The Sun.
London, England, 1820-11-07 00:00:00

be thought it was necessary her Majesty should be degraded
as a security to the public morals of society ill this country.
hie did not fail to remember that her Majesty was the niece
arid daughter-in-law of his late venerated and much loved So-
vereign, and that she was related to a line of heroes, and
that she arriv, :n this coontry under no very auspicious cir-
cumstances; trot it was, he felt, necessary for the protection of
public morals, that her Majesty should be removed from her
high station, and he should vote for the Bill.
Lord Ili/WARD said, that before he stated thegrourlds of
his vote oir this question, he must observe that with respect
ta the nature of the measure proposed against the Queen, he
l'ortight she could not stiffer from its being in the shape of a
Bill of Pains and Penalties. He thought that it was a most
viii dire and potent mode, and from which the Queen derived
rend) advantage. With respect to the evidence, he must say
t:oit the evidence of Majocei, Rastelli, Sacchi, and Dumont,
ism su contradictory, that he could not give the least credit
to it and the remainder of the evidence was so suspicions,
that he could not beiiese that one Court would find a verdict
upon it. Kress had here compelled to give evidence against
lit Queers, acrd the Baron d'Ende, who would bare been an
et ;deuce for her Majesty, bad not been brought over to this
country. Toting into consideration these facts, he could not
vote fur the Bill. Had the evidence in support of the Bill
been, as was promised, :delve all suspicion, he might have
agreed to the degradation of her Majesty; if the charges of
open. disgraceful, revolting, licentious conduct, on Ihe part
of her Majesty, bad been proved, lie shookd have agreed for
the punishment of her Majesty to a certain extent. This was
a leeislative measere : and without yielding to popular 0-a-
mour. he must say, that no law that was verf objectionable
shoitld he enacted. The House of Commons, which lie be-
lieved he might allude to under the denomination of " another
plate," would never pass the Bill; and deeming it inexpedi-
ent, and that the charges had not been proved, he would
vote against the second reading.
The Earl of ENNISKILLEN said, that having been one of
those who lint supported Iris Noble Friend at the head of the
Treasury, on the first reading of this Bill, it was with the ut-
most pairs thaw Ire felt honself obliged to differ from him on
the present iorestion. Ile had attended to the evidence from
the beginning to the end of the rase, and had done his best to
understand it, and he was of opinion that it was such a mass
of contradiction and suspicion, that he could not feel himself
justified to convict any one upon it, arid therefore, he should
Pate against the second reading of the Bill.
Lord CALTHORPE was not" surprised that, on a question
which, from its very nature, admitted of every shade of moral
and political consideiation, Noble Peers should differ in the
particular view they took of it. Entertaining, as he did, a
conviction that misconduct of a disgusting and degrading na-
ture hail been proved against her Majesty, he still could nut
give his vote for the present Bill, when he looked to her pe-
culiar situation. Ilad the case against her Majesty been
fully proveiloand that her conduct had been as licentious as
it was represented, yet, unless it hail beers proved that she
bad voluntarily resigned her connubial rights, which was not
the case, he, even then, must think that the present was not
the proper mode of proceeding ! The Noble Lord thought the
House of Peers had neglected their duty, as patrons and
guardians of public morals, in not rentoustrating with the
Princess of Wales before she quitted this country: they should
have told her, that she was forfeiting the best protection—the
protection of public opinion ; that she was quitting a country
where morals were rigid, for one in which they were more
lax ; said that she was subjecting herself to iticreased temp-
tations He would ash their Lordships if this was the time to
expose kingly power; or to pass a Bill that would throw
odious on his Majesty as 11 Husband, as a King, or as the
Head of the State. Was this the time to ash the Royal Assent
to a measure of such an important lionise as the degradation
of the Queen Consort of the Throne ? Under such circum-
stances, he coold not vote for the Bill, or suffer it to go a single
step farther towards its conCusion. As voting for the second
reading would he appearing to countenance a principle he
Could Hut Salielloll, he must give his vote against it. He should
take this step, however, with a strong feeling, that the guilt
of Tier Majesty hail been established. He was compelled to
acknowledge that she had been guilty of gross and degrad-
Hs! conduct. He felt that for the upholding of tire law
of God , for the satisfaction of his own conscience, for the
peace, the welfare, and the honour of the public, Ire was
forbidden to call such conduct by soft or extenuating names—
and therefore he felt the painful and distressing dilemma in
which they were placed, by haring no other alternative than
to pronounce a virtual acquittal upon the Queen, or to pass a
Bill which, both in its principles and its penalties, was equally
objectionable. It was highly desirable that some alternative
should be presented to the House, for he thought it would be
tautarnount to a dereliction of their public duty if they,did
not record their sentiments upon what had been proved by
unsuspected, unsuspicious testimony. lie wished somemode
was found, such as was suggested by a Noble Lord on Satur-
daylast (Ellenborougli), of the House expressing its feelings
on the conduct of her Majesty, as proved in evidence before
their Lordships. He believed with a Nohle Lord who had
spoken, that public opistion would come right at last ; hut he
conceived it one of the evils of this measure, that it had en-
listed generous and compassionate feelings on time side of li-
centiousness. The House owed it to itself and to the coun-
try, which had a large claim ou it, for having poured forth
such a nitass of disgusting evidence as had done more to poi-
son public morals than any thing that ever had occurred its
this country. It was dire to that public, to make every amends
in their power, and to record, that they are not the patrons
of vice, but of virtue: ! The Noble Lord then proceeded to
eulogize the Ea'rl of Liverpool, who had brought a new power
into the discussion—the power of personal character. He
could not help throwing stone censure on his Majesty's Minis-
ters for originating thit measure in the manner they did. He
was willing to adroit that great allowances should he made for
the situation in which they stood. But if they had consulted
what they had often found to he a true and faithful guide, be
meant putslio opinion, lie was convinced they never would
have brought it forward. If that House did not adopt some
mode fsiway of antidote to the poison which had been disse-
minated throughout the country, to the prejudice of its mo-
rals, by these proceedings. it would depart from its peculiar
character of patron and guardian of the public morals, leav-
ing an evil to work its own remedy, which they had been in-
. cruruental to inflict. He was happy to observe, that many
W. those who were in the habit of supporting Governmeut
had followed the diictates of their own feelings on that occa-
sion. And he was sore the conduct which had been observed
throughout the whole proceeding would raise that House in
pit blie estimation. He could not sit down without expressing
a wish that tire Noble Lord who threfloout a suggestion that the
House would express some opinion of the guilt of the Queen,
would bring some motion,and afforilt hellonsean opportunity of
vindicating their own character, and also of vindicating the
tumour and character of that sex who tfornied the most dis-
tingoished honour and pride of the country. He thought it
was dire to the honour and character of the British female,
whose virtue was the chef ornament of society, to record, by
an address, or a resolution, their sentiments as to the con-
duct of her Majesty. His Lordship concluded by declaring
his determination to vote against the Bill.
The Marquess of STAFFORD said, that on the ground of
expediency, putting out of view all other reasons, he could not
consent that this Bill should pass. He recollected that the
Nohlearid Learned Lord on the Woolsack had told them," he
sjust,And fear net." So said he,—but he wished that Learned
Lord bad continued his quotation and said, " Let all the ends
thou aituest at be for thy country, thy God, and for truth."
Fur his country, then, be should vote against the Lill as an
unconstitutioual measure.
Lord DE CLIFFORD said, that if in the way he intend-
ed to vote on this question, his opinion as to the guilt or in-
nocence of the Queen could he inferred, he should have given
silent vote. But feeling, as he did, a moral conviction that
her Majesty bad carried on an adulterous intercourse with a
low individual, accompanied with circumstances of a most
indecent and disgusting nature, he curet() nut refrains from
giving his opinion to that effect. At the same tittle he must
state, that the whole of the evidence upon which it had been
attempted to establish it was so tainted with suspicion, that
Ire could not be induced to vote fdr the Bill beforetheir Lord-
ships. Of the evidence brought forward, touch had been con-
tradicted by counter evidence, and many paipahle,falsehoods
detected. Neither could be altogether excuse the inconsist-
encies which had shown themselves in the witnesses who had
been 'brought forward for the defence. Looking at the whole
case as it had beets proved at the Bar of that House, it was
plain that any private individual would be entitled to an ac-
quittal under similar charges-. As far as regarded the opera-
tion of the Bill with respect to the residence of the Queen
in this country; or the tendency which the rejection of the
Bill might have to the same effect, he could not believe that
the Queen either would or could remain in this country. Her
residence here could neither be advantageous tosEngland, nor
was it likely to be attended with comfort to herself. It was
evident-that the Bill would be rejected in one stage, or ano-
ther; the sooner, therefore, they gut yid of it tine better, and
the sooner that efouse threw it out before it went any further
the more wisely would they act. Tbere were so many objec.
tions to the measure pressing upon his mind, in addition to
those which he had mentioned, that he slion:d feel it his duty
to vote against the second reading of the Bill.
Lord GRANTHAM said, that unwilling as he Certainly
was to protract the debate, yet feeling compelled to differ
hum those whom he had hitherto publicly supported, he could
not belp yielding to the temptation of saying a foe words.—
His Noble Friend (Lord Liverpool) at an early stage of these
proceedings, had told them that their votes is support of the