Star.
London, England, 1808-05-28 00:00:00

CATHOLIC PETITION.

Lord GRENVILLE moved that this petition be
read, which being done, his Lordship prweeded to ad.
dress the House in support of its prayer. He apo-
logized for the delay which had occurred in bringing
the question forward, and particularly regretted that
one main object with him in postponing it had not
been attained, namely, the attendance of a Noble
Earl (Grey) whose character and talents were an or-
nament to that House, and must give a very high de-
' gree of weight and importance to any cause which
he supported. But though, from a domestic cala-
mity he was deprived of his personal assistance, it was
with the highest satisfaction he could state, that in
the course of conduct and argument which he should
that evening pursue, he had the cordial concurrence
of his Noble Friend. The delay, however, had been
productive, in one respect of considerable benefit to
the class of men whose interests were under discus-
sion. Though the decision which had elsewhere
taken place was hostile to the immediate grant of

their deists, yet the discussion had been marked with
a tone of temper and moderation, from which every
thing Was to be expected at no remote period, It
was up ii the whole prbdtictive of Stich a result, as
shewed, that the petitioners, in subMitting their Cause
upon this occasion to the opinion of Parliament, con-
trary to his advice, had acted tipon a more extensive
' knowledge of local considerations and the progressive
change of circumstances, thin he could, from perso-
nal observation, be supposed to have the.rneans of
obtaining. It appeared that in Ireland a most mate-
rial change had taken place in the opinion of the
Protestant gentry. Nine counties had decidedly de-
clared in favour of the petition on the table. He fer-
vently hoped, that, Whatever the issue of the debate
might be, it Would be conducted by their Lordships
in such a tone, as to keep the attention and expecta-
tion of the Ca holies fixed upon the British Parlia-
ment. The petitioners were anxious to prove, that it
was from that quarter alone that they expected every
blessing which the unlimited enjoyment of the privi-
leges of a free Constitution could confer on them.—
At a period when a most formidable confederacy
threatened the existence of their common country—
when the trenches were considerably advanced, and
the lines of circumeallation were drawing closer
around us—they felt that the most powerful prepara-
tion for defence was that of extinguishing every source
of internal jealousy and animosity. In the year 1778,
under similar circumstances, the line of policy which
he now recommended was first adopted. It was ex-
tended on the breaking out of the great contest in
which we were now engaged, and he could safely
aver, for no man had better opportunities of knowing
it, that in contemplating the benefits of the Union,
one of the greatest in the mind of Mr. Pitt was the
facility which he apprehended it would give to the
complete and unqualified admission of the Catholics
within the pale of the Constitution. It was his in-
tention, hoWever, to accompany this measure with
every thing that could guard the Protestant establish-
ment, and that could render the gift advantageous
to the Catholics. Their clergy were to have a decent
subsistence from the State, and his Majesty was to
have a negative upon the nomination of their bishops.
The oath of supremacy, while it was to be altered so
as to remove their scruples on the score of the spiri-
tual authority of the Pope, was to be so worded as to
afford every security that could be asked for their
temporal obedience to the State. These topics natu-
rally led his Lordship to consider the chief points of
doctrine relied upon by the adversaries of the Catho.
lics, as disqualifying them from the enjoyment of
civil rights. 'His Lordship having at great length
refuted the various objections which had been urged
against the prayer of the petition upon these grounds,
recurred to the inculcation of a spirit of moderation
and forbearance in all parties at the present perilous
crisis. The force of Europe was now united against
us, not under the direction of a discordant confede-
racy, but under the guidance of one man—and that
man actuated by a most inveterate determination to
accomplish our destruction. He particularly im-
pressed upon the Catholics the reflection, that what-
ever their situation might now be, still they could
have no hope of redress but from the British Legisla-
ture. Ireland, in its most oppressed state, was a pic-
ture of happiness, compared to the condition in which
it would be placed by a French force. Was not every
country which France had succeeded, under various
pretences, in over-running, levelled and amalgama-
ted into one -undistinguished mass of oppression ?
From this quarter they had nothing to hope for but
the bitterness of misery ; but he was convinced, that
they might speedily look for the complete attainment
of all their wishes, to the enlightened liberality, and
the progressively favourable opinion of the British
Parliament and the British nation. His Lordship
concluded with moving that the petition be referred
to a Committee.
Lord SIDMOUTH said, the view he had taken
of the subject was totally different. Whatever he
might think of the time and circumstances under
which this petition was brought forward, he would
fairly, candidly, and openly say, that his mind could
not conceive any tittle or any circumstances in which
such a discussion would Improper ; but as to the pru-
dence of bringing forward this petition at the present
time, and under the present circumstances, he thought
that the petitioners had acted imprudently, and that
they had put themselves in the situation of having
even their Catholicism and their public spirit called
into question. They appeared to doubt of the
steadiness and consistency of Parliament, who had
voted some years ago against the claim. He did
not mean to throw the least imputation against
their motives ; but to argue the measure as neces-
sary to secure their allegiance was, as he con-
ceieed, a much greater imputation than he, although
adverse to their claim, would think of making.—
It would be the same as to suppose our sailors
and soldiers would refuse to meet the enemy, unless
their 'situation was made much more coMfortable
than it is at present. It was universally admitted,
that the object of the petition was to enable a certain
description of Catholics to enter into the first offices
of the State, civil and military. His objection to thii
part of the petition was, that it was narrow and cir-
cumscribed in its object, and did not embrace the
condition of the great body of the people. He thought
the Legislature ought rather to look to the great
body of the population, and not confine themselves
to certain classes of the community, while they passed
by the great body, when attachment was the princi-
pal object% To the great body of the Catholics this
measure had little or no interest. As for the great
interest which it was supposed the Gentlemen of
large fortune would have over the minds of the mass
of the people, he doubted it very much. He believ-
ed that there was very little of that sort of interest
existing in the country for the higher orders ; at least
he knew that, In the time of the rebellion, the higher
orders did not appear to have any influence over the
lower orders. He was attached to the reformed re•
ligion, as conceiving it to be the constitutional reli-
gion of the State. He believed that the tenets Or the
church of England were more suited to a
monarchy like our's ; and whether he looked at. the
Dissenters in the time of Cromwell, or the Catholics
in the tithe of Charles the Second, he was the more
confirmed in his opinion. Popery had ever been the
handmaid of arbitrary power ; and as he considered
that there was some connection between men's reli-
gious tenets and their political ones, he did think the
State ought to demand some pledge from every per-
son before they entrusted theta with -offices of 'great

trust and responsibility. He positively denied that
the Test Acts had been originally directed against
the House of Stuart ; their object was only to protect
the country from the Popish principles professed by
the Princes of that House. In considering the state
of Ireland, he could not avoid giving considerable
attention to the statements publicly made by the late
Lord Clare eight years ago, that in the very heart of
Ireland there existed a temporal jurisdiction, Con-
trouled by a foreign power, and that there was at that
moment a Court of Cardinals sitting at Rome for
the express purpose of making laws fur Ireland.
Having the page of history before filth, and seeing
hoc the Catholics conducted themselves in l 6 s 5
and 1689, he did not think they could safely he
trusted with power. He did not know what was to
he thought of men who from year to year, and week
gn week, for these thirty years, had been receiving
proofs of the liberality of the Legislature, and ytt
could now be suspected as likely to waver in their
allegiance, if this petition was not granted. He in.
stanced, from the history of Europe, that whercvu'r
the Catholics had been put upon a level with the
Protestants, they had never ceased entil thersubjn-
gated the latter by insidious and jesuitical practices.
He also objected to giving power to those wit° ac-
knowledge a power different from, and often hostile
' to, the Government of the country. He thought
that they were embarking in this business blindly and
in the dark. It appeared to him that a Protestant
Government should exclude Catholics from places
of the highest trust. He thought a Protestant King
should be surrounded principally by Protestant of-
ficers. In making these few observations, he begged
leave to state, that he considetesalmself as defending
the principles of the ReformZUW, of the Act of Set-
tlement, and all those principles which placed the il-
lustrious House cf Hanover on the throne of there
countries. On these principles he opposed the motion.
Earl MOIRA could not agree that any imputa-
tion could lie against the loyalty of the Catholics of
Ireland. He thought they had a clear and undoubted
right to a full participation in the blessings of the
Constitution. The Noble Viscount seemed to think
there were now but few causes of dissatisfaction among
the Catholics of Ireland. He would assure him, how.
evsr, that he was mistaken in point of fast ; for that
the Catholics did consider it as a most severe grievance
not to have the channels open to their fair and hcnour.
able ambition. He did not see any reason why the
Catholics should stop any thing short of these claims,
to which they were in justice entitled, or why any
office in the kingdom should be withheld from them,
merely on account of their religious tenets. As to
the high situation of the Lord Chancellor, that might
perhaps be improper, as the Lord Chancellor had the
disposal of a considerable portion of Crown livings.—
There was, however, very little probability of such an
appointment being made, even though it were lawful.
It was lawful at present for his Majesty to make his
groom Lord Chancellor, but then the improbability
of such an appointment was so great, that it might
be called an impossibility. There was therefore no
reason for Noble Lords to alarm themselves with the
fear of Popish Chancellors, even although the peti-
tion were agreed to ; but it was very unlikely that a
Roman Catholic should be appointed to the only situ-
ation in which his religious opinions could do a public
'evil. The situation of the Catholics in Ireland was
excessively galling. It was well known that those
who are held up to us as objects of suspicion, we soon
began to fear ; those whom we fear Soon become ob-
jects of hatred and persecution. He thought the pre-
sent times were so much more alarming than any
which had preceded them, that it was absolutely ne-
cessary to remove every just Cause of oissatisfaction.
He thought, that if we now perceived no shock in the
affairs of the country, it was because we were running
down the hill with an accelerated velocity, and he
very much feared the first shock we felt we should
never be able to recover. Every man of common
sense saw that the time must shortly come when the
prayer of this petition must be granted, and the Caw
tholics allowed fairly to participate in the blessinw of
the Constitution, and of that country which ey
would be called upon to defend. Thinking then that
it was a measure which might be granted ultimately,
he thought it would be better to grant it at once, in
order that dissatisfaction might be removed, and the
strength of the nation firmly united, at a crisis more
serious and alarming than this country had ever bee
fore seen. All Europe now lay under the grasp of
Bonaparte, and if we did not fully know his invete-
rate hostility to this country, yet we must be sure that
if it were only because it is yet unconquered, that
would be a sufficient reason to induce him to direct
all the resources of his immense empire against us.—
Under such circumstances, and when the Catholics
might be soon called upon, not only for common sa-
crifices, but to join heart in hand in defence of the
Protestant Church and Government, he thought alley
ought not to be stigmatised with any degrading infe-
riority, but that they should be equal to their fellow-
subjects in privileges, as well as in zeal and loyalty.
The Bishop of NORWICH then rose, and in a
maiden speech, ably supported the claims of the Ca-
tholics, to which he said several other Rev. Bishops
were also friendly. He answered in their order the
various objections which had been made to those
claims. It had been said, that no one could claim
the highest civil or military offices as a right, or com-
plain of not receiving them. It appeared to him, how-
ever, that it was most clearly an injury to any de-
scription of his Majesty's subjects, to check their ho-
nourable ambition, and prevent them receiving those
rewards which might be due to their main With
respect to the religious opinions and tenets of the
Catholics, he thoughtit strange that other persons
should pretend to -know the doctrines which were
held by the Catholics of the present day, better than
the Catholics themselves. The Catholic body had in
the most solemn manner, and by oath, denied those
abominable doctrines which were imputed to them.
It was in vain then to go back to the Councils of La-
teran or of Trent, to look for the doctrines of the Ca-
tholics of this day. The opinions which they did
hold, appeared to have no bad practical effect on the
conduct of their lives ; fof the Legislature had seve
ral times borne testimony of their loyalty as subjects;
and it would not be said that, in private life, they were
governed by the principle imputed to them, that no
faith was to be kept with heretics. If they really did
hold such a doctrine, they would be not only unfit for
political power or for privileges, but they would be
absolutely unfit for human society. Such monsters
ought to be exterminated from the face of the earth.

1110 no banditti of robbers that would admit
e men who held such execrable princi.
Oasounanyb persons in ignorance imputed to the
tiltr,,. In the present age, if we were to look over
W7ll-0-le world, we would_ hardly be able to find
country where men's opinions on matters of
excluded them from civil or political rights.
Zbould be sorry, indeed, that this country, which
iu many instances celebrated for its libel a.
of sentiment, should in the present instance be
'brad in following the example of almost all other
:cos. The Rev. Prelate adverted to the opinion of
lit learn
'ed and elegant writer on the Constitution of
0 country, Mr. Justice Blackstone, and said that
skrned Judge had maintained, that whenever
;"0d should arrive that there should be no Pre-
:ecrfelo the Throne, those penal statutes against the
übolics ought to be dispensed with. That period,
opinion, had arrived ; and it was clear that, at
0 r--
,esent moment, there was no occasion for the
or or longer continuance of them—
Magni stat nominis umbra ;
y thing which tended to keep them longer
lie Was contrary to the opinion of that Learned
and of the most enlightened men in the king.
He had heard it said, that if there was no
fie objection to this measure, the coronation oath
con insuperable one ; but he must say, that in his
01, ()fall the objections which ingenuity could de-
oor th? most subtle or wayward imagination
gest, there was not so weak a one. King Wil-
0, 111. when he ascended the throne of England,
.:r formed an oath, which it was deemed necessary
an persons should take for the security of the
• moment; but he could not conceive how that
vtla cola at all at the•present moment militate
2gaiost the Catholics of Ireland. He could not : _.. .
conceive how this oath could militate against men 1 HOUSE OF COMMON& '
them there was no other objection, than merely 1 Mr. T. GRENVILLE, from the Sandwich Elect*
ion C i
tee, repotted that 1. S. Rainier, Foe. was &fly elected, and that;
at they had entertained speculative opinions On
as Carir nLMyoirfran'Es Petition was not frivolous or vexatious.
'„at subject of religion. For his own part, he,
till
iefgirdeda his motion respecting Courts
laergyrnati ei. the Established Church, and priding Martial, from tdoTnclaNy
aielf as much as any man could do on the situation ' Mr. CREEV EY moved for anylemont. ant document which had
not been presented with the rest of the papers relative
rich he held on it, yet he could not answer it to his
India company's affairs. to the East
sascier.ce to say that any set of men, because they
rinlghkeisHheouseserehmeniveAitslnto a Committee on the White Her-
ta Roman Catholics, should therefore he deprived
to ROSE prstsepeods:,dasehdvnernadlißesolutions, and
Pile most desirable and important advantages of the the Reyortri:vas ordered.
Dr. LAWRENCE lafnec of the great injytnty sustained by
;institution under which they lived, and which was
tahedunde
:Constitution at once the pride of those who enjoyed Underwriters and Ship Owners by a set of men called Cable
e-hefrs4,nodn the Goodwin Sands and coasts of the
...and the envy of those who did not. In his opinion, Crhannel.halsrlt-
Coronation Oath had been most unwisely and im-been hitherto practised
. with impunity
by these fishers, inrconjunction with pilots, for it was an invaria-
ble rule with the latter, when a ship was anchored in or near the
t;cally brought forty rd, not only on the present
Sands, for the
,anion, but during .se last three years, and he would :as
would
0,11
Pilot to advise the cable to be cut when any storm
and
and
dndwshen the ship sailed a boat fell of fishermen
vise those who had r.o better arguments against the ' awazhnd bothty
sn th
anchore Magistrates and cabsles to seizeclandes-
"belie claims, to fuepo so futile a ground of ob- . tinely. He proposed giving authority
ion. He such al titles when brought on shore, and make
would not at that time longer detain the the dealer, before
he cut tit. the cables, take out a licence.
use, to whcm he was much obliged for their alien.. He concluded with
movinsg forleave to bring in a Bill to prevent frauds on Mer- '
:n ; bat notwithstanding the excellent and eloquent 1 Underwriters, and gliipbwners, within the Liberties of
of the Noble Baron who brought forward this ! the Cinque Ports.
stien, he could not avoid giving his sentiments on Mr. NOSE highly approved of the motion, which was accor-
.sulliect, even against thoseof so many for whose i dingly granted.
...ions he had the highest respect ;but high as that 1 ANNUITIES.
The. House then resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill for
t was, he could not allow it to prevent him from I
. . granting Annuities to the holders of 1 hree per Cent. Stock.
wring to their Lordships what were the true and ; - When the first Resolution was read,Mr.'IERNEY siddhe had
uine sentiments of his hear% on the first introduction of the business, made some observations
The Archbishop of YORK considered toleration on it, and could not conceive that any sum worthy of notice cotld
utsositholudecerue. from
sh it. This, the more especially, when he took
ft...key-stone of the Established Church, but cbserv-
age
nof
3esewxisuee,nucethoef tinheenlsnucreome Tax. Supposing a
ta, that if the present claims of the Catholics were person of thera t
ly ed
ges
the' ,antontmns-
towed, that toleration would he blotted out of the fer woo. for that transfer he would cert •
Slabulary. He opposed the Petition. , but from that would fall to be deducted the contribution of the
nhst, from. what in this way he received, to the Income Tax.
The I3lshn? of BANGOR also opposed the Peti- 't0utu,,,,,4?
elm, and maintained that the tenets of the Catholics, lionootrahle glen
foreseen
it was likely the
h Right
ill 0 n
.e
Gentle-
Nice, no
tulle
..ti
as estabiished by their Colons, and the Council of !.-..sve endeavoured to have anticipated the Right
Nice, were subversive of the Constitution of the Pro- man came forward with his it),
plan for granting Annuities. The pub.
testant Church. lie were certairly aware and every man possessed of money knew
' well,
Lard HUTCHINSON, in a very eloquent speech, dfunlisnelse‘thvhaetreif henwdene'inclined to purchase an annuity, he could
defended the Catholics. He considered their claims in the funds, he ;Might holirrsouwp mniangeythuaptonPesrshaesns to have
arnlodniieiy
established on the basis of justice, and treated the ways preserve the original sum to himself ; or literally, put it in
apprehension entertained of mischief to the state, by his pocket when he pleased. The Right Honourable Gentleman
sc.
eiiL.(l to have founded his plan upon a notion of a very rapid
allowing them toleration, to be the result of erroneous , rise in the funds ; and such a rise must take place, otherwise the
stockholder
cpinions. ,
.
would be out of his wits, and the Right Honourable
Earl STANHOPE spoke in support cf the mea- ' Gentleman at his wit's end (a laugh). Many individuals who
ere, and contended, that, cr. a question of so much were,
possessed of money would resort to an annuity, were they
i, culty as religion, every allowance should he made tosn ir.
this i : neni
market.at a I I ,
His
meanss rea onfb a. bargain,petrivinateshef insteadhe of coining
r the conscientious scruples of the people of different first, that it interferedg
with thel
spirit' of rsheores,inthitng planur4 was,
rsuasions. ! ve:y little difficulty would be necessary to chew, that the plan *as
.
Lord MULGRAVTI v.-as surprized that the pre- an infraction of the Act for regulating :hat Fund, which was m-
en:. subject did not seem of that importance to the sit.)l,ltutt.ed 1.. 1;
iMr.r. .
IP,
ii
tt
tt.
sf our
bill
lhies purpos
elaid
down,ofpayitnhgatGwffhthe National
I,oble Lord, who introduced it, during the period solidated fund should amount to four millions, the interest of thna;
then he was in Administration, whieli he now seem- stave should be at the disposal of Parliament, and such would
ato attach to it. Ample opportunity had been been the case, had it not been interrupted, in the year 1801,
slitnhdatsthitnesrethsevaspnahlrieea:nnualbdle prospect when
ofthe wheel came
'afforded the Noble Lord and his Colleagues, when in i
dm, to bring this question befcse Parliament, yet tulip:l,lcm. That plan, however, was thesoverturnedet
isnosnn wise
2 by
yn ar-
c
i
they thought t proper entirely to abstain from it ; Addington Mr. Pitt was present at the time ; and from that
and now that they were in opposition, they bring is . moment withdrew his support from that Administration,•and in
forward as a question of the utmost importance to ta:biatle MHe.'olierney conceived
h him to have been perfectly justifi-
tt national safety. He ( Lord Mulgrave) declined not 't
o be we
deterredver,t
beypwresesnthadhancenllsred or ofsnthaienEeexecdheenesueArdwnsais
hulling into the merits of the question fur the pre- i.istrations. Mr. Pitt's Bill, the institution of the Sinking fund,
tat, but trusted tisat the discussion might be con- calculated upon the extinction of the public debt at the end of 45
years. At thie day the Sinking Fund is endless, and no day for
dotted witticut any expression of personal asperity.
. . i relief is in view, so long as the public debt goes on accumulating
os in tin light el a part}- que.ition. I a., it does daily and hourly. So high would the amount of the
The Karl of BUCKINGHAMSHIRE spoke Sinking Fund get bye and bye, that it would exceed the amount
Ipinsl the Petition. If a Bill should pass on the : since levied
imal Debt. on
This the peoplea for defraying the
aspect terest on t
he Na-
and
!abject, it would hive. the effect of bringing four- i t was most sof our affa 11
he was sorry to say it was too well founded. Had Mr. Pitt's plan
Ells of the Irish Re-r- ;••-• o' the Catholic per-
,, Lsentat .i..... t not been upset in 1802, the burden on the people would have
suasion ' ' P. ' -
in .o i . r.:ament. Pe con,ei•ted it to be the become mdre tolerable every day, and that would have been
most inrolitic measure that could be proposed to . the best security the stockholder could possibly have obtained for;
the payment of the National Debt. Mr. erney contended, e. at
Parliamert tr. enable inen to legislate for the country ,
the new plan of these annuities would disappoint the just expecta-
who maintained the supremacy-and infallibility of the tions of the stockholder confirmed to hint by three Acts of Par-
Pope liament. The Honourable Gentleman concluded by expressing
The Duke of NORrOLK did not think the pr:- i great doubts uNCELLORpon the effi e EXCcacyo of the proHEQposed measure.
The CHAf thUER stated, that he felt
vileges require .i hv ti....: Catholics entrenched on those '
no alarm upon the subject, and that he did not expect any rapid sue-
° the Prue ' . ihe shouldthereforevote for
s..ants, an:
ring into the Committee. - present system carried into effect, it would become a permanent
.
Loyd ERSKINE was of op;nion, that Parliament
_measure, fraught with many advantages to the public, and with
culiar benefits to those who had money in the Funds. From
had gone on •P'. far in system of concession to the
Catholics noa to make a s,t`-)p, consistently w ith the
whatha y had
statet e at
to placeh
eßeignbcet
Honourable dnevelolpeem. enstleof the
sedans
plan,
nuhmebewarss
object which gave rse to that system. He could not , were'
already eager to embrace its provisions. It bad, however,
conceive the principles upon which the Catholics were 1 to
insinuated that this plan would prove injurious to morality,
admitted into the army, the navy, and certain civil but any docrine of that kind he denied. Every man possessed of
departments of the state, while they were to be ex- I nAlloinzitdintleiehefeontrons
theyl af
cito.uld easilyawosain this
eluded from those appointments for which the peti- i divested of all the tedious procedure of the Friendly Societies.—
timers solight. The House should, he thouht, go The system held out by
Government breathed security, and
into the proposed Committee, and there it might be would therefore be gladly ethbraced. He could not see the na-
bc'nvenii nces stated by theßight Honourable Gentleman.
tOnsid • ered Law far the prayer of the petition might Lord 11. PEI TY said, that as the proposed measure did not
be acceded to, and whether any and what conditions go to any great extent, he should not detain the Committee for
sere necessary to accompany the grant of the peti- any length of time. He denied that any influx of capital would
sisted, that it was impossible for
boners in order to secure the Protestant Establish- be created by it, and he also in
sure to unfold itself imperceptibly as the supporters of it
anent, in solicitude for the maintenance of w had fondly iinkahich he the mea • •ned. There eras noperiod for
specifiedarresting
would yield to no person or party -.whatever. the progress of these Annuities, until the funds should amount to
Lord lIAWKESBU RY regretted the agleaticn of 8(i ; and it weula be a long time, according to the bew calculation
funds came to that ifitount. He ob-
the Cat:toile question at the present period, and he felt :la maim, before the
it his duty to e • • it. In Join er h. • 1 •
,p.pose , t a., le ;y el •t j• ,:ted to the plan, as trenching upon.
*.t. IL 1 the view of the finances
submitted by him while in office, especially 60 tar as it touched
to be distinctly understood that lie did nut mean to
.lie exce-ats of the Sinking Fund.
übj
charge the Catholics with those illiberal opinions that Mr. HUSKISSON supported the interned' of Mr. Perceval,
'r2te zi,nerally imputed to them. The progress of and with regard to the Noble Lord's ectien..regarding the

•
science and ciiilization had now eradicated those opi-
nions which had proved so disgraceful to the rotaries
of the Catholic religion at, early periods of our history.
He should always feel it his duty to oppose the even-
sion of a religion, which denied the supremacy of the
Sovereign, and maintained doctrines contrary to what
was enjoined by the laws of the land. Much had been
said upon the hardships the Catholics buffered from
the disabilities they at present laboured under, but he
could not sympathise much with them, so long as they
obstinately refused to qualify themselves like his Ma.
jesty's other loyal subjects. It was essential to the
existence of the British Constitution that the subjects
should abjure the authority of all foreign Powers, and
those who maintained a contrary opinion could not
reasonably complain of the severity of the laws that
required it.
Lord HOLLAND entered into a long and minute
historical defence of the Catholics, and concluded with
giving his hearty concurrence to the motion.
Lord AUCKLAND thought that the Catholics of
Ireland should be satisfied with the concessions al-
ready made to them. If they saw no term to their
demands, the House should see some end to their con-
cessions. The present was the point in his opinion
at which their Lordships must make a stand.
Lord GRENVILLE shortly replied, merely to
complain of his having been misrepresented by some
Noble Lords. They might mistake his words, but
they could not well misunderstand his actions. Their
tenour on the present subject could leave no doubt as
to his sincerity.
The House then divided on Lord Grenville's mo-
tion :—Contents 74—Non Contents 161—Majority
against the Motion 87.
Adjourned at five o'clock this morning.

. . . . .
. .
Sinking Fund, the very resolutions of finance submitted by gni
itt the last Seitnitil!ltretion; were hostile to the Sinking Pond, as
they went to break it up entirely in 1816. The prlddplb of the
Sinking Fund war to support the credit of the Country, and to
reduce its debt, but both these Objects had oven utterly disre-
garded by the Noble LOrds plan of Finance.
Mr. TIERNEY and Mr. HUSKISSON severally explained.
The Resolutions were then agreed to, and the report was Or-
dered to be received on Monday.
RANK OF IRELAND. . .
On the motion of Mr. FOSTER., the House resolved itself into
a Committee of Ways and Means. The Right Honourable Gen-
tleman then stated, that, in pursuance of the notice he had given,
he should tall the attention of the Conimittte to the case of the
Bank of Ireland. He said that the Corporation of the Bank there
was established in the year 1781, when its capital was compara-
tively small, and when Government Wag obliged to hold out in-
ducements to individuals for the establishment of it ; but foresee-
ing, as they did, those benefits which must accrue to the nation
from it, they thought sottle sacrifices needful to pro Mote so ad-
vantageous and desirable an object. At first its capital did not
exceed 600,0001. In ten years it accumulated to 1,000,0001. So
great an addition ha 30 short E. period soon proved that the polies,
of the establishment was found to be essentially beneicial to the
country in many points of view, insomuch that individdal benefits
and national interests were blended in its prosperity. At this day
the capital is ex e Hied to 1„100,000L and the dividend to the pro-
pi actor is ne les, than 7} per erne It is now propolCd to add, or
rather to increase that capital 0.2,500,0001. which, upon the best
calculations, is not more than proportionate to the growing pros-
perity and resources, as well as trade and commerce of that part
of the United Kingdom, and with that of the Bank itself. The
Governor and Directors have still nine years to come of their
prevent charter ; but being desirous of extending the period, and
of continuing it to the end of twenty years, from the expiration of
that nine years ; it is deemed expedieet to grant them that period
of continuation, for which they, in return for the advantages that
must bring them, have agreed to lend to the public the sum of
1,000,0001. said instead of the interest which they heretofore had
on monies so lent, they consent to take but 4 per cent. during the
continuance of their extended charter—in addition to which they
mean to undertake, grat.rs, the manegement of the National Dtbt,
for which they had 70001. a-year. he Right Ilonourable Gen-
tleman havieg enumerated the benefits that must result from this
bargain with th,.! Governor and Directors, concluded with moving,
" That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the Governor
and Company of the Bank of Ireland be continued a Corporation
until the Ist day of January, 1837."
On the question being put, •
Mr. •rIERNEY started several objections to it. He complained
of the system of borrowing money front the Bank of Ireland,
whilst the restriction existed over the issue of specie; the conse•
qneuce to be dreaded from which was, that a redundancy of paper
money would be turned loose upon the public, without any con-
trout, the amount of which might vastly exceed the capital. Upon
the whole, he did not think the advantages so much to be ex-
pected on the part of the public, nor did he approve of the bar-
gain made.
Mr. FOSTER, in reply, said, that the bargain had undergone
the consideration of the most experienced men that could be ac-
knowledged competent judges ut the matter, and their uniform
opinion was, that it appeared to them founded on sound policy
and prudence. He could aseure the Right Honourable Gentle-
man, that he entertained very ill-founded ideas of that competi-
tion, if he supposed that they would issue paper exceeding their
capital. It was an obvious fact, that the danger of so rash an act
Would hurl rt:in on themselves. As to the circumstance of bor-
rowing from the Pet*, he saw no difference between borrowing
from individuals in a corporate capacity or otherwise, save and ex-
cept that in the corporate capacity they lend their money upon
better terms.
Mr. PARNELL objected to the renewal of the Charter, be-
cause, for that period, the Batik was out of the cognizance of Par-
liament, and the increase of paper money would increase the rate
of exchange. s
Mr. FOSTER denied that either the one consequence or the
ozhe: would follow from the extension of the Charter, or frem

the loan.
Mr. BANKES did not approve of the extent of theperiod to the
year 1837. He thought it should be made shorter.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER answered, that
the boon which the country received emanated front the boon
which they gave. If the Charter were not to be extended, then
the benefits to he derived from the bargain were not to be, and
could not be obtainesl.
Mr. PONSONBY would not allow that the bargain was
advantageous to the country, and on this theme he argued for a
considerable length of time.
Mr. D. GIDDY made a few observations on the same side.
The resolution was then agreed to, and the Report ordered to be
brought up on Monday.
SUGAR DISTILLATION BILL.
On the motion of Lord BINNING, the House resolved itself I
into a Committeee on the Sugar Distillation Report, when his
Lordship moved, that front the Ist of July till the Ist of October
Grain should ha prohibited from being diitiiled.
Mr. COKE, of Norfolk, went ovee.his former arguments in
opposing the Resolution.
Mr. HIBBERT supported the Resolution.
Mr. W. SMITH was perfectly aware that the measure would
be extremely prejudicial to the farmers—but if this question Was
carried, he hoped it would not lipid out a future prospect to the
West India Planter of relief, for that could be only obtained by
a grand charge of system. They had neglected the means of sal-
vation by depentlim; on hnpertation tor the supplies of the Colo-
nies. If there N.:as a scarcity the sooner the Distillers were stopped
the better. lie therefore conceived it his duty to move the 10th
of June instead of the Ist of July, and to be continued till the Ist
of December.
Mr. C. YORKE, Mr. D. GIDDY, and Mr. BARHAM, op-
posed the original resolution:
Mr. H. BROWNE thought there was a scarcity, and supported
the amendment.
Sir J. SEA BRIGHT spoke against the measure in tote.
Lord BINNING supported the amendra.nt, and Mr. PORTER
argued against it.
After a few words from Mr. WHITZREAD, the amendment
was carried by 89 to 71.
We were rot re-admitted, but understood that a Bill was or-
dered on the two first Resolutions, and the third was ordered to
a Committee of Supply on Monday.
Adjourned at Three o'Clock.

THE EVENING STAR.

LONDON.

SATURDAY, MAY 28.

PRICE OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CI.00K:
Consols, for money, 6744—f0r July 6Sh—Reduced 66+ 67.
Each. Bills, 4s. to 6s. prem.—lndia Bonds, par to Is. pre.
PRICE OF STOCKS YESTERDAY.
s per Cent. Red. 6714 India Bends 2s. pre. Is. dis. par
S per Cent. Cons. 68 67H- South Sea Stock 73}
4 per Cent. 84tti Imp. 9 per Cent. 664
5 per Cent. Navy, 991 100 Baclieq. Bills, 6s. 9.. pre.
Long Ann. IS 9-16th$ 9-16ths Engßah Tickets 201. 195.
India Stock 1763 COWL for acc. of 69

Some foreign Journals have arrived, also another
Mail from Gottenburgh. The Expedition under Sir
JOHN MooitE, was still at Gottenburgh when the mail

came away.
Some letters announce a hope that Sweaborg has
not actually surrendered. This is absolute infatua-
tion
after official accounts of the event have been
published. i
As has been long expected, a rupture has broken
out between Russia and the Porte. The arrangements
*fur the partition of that Empire will soon begin to be
developed. We have no doubt that the force which
France requested to have permission to march through
Turkey for the invason of India, whatever its ulti-
mate object might be, was destined, in the first .n-
-stance, for the overthrow of the Divan.