The Sun.
London, England, 1829-03-06 00:00:00

sileility of any cheek upon those whose oath obtains the
registration. The edbe .'e I select 40 far to
remedy this eeee ide de ..a ten peunds free-
hold Shall be ent:l.l t•.; s• ! dees'eet sisti sate; but let
us adopt some wiri of asesrtainiiig eteldell r the a pretty
. has, in feetoe Ole fisediold. I pieepeelee deri rrieiss
the passing of the lei!, a 'fey shall be fite,l ifi reel-, eotlety
in Ireland, and that melee shall be give in every market-
town, that the opportunity is given of registering bona fide
freeholds of the annual value of lad. I shall also suggest,
not that the right eef voting shoultimmediately accrue upon
the. registration ; lent that it may be exercised at an earlier
pencil than at present. I helieve that the right to vote does
trot until tevelee !I-writhe aftee the date of the.
registration, but I IstiotO no sufficient reasoft tvhe' tr_at
period should net be reduced] to six months. lam aware
that the point to which I am now about to advert is of
tne greatest importance, viz., the constitution of the tri-
bun el by which the right to vote shall be determined. I
propose a mode of determining- that right, which appears
to i'le better calculated than any other thee can be de-
e iSedl for the purpose a enshrine the faithful reierefee of
the power to be entrusted. Every Irish gentleman, of
course, knows, and no doubt most Englishmen know,
that there is in every county of Ireland an officer, known
by the name of the Assistant Barrister. He discharges
his duties in an exemplary manner, and his tribunal is as
,tell constituted as any Court in this country. Upon that
judicW office I would devolve the duty of registering free-
holds, and of making any inquiry he may think necessary
beyond the statement of the party, in order to ascertain whe-
ther tliC freehold axis e. It mat be asked, will you give to an
officer of the Crown the power of making that inquiry, and of
exercising that controul? I answer in the affirmative;
but I propose also a check upon the discharge of his new
function, in two ways. First, if the right to vote be de-
nied on aecolint of any legal doubt—a doubt, for instance,
as to the title---then there is to be an appeal from the de-
cision of the Assistant Barrister to the Judge of Amite.
If the doubt arise on any matter of fact—as to the value
of the freehold for instance—then the freeholder is to have
a right to appeal to a Jury. In every case where the As-
sistant Barrister refuses to admit a freeholder to registra-
tion, there shall he a right of appeal either to a Judge or
a Jury. I had intended to state the second mode of check-
ing the Assistant Barrister, but perhaps a judgment upon
it maybe better. formed from the contents of the Bill, and
I will therefore confine myself to a statement rather eef ge-
neral principles than of details. The general principle will
limit the frsnchise to the holder of a bona fide freehold of
ten pounds a-year ; leasehold for lives is freehold, and I do
not mean at all to meddle with tenures in Ireland. Ido
not by freehold mean freehold in fee simple.
A MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, asked
why the freehold in Ireland should riot be taken in the
same strict sense as in England ?
Mr. PEEL—I propose that all freeholds Ira Ireland
should lee put upon the same footing; and I think I could
convince my Hon. Friend, that more abuses have crept into
the right of voting from freeholds held in fee simple, than
from any other mode of conferring that species of fran-
chise. Instances have occurred of mountains having been
divided into freeholds ffr the purpose of giving the right to
vote, while the landlord has reserved to himself the right of
turbary, or some other of equal insignificance ; so that the
freeholder, in fact, has no property of the slightest value,
and is solely under the influence of the landlord. But Ido
not propose to extend this restriction to corporate towns ;
because, although changes might there lee made in the
franchise, yet I do not think I should adhere to the prin-
eiple of perfect fairness between all hearties if I controuled
the franchise in corporate towns, which arises from free-
hold rights, and left the rights of corporations to make
freeholds untouched. If I could limit the power of cor-
porations to make non-resident freemen, and also im-
prove the franchise, I am not prepared to say that I
should not consider it a great good ; but not think-
ing it desirable at present to enter into that great
question, I did not think it fit to attempt to limit
corporations in making freemen. If I did not raise
the freehold to ten pounds, it might be overpowered
by the making of nonresident freemen. I do not
conceal from myself the objections to this part of the
subject.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Let it be recollected that
I propose it as part of a great system.—(Hear, hear.)—l
propose it upon the principle of mutual sacrifices ; and
while the paroxysm continues, which, depeud upon it,
must be produced by this change, I do not think it would
be safe to leave the franchise as it stands. Independent,
however, of that consideration, it affords the means of
laying the foundation of a substantial yeomanry in Ire-
land. After the events that have recently occurred, I can
vindicate the forty shilling franchise no longer as the
means by which the Protestant interest may be main-
tained, and I do not propose to diminish any legitimate in-
fluence the Roman Catholics enjoy. In the southern part
of Ireland, lam aware that many freeholders will be dis-
franchised by this measure ; but still many will remain to
exercise the right, and to give effect to their impartial views
and opinions. If you ask me what compensation I
give to those whose existing interests will be infringed,
to the Roman Catholics I reply, I give you this—l re-
solve the stigma of which you complain—l destroy the
invidious distinction, against the continuance of which you
have petitioned—l admit you and y our descendants to the
honours and distinction of the State. That, I say, is
ample compensation for the loss of these miserable privi-
leges, which practically are no privileges at all. Read the
evidence, and see what is the actual condition of the pos-
sessor of the franchise—pressed on the one side by the
landlord to regard his tempera' interest, and urged on the
other by the Priest tee consult his eternal welfare. The
loss of this franchise is therefore a small sacrifice indeed.
lea addition, I know that I have to deal with Protestants ;
and I say to the Protestant freeholder—the compensation
I offer you is, that you shall not lee overborne in the exercise
eef this right by the exercise of an illegitimate influence.—
He will, therefore, benefit with the whole class to which
he belongs. If the result shall be—as I apprehend it will
—a general improvement in the condition of that country,
it will be a great and happy gain. I trust it is not ne-
cessary for Inc to apologise to the House for the tedious
details through which I have to lead them. (Hear.)—
There yet remains to be considered that branch of the ques-
tion which relates tee Ecclesiastical Securities. The first
question that arises as to them is, in what light is it pro-
posed to consider the Church of Rome ? Is it desirable to
incorporate it with the State, to cherish and promote it ; or
is it desirable to leave it on its own footing, and consider
it in the light of other Dissenters from the Established
Church ? The nature of the securities must depend on the
principle we intend to adopt in this respect. lam not in-
sensible to the arguments used in favour of the incorpora-
tion of the Roman Catholic Church with the State, and
the advantages to be derived from making a peculiar pro-
vision for the Ecclesiastics of the Roman Catholic faith.
I know that many great men have decided in favour of this
provision for the Roman Catholic Clergy ; and particularly
that Lord Castlereagh thought that the proposed admission
of the Roman Catholics to the full enjoyment of civil righte
should be accompanied with a provision in the nature of an
ecclesiastical security. But if these securities were to be made
the subject of negociation and of compact with the Court of
Rome, I should see the greatest, difficulties in approaching
such a result. I do think there would be something revolting
to the feeling of the people, and the independence and pride
of this country, if the King of England were to go to any
foreign Ecclesiastical Court for the purpose of determining
on what footing his own subjects should stand—(cheers.)—
We cannot approach the Court of Rome fur such a
purpose without admitting it to be an authority in our le-
gislation, and also admitting its right to withhold its assent
from our measures if it should think proecr. I take it that
on that ground alone this House will think that a negotia-
tion would be incompatible with the dignity and independ-
ence of England ; and this is I consider the great objection
to any attempt to provide securities in this respect. I must
also say, that the incorporation of the Roman Catholic
Church with the State, by giving the Crown a controul
over the Catholic priesthood, through a provision for their
maintenance, would be more repugnant to the feelings of
the country than any measure that could be devised.—
(Cheers.)—Nor am I at all sure that it would be', accept.
able to the Roman Catholics of Ireland in their present
temper. Besides, if we had any measure of that nature, it
would Inc a departure from that great principle which in-
blll es the inviolability of the doctrines and discipline of the
Church of England. If lam asked whether I have any
securities in the way of stipend, or interference, or con-
trout, I will say at once that I hare none.—(Cheers.)—l
cannot propose an incorporation of the Roman C itholic
Religion with the State, ner to give it a qualified es-
tablishment. I defer to those feelings which have been
excited with regard to the religious part of the ques-
tiou. I say at once that ray proposition is, that the Roman
Catholic Religion shall not be considered as on the foot-
ing of an establishment, but of dissent.—(Hear, hear.)—
At the same time some regulations on this subject, it ap
pears to his Majesty's Government, they are entitled and
called upon to introduce. In all former Bills for the Re-
lief of the'Roinan Catholics, a power has been reserved to
the Crown to exercise, which has familiarly been called
and generally known ley the name of the Veto ; and there
has also been a provision made to inspect the intercourse
of the See of Rome with the Roman Catholic church of
Ireland. With respect to the veto, I may remark that it
has been a subject of protracted discussion, and has excited
feelings on each side of considerable vehemence. I think
it quite unnecessary myself ; for I believe, on the one hand,
that the possession of the veto would be a very inconsider-