The Sun.
London, England, 1829-08-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Ili the following article we have given a de-
se. iption of the feelinff of Ow people of Paris, on
the mthi,.et or the new Mitti try, as it is repre-
,,,uted in all tin principal 1,11119.15. But, in
wire of this storm against the Cabinet, we have
some reason to doubt whether its violence will
effect its proposed object. Things are come to
a sort of crisis. Of the policy of pushing mat-
ters, if no absolute necessity existed, to such an
extremity, we say nothing, because we have
scarcely sufficient data for the discussion of this
point ; but now that the struggle appears to
have begun, the propriety of receding is a totally
distinct question. There is very good ground
for believing that the French Ministry will not
be swept from the helm without a strong effort
to maintain their position. They probably look
upon the question as one affecting not only their
own official existence, but that of much more
august personages. As this conviction is, there
is little doubt, shared by those august personages
themselves, it is all but impossible that the Mi-
nistry should betray any symptom of wavering
or hesitation. They will, we apprehend, feel
themselves tied to the stake, and bound to stand
the hazard of the die. We repeat with all de-
ference, that the crisis may have been hurried by
a misjudging spirit ;—that time and circumstance,
as well as persons, may have been erroneously
chosen : but it is now too late to discuss this
point. The storm, unfortunately, is raised, and
those who have raised it will, it is believed, de-
cide that there is less chance of safety in yield-
ing than in making head against it.—Times.
The Paris liberal Journals of Sunday, and
the -Messager des Chambres of Saturday, show
no abatement in their fierce and uncompromising
hostility to the new Government of France. All
the smaller prints, occupied with the drama and
with literature, join in the chorus of execration.
The Globe, a journal of science and literature,
conducted by young men of eminence, who are
disciples of the Romantic School—admirers of
M. de Chateaubriand, and the choice spirits of
" young France," have subscribed the " solemn
league and covenant" against the Polignac Mi-
nistry. Such unanimity in the organs of public
opinion in reprobating the new Ministry, such
bitterness in their reproaches, and such violence
in their alarms, form the most singular political
phenomenon which has for a long time been
witnessed, Those whom the King has honoured
with his confidence, instead of being considered
only as party or political opponents, are de-
nounced by the journals as public enemies, ac-
tuated by the most rancorous hatred of the ex-
isting generation of Frenchmen, envious of their
prosperity under a Constitutional Government,
and resolved to attempt their re-subjugation to
prejudice and misrule, even at the expense of
bloodshed and civil war. The errors and weak-
nesses of the late Ministry are forgotten, and
all the incipient jealousies and antipathies of
individuals or coteries among the Liberals are
absorbed in this all-devouring sentiment of hos-
tility to the new Cabinet. The blow certainly was
unexpected, and therefore the more astounding.
The fact seemed incredible till it was announced
in the Moniteur. The late Ministers had been
chiefly opposed in the Chambers and by the
journals, because they were considered as too de-
voted to the Court—because they were thought
too royalist—because they did not go far enough
in their endeavours to secure popular rights ;
their critics and accusers may therefore be for-
given for their indignant astonishment, when
they had seen them disgraced because they had
gone too far in making popular concessions, and
when they saw that they had been succeeded by
an extreme party whose power they imagined
gone for ever, and whose efforts, at recovering it,
they no more dreaded than an invasion of Cos-
sacks or Chortans. We have already stated
that, as foreigners, we have nothing to do with
the late change in the French Ministry, as a
domestic question,—that a great and powerful
nation like that of France always possesses, and
always ought to possess, within herself; the springs
of her internal movements,—that we rejoice in
her prosperity, as rendering more efficient an al-
liance which it is our common interest to main-
tain,—that with the feelings or designs of the
Ultra or Apostolic party we can have
sympathy ; and that our approbation of the
Polignac Cabinet extended no farther than to the
Prince himself, as his views had been evinced in
his conduct here, and explained to his fellow-
Peers in the Upper Chamber. If, by enjoying
the confidence of the Court, the late Ministry—
which always appeared to us Royalist enough—
could have maintained itself; it is probably to be
regretted that a new Ministerial experiment has
been hazarded. Since the restoration, we be-
lieve France has had not fewer than 60 Ministers,
and at nearly every change of Cabinet there has
been some explo.non of popular feeling. The
entrance of the Viliele Ministry into office was
signalized by conspiracies and partial insurrec-
tions in several districts of the country ; and, un-
fortunately, the advocate who most distinguished
himself by his Ultra violence against one of the
conspirators on that occasion, has now been ail,
pointed Parisian Prefect of Police. Though
not sympathising in the violence with which the
liberal press of Paris attack the Ministry, we
must express our disgust at a stupid falsehood
contained in some of the letters from Paris in
the evening papers of yesterday—that the editors
of the liberal journals had met and reed to vut
down the obnoxious AdminiitratiOn, by abusing
England, from whose councils they imagined
it to spring. The Journal des Debats of
Sunday leaves no doubt about the refusal of
Admiral de Rigny to accept of his new anpoint-
-4• • -
ment.-Ibid.

An interesting document leas just been
printed by order of the House of Commons,
consisting of copies of reports from the Protec-
tors of Slaves in the colonies of Demerara, Ber-.
!Ace, Trinidad, St. Lucia, and the c2ape of
Good Hope, and of other official papprs, *con-
taining a summary of the c?,mpfaiiit4 of slaws,
and the official proeeednlgs of the local autho-
rities thereupon It is quite natural that such a
puhlication as this, emanating from authority so
high, should at once arouse the angry passions
of those who have been engaged in the ..c),13,4r0,-
versy of slave labour ; but to those, wipse inqui-
ries are governed by I.e.Eson, and whose judg-
ments have b,cc-,n alteady satisfied that great ex-
an-arations have abounded upon the
that the vice of habit had on th 7. ode side- dead-
ened generous symnath:.tez4 while on the other
much of zeal, if blind enthusiasm, 11.-,d been
enli4tyd,—to those, we say, who have calmly
rejected, this volume is: full of valuable practical
information, and ;leserves much attention. The
nattirl difficulties of lifting such A
in the scale of
slavery has introdnced into population as
the British colonies
moral improvement, so as
to render freedom of any real value tc:,
them, has always been felt, except tv fealots
who were blind to coltsccittcllces.. Equaliy

obvious was the equivocal prospect of de-
pending solely, or even in an essential degree,
upon the domestic interest of the planters them-
selves to correct the moral qualities of their
slaves ; their physical wants were, of course,
supplied, because upon that attention depended
the capabilities for labour, the prime inducement
for allocating such a population upon the estates ;
but in many instances in this report it will be
found, that in the severe process of sugar boil,
ing in particular, slaves have been kept at work
far beyond the reasonable term of human labour,
and under flimsy as well as intolerable pretexts,
and have been exposed to other grievances.
Their punishments, too, appear, particularly in
the Cape of Good Hope, to be marked with tin.
usual severity. There is evidence enough on
the face of the Cape report to show, that in a
variety of instances slaves have been surrep-
titiously and illegally introduced, and that by
stratagem and collusion, even free blacks have
been, while on their passage to Europe, left and
sold to task-masters. Mr. Huskisson, who ap-
pears to have watched these colonial proceedings
with humane and anxious attention, complains
in strong terms, and in repeated despatches, that
in the case of the slave's application for his free-
dom, the local authorities always act on the pre-
sumption of slavery, and require a degree of
proof from the helpless and ignorant applicant,
which it is morally impossible he can produce ;
he notices also the punishments and slowness of
adjudication, but not in terms of sufficient repro-
bation. It is, by the Dutch law at the Cape,
death for a slave to lift his hand against his
master. In a recent instance this sentence ap•
pears to have been formally adjudged by the
tribunals, in a trial arising out of a quarrel be-
tween an old Dutch waggoner and his slave, for
the manner in which the latter put on one of his
shoes, and it would have been probably cat vied
into effect had it not been for the interposition
of the Lieutenant Governor. The minor
punishments are likewise inhuman, when
it is understood they apply to a population
who do not (as is mentioned) in general com-
prehend either the English or Dutch languages,
and who, being brought often from Mozambique
and the eastern coast, are sadly ignorant of the
force of moral obligations, and very unlikely to
comprehend the distinctions of the penal
offences, for which they are nevertheless so se-
verely responsible. The Articles of War, which
have been generally considered as fearfully com-
prehensive, do not enumerate a tenth of the per-
sonal offences which are laid down in the slave's
penal schedule. Every possible mode of as-
saulting or insulting the manager or his driver,
is here specifically assigned, although the enume-
ration of the more heinous offences in one
eJlumn is mostly met by a blank in the adjoin-
ing one. There are laid down in this schedule
above a dozen degrees of offences against the
person, for which the slave is answerable to his
keepers,—the designations probably correspond
with the propensities of the class : striking the
superior is one offence; biting him, a second ;
spitting in his face, a third ; and we have be-
sides, formally arranged under separate heads,
mutinous conduct, defying manager, holding
and tearing driver's shirt, seditious conduct,
refractory behaviour, disobedience, insolence,
insubordinate conduct, contemptuous behaviour
attempting to strike a tvhite man, &c. 'When
Pope wrote his stanza upon the " untutored
mind" of the poor Indian, he could have little
thought that neglected being would have been held 4.,
penally responsible for a code containing such
refinements upon the meaning of the actions, while
he was left by the framers of it in such moral
and intellectual darkness. In this report will
be found sentences of slaves by the Cape tribu-
nals, for thefts and robberies, to he worked " iii
irons for life!" "to be scourged, branded,
worked in irons," for 10 and 15 years ;"
scourged under the gallows. and worked in irons
for five years on Robbers' Island. These are
terrible punishments to begin with in the work of
moral reformation : and the flogging of women
appears to be infamously practised. They are
more striking, when contrasted with the follow-
ing (p. 92, Cape Report) :—" Leys, slave girl
of Carel du Plessis, complains that her master's
son has, on Monday last, struck her five blows
with the fist on the head, so that the blood
gushed from her nose, because she was sick, and
could not work ; and stated further, that she b-,s
been lately very much ill used by said person,
who tied an ox thong round her neck,
and
pulled her by it, and afterwards fastene;', her to a
pole, and punished her with quince twigs."
Sentence—The defendant condemned in a pe-
nalty of' 51., to be divided according to the 13th
article of the ordinance of the 19th June last.—
The names of the poor sufferers are calculated
to inspire very different recollections from those
which they suggest in .the criminal records of the
slave population : we have Coto, Cicero,
Brutus, Pompey ; even
_Pitt, Wellington,
Buonaparte, are found an these Cape planta-
tions, with the more poetical names of
Adonis, Veuus, Dido, Leander Telema-
chus, &-c. Buonaparte appears to have
been a rugged uncompromising fellow, for,
after various combats with the authorities
for his freedom, and several provisional releases,
he at length succeeded in the final accomplish-
ment of hts claim; and being determined to ap-
pear well in civilized life when he enforced his
privilege of entering it, he successfully insisted
upon " the restoration of hip clothes." Poor
Adonis fares much.worw, for, being detected in
various burglaries itt, Cape.itown,s Majesty's •
Fiscal consigae4 him (prolla pudor !) cc to be
exposo under the gallows with a rope round his
heck, then scourged and branded, and to work
in irons for life." There is one entry at the end
of page 75 of the Fiscal's report;the palpable in-
justice of which excites indignation when viewed
as a.record the judicial proceedings of a Bri-
tish foxictionary, It is in the ease of three
*yes, who were supposed to be implier.ied in
the burglaries of Adonis, and is as foltows
The Fiscal could not bring home either to
Carolus, September, or Leec any part of the
crimes with whl;e4 they
were charged, al-
though thg-
y we re bad characters, and sus-
picicAk trting against them ; they were there-
*4o, allowed to be returned to their masters,
;under the conditio?z, that if' teithin one year
have been
I evidence coin 4 4e. brought against them, they
transmitted ( f
o
aught to
tionary, T
must b,e, 4,urrendered ag
esee
should
boon
ldtpa
nek
eriet
tr
oial
, this be Dutch law, Hoffmeyer, the ow,:,er of
-Ave been pro-
from the different pro-
It himself : it
titt
y a British
of
which i
fracmoteirdsebyfrtohme
crimes
crimes
tse4onitoez,Atlzli(siesdeecmirctuolarh) he schedule
followers of some c.,14 those philosophers (as
they were iniac4ed
volumes
tht. ilocenclanta of yore
their day) who wrote
oye that the race of blacks were
Cain ; yet " nil" is mostly
reivatted to the higher offences, and the names
even of some of them it would be as well in
future to spare, unless when their perpetration

sbould call for the -record. In- looping at- the
registered complaints of masters against their
slaves, it is impossible not to raise an inference
directly bearing upon the unmitigable condition
of slavery itself. The crimes here recorded do
not belong in the rasa to any condition of em-
ployed poor in any part of the world, and they
afford the stronffest presumptive evidence of the
sense entertained by these slaves of the coerced
labour to which they are consigned. While the
crimes of inherent and indomitable vices are few,

and bespeak a favourable prepossession for the
natural feelings of these negroes, those against
the property of their masters, abound, and
almost exclusively occupy the calendar ; they
arc, in every schedule throughout these
reports, arraigned in hundreds for idleness,
laziness, rffusing to work, neglect
.of work
and duty, and absconding. How are these
facts, appearing as they do in the returns made
by the masters themselves from the different set-
tlements, reconcileable with the contented con-
dition said to be the lot of these people ? Why
fly from comforts? Why sulky to the benevo-
lent, and ungrateful to the guardian ? The Go-
vernment, in taking the work in hand of ame-
liorating the condition of these slaves, appear to
have engaged in an arduous duty. The ordi-
nances for the slave are good, but the working
part of their application is clogged with difficul-
ties. The moral condition of these poor peo-
ple has been most criminally neglected. Mr.
k'ower, the protector of slaves in Berbice, whose
report is full of valuable information, says, in
describing the character of their local offences.
" There appear to be none of those graver of-1
fences which would imply an extinction, or even
a great degradation, of the moral feeling ;" and
again, " The grosser description of such offences
can unhappily tie traced to that almost brutal
ignorance and mental imbecility in which, with-
out instruction or religion of the simplest form,
with few exceptions, the predial negroes of this
colony are so deeply immersed." Under the
head of complaints, Mr. Power mentions two
cases which deserve much attention ; one, the
successful issue of the trial of a slave named
Lichyn, which has put an end to the slavery of
time descendants of Indians, a class of persons
who have been so kept for three generations,
in direct opposition to the laws of nations and
the municipal laws of Holland and Great Bri-
tain. The second case refers to the state-
ment of a Creole negress, the property of
the Lutheran congregation, where the woman
asserts, though born on the estate, she had
never heard of the existence of God, or of a
future state of rewards and punishments ; and
that to her knowledge neither young nor old
were ever instructed by either clergyman or
schoolmaster on that plantation.. Mr. Power
feelingly adds—" It will scarcely be believed, as
I stated in my letter to your Excellency, dated
the 28th of July, 1828, out of the range of this
colony, that such a state of things- could exist
as a Christian community, having a minister and
schoolmaster, with a vestry controuling both,
and both receiving salaries out of those funds
supplied by the toil of the negroes, neither im-
parting, the one spiritual instruction, nor the
other the most simple elementary exercise of
their intellectual powers, to those unhappy beings
who hold such strong obligations on their juss-
tice and humanity.' It seems also from the
Governor's letter to Mr. Huskisson, that al-
though there is what he describes to be " a
.comfortable living" for a clergyman of the Esta-
blished Church in time colony, yet Out there has
been no such resident for the last year and a
half amid a population of 2'2,000, who are so
anxious for religious instruction, that they flocked
in crowds to the' English church to hear service
performed on one occasion last year. when they
had the casual visit of a clergyman from Deme-
rara. The manumissions of slaves, either by
private arrangements or transfers, where the in-
dividual agrees to pay a specific sum for his dis-
charge, appear to be in gradual, or rather very
slow operation, and it is right to add that there
are several instances in which the treatment of
slaves has been exemplary. It is consolatory to
find that the natural affections are not extinguished
by slavery, and there are situations even in that
state in which they appear to be very strik-
ingly elicited. The records here given of manu-
mission, after long terms of faithful services, is
gratifying ; and when it is found (as in many
instances) to have been enjoined in the testa-
mentary disposition of female property, it adds
another proof of the compassion and humanity
of the sex in every climate of the globe. The
average price of slaves appears to vary from 100
to 130 guineas each ; very indifferent slaves
have been sold for 70 and 80 guineas, but the
appraisement upon manumission appears to be
in general much higher, and therefore unfair
against the slave. It is humiliating to find, par-
ticularly in the Cape of Good Hope returns, that
while repeated complaints are made by slaves
against masters, for refusals to permit theta to be
christened, and to attend the church service; that
the ivlahometan proprietors allow their slaves,
who profess the same faith, to purchase their
freedom at cost price, and even allow them to
work on their own account for that purpoae
Many of the returns in these reports are im-
perfect, and have already been complained of by
Mr. Huskisson. We' have no doubt that Sir
George Murray will evince the same aoaiety to
give full force to a law which, of all others, re-
quires to be enforced with a firm and- -resolute
band. The public attention should be directed
to these periodical reports, from the valuable
light which they practically shed upon the con-
dition of the colonial slave populatton.—ibid-
The Proclamation issued by the Duke of
Northumberland has emir forth a strong ex-
pression of feeling in Ireland, The Belfast
-Northern Whig "protests against sq.eh paltry,
temporising conduct," and asks, " when or
where did his Grace of Northumberland issue a
Proclamation for the apprehension of Orange
murderers?" Mr. O'Connell, at Limerick,
contrasting his Grace with the Marquis of An-
glesca, observed, " that the latter wore the
sword as well as the Isnce ; and while he pu-
nished delinquency on the pne hand, he was
ever wady to secure innocence, itnd throw the
shield of protection and clemency aresund the
oppressed. Colonel Napier, in time comnience-
ment of the second volume of his reaeterly His-
tory, speaking of the effect produced in England
by the unfortunate iseese pf Sir John Moore's
campaign, observes, " The people trained to
party politics, ;Ind possessing nu r 4,1 power to
rebuke the folly the Cabinet, regarded
tars and triumphs with, factious rather than with
national feelings; and it wa4g alike easy to draw
the public attention from affairs of weight, and
to fix it upon matters of little moment," The
observation is susceptible of very extensive ap,
plication in this country. There is a prodigious'
disposition among us to. bay at the moon—to
occupy ourselves with inevitable effects rather
than with causes. 1 he doa who .falls foul of

the stone which hits him is an apt emblem of
this most thinking people. A very little re-
flection would have sufficed to show that the
Duke of Northumberland could not act other-
wise than he has acted. We observed at the time
" that there is this difference between the mur-
ders perpetrated by Orangemen and the murders
perpetrated by Ribbonmen, that the Government
are not supposed to know the former. The
whole of the Magistracy of the North of Ire-
land, being Protestants and partizans, take cog-
nizance only of the murders perpetrated on those
of their own party. A Queen of Spain has no
legs—an Orangeman never commits murder.
The Government, were a representation trans-
mitted from the Magistracy of 'a foul murder
committed by Orangemen, would, of course,
issue a Proclamation for the discovery of the
murderer ; but the Government takes no more
responsibility on itself than it can help taking;
and, therefore, chooses to see only through the
spectacles of the local authorities.' The Dublin
Evening Post, not allowing itself to be mysti-
fied by words,' in an able article on party trials,
goes at once to the root of the evil. " As we
said (observes our contemporary), on a former
occasion, we shall have no objection to this Pro-
clamation as against the Ribbomnen, though we
do not like the term, and much less do we ap-
prove of the word piking; but at the same time
as we stated then, we think, but which the
Northern Whig seems to have passed over, the
Government should have issued a Proclamation
against persons calling themselves Orangemen.
We should suppose that the omission arose alto-
gether out of the forms of office. The Procla-
mation was grounded on a memorial from the.
Governor and Magistrates of Fermanagh. There
was no Memorial from the other party, and of
course upon the prima jiwie evidence, the other
party . were considered the aggressors." The
case is simply this—the whole judicial organiza-
tion of the North of Ireland is exclusively
Orange, and the law is thus a sword in the hands
of the Orangeman to stab the Catholic. So no-
toriously is this the case, that Baron Pennefather,
at the Fermanagh Assizes, has postponed the
trials of several Catholics Li) the next General
Gaol Delivery, on account of the Resolutions of
the Magistrates of Fermanagh. " I cannot help
thinking (he says) that the publication of them
may have had such influence on the minds of
the persons who compose the Jurors in this
county, as would tend to excite a prejudice in
their minds against the prisoners." There is not
a functionary, from the Governor of a country to
a gaoler, who is not a thick and thin partisan.
The Counsel for the prisoners was :sestructed to
say in their behalf, " that since their apprehen-
sion they have been subject to solitary confine-
ment, nor has their clergyman or any of their
friends been allowed to see them." If it be
wished that justice should be done to the people
something more than the mere postponement of
a trial is necessary ; for, as is well observed by the
Dublin Evening Post," whenever the trial shall
take place, we may be sure that the Magistrates,
the Grand Panel, the Governors,and the Sheriffs,
will be composed of the same men or the same
sort of men, as those who have signed the
Declaration denouncing the Papists, and declar-
big the country in a state of Popish insurrection
against the lives and fortunes of the Protestant
Lieges," " We ask the Whig (adds a Dublin
contemporary), we ask any man of common
sense, who does not play the hypocrite, and use
the garbage with which we have been so often
nauseated, about our excellent laws, and the
wisdom of our ancestors—knowing no distinc-
tion of persona between rich and poor, Popish
and Protestant—glorious birthright of Trial by
Jury—and threadbare stuff of that kind ; we
ask any man who knows the North—any man
who is acquainted with human nature—whether
the Ribbonmen accused of piking the Orange-
men, if there were any show of evidence at all
against them, notwithstanding the clouds of wit-
nesses that might appear in their favour, would
have the least chance of acquittal before a Jury
returned by an Orange Sheriff from an Orange
penel, and in a county ruled by Orange Gover-
norsr,--he principal of whom is Deputy Grand
Master, inunedietely under his Royal Highness
the Duke of Cumberlend, of the Orangemen of
Ireland ? It is out of the question-e-we say it
distinctly and unaffectedly. The whole ssztem
einst be changed." The remedy proposed
by - our Dublin Contemporary would be
searching, " Deprive the three Governors
of Fermanagh *of their government. Super-
sede such Magistrates as have openly declared
they would admit no rascally Papist into the
Police. Take the appointment of Sub-sheriff
out of the hands in which it is lodged at pre-
sent. And, finally, appoiet g Stipendiary Ma-
eistrate—an Englishman if poselble—resident
on th spot. Dismiss the present Pollee of tlic
country, 444 jot not Magistrates interfere in the
reconstruction of tlutt body. Let them lie
strangers in the countiy,ao.placed solely under
the command of the Stipendiary. And, finally,
let the Assistant Barrister be resident on the
spot for the next twelvemonths, with a power to
try all cases with but reference to a Jury."
With any other man than tite Duke of Welling-
top at the head of the Govasmaieot) we should
despaie Af any searching remedy. The setetea-
men of this seetnitry—thanks to our impregnable
situation—eau affosel
,to dispense with thinking,
and they seldom go bsyonsl a little familiarity
with the common-places of langeteeee, They
are somewhat like mill-horses, that ever go, gip
same unvaryi% essund. The Duke of Welling,
ton has been throwis betimes on his own re-
sources, and in situations veheee things, and not
woycis, were required. He may be ;cgs skilled
than many others in that command of phrases,
which, though of little aid in council, is of
good stead in diegeissang the want of wisdom.
But, having calcuiat4d is means, and the
strength of the force opposed to him, he is
not likely to turn aside from an object whistt
It
is witbie his reach. We have risen from the
perusal of Colonel Napier's work, which has
thrown so strong a light on his character, with
ideas of his resources and strength of sykind much
higher than we before entertained ; and the
folioaeirw observatiOns, with which he concludes
the Second Volume, we perceive much that will
afford a key to the ppeiretions of last Session.
" Sir Arthur Wellesley," saps Aka Colonel, " had
now <sfter the battle of lalavera) esspeeieneed
the si,',e4snesse 9f his friends and the strength of
hip en, emiee, ;coal iv.; felt all the emptiness of
public boaesing. Foresee-leg r tif the contest
was to be carried on it must be In portpo,.,L and
that unless he himself cola ELlpporitzhe'eakis.9 of
the Peninsula, it must fall, his manner otmalsiog
war cF4ne-pd. His caution increased ten-fold ;
yet abating
_his boldness, he met a noesipg of
baffled the best of the. Pencil legions in the funl-
d
ness of their strength. He wies 4,lj.i::c unmoved
4.1 ;;be intrigues of the Portuguese Regency„;:ed
by the undiseuised hatred -of the Spanish Go-
vernment ; and when some of his own Generals,
and one of theni on his personal staff; denounc7

ing his rashness and predicting the ruin of the •
army, caused the puny energy of the English -
Ministers to quail as the crisis approached, he
with gigantic vigour pushed aside these im-
pediments, and steadily holding on his own
course, proved himself a sufficient man, whe-
ther to uphold or to conquer kingdoms." His
Grace has, no doubt, long ere now penetrated the
tactics of the Orangemen. Their object is,
through their monopoly of the judicial organiza-
tion of the North of Ireland, to endeavour,
through the unjust exercise of their power, to
strengthen the feuds between the Orangemen and
Catholics, with a view to afford a proof that
Emancipation has added to the discontent of
Ireland instead of extinguishing it. They count
upon that obesity of intellect which yet abounds
but too much in this country, for the success of
the manceuvre. It is true it was never contended
by any advocate of Emancipation that it would
do more than clear the way for remedial mea-
sures ; and no rational person could suppose
that a country could be tranquillized in which
the administration of justice was partial. But
though all feel, comparatively few can reason and
distinguish. Perhaps, therefore, it may not be
advisable to trust too much to the good sense of
the multitude. We would fain hope, therefbre,
that the Duke of Wellington would see the ne-
cessity of counteracting the Orangemen by the
adoption of some scheme for neutralizing their
mischievous agency, such as that indicated by
the Dublin Evening Post. Justice, we repeat,
is not to he obtained through Orange Magis-
trates and Juries ; and without justice nothing
is doi.e. Away then for a time with the mys-
tification of Orange Governors, Sheriffs, Ma-
gistrates, and Jurors.—Mornzng Chronicle.

Mr. O'Connell, we see by the Irish Papers,
has been exhibiting, at a recent dinner at Lime-
rick, the effrontery, turbulence, and contempt of
all authority, which characterize him and the
party of which he is the leader. He speaks in
terms of exultation of the benefit conferred upon
the Roman Catholic body. " Every Catholic,"
says he, " at this moment holds a higher station
than what he did formerly. He is more elevated
in the State, and this elevation brings with it
corresponding duties, which every Catholic has
to perform towards God and man for tie ulti-
mate good of Ireland." Having thus expressed
his sense of the benefit conferred upon the Ro-
man Catholics, it might naturally have been ex-
pected that such an exordium would have been
followed by an attempt on his part to inculcate,
by precept and example, upon his Roman
Catholic fellow-countrymen, those • feelings of
respect and gratitude towards the British
Government, which would be no more than
an appropriate and becoming return for the
gift he professes to prize so highly. If, however,
any one entertained this just and reasonable
expectation, which would, we admit, have proved
him to know little of the man or of the party to
which he belongs, how deploral,le must have
been his disappointment, how warm his indigna-
tion, how ineffable his contempt, on finding this
acknowledgment of a benefit recently received
from the English Government employed merely
as the prelude to a torrent of sarcasm and in-
vective directed against the Vicegerent of the
King of England, and of impotent and ridiculous
rage, without the least cause, poured upon one
of the most learned and virtuous Judges of the
land ? Such an auditor would have exclaimed.
indignantly—" You, and the party which can
recognise you as its leader, may indeed have been
elevated by law ; but to any consciousness of
elevation, to any sense of the corresponding duties
and feelings towards God and man, which social
elevation ought to bring with it, you evidently
have not attained ; nor can the elevation of the
professors of your creed, which you so loudly
boast, if they be generally such as you, ever con-
tribute to the ultimate good of Ireland." The
reproaches uttered by O'Connell against the
present Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—who, it
will be remembered by others, although it be
forgotten by him and his party, contributed much
towards the success of the measure in which they
profess to rejoice—present a striking illustration
of Popish gratitude, consistency, and patriotism.
And for what is the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland
reproached ? Simply because he was unwilling
to anticipate that the Roman Catholics of Ire-
land, under the guidance of their Priests and
Demagogues, would be as prone to violence,
outrage, and murder, as resolute in their con-
tempt and defiance of the law, as intolerant of
the harmless festivities of their Protestant fellow-
subjects, as incapable of enduring the custo-
mary manifestations of British and Pro-
testant loyalty, after they were emanci-
pated as before. Blame there • might hP in
this ; a too charitable and indulgent estimate of
the character, feelings, and designs of the Popish
party pp doubt it implied ; but it is not from a
Popish Demagugne that the censure ought to
proceed. Of the charge c Mr. Justice Jebb to
the Grand Jury of Armagh we have already ex,
pressed our opinion, and maintained it by argu-
ments which appeared to us to be conclusive.
We have no sash deference to the mere dictum
of Mr. O'Connell, unsupported by a solitary
reason, as to induce us to renew the argument.
The Member for Clare threatens the Learned
Indge with a charge in Parliament. Let him
bring it, Hp has already indicated several sub-
jects on which we foresee that he will expose
himself to derision and contempt, arid this will
be but one added to the number, if indeed,
whieli is -more probable, - he should not be
put to shame and reduced to everlasting silence
before it can come to the turn of Mr. Justice
Jebb to be the subject of his senaorial exer-
tions. Mr. O'Connell, we perceive, imputes
incpnsistency to the Learned Judge, who denies
that the meetings Of Orangemen are prima facie
illegal, because he fo-smerly heard him denounce
the White-boy badge in the South of Ireland!
This might do very well in the city of Limerick
49r dinner, and when addressed to a party
among stlio;s/. the ermine of a Judge, if worn by
any Protestant, will probably ere long become a
badge of offence ; but we beg to assure the
Learned Gentleman that his utmost ingenuiiy
t
'vfli fail in the House of Commons, if he at-
temp4.:
to that
act of wearing the badge
,f the Orange Sposty, antd ;that of wearing the
White-boy badge, are equally to be considprO
as offences either in a legal or moral point of
view.—Morning Post.
It wouid
.4upp.r from the meagre and partial
accounts which reaeh m frpm Constantinople,
and the theatre of war, that Wbile tiie Espsians
along 1116 coast
.474(1F,;,, the Turks remain quietly in their
Lozwaordns the one hand, advancing
cisearnissnen,f a,t ,S.PITia Make no effort to
arrest their progrPsss YYJ'etkcF' ti?is inactivity
arises from the want of a sufficient or'ge tq rest
the advance of the Russians, or from a wish to
draw the Russians to the southward of the Bal-
kan, i;} order afterwards to fall upon them both
in front and rear, wP have no means of judging
I with accuracy ; but the calm demeanour prpscrycti

by the Turks under the present adverse state of
circumstances, inclines us to believe that the
campaign will not terminate without some deci-
sive blow being struck against the Russians.
There is an army of no inconsiderable magnitude
in the neighbourhood ofthe Metropolis,—another
of not less amount encamped, and strongly forti-
fied, at Adrianople, and a third in Shumla,
which, notwithstanding the loss alleged to have
been suffered by the Turks in the battle of the
11th, must still be considerable. With such a force,
tolerably disciplined as it is known to be, it ap-
pears to us that the Sultan has, on the one hand,
less to fear for his capital, that the Empeior, for
the safety of his army ; and that if properly di-
rected, Count Diebitsch will experience more
difficulty in re-crossing the 13alkan, than he found
in making the descent.—Morning Advertiser.