall not be added to these
sources of regret and mortification.—(Loud cheers.) Gentle-
men, let us lay aside every other call of ordinary duty until
we have done our utmost to establish our principles in the
election of our candidates. lam here necessarily engaged in
professional affairs. The town in which I reside is so far
distant that I must devote two days to go thither and vote
there. But I should go if it cost ten days.—(Cheers.)
Let us all do our duty, unfalteringly, laboriously, soberly,
and when, after Monday, the question is asked, which cer-
tainly will be asked, beginning at Rhode Island, and spread-
ing as far as Georgie and westward to Wisconsin, " How
stands old Massachusetts ?" let you and I be able to hold
up our heasls and say, Look at her and see how she
titan& 1"

LATEST COMMERCIAL.

Nrw Yonr, Nov. 15.—Since the sailing of the last steamer
our market has been in a very excited state. Bread stuffs
of all descriptions have been in active demand. The re-
ceipts of the last intelligence from Europe, together with that
previously received, have impressed dealers with a conviction
that a large amount of flour and grain will be wanted for
the English and Continental markets ; more, indeed, than
will take all our surplus stock. The orders have been so
large that a great quantity has already been purchased,
which is now going forward. The principal shipments are of
flour and whest to England, corn to Ireland, and rye to Hol-
land. The prices of all these descriptions have advanced
very much—to 6 dolls. 50c. for flour, and 75 to 78 cents. for
both corn and rye. The receipts of flour, particularly in
the market from the west, within a few weeks have been
very great.
In consequence of the demand for vessels, freights have
advanced more than 50 per cent. ; all vessels, whether Ame-
rican or foreign, are taken up with great avidity. There is
also a large amount of goods going south, and vessels in the
coasting trade are fully employed. At southern ports,
freights to Europe are dull; this is swing to the small ship-
ments of cotton, and the continued low prices.
The trade of our city with the interior is fast drawing to a
close, and most of the northern and western merchants have
returned with their goods. The sales, this fall, have been
larger than was at first anticipated.
It is believed that the orders now making out for goods,
for the spring trade, are larger than usual, and the high prices
of produce will enable our citizens to purchase more exten-
sively next season. •
Exchanges on England and France are more 'abundant,
and the rate has declined. From present appearances, bills
will be abundant in the market during the ensuing winter.
Money is as plentiful as it has been. The rate of interest
is from five to six per cent.
Stocks of all descriptions are maintained, and but for the
agitation of the Oregon question, would go much higher.
There is no doubt that Pennsylvania will meet her coming
interest with promptitude.
Our relations with Mexico are assuming a more friendly
position,—and, from present appearances, it is not im-
probable that relations of peace and friendship may soon be
restored.
A decline of one-half to five-eighths of a cent. per lb. has
taken place in the price of Cotton since previous accounts,
but the market is firm at this.
Exchange on England is 1081 to 109.

ties.—(Cheers.) I am the more confident of this When
I look a little forward and see 'the state of things which
is not far in advance. Where is Oregon? On the shores
of the Pacific, three thousand miles from us, and
twice as far from England. Who is to settle it ?
Americans mainly ; some settlers undoubtedly from
England; but all Anglo-Saxons • all men educated in
notions of independent Government, and all self-dependent.
And now let me ask if there be any sensible man in the whole
United States who will say for a moment that when fifty or a
hundred thousand persons of this description shall find them-
selves on the shores of the Pacific Ocean, that they will long
consent to be under the rules either of the American Congress
or the British Parliament. They will raise a standard for
themselves, and they ought to do it. I look forward to the
period when they will do this as not so far distant, but that
many now present, and those not among the youngest of us,
will see a great Pacific Republican nation. I believe that it is
in the course of Providence and of human destiny that a great
state isi to arise, of English and American descent, whose
power will be established over the country on the shores of
the Pacific; and that all those rights of natural and political
liberty, all those great principles that both nations have inhe-
rited from their fathers, will be transmitted through us to
them, so that there will exist at the mouth of the Columbia,
or more probably further south, a great Pacific Republic, a
nation where our children may go for a residence, separating
themselves from this Government, and forming an integral
part of a new government. half way between England and
China, in the most healthful, fertile, and desirable portion Cf
the globe, and quite too far remote from Europe and from this
side of the American continent to be under the govern-
mental influence of either country.. This state of things is
by no means so far off as we may imagine, by no means so
remote from the present time as may be supposed ; and, look-
ing to this state of things, this question becomes one upon
which intelligent and well-disposed men might very readily
come to an agreement. But, Gentlemen, in this point of
view, is this a subject upon which it is proper by popular ap-
peal or by loud representations of patriotism, or by a sort of
stormy defiance of the power of a great nation on our side—
is it proper, on the other side, by cries about the maritime
ascendaney of England, the great wealth, the dignity, the
power, the martial prowess of England—it is a question on
which, by outcries of this sort on either side of the ocean,
these two great communities are to be embroiled and
plagued in all their commercial and friendly rela-
tions, or to be compelled to run into the horrors of war?
No, Gentlemen—the spirit of the age is against it. I have
said I will not undertake to express an opinion as to
the mannor in which the question may be settled. I will say,
however, what appears to be natural. It is well known that
the 49th degree of north latitude is the boundary line between
the western part of this country and the British provinces, as
far as the foot of the Stony Mountains. It seems to be na•
tural enough, if the two Governments contemplate a change,
that they should agree to an extension of this same line west-
ward ; that the two should keep on abreast, side by side, with
the same line of division till they reach the Pacific Ocean. It
is well known that, about where the Columbia crosses the
49th parallel, it makes a turn and flows nearly southward.
Very well. Suppose it made as sudden a sweep to the north-
ward. England would then naturally say, this river, which
has been making westward, sweeps to the northward ; instead
of making with it a great bend to the north, we will leave
it and go on straight to the Pacific Ocean on this parallel of
49 degrees. For the same reason it is not unnatural for the
United States to say, since it proves that the river makes a
circuit to the south—instead of following that circuit, we will
go straight upon the 49th parallel till we meet the shore of the
Pacific Ocean. This very proposition has been made to the
British Government three successive times. It was made in'
1818, in 1623, and in 1826, again and again to follow up the
49th parallel westward from the Lake of the Woods, not only
to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, but over the mountains
and onward to the ocean. lam not about to say whether
this is a proper division of the territory or not. But Ido
say that, as it has been so often repeated in this manner, 25,
20, and 18 years ago, it is an admission that there is some-
thing to negotiate about and treat about for either side—that
it is not a question free from difficulty on either side.—( Ap-
plause.) Now, Gentlemen, who is the man at the head of
either Government who will take upon himself the respon-
sibility of bringing on a war between two nations like Great
Britain and America, upbn a question of this kind, until he is pre-
pared to show that anything and everything that he could
do has been done to avoid such a terrible ultimate result.—
(51r. W. was interrupted here by renewed cheers.) If a British

minister, under whose administration a war should ensue on

the question, cannot stand up in Parliament and show that it
is not his fault—cannot show that he has done everything

which an honest and sensible man could do to avert the

conflict, I undertake to say that no power or popularity can
uphold his shaking position for an hour.—(Cheers.) And in
the same sense and spirit I say, that if, in this country, any
party shall, before we are aware of it, plunge us into a war

upon this question, it must expect to meet a very severe in-
terrogatory from the American people—must expect to pre-
pare itself to show that it has done all it could, without any
bias from the pride of success or the love of war—all that it
could do to keep the nation safe from so great a calamity.
with the preservation of its rights and its honour. Gentle-
men, it appears to me that any man, Prime Minister of Eng-
land or President of the United States, who should unneces-
sarily light up the flames of war upon such asubject (flames,
let me add, that will burn over the whole globe), may well
consider the genius of his countryaddressing. to him the words
which the orator of Rome supposed the genius of his country
would address to him if he did not quell the Cetiline conspi-
racy :—" An cum hello vastabitur Italia vexbuntur urbes,
tecta ardebnnt ; turn to non existimas invidire incendio
conflagraturunb"—(Applause.) No, Gentlemen ! the man
who shall, incautiously, or led on by false ambition or party
pride, kindle those fires of war over the globe on this ques-
tion, must look out for it—must expect to be himself con-
sumed in a burning conflagration of general reproach.—
(Prolonged cheers.) There will be a public indignation
before which no popularity, public or private, can stand—it
will melt down every monument of the dead, it will destroy
all respect for the living, it will burn up every vestige of re-:
spect for individual worth, if unnecessarily, if recklessly, if
ambitiously, it has plungt d the subjects and citizens of two
civilised Christian States of the world into war—a war which
shall cause the loss of millions of wealth—shall turn cities
into smoke—shall cost thousands and hundreds of thousands
of lives; and those smoking cities, and that destruction of
property, and that sacrifice of life, shall be found over the
whole globe, in every latitude and longitude, surrounding
the ball on which we live. Now, gentlemen, I do not
propose that on this subject we take any alarm.
I propose that we keep ourselves cool and calm.
In some of the southern cities there is now some
agitation for fear of war. I regret this much. I hardly say
I regret the feeling ; that is natural. But I regret the cause.
It is a common mistake of men not in the most elevated posi-
tion, that they think they can play the small patriot safely,
in a small style.—(Laughter.) These are those who think
that they can talk of -a
war with England and any other
nation, and get credit for their patriotism and :lofty love of
country, but keep the game in their own hands. That may
not happen. At any rate, that is not the way nor the course
which just and lofty and respectable men feel on the great
question of peace or war. This constant speculation, this
supposition that war may come, is half as bad as war itself.
It interferes in all the business and arrangements of life. It
confounds and confuses men in regard to their own business
plans. What we want is settled peace, and the conviction
that peace will remain until there is some just
and sensible cause for war. On this subject 1
have only further to say, that while it is our
duty not to take or to spread alarm, to believe awl trust

Tilt SIUST, _LONDON. SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 29, 1845

"BANK OF ENGLAND.
(From last Night's Gazette.)
An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth of Victoria,
cap. 32, for the Week eading on Saturday, the 22d day of
November, I 845.

FREE TRADE MEETINGS,
BRADFORD. _
__

Yesterday a meeting of the inhabitants of Bradford was
held within the spacious Temperance-hall of that town, for
the purpose more particularly of promoting and extending
the "qualification movement ; ' that is to say, increasing the
number of free trade forty-shilling freeholders in the West
Riding of Yorkshire, and generally with the view of advanc-
ing the great cause, now so nearly won, of unrestricted com-
mercial intercourse, The chair was taken by Mr. Clayton,
of Bierly- hall, a gentleman of landed property. Upon the
platform we observed Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. Bright, M.P.,
Robert Milligan, Esq., Mr. James Rennie, Mr. J. Ramson,
S. Laycock, Esq., Dr. M'Turk, the Rev. W. Scott, president
of Airedale College, Mr. W. Ackroyd, of Ottley, Mr. Henry
Forbes, Mr. Jowett, of Bingley, John Horsefall, jun., Esq.,
W. Holdsworth. Esq., and many other influential members
of the manufacturing community in and about Bradford.
The Temperance Hall was crammed to excess, the majority
of the audience being composed of working men.
Mr. CLAYTON, the Chairman, opened the proceedings of
the meeting, in a short but energetic speech.
Mr. COBDEN was received with the most extatic applause.
He said he was very sorry that, capacious as was the room,
there was not space enough to receive all those friends who
wished to co-operate with them that night. Oh, how much
he wished for fine weather, that they might have had their
meeting in the open air.—(Cheers). The time of
fine weather would however come before the question
was settled. He had attended meetings at several
other towns in the West Riding, where he found,
as he found here, an increased enthusiasm in the
cause of free trade, and a continually increasing desire to
unite, and by repeated displays of this kind of manifestation,
to prove the zeal of the people in the good cause. He
thought. however, that the assembly he was now addressing
surpassed in numbers, enthusiasm, and respectability, any
similar meeting which he had lately been present at.—
(Cheers.) There must be something in the aspect of their
affairs just now that drew them thus together in such great
and cheerful numbers. The mere abstract question of free
trade evidently had not, at this moment that effect. He
believed the reason was, that they now felt that the time
was at last come when the question of the corn-laws
must either be finally settled, or when heavy calamities
must befal the country ; and they were not without goodly
signs that they were drawing near to the end of the great
conflict.—(Hear, hear.) They had, indeed, during the last
week some peculiarly significant tokens that the reward of
their labours was at hand. He alluded, of course, to the
two important adhesions which total repeal had so lately ob-
tained—(Cheers)—in those of Lord J. Russell and Lord Mor-
peth.—(Loud cheers.) The latter nobleman lay se near to
the hearts of Yorkshiremen that he ought first of all to eon-
gratulate a West Riding assembly that a member of the
house of Howard had set aside all doubts on the question of
the corn-laws, and was prepared to rank himself among
their determined opponents.
A GENTLEMAN on the platform here cried three cheers
for Lord Morpeth, which were given with a thousand-lung
power.
Mr. COBDEN resumed. He was glad that they had given
those cheers for Lord Morpeth. If there was one nobleman
in England more than another who lived in the hearts and
affections of his countrymen, it was that Noble Lord—
(Cheers)—whom they had just so duly honoured. But there
was another, and he thought, rationally speaking, a still
more important adhesion to the League than even the
support rendered by Lord Morpeth, he meant the adhesion
which Lord Russell had given in to their principles.—
(Loud cheers.) That distinguished man stood at the
head of a political party, he was the political chief of a
large section of the aristocracy. But still he did not chiefly
value his adhesion to their cause as that of a distinguished
statesman and a personage of talent and influence. No.
When, after three years of deliberation, he had finally de-
cided that their principles were just, and that he would help
them to carry these out fully and immediately—then he
(Mr. Cobden) took it for granted that the Noble Lord brought
to their ranks a large and most influential portion of the
English aristocracy—(Cheers)—that the Cavendishes, the
Sutherlands, the Fortescues, would hereafter be, where they
once were, and where they ever ought to be, leading the
people of this country in their struggles for their rights.—
(Cheers.) Most deeply did he rejoice that Lord J. Russell had
taken the course he last week adopted. It would indeed be
lamentable, if one whose ancestry had been identified with
every liberal and popular movement in the country, were
to be wanting in this, the greatest of them all —( Hear, hear.)
It was not enough that the Russells had stood in the House
uniformly contending for civil and religious liberty—let
them now assume an equally honoured place in the great
struggle for commercial liberty—in supporting their
righteous claim to be allowed freely to exchange the pro-
ducts of their industry.—(Cheers.) They might have a right
to speak their sentiments—to print them—to attend public
meetings as they liked, and places of worship as they liked—
but while they had not the right to buy or sell as they liked,
they were still little better than slaves.—(Hear, hear.)
He was at Wakefield last night, and a gentleman who spoke
there was careful to put in a caveat against Lord John
Russell, or anybody else coming in to supersede himself and
his Hon. Friend (Mr. Bright) in the free-tree championship
He could only say, the sooner he was superseded by those
who were in a position to give legislative effect to the great
cause the better for it and for them ; as for the honour and
glory, and fame attending the carrying out of this
great principle, there was honour enough for them
all. Of this he was quite sure that they, as free-traders,
would be disposod to carry out the principle laid down in
the sacred volume—of the Lord of the vineyard,
whe was willing to give the same wages, honour, and
rank to the man who came at the eleventh hour and the
half as to those who had borne the toil and heat of the day.
—(Hear.) They had given three cheers for Lord Morpeth,
let them now confer a similar honour on Lord J. Russell.—
(The cheers were given with great good will.) Theirs were
sound principles, suited to all times and principles ; and if
they stuck unmeanedly to and worked unmeanedly for such
a principle, they would always find in the end that both
were great, and both would prevail. What could their prin-
ciples better suit than the present times? They were in
danger of famine. Well, abolish the corn -laws—who in
their senses would think of trying any other remedy? Where
were the people now who used formerly to tell the working
man that cheap bread meant low wages. He hoped such
fellows, if they ever came out at all now-a-days, slunk
down bye-streets from sheer shame.'-(Great Laughter.)
The Hos. Chairman had told them that if they succeeded in
putting 2,000 more liberal voters on the register they might
win the west Riding. But he (Mr. Cobden) said they had
won it already.—(Loud cheers.) The last registration, when
the people had so nobly responded to the calls which were
made.upon them, had secured to the cause of free trade a ma-
jority of more than 1,000. But he wanted them
to make up their minds before the 30th of January to
create so many new votes as should put it out of the power
of the monopolists ever to contest the division.—(Cheers. )
In North Lancashire they had a majority of 8,000—(Loud
cheers)—and there was not the shadow of a chance of a
contest.—(Renewed cheers.) Mr. Villiers and Mr. Brown
will walk over the course.—(Hear, bear.) Now
he counselled them to put themselves in a similar position
in the West Riding of Yorkshire. To work up the regis-
tration, so that no wretched potato-man shall dare show his
face at the next election.—(Laughter and cheers). Let
them recollect that, by putting 2,000 more votes on the re-
gister, they might be saving their party an expense of
10,0001. by avoiding a contested election. They had already
done nobly in Bradford. But let them take care. Hud-
dersfield, Halifax, and Wakefield all declare that they will
not be outdone by Bradford. If they exerted themselves
they would still remain at the head of the list. Let
them not be frightened by the clamour about fictitious
votes. A forty shilling freeholder was what every Eng-
glishman should aim at. It was not necessary to
triumph in purely agricultural counties. All that was
wanted was to send to Parliament free-trade representatives
from great industrial districts and important and populous
towns. Let that be done, and he would guarantee them re-
peal without counting noses in the House of Commons. The
free traders had secured one division of Cheshire, and they
were equally certain of Lancashire. With these views,
these prospects, and these determinations, he would for the
present take his leave of them, urging all whom he addressed
not to be lulled by false confidence into inactivity, but to
persevere steadily and energetically in that practical contest
by which they hoped to win free trade through the medium
the registration courts.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat down
arnidt-t loud cheers.)
Sevem; gentlemen followed Mr. Cobden, amongst whom
were Mr. bijght, M.P., and Mr, Rand, an extensive worsted
spinner i yfr,:dford, who, although a decided Conservative
in politics, an active and influential member of the
Anti-Corn-law Loa
sue.