The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDA V' EVENING, FEBRUARY 5, 1845

accirn!_tieorns. Ire did hope that her Majesty's Government
as some branches of the spinning trade. .But
t44l:'v y occasion, when they had to interfere in taking the two and calculating them together,
Yu?atter, would in the first instance endeavour I believe lam perfectly right when I state that, at no
If obtain an explicit explanation with respect to it. period in the history of our spilling and theymanmanufacturingaorn
wsed ere in such a situation with the islands that interests, has the balance applicable
to profits
'erne so the great tract of Polynesia, they might be- and wages been greater than during the past
heard _ many plague-spots to the two countries. They year. The application of . capital in new mills,
minitteadgreat deal a protectorates. If they were to be and the improvement of old ones and machinery,
tent the into_ the system of netiens it was most impor. have else been much greater in the past year. With reqad -
...I.,_Y..sheould know, in the first instance, what rights gard to the woollen trade, it is a source of no small sags-
the, I.yulte.es protectorates could give. In law books facCon that an imProvement has taken place in this
the 4., ,Telect that scarcely any authoi ity was laid down on branch too, because it fully boars out the statement
teen'upollblits. If they looked in the last works that had which has been made of the improvement of the people.
hed, they found nothine• but vague sentences A great, in fact the larger, portion of our woollen trade
wataiteher.eseect to protectorates. Tare was one great in- is supported by the home market, and, of course, beat' °t protectorates--that which was admitted at the the increase of this market bt speaks an improvement in
postetteyYthosloptf Vienna with respect to the lonian Islands. the condition of the poor man. The flax trade, I may
was resolved upon in support of the common state with confidence, has undergone a considerable im-
teetorat_i Europe; but if a country was to assume a pro- provement; indeed, I may state that the increase has
spsa Alt was roost important to know the ground been upwards of twenty per cent.; but it is very
Nth re'2l'h such an assumption was taken, and the laws likely this increase is attributable to the removal of some
Ibe sitto.'Peet to it. He did net consider himself corn- of the restrictions on this trade. Still, the difference
In this address to any measure which might which has taken place in our flax manufacture speaks
erou
is the g forward with respect to any interest favourably of the improvement of the condition of the
thereb country. Nor did he consider that he was people, notwithstanding the difficulty that may exist to
or the Inequieseing in the propriety-of the continuance estimate the quantity applicable to home consumption.
soatiame suenfte-tax. Ile, for one, would not assent to its It may be asked, have our foreign demands justified this
s fbee, unless it could be shown to be necessary as increase in our manufactures ? No as if we run
the tong r relieving the population of this country from through the articles of British produce which have been
The st la und.er which they at present laboured. exported this year, we shall find that the amount of
Mtwo aid of ABERDEEN wished to say a word or exports has been larger than in any former period.
arquis"el"Y to a portion of the observations of the Noble The re has, however, been a falling off in two items—coals
friend who
, with hini.jug addressed the House. His Noble and cotton twist. With regard to coals, I believe I may
(aeiena ont implying any censure, said that the dis- state that this has resulted not from a falling off in the
estiatt„,..'on:h had recently taken place between this demand, but from the strike among. t the workmen in the
qeha-7, once, were in some degree caused by a want milling districts. V 6 hich no doubt Hon. Gentlemen are
th(41.4,,ne called a system of explanation. Now he aware, of. With regard to cotton-twist, it will be seen
at the rdeen) begged to remind his Noble Friend that the item shows a falling off of 50,000,000
thong.4ing e.,Tet of the settlement of those discussions was pounds. I believe, however, that this difference in the
uttiely to that system of explanation which he exports arises, not from any indisposition on the part of
ttklad hi necessary; and ho would further our foreign neighbours to take this article -of British
1164 mes, that
tw arise origin4y that discusssion did produce, but to the great amount of consumption which
o Go_ from any circumstances between the has taken place in the home market. All our menu-
e any verntnents with reference to a protectorate, facturers in this article have been, I may say, more
Ingslat"such question of the law of nations, but from the than fully employed, nevertheless they have been
bake Act of a subaltern officer, unauthorised, and unable to supply the home as well as the foreign market.
64:1:1/.4 his own Government. It was from the mo. But we must look beyond this to ascertain the improved
iethae,,',ews which were entertained by the two Go- condition of the people; we must look to the consunip-
lltis heats that that settlement, which the Noble Mar- Lion of those articles which are regarded as the neces-
Positt lt,intself admitted to be so satisfactory, had been series of life. The customs are, perhaps, a better test of the
`qatla 4°ollt. He (Lord Aberdeen) would only say, power of consumption than the excise ; but the excise
to t the re_ r
wse Frey p esentations which it was his euty to make may be considered as showing the people's power of
a„,.,tch Government, there was nothing which he expenditure ; and of melt, spirits, and soap, there has
141,5 t ‘'" nave recommended' to his own Government , been an increase. Looking at the articles of tea,
I„Lgre4)',erlniaced.in the same situation.—(Hear,hear.) sugar, and tobacco, the gradual increase which was tak-
sll,l" PRF:LL said, that as the Noble Marquis ing place afforded a satisfactory proof of the improved
14. s,"wle:d.,,to.him, he would give notice, that unless the condition of the people. Although the returns of the
th`44,,",n the Noble Marquis had referred should be savings' banks are liable to some exceptions,. yet, as
',hone-411.°y her Majesty's Government, he would have Fonnected. with other proofs.. of. prosperity, the increase
l'ers Et,° f
wain presenting it to their notice. in deposits, and the diminution in withdrawals, are
40liGlIASI—Hear, hear. I quite agree with very pleasing circumstances, Another satisfactory
proof is the great increase in the returns of
AMPBELL trusted that although her Ma. all the railways—thus showing either an in.
das,!:,j'ech was silent with respect to legal measures, crease in traffic for business purposes, or a greater
N41(10,3 the present session several legal reforms power of expenditure for the purposes of recre.atien. It
uroUght forward. The state. of the ecclesiasti- may, indeed, be doubted whether this prosperity be of a
rt11:11 re,„s!equired that, as speedilyas possible, measures permanent character. I know that last year very great
p;eelaa,t'Sft to that subject should be brought forward. doubts were entertained, though I am not aware upon
,tlt 4114"1 debtor and creditor was in a very inconve• what data they were founded, whether the improve-
s',l4 4Atnisatisfaetory state; and he trusted that his ment which then manifested itself would continue for
t7tll (t,or`Lailearned Friend, who now divided the wool- any length of time. But looking at the state of trade, and
ciftwlnl sr:nrougham was seated there)—would bring the moderate price of raw materials, and looking also
Th: p e"s"'e Measures of legal reform before the close at the fact, that no foreign markets are glutted, and
tk e session. scarcely any overstocked, and considering, further, that
tp7blc,ff "-1) CHANCELLOR said he rose for the per- there is an abundance of capital, which in every
*et tering a word or two in explanation, and in manufacture is the great element of prospe-
thN towhat had fallen from the Noble Lord, he' rity, I cannot see any reason to apprehend that
rrinind his Lordship and the House, that. there is any exaggerated spirit of speculation in con-
bill was introduced last session, the only nexion with the trade and manufactures of this country.
ti!opitPclt which it was opposed, had reference to one The new banking regulations, although their appli.
Pttleidar clauses • that affected only individual cability to 'the circumstances of this country can only
44'4 it r a considerable time-•-before- -the Bill had be tested by experience—(Hear, hear)—those regu-
tdd,th a upon the table, in order that it might re- lations have proved a salutary check upon an over-
,:Pection and correction of the law Lords. In spirit of speculation, I believe that that spirit of
t!ilktitr;-that, copies of it were printed, and extensively speculation ''has been absorbed by reckless railway
slid yet, notwithstanding that, no ob. undertakings. Although I am fully sensible of the
lisCuottever was made .to any part of importance/tot such undertakings. and of the benefits
alore luring its progress through the House. which they confer by giving employment to la-
ttli:Pre,! !le had even called their Lordships' attention bourers of various kinds,. and'otherwise benefiting
"tirtktec,t,tons as he was most anxious to have the the country, I think it') is impossible to see the
the law Lords. feeling- that' the Bill con- exaggerated calculations made as to the result of
111,.%:_t11 objectionable clauses. His Noble and those undertakings,' without feeling that this is one of
41,3447 in did object to some of the clauses, and the dangers by w.hich the country is menaced,—
sttettBdhpruck out, and in that state it passed. The (Hear, hear) This is a danger also, to which,
‘,ollleig'Y was one of a very complicated nature, and under our manufacturing system, we are unavoid-
W'l4l4,..anY' metaphysical niceties, and for those ably subject ; but fur that evil there is no
kriq "," most desirous to have had the aid of his remedy except that of producing in the.minds of the
'`kr4 to L'e4rned friend in criticising it. He-now manufacturers a spirit of foresight, and in the minds of
:)4,L, *b. tlsstire their Lordships that he had a Bill the operatives a saving disposition. Sir, the
.great pros-
V„aftjie4 he would lay on the table during the perity of this country has undoubtedly acted upon its
Veerfe Present session, which, he trusted, would finances —(Hear, hear)—it has, undoubtedly, increased
14'1GlaPhd tilintyst of removing the anomalies ittcontaied,
contained, its resources ; • but it is impossible not to see that this
'll "aria -uGHAM begged to say a word or two in change of circumstances really originated in the adoption
,4tlisnaji It was true that he had had charge of the of the income-tax. I will not discuss the question whether
Etah!,Y, it 3% but, having been obliged to leave the it be or be not (as we understood the. Hon. Gentleman) a
'Sti`llt," Passed from his hands into those of the Go- convenient or proper kind of tax ; I only state the
kFi. 441 he was very glad of it. As to what had fact that it has accomplished the great object
s„' f Y his Noble and Learned Friend about the for which it was established. ..Sir, I believe
t5419,01t, e debtor and creditor clauses, those he would the excess of 'expenditure over income in 1842 was
itNlot'l;:tmini.to; but be hoped to be able to show the
.2,149,000/., the surplus of revenue over expenditure,
144ra "ere let him say that the most incessant in 1845, was, I believe, 3,356,0001,, while the advance
;Ry open had been made to mislead the coup- required from the Bank of England in January in this
4)e,,t",tta the subject the Bill was not by year is only one ehir lof what was required in 1842. The
it'',V,b ait•
i„ .The
the injurious measure it had been value and price of securities resting upop Government
The great outcry that had been credit have corresponded to the improvement thus ex-
,
it was owing to the 201. clause, by which hibited • and this improvement is itself the legitimate
thit'isres,tated that small traders had been mate- triumph ' of the wisest policy and the soundest
iltrlkteia": and he had baea charged with insert- economy on the part of the Government.
kt'ttrall,ll e • Here let him observe, that though he Sir, I trust that the success which has attended the of-
'e t o that clause it was not one of his on- forts to produce a financial surplus in this country will
t„titi, 450).1e attliwts one drawn' up by the predecessor of operate as an example to other countries labouring
4ist4. pre Learned Lord on the Woolsack. As he under difficulties of the same character, and that it will
oth,,estitkisent. he might mention his name, Lord Cot-. prove to them that, however onerous or however unpo-
M "Pit foal It originally stood .it abolished all im- pular for a time such. a Jine of conduct maybe,. individuals,
pi f .debt. One of its injurious. effects was, in the long run, for nations as well as fur individuals,
k-Ntu lesll. no power of execution' upon a, is not only the best but the securest policy.—(Chet rs.)
't 2 nee, who though he might be in the However productive may be the other sources of the re-
trail °CI& a-year, might run up a bill of 19/. with venue, it must be evident, that if there is an reduction
esat
t4s Is an, and yet could not be come at because in this tax there will arise a danger of deficiency..r
ilredassi?clging house, and the furniture could not confess that it appears to that we
(NN `-'4l/1; did not belong to him. are to have any relief in the shape of the
lip o RELL' explained reduction of other taxation, without considering whether
he pby iii GEIAM repeated that the Bill was not. any further addition may be necessary to our taxation, it
would not be wise to give up such a source of certain
k'lt,a hJ lsa.l,lllv Chas then agreed to, and twelve o'clock on revenue, particularly when we consider ;that a great.
e fixed upon for their Lordships to portion of our revenue depends upon indirect taxation,
aJesty with the address.. which is affected by causes over which we have no
Irll,'ls(l)ake „ IN SINDE. control. In my opinion the maintenance of a surplus
t Bt nort„WELLINGTON read a letter from revenue is absolutely necessary to support the credit and
it,j4 'eters:3lr C. J. Napier, dated Currachee, May reputation of the country, and, believing this, I consider
yeert ef."ng thanks, on his own part, as well as it would be exceedingly unwise in this House to abandon
m orses tthile offi, cers, non-commissioned officers, such a certain source of revenue. It would be as unwise
nksNa 'fur e armies, native. and British, under his in the house and the country to rely on one year of
V'4B "6 vote of thanks which their Lordships prosperity, without referring to past years of adversity,
h4ee,„.(l to pass in acknowledgment of their as it would be in an individual to reckon upon one
44,'
t:-Noble Duke concluded by moving that year of prosperity as the foundation of his ex- on their Lordships' journals, which penditure, without reference to adverse years ; and
Vfle, b I,pagreed to. I trust the House will go along with me
STANDING ORDERS.- in considering that it is absolutely necessary
gr't; ". WELLINGTON moved the usual to maintain an efficient surplus. I see much in the pre-
;lllobe,,„'s, including the appointment of the Earl sent state of affairs on which to congratulate the coun-
-43 Chairman of the Committees of the try. I see much grounds for satisfaction with the pre-
qt, Varl sent—much for hope for the future. But I should have
011441%rhEtt.r.:14APTESBURY thanked their Lord- seconded the address of my Hon. Friend with feelings of
Ol e 14)eposed
li.ewed mark of the confidence which less satisfaction, if I had felt any anxiety for the future,
;igasatiltb errtn. him for the last thirty-five years. or if I thought that the House or the country would
eesti`"-NCELLOR hoped that the Noble adopt any course which would jeopardise our power or
4;041 )'ears
nee in the enjoyment of the office for the maintenance of peace.% by adopting any measuresb
°tt eore which might convert a positive surplus . into a posst le
`fed e was •
at ei then
agreed to, and their Lordships deficiency. I thank the House for the attention with
got o'clock till Thursday at twelve. which they have listened to me.—(Cheers.) I apologise
for having detained them so long, and beg to second the
motion of my Hon. Friend.--(Cheers.)
The address having been read from the Chair,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it was with great satis-
faction that in the terms of the address proposed by the
Hon. Gentleman opposite, be most readily concurred,
neither scarcely to the observations which fell from those
Hon. Gentlemen had he any thing to object. Neither to
the Speech from the Throne, nor to the speeches which had
been so ably addressed to the House, had he any serious
objection. At the same time there were topics in the
speech other Majesty, and the address in answer to it,
which, he thought, called for remark on the part
of those Members' of the House not immediately
connected with her Majesty's Government. The
first -topic of the Speech to which the Ho-
nourable Gentleman alluded to, was the gratifying
circumstance of three foreign Sovereigns having paid
visits to her Majesty, their sovereign, in the course of
the last year. That those visits might pet tain to more
amicable relations between those Powers and
this country, and thereby tend to maintain
the peace of the world, must be their most
anxious wish and sanguine expectation. And though
the Hon. Gentleman who moved the address, and who
is younger and more ardent than he was, wished that
those increased relations of commerce, of amicable
and social intercourse, might rapidly put an end to
the prospect of war, he did not think either that
Her Majesty's Government held that expectation in so
strong a manner as the Honourable Gentleman, for
be perceived that at the same time that her
Majesty's Government expressed their hope for
the continuance of peace, they were taking precautions,
in order, upon the event of war, to defend the honour
and interest of the country. However, it was impossible
not to acknowledge, and he did so with pleasure, that the
prospects for the continuance of peace were not so
clouded with those appearances which last year
shook the confidence of the country in the
maintenance of peace. He was happy, how.
ever, to congratulate the House and country, that
the amicable relations which existed between other
countries were not in danger of being broken. The
Noble Lord, in allusion to the relative position of affairs
between'France and this country, newt on to say that,
while he rejoiced, in common with others, upon the
present amicable position of this country with foreign
countries, he bogged to say, at the same time, he could
not by any means participate in the praise which her
Majesty's Ministers had thought proper to give them-
selves, on the conclusion of the business of the country
last session.—(Hear, and a laugh.) They praised the
inoderation and wisdom with which they had conducted
the public business. Now, for his own part, he could
see nothing in the discharge of their public duty by the
present Government that could entitle them to all this
credit for the exercise of their wisdom ; neither could he
discover any act of theirs that could be deemed so very
worthy of all this praise that they seemed so willing to
lavish on their public conduct.—(Hear, and laughter.)
Yes, he would repeat it, he could discover no act of the
present Government that called for this excessive self-
adulation of their great wisdom and moderation.—(A
laugh.) What was the actual state of things whereon
the present Ministry took so much credit to themselves ?
An individual in the employment of the French Govern-
ment in a foreign country was suspected by the French
commander, of conduct tending to disturb the popular
tranquillity in that country, and he was thereupon placed
under arrest, and eventually condemned to solitary con-

4 .iou —.............,_
V ir, 8',.,9P COMMONS, Feb. 4.
CO i,'ACIUA IRE ADDRESS.
Otp" elle ei ° BARING, in continuation, said—
' op %,,t ineroent essential to the progress of good
"fill4l44riteec, Ulla country—in the United States,.
t.:l)t h hot -----1 mean the public press, which
Is4t 4 fliblie .. Wish to see restrained ; but a
kitilt e 141 aLtoo
or a bitter speech may pro-
tl i)lltr/4,1 0f irritation for the moment which are
kktliep riaiarip,llt feelings of the nat;on. Though there
V• t'ecl ' lIP a new generation who have not
th, p, the ,
ks 0 norrors of warfare, yet at the same time
114%.:413';e44.1(°f men rising, and have risen, whose
tvYtie AgeetYll bYrnent, and interest, arc identified with
Li4:4030c14 ka;,„; of Peace,and this class in all
:till i 4 it-b. eozo-te-;iornege more influence. I. trust that the
kt6t,4 ortit neeessa may be a new link of peace, and
1111 !tt inertia
rY n the navy for the. p.ro-
;:1/4,,e,e nierce, that the country will be willing
Ivt 4544 th,eed. burdens nece-sary for that purpose.
}i Iktlley ornatlenal wealth, the public credit, and
4p4, 4 tr, the resources years country, which
L}tl ktO NS led bY some sof depression,
\Nttlitoe take eoantry was never in a condi-
t'lta,tt of 4 ore imposing attitude, either
14'1' til herd i" •
►*telt
_, %Rh pity or the
,4ih 4 At, . such calculations are happily un-
,,,i0,1 Nie '4 vase , -hould arise, in
a war s .
,i, .1 w its
ourertainly could be
tikl'iNt4"l4 be lea 1 gainers, yet,
• ti ar position, and the shock
ihi and e given
Ati e k to
nil to manufacturing and industrial
:;:i hiegeolt -.1 local and internal improvements,
,„ pv_to ell it
coonld cause to the influx of
kti\t4ht o'lritl44 Lweurtliries, I cannot think that
kt,,hi4ll tike session sutler less than cc. At the
ylp,llte?„, en pia ': of Parliament, although improve-
-0 ‘Il ' de,„`44, there in some branches of our manufac-
Ntita 'Orttoen'trie was still a depression in two most im-
:4 tteplitg(iippy
toss e iron trade and shipping interest.
111 49e both Y that the tide of prosperity has
Nt! !ltio4l the !nese branches. With respect to the
1 ftmeopoltielltees are now in complete work. The
'k qf • ee cl wlth the working of iron
It Irbil ieuPatio
41, I tit... utiVe n at good wages, and the
1.4,1441ip
~E, the , Improved thirty or, fort ,• per
04141 itg,,tate
tti_ron trade is in as satisfactory and
Wll)e4lltieel'en toe! an other. This great improve-
\ :11 8) tt,,',,ettusd 11131'Y from the increase ot the home
i‘ 14 teßti'l th, y the adoption of iron for various
1)11, It M great demand occasioned by railroads.
1, 1. et IN to il
"vet, Illa 4 Vet,. le
,abipping interest, that also 1
titittsl, , tee hr.essea condition, but I am happy to
r,t 41)itip,t Yea,.4.8 bee
a gene;al improvement in
Nc),lo the The ShiPs are more saleable and at
4t,4 114414pta.e inerearle.,mand for them has been occa-
et Jetop ,1011, a se(' importation of various articles
llteki'N("ertts teclng others the importation of
1 11,,N1`4A ali ,0 the deina d for
..
44 li 3,1, t laugh n shipping to a large
N.4' hp eape •) The application of science,
k '4 4 4 ao, Ilene° b • -
Oth , on] , y increasing toe iertility of
,41):tt, 1444 Or el y effected that ob'e t b t has also
4411,444,7 I ateestnolint pot rtant branc.lll cof ouru commer-
,th N tt,,i, or ag lipoid to trouble the House with
‘ti th ha et th 'Yes but Imay
01, tip or „ at it was say, with respect to
114 I, the the „,_ never in amore thriving state.
the
.a,„e."4a.aufacturers have increased, and
1141,0tfae '14.! their workmen ; but, Sir, lam
riot foundare seine of our manufactures
so large a market
I

finemeut, and it ..vas farther intimated to -liiin,that, in the
event of an insurrection breaking out in the country, he.
wovitl be held personally responsible in the event of its
bn-_orning necessary that blood sheuld be shed —(hear,
hear.) It had been said that there were no sufficient
grounds for this " gross outrage," as it had been called,
upon this individual'; but the French authorities,
not content with this " gross outrage," had fur-
ther resolved that Mr. Pritchard should not be per
mitted to remain in the country. In ail the circum-
stances that had taken place in-this transaction, there
appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) to have been very
serious divisions and misunderstandings. That the com-
mander of the French forces in a foreign country shotild
deem it a proper course for him to adopt, to remove from
that country an individual whom he had reason to believe
would be instrumental in. pr.-clueing an insurrection
amongst the inhabitants, lie (Lord J. Russell) did nut
mean to dispute. Ihe French commander might have
deemed that a fair and legitimate course by which ta op-
pose an insurrection ; and he (Lord J. Russell) would
says that an insurrection in that country he would not by
any means wish to see. But he would say, that every
case should be judged by its own merits ; and, there-
fore, he would say, that this French commander was
not, under all the circumstances of the ease, placed in a
situation which would warrant him in piecing the indivi-
dual he had alluded to in solitary confinement, and to
tell that individual, that in the event of an insurrection,
he should be responsiile for the public peace with his
life, was indeed what it had ' been termed, namely, a
" gross outrage," and -demanded some explanation.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, it seemea to him, that in the whole
of this transaction the present Government had not acted
in a manner ta deserve praise for wisdom. They had not
acted promptly in it ; on the contrary, what were likely
to have been the consequences? Was not a space of four
weeks permitted to elapse before any decisive step was
taken ? and during -that time was not this country,
under great apprehension that a war would en-.
sue ? Under these circumstances, he would say that
her Majesty's present Government were not entitled to
ask for more than moderate and fair credit from the
eountry for the part they had acted in this transaction.
He could not see what there was in keeping the country
in a state, of alarm for- so long a time as he had men-
tioned, to entitle the Government to praise; and he did
think they were bound to show that it was to ensure the
safety of the French garrison that the course the French
Commander had taken in reference to Mr. Pritchard hail
been done.—(Hear, hear.) • While upon the subject of
the French Government, he would say it was not his
wish to allude particularly to the disputes which had
taken place in the discussions in. the Chamber of Depu-
ties upon this subject.—(Hear, hear.) It might perhaps
be inconvenient were he to do so now; but the corre--
spondence which had taken place upon the subject be.
tween M. Guiaot and another individual, had appeared
in the. public newspapers, and he supposed that was
authentic. By that it appeared that a demand was made
by an individual, which was resisted by the French
authorities, and the latter demanded reparation for what
had followed. Now, he would repeat, that in the whole
of this transaction it did not appear to him there was
anything for which her Majesty's Ministers were entitled
to praise for wisdom or moderation.—(Hear, hear.)
It was very well in discussing questions as to how much
territory—how many isles each country should occupy,
to insist upon maintaining honour, but when they came to
negociations regarding trifling and individual interests,
the question of honour could have little or nothing to
do with it. He would insist upon having their rights,
but with respect to the ;isolated question of honour, he
thought it was better not •to make a demand that was
unreasonable. The demand, however, having been made
the negociation ought to be conducted with forbearance
and moderation. Now it did not appear to him that the
negociation had been conducted in this manner. It had
been continually boasted at former periods that this un.
derstanding existing between the two Governments was
different from that of any other Government, either in
England or France. They funned, it was said, a union
of perpetual harmony, which nothing could. disturb.
Now, he must say, the events of the past year led him
to think there was no such good understanding as had
generally been represented, or in fact which ought to
have existed. There was not that ready
acquiescence on the' one side, nor that readi-
ness to express satisfaction on the other. In
fact, those two Governments had been divided by the
press, on the one side, and on the other by a course
which a particular negociation had taken. But they had
heard denunciations against articles which had appeared
in the press of France directed towards England. NoW,
many articles in the Ministerial Press of this country
were in a tone of violence and bluster towards the French
nation, which made him quite ashamed of certain per
tions of the English newspaper press. He trusted, how-
ever, now that this feeling of prejudice had passed away,
the two nations would maintain peace. He trusted
there would generally exist between them a 'feel-
ing of mutual national interest—a feeling of na-
tional sympathy— a feeling tending -to enhance
one great object, namely, the good and peace of both.
Ile trusted they might see that harmony restored be-
tween the two countries which would lead to one great
purpose and that purpose -the consistent mainte.;
mince of the interests of the two countries.
When, however, he remembered that the late eulogised,
understanding which subsisted- between England and
France had produced the present state of Spain, he
must own that it wit' a result which any minister,
either in England or France, ought not to boast of.
He trusted that the existing good understanding be-
tween the two countries would nut only. continue, but
that it would be ripened into still greater friendship,
and that the influence of the two Governments, wherever
and whenever that influence was 'exerted, it would-be
used for the promotion of commerce, the increase of
freedom, the general diffusion 'of knoaledge, and the
suppression of slavery. There was one subject not
auched upon in the. speech, but upon which he antiei

pated they should have some explanation from the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. He confessed that he
was not pleased with what he had hitherto heard upon
the subject to which he had alluded, he meant the ap-
pointment of a Commission to inquire into the' powers
of the right of search as established in 1831 and 1832.
It did not appear to him that there was any necessity
for a revision of the powers established at that time.
But, however, if the Government thought it right to
disturb the agreement which had been come to between
the two countries, there could be no doubt that it would
be a serious obstacle to the maintenance of har-
mony. He thought they ought themselves, in-
stead of adopting this course, to have man-
fully and fairly entered into a negotiation between
the ;three countries, and to have declared on what foot-
ing they pr)posed to place the right of search, as esta-
blished in 1830 and 1831, instead cf placing itupon the
responsibility'pf a Committee of gentlemen of high honour
aid integrity. Certainly, this did not appear to him to
be fair or advantageous to the people of England. The
people of this country wished to see, and they on his
side of the House were as anxious for the suppression of
the slave trade as any of those who voted for the resolu-
tion of the Noble Lord the Member 'for Liverpool, in
1841. And they naturally look with some jealousy to
any step which could in the slightest degree reduce the
means resorted to for this purpose. The Hon. Gentle-
man who seconded the address had alluded to the visit
of the Emperor of Russia. He said he hoped the Em-
peror would see that the sole interest of both nations de-
pended entirely upon concord and peace. That the Em-
peror would perceive that some of the restrictive duties
placed on English produce diminished the trade and
commerce of his own country. He quite agreed with
the Hon. Gentleman, but he hoped the Hon. Gentleman
would agree with him when he said that it might happen
to the Emperor of Russia to reflect upon the subject which
gave rise to the observation of the Hon. Gentleman, and
lead him to feel its truth. But still the Emperor must
desire, before he complied with the wish 'of the Hon.
Gentleman, to know if Lis sister the Queen of England
would direct her Ministers to take off some of the re-
strictive duties imposed on foreign commodities.—(Loud
cheers.) He would not pass altogether to the conside-
ration of foreign affairs without congratulating the
House on a subject which, although it had not been
mentioned in the speech from .the throne, had yet been
the subject of much conversation in the country—he
meant the improved state of our commercial relations
with China—(Hear, hear)—and be could not do so
without recollecting that when his Noble Friend the
Member for Tiverton said that he hoped that our com-
mercial relations with China would open and improve
the market for the trade and manufactures of this coun-
try, that statement was received with marked tokens of
dissent from the other side of the House. That opinion,
however, was now found to' be perfectly true
and just, and it was in a great measure to the
increase of our commercial transactions with China

ihat the present tendency to a revival in the commercial
and manufacturing interests of 'the country was to be
attributed.—(Hear, hear.) The speech next proceeded
to direct their attention to domestic affairs, and reference
had more particularly been made to the state of Ireland.
He was glad that the Minister of the Crown, acting no
doubt from the information he had received, had been
enabled to advise her Majesty to state that the violence
of political agitation and excitea.ent had abated in that
country, and that symptoms of improvement manifested
in other parts of the country had extended to Ireland.
The accounts which he 'himself had received from per-
sons who had lately come from Ireland, referred, with
much apprehension, to symptoms which had recently
manifested themselves in that country. It was observed
that the ties which held society together, the ties which
connected the richer class with the poorer, the ties
which bound the priest to his flock, were loosened, and
great apprehensions were entertained that those agrarian
outrages, of which they had recently seen accounts, were
on the increase. That there was no danger of any in-
surrectionary outbreak no one could doubt. That poli-
tical agitation was now as violent as it had been three or
c.. .

tour years ago, no one could aver. But he could
say, that there did not prevail that general
affection towards the Government and Parliament of
this kingdom which ought to prevail in a free country
towards the Government and the Legislature. He could
not help attributing much, although certainly only a
part of this feeling, to the injudicious, and also he
must say, unjust proceedings, which had been taken
agdinst some very leading persons in that country.—
(Cheers.) The country had seen the spectacle of these
persons put upon their trial, of a trial which had lasted
a considerable time, and of sentence pronounced
upon them. Those persons had been sent to prison,
where they had been confined for several weeks, and
whan the matter came to be examined before the Su-
preme tribunal of appeal, the whole of the proceedings
had been reversed as irregular and informal. More than
two of the judges had said that the proceedings with
regard to the jury were unjust and unfair, although they
did not rest their judgment on those grounds, basing
the grounds for the reversal of the judgment on the
badness of some of the counts. One of those Judges,
and that one no less a personage than the Lord Chief
Justice of England, the highest common-law authority
in the realm, had declared that those prisoners had
not been fairly submitted to trial by jury.—(Hear.)
It had been said, that if those sixty names which had

been emitted bad been continued on the panel-the verdict
might not have been a conviction but an acquittal.
But, the Chief Justice had said, that although he hal
nothing to do with that, he was bound to. see that
every subject of her Majesty who was accuse.d
had a fair trial, and was not deprived of his rights, and
more he had said, that if such proceedings were
to receive countenance, and to be drawn into
a precedent, a trial by jury in Ireland would be a
mockery, and a snare.—(Loud cheers.) Was
it possible delusion,
empeople of Ireland could have any con-
fidoecinceery tidl
in a
aGaet tloluvernment when they saw that in the con-
duct of that, prosecution they had resorted to means
which had been thus condemned by the highest autho•
rity—and when they saw the trial by jury, which was the
safeguard of every subject of the Queen's, and by which
alone they were enabled, out of that House, to discuss
public matters freely, was taken from them, and a fraud
substituted in its place.—(Cheers.) There was one part
of those proceedings, however, to which he thought the
particular attention of the Right Hon. Gentleman at
the he id of the Treasury ought to be directed. The
right of challenge formerly existed, and formerly when
the sheriff ma le an incorrect list, there was a remedy which
in ancient times was res )rted to. The Right Hon.
Gentleman had, as lie (Lord John Russell) firmly be-
lieved with the view to better the law regarding juries,
made c, rtain alterations. Lord Denman argued that
that alteration did not prevent the subject
from having a practical remedy, if the clerk
of the peace, recorder, or other authorities
having jurisdiction over the jury-list, neglected
ther duty ; but there were other authorities in West-
minster Ball, who did not take this view of the matter
—(Hear. hear)'—and that there was oinething in the
statute which precluded the subject from a remedy.
Now, upon a matter of so much importance, there ought
to be no doubt—(llear, hear)—if any doubt did really
exist on the subject, he looked upon it in the light of a
great constitutional wrong. The privilege which the
subject had in challenging the array could not be too
clearly defined. If a doubt existed, it was incumbent on
the Government to bring in some measure, enactive or
declarative, so that the subject might have his remedy,
and prevent the recurrence of such a wrong as occurred
in Ireland, where a
,jury was struck, off on a State trial,
although sixty names of persons competent to serve as
jurors were left out.--(flear, hear.) Another subject
which had been alluded to in the speech, viz , academical
education, was hinted at in such very gerteral terms,
that no person in the House, whatever objection he
might hereafter make, would dissent from those general
allusions. He did not expect that his Right Hon.
Friend the Member for the University of Oxtbrd even
would have any objection to make.—(A laugh.) At the
same time it was understood that some measure was to be
proposed on that subject, to which that phrase had re-
ference, and which, it was said, had deprived
the Government of the assistance of one of the ablest
of its Members. That Right Hon. Gentleman who held
the office of President of the. Board of Trade,, and who
explained in so luminous a manner the changes in the
tariff—(Hear, hear)—it was said, he repeated, that that
Right Hon. Gentleman had left the Government on ac
count of the measures which the Ministry were preparing
on the subject of education. He trusted some member
of her Majesty's Government would give some further
explanation of a measure which had been productive of
such a consequence—that disruption in the Government
which evidently had been caused by the conscientious
objections of the Right Hon. Gentleman who had ceased
to be a member of the Government. He knew not what
the nature of that measure might be, but he felt assured
that of whatever nature, it would be liable to great suspi-
cion, and be probably received with hostility in Ireland
as well as by a portion of the people of England.
He had seen that, with regard to the mode in which the
Bequests Act had been received. He 'gave his humble
support to that measure. He, believed it to be a good
measure, and that it was framed with an honest inten-
tion. He thought it carried into effect, so , far. as the
nomination of the Commissioners were concerned, and
that was the only part which the executive Government
had to do—he: believed it was carried into effect, as the
speech from the Throne said, " in the spirit in which it
was conceived ;" but it was impossible to deny that that
measure was not brought forward with that calm prepa-
ration which it ought to have received.--(Hear, hear.) It
was mentioned early in the session. It concerned a most
important and difficult point—namely, bequests to a cer-
tain portion of their fellow-subjects, professing the Ro-
man Catholic faith. One would have thought that that
question would have been brought forward earlier, that
those professing the Roman Catholic faith, especially
that some of the archbishops or bishops, would have
been asked their opinions.—(Hear, hear.) It would not
then have been said that an attempt was made' to en-
croach on the independence of th3ir religion ; and those
objections would not have been raised to a measure which
the Government—he freely gave them credit for it—
honestly wished to carry into 'effect. Instead of that,
the measure was brought forward late in the session, in
the other House of Parliament, so that it did not come
down to that House till near the end of the session.
Repeated alterations were made, amendments were
framed, and suggestions offered, which, because there
was no authority from the Roman Catholic prelates,
were not satisfactory' with regard to an Act intended for
their benefit, so as to enable them to give their own money.
and to bequeath property for Roman Catholic purposes.
There was no judgment, there was no discretion shown
in the mode in which it was framed.—(Hear.) Why,
then, should they be surprised that certain parts of that
measure were caught hold of as a proof of the intention
of the English Government to attain some hostile in-
fluence over the Catholic Church? They had, therefore,
done a great mischief. There were persons in Ireland
whose influence ought to be cherished—such men as
Archbishop Crony. and Dr. Murray. What had they
done? They felt it to be their duty to accept office
under the commission, but by the mode in which the
Act was framed they had exposed them to hostility and
insult, which they should be the last in the world to
expose them to.—(Hear, hear.) But there was another
point which he could not refrain from mentioning, be-
cause it was put forth before the people of Ireland, and
he thought naturally put forward as a reason why dis-
trust should be felt. It was this, that fur years and
years together those who were now in power counte-
nanced every hostility and insult towards the Roman
Catholics, of alienation and animosity against the Irish
people.—(Cheers.) Those phrases were now, returned
on them. They knew perfectly well how sensitive the
people of England were on this subject—how much the
Protestant religion was endeared to them, and
how unwilling they Were to see anything like
a Roman Catholic supremacy in this country.
They knew the pride of the people of England, and
how ill they would bear the statement that Ireland had
not only her fair share in legislation, but that the Irish
Members of Parliament governed the country. Yet,
they could to excite
ikliliof.seveilninggtsh,ias, thendtyo dpirdoveoviecerytahniiningosities._
(lieu, hear.)
Wherever they perceived the spark of religious intole-
rance, they blew it into a flame ; wherever they per-
ceived the plant of stational prejudice growing, they
watered it and trained it till the noxious and poisonous
tree overspread the land.—(Loud cheers from the Op-
position.) Such was their conduct for years ; and now,
when they adopted a better policy‘—now, when they
wished those things to be forgotten—now, when they
desired that Ireland should be conciliated—how could
they wonder that those who were the agitators of Ire-
land—that those who had led the people to unpopular
victory, should remind them of the past ? How could
they wonder that the phrases "surpliced ruffians,"
" demon priesthood," and others of the same
kind, should be thrown back upon them, when
they, themselves wished that they might .fall into
oblivion, and that something more conciliatory might be
devised ?—(Hear, hear.) Such was the retribution—
(Cheers from the Opposition)—the not unjust retribu-
tion--(Renewed cheers)—that fell upon men who, in-
stead of appealing to sound and enlightened opinion,
endeavoured to get hold of some popular prejudice or
some mistaken notion, and to find their power in mis-
leading and deluding their countrymen.—(Cheers.) At
the same time, he could not but feel satisfaction, with re-
spect to this subject and many others, in seeing that
the present Government had adopted views which many
of those who acted with him (Lord J. Russell) had long
since adopted ; that with regard to Ireland especially,
after endeavouring to force on that country a Bill which
would deprive it of its electoral franchise, they had re-
frained from the attempt, and had admitted by their Bill
of last year, although that Bill was a most defective one
in itself—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Shiel)—had ad-
mitted that their former Bill was not fit fur the Govern-
ment to carry.—(Cheers.) Yes, those 'were the very
words used by the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear,
hear.) The Bill for which the Conservative, party had
struggled for years—for which' they had crowded to
that House—for which they had, in repeated divisions,
mustered in order to gain a majority, and to
force it against the Government of the day,
that Bill was now admitted to have been an injustice,
he
n they
admitted themselvesthst such was their course proclaimed this, when they
could not wonder either that he should rejoice in thethey
re-
cantaticn of the opinions which they then held, or that
andthemselves ls
.
the people of Ireland should still feel a want of confi-
dence in them when they now said, "It is true that what
was formerly offered to you was an injustice, but what
we now offer to you is a boon." With respect to other
questions also—with respect to the question of educa-
tion, we were told that nothing was so dangerous as to
give to a Committee of the Privy Council any power
over the grants for the purposes of education. A grant
was nearly deified fur this .purpose by the. Hon. Gentle-
men opposite, and it was only by a majority of two in
a Committee of the whole House, that the grant was ob-
tained. I need not remind the House that the doctrines
held on that owa.ion were of the mist extraordinary
kind. The Right Hon. Secretary of State for the Home
Department was of opinion that if they gave such
power to the Committee of the Privy Council, it would
be a despotic and irresponsible body, and if that
despotic power were used fur the purpose of educating
Dissenters, the Established Church would be in
danger. Such was the nature of the doctrine
held on this question by the Right Honour-
able Gentleman. The First Lord of the Trea-
sury held an opinion not quite so exaggerated, but still
nearly similar to the former, and what ado I see now ?
To my great satisfaction, Sir, a speech that has fallen
from the Noble Lord, the President of the Council, in
which he states that the transfer of the power from the
Treasury to the Committee of the Privy Council, was
absolutely necessary in consequence of the increase of
the business of this department. The Noble Lord is at
the head of the educational department of that Com-
mittee, and he says, the transfer was absolutely essential.
This is al extraordinary speech, and I only wonder how
the Noble Lord managed to slide over this transfer when,
on the votes of the other House of Parliament, there was
entered an addresi from their Lordships, presented by
the Archbishop of Canterbury to the Queen, praying
that any grants for the purposes of education might
not depend on this House of Parliament only, but be
founded only on a legislative measure. His Lordship in
his speech slurs all this over, but I wonder he had not
told us that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other

The Right Hon. E. GLAI)STONE (who sat at the
lower end of the House) rose amid a marked silence.
He said, he was aware that it would be inexcusable on
his part if he were to endeavour to relieve his Right
Hon Friend at the head of the Government from the
task of replying to the numerous imputations the Noble
Lord opposite had chosen to bring against him, but he
could not without apology intrude himself on the House
with what related immediately to himself: He would
not venture on such a step were it not that the acts of
public men were acts in which the public at large had
an interest, and that however irksome and offen-
sive it might be to detain a public assembly
charged with high functions with matters
in which self appeared to be prominent,
yet the object was to remove misunderstandings by
which great interests might be liable to prejudice. The
Noble Lord would allow him to thank him for the kind
manner in which, in spite of the difference of rank, sta-
tion, and talent, by which they were parted, he had
thought fit to make reference to him. Ile now felt
placed in a situation in which it was difficult to recon-
cile apparently conflicting duties. On one hand he
fully recognised the claim of the House to be fully in-
formed of the motives which led the Members of that
House to accept office under the Crewn, or to undergo
the scarcely less grave responsibility of quit ting it. He,
therefore, could not refuse to attempt some explanation
of what had recently occurred with regard to himself.
But, on the other hand, he could not help seeing great
inconvenience in any detailed explanation, or of refe-
rence to measures not yet under the consideration of the
House. He should, therefore, endeavour to state simply
and frankly the motives which had actuated him in the
painful step to which he had had recourse ; and he must
appeal to the patient indulgence of the House to receive
that statement, not as a controversial or party one, not
as an argumentative justification of his own conduct, but
as an explanation, which be trusted would prevent mis-
apprehensions that might be mischievous. In what he
had to say he could cast no blame on any one. He had
acted according to what he believed his own position
and the situation of those with whom, and under whom,
as a servant of the Crown, he had acted required. If any
syllable should reflect on those whom he regarded and
esteemed, he hoped such a feeling would be
put aside and disclaimed by them.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) At all events he might gain one object
of public utility, by first stating what was xoT the
cause of his resignation. He had not resigned, as had
been supposed in some quarters, on account of any
matters connected with that department of public affairs
of which he was entrusted with the charge. He had
not resigned on account of any question, so far as the
intentions of the Government were known to him, con-
nected with the Established Church in Ireland. A cause
which he was about to name to the House was the sole
reason of his resignation ; and again he was driven to
advert to himself. and what he had said and done in
former years. He had taken it on himself, some years
ago, whether wisely or unwisely was not now the
question, to state to the world, and that in a form
the most detailed and most deliberate—not under the in-
fluence of the moment—not in the heat and rancour of
debate—but on mature consideration, the views which
he believed were most conformable to the truth. With
respect to the relations between a Christian State and
the profession of its religion, and the policy with respect
to it. Of all questions, perhaps, that could be raised, the
question of that policy was, in its ultimate effect, the
greatest and most important. The manner in which he
took on himself the responsibility of treating it was
most deliberate. But he had never been guilty of the
folly which some had charged on him, of holding that
any theories, even in such a department of human of
fairs, could be alike, and in all cases immutable and in-
flexible. But, on the other hand, he had a strong con-
viction that those who had borne a solemn testimony to
opinions of great importance on conscientiou • questions,
ought not to be responsible for the making any material
departure from the principles he had so stated. Now
it will be in the recollection of the House that
his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government,
at the close of last session, declared in general terms the
nature of the inquiry he was about to make into the pos-
sibility of extending education in Ireland. He like
wise indicated the spirit in which he would treat that
important matter. As he had said before, he was not in
possession of more of the intentions of Government. He
only referred to them so far as they were known to him,
and with regard to what they contemplated with respect
to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth, he knew
nothing that might not be fairly and justly inferred from
what the Right Hon. Baronet said on that occasion.
Those views were, he considered, a great departure from
what he thought the best and most salutary to maintain, in
accordance with the state of the institutions and opinions
of the people of this country. He did not wish to go into
any controversy on his own opinions, or discuss what im-
portance they bore in his own eyes, or the consequences
to which they might lead ; but he felt bound to state
that he thought the measures contemplated involved a
material departure from them. Whenever those mea-
sures should come under the consideration of die House,
he should apply himself to them without any selfish re-
gard for mere consistency, and with the single view of
arriving at such a conclusion as, on the whole, thein-
terests of the country seemed to require. But it was one
thing to discharge that duty for oneself, and quite ano-
ther thing, after what he bad declared would have
been right, to be a party, as a Minister of the
Crown, to the recommendation of such a change.
He would not detain the House by explaining to them
how difficult it was to form a correct judgment upan
matters involving so many considerations, drawn from so
many opposite quarters, yet he felt it his duty, in re-
turn for that public confidence which had been vested in
him, to explain why he was no longer a member of her
Majesty's Government. Upon subjects which he under-
stood it was the intention of the Government to bring
forward, he thought it would be right to place himself in

f . .
Nohle.Lords had been entirely in the .wrong.. Tlare
remains one topic—a very gratifying top;e, as
it stands at present., It is the state of the
manufacturing- :and commercial interests of the coun
try. The Honourable Gentleman who seconded
the address has given us a very interesting account of
how every manufacturing interest, even the iron trade,
which did not partake of the prosperity of last year,
is now in a comparatively flourishing condition. But
while that. is perfectly true, and while we have every
reason to be. thankful to Divine Providence for the
bountiful harvest with which we were blessed last year,
there is another reflection occurs to me, which I do not
mention either to damp our expectations, or diminish
the force of what has fallen from the Hon. Gentleman
opposite, but for our warning as legislators. In 1836,
on the 4th of February, on the very day of the year on
which we are now met, an Hon. Friend of mine who
seconded the address went through the various items of
iron, and wool, and silk, and cotton, and proved that
there had been a large inereas.e in the export of them
' all compared with the previous five years. He drew an
Blab, rate picture of the state of the country—and at
that time we had had, in 1835, a favourable harvest—
but we must recollect, that however much we might in-
dulge in these anticipations, it happened that 1838,1839,
and 1840, brought us to a very different conclusion ;
that however flourishing our manufactures then
were after 1836, when we had a bad harvest,
when it did not please Providence to con-
tinue that state of plenty which we had enjoyed
and taken advantage of, we suffered most severely both
in trade and manufactures. No man can expect the
course of the seasons to be altered, or to have in this
country every year those bounteous harvests with v. hich
we have been blessed in years past. If wo cannot ex-
pect that, can we do anything to remedy the evil which
deficient harvests occasions ? I think we can; not by
interfering with the course of Providence, but by look-
ing to another dispensation of the same Providence,
which enables men to extharge the produce of their
own country for that of the distant regions of the earth.
Let us, then, consider in the course of the present year,
and endeavour to ward off the storm, which in some
season of deficient harvest may come upon us, by giving
to the productions of other countries, which we can
enjoy, a freer inlet into this country than our present
leas allow.—(Hear, bear.) It would only be acting in
consonance with the principles of the present Govern-
ment, and of gentlemen en the other side of the House,
who-do not hold with the great society that met yester-
day—(Hear, hear)—that the protection of Britishi n-
dustry is the true way to obtain a permanent and flou-
rishing condition of the country. On the contrary, with
respect to many articles they consider that principles
opposed to those of protection principles, which if not
entirely free trade are known as free trade, arc those
by which the intercourse of nations ought to be regulated.
and by which this country ought to be governed. If
then they continue to hold these opinions—if they differ
from the great authority of those who yesterday cele-
brated the principles of protection, let them give us the
benefit of their convictions, though they might be called,
as they have represented us to be, the enemies of agri-
culture.—(Hear, hear.) The question for them to decide
was whether they should do in •a season of prosperity,
calmly, deliberately, and with all the dignity of legisla-
tors, that. which we may have to do hereafter hastily
under the pressure of popular clamour, when they might
be unable to deny that which they might be afraid to
grant.—(Hear, hear.) If they think it best, with respect
to Ireland, to take advantage of the present time, and
boast that Ireland is more tranquil, then, I say, when
trade is prosperous shall we lose that opportunity ? I
think that if you were pressed by a foreign war, and
internal commotion, you would give Ireland almost every
thing she asks for, except repeal.—(Hear, hear.) If
that is the case, take advantage of the present favourable
opportunity, and show yourselves worthy to rule that
great nation you are called on to govern.—(Cheers.)
Mr. MILES said he should not have risen at all but
from the understanding that on Friday week the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer would make his financial state-
ment, and the remarks of the Noble Lord. What the Noble
Lord meant to express with respect to agriculture, he
was at a loss to understand. Did the Noble Lord mean
to say that protection was the bane of agriculture ?
(Heat., hear.) If the Noble Lord entertained this opi-
nion when he was a member of the Government, or even
last year, why did he propose a fixed duty ?—(Hear,
hear.) Had he found it convenient to change his
sentiments, or had he allied himself with the
Anti-Corn-law League ?—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial benches.) The Noble Lord had appeared to
think that the agricultural interest was in a state of
prosperity—(Cries of "No, no")—and he thinks thi; the
very best time at which another alteration in the corn-
la vs might be made. Now, if ever there was a time at
which it behoved an Administration to be cautious--
(Hear, hear, and ironical cheers)—this is that time. - In
the north of England the harvest might have been a good
one, but in the south, west, and east, it had not been
an average. As they were given to understand that the
income .tax is to be continued, he rose to claim on behalf
of the agricultural body, in any reduction of taxation
that may take place, that their interests may not be for-
gotten.—(Loud laughter.) As to the speech from the
Throne, and the address in answer to it, he had nothing
to say against them; but though he gave a general con
sent, still he would not pledge himselfao any of the de
tails.

a position in which he could exercise a free and unfet-
tered judgment, and, as far as might be, an ureiuspected
judgment. On that account he had taken a course most
painful to his feelings, and separated himself from men
with whom, and under whom. he had long acted in
public life, and of whom, he was bound to Say,
although he had no longer the honour of serving his Must
Gracious Sovereign in association with them, that he
continued to regard them with unchanged sentiments
both of public regard and private attachment. lie had
now stated as much as was necessary to prevent any
erroneous impressions, to discharge himself from that
responsibility which devolved upon him, and at the same
time had taken pains to limit his observations, so that
premature discussion upon those topics might not ensue.
They all knew that the subject of the Roman Catholic
Church in Ireland, the College of Maynooth,-and things
immediately connected with it, were regarded with very
sensitive feelings by the people of this country. In ad-
verting to these things, he felt it his duty at the same
moment distinctly to state that he was not prepared to
take part in any religious warfare against the measures
which his Right Hon. Friend might propose. Ile could
understand the principles on a hich her Alajest)'s Go-
vernment acted ; and he had evtn ventured to vindicate
the principh s on which a Christian State allies itself, for
religious purposes, with a Christian Church ; but as
men's minds had become more liberal, and as p
opinions and parties had undergore so much modifica-
tion, lie felt himself bound frankly to state that he could
not undertake to draw distinctions unfavourable to his
Roman Catholic fellow subjects in Ireland, but trusted,
with a fervent hope, that they would be regarded by the
Government with the same favourable sentiments as
membsrs of any other profession of Christianity. He did
not wish to say anything that might prejudge the question
but would consider it fully and calmly when it was
brought under the notice of the House. lie would, how-
ever, again distinctly state, that he was not prepared to
take part in any religious warfare against a measure
such as it was anticipated might be introduced, nor to
draw distinctions between Roman Catholics, on the one
hand, and other classes of his fellow Christians, on the
other.--(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) It was un-
necessary for him further to detail his views to the
House. lie would reserve his own judgment on this,
as on other matters. He was far from attributing any
blame to his Right lion. Friend at the head of the Go-
vernment or any other member of it, for any dereliction or
inconsistency in the measures about to be brought under
the notice of the House, as far as he was apprised of
them ; and he had only to conclude by thanking the
House for the attention with which they had listened to
him whilst he made explanations which recent events
and public duty rendered necessary.--(Cheers.)
Sir ROBER ['PEEL then rose amid profound silence
and addressed the House as follows :—Sir, I feel confi-
dent that this House will show a generous regard for the
strength of private feelings and personal esteem by bear-
ing with me while I allude to my Right lion. Friend,
instead of commencing by adverting to subjects of deep
interest, which have been introduced in the course of this
discussion. The subject which has been brought under
the notice of the House by my Right Hon. Friend is one
of deep interest to myself and to my colleagues. For
the abilities of my Right HMI. Friend I entertain the
highest admiration—an admiration wily equalled by my
respect for his private virtues.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear," and cheers from both sides of the House.) I con-
firm, in every respect, the statement made by my Right
Hon. Friend. My Right lion. Friend did intimate at a
very early period to his colleagues that it would ,be im-
possible for him to co- operate with them as a Member of
the Government, and with the responsibility and entire
participation N hich that station implies, in the measures
which they had -in contemplation with regard to educa-
tion. If my Right Hon. Friend did not :immediately
press his resignation, I am entirely responsible, being
unwilling to the latest moment of forfeiting the advan-
tages of a colleague who was capable of rendering such
eminent services to the country, and who was so distin-
guished an ornament of this House. In order to pre-
vent all misapprehension, I think it right to state
that my Right Hon. Friend did not resign on
account of any question of commercial policy.
For the three years that I have been connected officially
with my Right lion. Friend, and during which we have
introduced several measures connected with finance and
commerce, I feel it my duty openly to avow that it was
impossible that any men could act together with so little
divergence of opinion between them. My Right lion.
Friend, being no :longer a Member of the Government,
felt himself precluded, by motives of delicacy, from ex-
plaining the nature of those measures which the Govern-
ment have in contemplation, but as I am not prec:uded
by any such motives I think it better distinctly to state
the cause of the difference of opinion between us.
I am sure the House will recollect that on the motion
of the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Wyse) last session
that I, as the organ of the Government, conveyed an
intention on the part of the Government regarding the
education of the Irish people to this effect—that the
Government would, during the recess, apply themselves
to the great question of academical education
in Ireland. I admitted that looking to the
population—looking to the state of that country with
respect to Universities—looking to the state of Scotland,
with respect to the opportunities there for academical
education—and seeing that England had the great Uni-
versities of Oxford and Cambridge, and that in the metro-
polis another University had been recently established
—seeing that in Scotland there were not less than five
Universities affording opportunities for academical edu-
cation—looking to the state of Ireland, with only one
in that country, with the exception of the Belfast Insti-
tution, I was disposed to admit, that in Ireland there
were not the same facilities for academical education that
existed elsewhere.— (Hear, hear.) I did not make that
statement to escape from any temporary difficulty. I
made that statement with the full intention of fulfilling
any pledge or engagement I might make or imply. I
I do not shrink from those declarations.—(Hear, hear.)
lam prepared to the full extent to fulfil them. We have
considered the question, and at an early period of the
present session, will lay before Parliament a measure
giving increased facilities for academical education in
Ireland, and open to all classes of her Majesty's subjects
in that country.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.)
I stated also, with reference to that particular grant, to
which, as my Right Hon. Friend states fairly, much re-
ligious excitement attaches—l say that at the close of
the last session, notwithstanding the feelings with which
this grant is considered by a large body in this country,
I did not shrink from declaring that among other
institutions connected with academical institutions, the
state of the College of Maynooth would be brought
under the consideration of Parliament. We intend to
make a proposal to the Honse, and I will frankly state
on this, the first day of the session, that it is our inten-
tion to propose to Parliament a liberal increase of the
vote for the College of Maynooth.—(Hear, hear, from
the Opposition.) When I was on the Opposition
benches a motion was made for the purpose of taking
from the College of Maynooth the allowance which has
been annually granted. I stated theu, it is some years
ago, that it appeared to me that an engagement had been
entered into by the Irish Parliament, which was exclu-
sively Protestant, to provide domestic education for the
ecclesiastics of the Roman Catholic Church. I said I
did not think that engagement was fulfilled by a
merely nominal vote. The engagement was to sup-
ply the wants of ecclesiastical education, by the
foundation of colleges for education. In that country
the population has increased ; and such being the case,
and the means of foreign education having been dimi-
nished, I say we are only acting in accordance with the
implied and honourable engagements of the Irish Parlia-
ment, in supplying increased funds for the education of
the ecclesiastics of that country. But I will also state that
we de; not intend to accompany that increased vote by
any regulations with respect to doctrine or discipline of
that Church, which can diminish the grace and favour of
that grant.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Op-
position.) I rejoice in having this opportunity at the
commencem, nt of the session, for making frankly this
declaration, because there is no subject by which reli-
gious feeling may be more easily excited. I refer
to the retirement of the Right Honourable Gen-
tleman in proof of the sacrifice which we have
made, by the danger to which I may possibly
expose my colleagues, by the apprehensions which
may be created among a large and sensitive class,
notwithstanding the endeavours of my Right Hon.
Friend to prevent it. I may, I ray, refer to this as a
conclusive proof of the disposition of the Government on
this subject. The Right lion. Baronet adverted to the
insinuations which had been thrown out by the Noble
Lord (Lord J. Russell), who could not resist the oppor-
tunity of taking a petty party advantage of the seces-
sion of his Right Hon. Friend, and attempting to poison
the minds of the Irish people, and diminish the grace
and favour of those projected measures. The Right
Hon. Baronet adverted to the Catholic Bequests Bill,
which he said had been introduced without compulsion,
or even suggestion, by the Government, who had no
other view than to improve the condition of Catholic
charities in Ireland. They had appointed those distin-
guished and amiable Catholic prelates, and did not at all
interfere with the appointment of Secretary to the Commis-
sion. Who could wonder that feelings ofnational animosity
were cherished by the people of Ireland, when a gentle-
man, of the Noble Lord's position, repeated such ex-
pressions as " surpliced ruffians " which he (Sir R. Peel)
denied most positively had ever been used or countenanced
by himself, or any of his colleagues. The Right Hon.
Baronet complimented, in a marked manner, the mover
of the address, who, he hoped, would frequently dis-
play to the House the talents and discretion of which he
had given so distinguished a proof on that night. Also
the seconder (Mr. Baring), who, he trusted, would
frequently inform the House upon those commercial
affairs with which he was so intimately conversant.
Ile repudiated the " small insinuations " of
_.th
Noble Lord, which wholly arose from party feeling.
He He rather thought that the Noble Lords tempe
that
disturbed by the contrast of her Majesty'
speechluegk.o)rdThre
a labs
been the author.—(Hear, hear, an
day with former speeches, of which
dthe
present speech congratulated the House and the country
of
roenretnuuface
he state of trade and commerce—the
revenue—(Ministerial
cheers)—and he supposed thatry and above all, the state of the
these allusions suggested to the Noble Lord reminis-
cences very distasteful to him, and calculated to disturb
that temper in which the Noble Lord usually met the
Muse at the beginning of a session.—(Laughter.) Ecce
trcrynzas rotas quia non lacrytnubilis ille.—(A laugh.)
The Noble Lord had referred to a quarrel which had
taken place, at a distance of 4,000 miles from Europe,
between a gentleman named Pritchard and an officer in
the French naval service. In respect to that quarrel, and
the matters which arose out of it, the Noble Lord was
of opinion that both Governments were bound to take
steps to prevent so lamentable a consequence
as a war between France and England Now,
the Noble Lord was also of opinion that the French
officer was justified in taking measures to prevent revolt
in an island of which France had the actual sovereignty.;
and if revolt was meditated, and that French lives were
menaced, Mr. Pritchard being found to be active in pro-
moting the revolt and the attack upon the French, the
officer had, by the law of nations, the right to interfere,

and if necessary to expel Mr. Pritchard from the. islan
But the Noble Lord thought also that the manner :in
which the expulsion was effected was a gross outrage.
Now, he (Sir Robert P, el) thought so too.--(Hear,
hear.) He thought that the manner in which Mr.
Pritchard had been treated, and the language which had
been emplo) ed towards him, were such as to justify the
language which he (Sir Robert Peel) used in Parliament
last year, when he as well as the Noble Lord, said that
a gross outrage had been committed. But the Noble
Lord said that the British Government ought to have
required an immediate and thorough reparation—and
should have got it. They did ask a thorough reparation,
and they got it—they asked and they got no more.—
(Hear, hear.)—And they did not want more.—
(Cheers.) He (Sir Robert Peel) should deeply
regret that they had occasion to boast of having .ob-
taieed more than an immediate and thorough reparation.
—(Che. rs.) He should deplore that any reparation had
been obtained which could be considered as r ally
humiliating to France.—(Cheers.) The. Noble Lord
said that two months were allowed to pass before repa-
ration was received. Well, he (Sir R. Peel) must say
that, to hate effected a reconciliation under such cir-
cumstances—looking at the state of public feeling in
both countries—he must say that, to have brought
things under those circumstances to an amicable settle-
ment in two months, was not unsatisfactory.—(Cheers.)
It could not be deemed unsatisfactory to have in two
months rendered that reconciliation complete—or, ac-
cording to all evidence, so complete that the King of the
French—after the minds of that country had been so
inflamed—carne to this Court cn a personal visit of com-
pliment and friendship to her Majesty.—(Cheers.) The
Noble Lord said that her Majesty's Government should
have lost no time in making their demand for reparation.
lie (Sir Robert Peel) affirmed that they did lose
no time. They lost not one hour.—(Hear, hear.) They
stated immediately to the French Government what had
occurred, and further than that, they stated only that
they were fully satisfied that the French Government
would voluntarily offer to this country the reparation to
which we were entitled. Although he did nut think it
was always quite well to refer to the speeches made in a
foreign house of legislature upon a subj( ct of this kind,
he would say that if the Noble Lord would read the
speech of M. Guizot, he would find that, in point of fact,
the Government of England made no demand, aid that
although some time elipsed before reparation was made,
yet still the confidence of the English Government was
unabated, and they assured M. Guizot of their confidence
that the Fr. nch Government would make the reparation
of itself.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had also said
that her Majesty's Ministers at the end of last session
complimented themselves upon their wisdom. In that
statement the Noble Lord was decidedly wrong. -He
(Lord J. Russell) thought it would be very unseemly
on the part of the Ministers that they should advise.her
Majesty to compliment them for their wisdom; and the
Noble Lord accordingly was very angry with the Mi-
nisters for doing so. Now all that they had said was
that this affair of Mr. Pritchard had been settled by the
justice and moderation of both Governments—that of
France and of England. Therefore, all that brilliant
part of the Noble Lord's speech proved to have •no
foundation whatever. His (Sir R. Peers) opinion was
still unshaken, that it was for the interest of France—
for the interest of England—for the interest of Europe
—for the interest of civilisation—that a good under.
standing, that cordial amity, should prevail between the
Governments of these two kingdoms.—(Hear, hear.) It
was the duty of both Governments to take care that all
misunderstandings should be recoeciled, and that they
should not lead to war.—(Hear, hear.) But between
France and England, he believed, there was but the alter-
native between cordial friendship and actual hostility.—
(Hear, hear.) There was but a small distance between
this island and France ; the breadth of sea was small,.
but this did not diminish the delicacy of our relations.
We were closer to France than to any other nation of-
Europe. Our commerce was more connected with that of -
Preece, and our navy in closer proximity to hers than -to
that of any other nation. The intercourse between the
inhabitants of he two countries was greater, and was
constantly on the increase. The progress of steam
diminished more and more the space which separated
them ; and the more intimate became our relations with,
France, the more difficult it became to be on any Other
terms than sincere friendship or avowed hostilities.
(Hear, hear.) It was the interest of both that they
should be on the best understanding, and that they
should, by mutual concecsions, heal all differences as
they rose, that so, by a cordial and amicable understand-,
ing, the Governments may be able to appease the pas•
sions excited by the errors of their agents in distant
situations.—(Cheers.) There was not one of the conces-
sions which France had made that he would not counsel
England to make, if the circumstances had been to
versed. He was sure no one in that House would think
it would be wise to ask of France any reparation which
England would not be willing to make under similar cir-
cumstances. Let them look to the influence which France •
and England exercised in another hemisphere. Look to
the influence of these Governments in the West. Let
them consider how important at that moment was their:
influence in respect to the South American States-;--
(Hear)— and they would acknowledge it was of the ut-
most importance that that influence should continue, and
that the good understanding should prevail which was
necessary to maintain it.—([tear, hear.) He believed
that in what he was stating he was only representing
the general opinion of this country. He belie*
e
that there was a sincere desire on the part of the people
of this country to maintain the most amicable relations.
with France. For his part, he would not retain those•
relations at the expense of honour or interest.—(Hear.)
He would not in time of peace neglect to take precautions -
against the possibility of war. He would not neglect'
the defence of this country. But he would think it per—
fectly compatible with these precautions and preparations
to maintain the most friendly understanding with the
neighbouring nation.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble-Lord
(Lcrd John Russell) had referred to the question of the
Right cf Search. He (Sir Robert Peel) thought it would
be better to postpone the discussion of that question
until he should be prepared to lay the matter before the
House in a definite shape, when the House would be
prepared to fcrm an opinion whether any progress bad
been made in that cause, which he confessed ought to be
an object of more importance than a mere political ques-
tion— he meant the suppression of the detestable tiaffic
in slaves.—(Cheers.) He thought that after the sacri-
fices which this country had made, the Government was
bound to make every endeavour, consistent with the law
of nations, to effect the suppression of that trade.—(Hear.)
But it was to be borne in mind that the French Chambers '
had twice decided against conceding this right of search.
Public opinion in France was raised against it, and let
what will be said the right of search had become, in a
great degree, paralysed, when they saw against it the
sense of the organs of public opinion, and of the repre-
sentatives of the nation; although, if it could be carried
into effect with the consent of both nations, no incon=
venience whatever would attend it. But if the Chamber
refused to give its consent, and called on the Govern-
ment to find a substitute, it would be impossible that
such an opposition should not paralyse the efforts of the
subordinate authorities. Now what M. Guizot proposed
was this, av3wing the anxiety of his Government to
abolish this traffic, and their participation in the anxiety
of the English Government for that object, he asked the
latter to consider if it were not possible to substitute; for
the right of search, a measure as efficacious—or, in his
own words—more efficacious, if possible, than that.
Now, seeing what feelings prevailed on this subject
in France, and how public opinion and the
voice of the Chambers acted upon the subor-
dinate authorities, what course was open to this
Government ? They said that they reiterated their
sense of the obligation upon them to put down the trade
in slaves; and that they must adhere to their opinion;
and that the right of search afforded the best means for
effecting that purpose. However, negotiations pro-
ceeded, and they had arrived at this point, that the
French Government, on their part, had chosen a man
who had shown himself ready to sacrifice power for the -
purpose of promoting this object ; he meant M. De
roglie, who, in 1817, had counselled the formation of a
treaty to this end, and in the present reign had con-
cluded another for the same object—a man who had all
his prejudices, not against the slave trade, but in favour
of that object—that was the man offered by the Frenc.h •
Government to consider with us, on their part, what was
the best and most effectual measure to substitute for the
right of search.—(Cheers.) On the other hand, the
English Government had chosen Dr. Lushingtmi—
(Hear, hear)—a man whcise whole life had been devoted
to the extinction of slavery and the slave trade, and who
had ever shown himself ready to sacrifice all political,
professional, and personal feelings, to attain that object.
—(Hear, hear.) Well, what was to be inferred from
this? The French Government had chosen to represent
them in this negotiation, the man who, as a French-
man, had shown the greatest anxiety to abolish slavery
—(Hear, hear)—and who was his confederate ?—(Hear,
hear.) Now, he hoped that if the Noble Lord
bdriisosenfor.
ward in express terms the reprobation from the policy of the Government, he wouldo
and he would appeal to the Britishrno r
•
na-
tion, whether the Government had not done right in'itio ofli their
me nt conduct
oogd
;
h" g the slave trade than they had hitherto
means of abolishing
Hear hear.) He was not aware that he
inquiring if there could not be found a more adequate
possessed?—(
had left untouched any other portion of the NoaebdilaelaLlporoerladide'yys
policy. It
exceptrern m thate ot which htoh alludedotuh thought
ththatoutos
et hae
noticen
netaokfe his
rddf sfittiahlataint7siataltement earlier than April—or
°a:feet:he:Given that he would, on a very earlfiynodauhnatyli,
had been usual not
inoatlorYwtanaountil after the estimates—but he thought,
cotooeoprmpbt
aormiirnnet
Fur
;DI
to
ot wtaokual dthbee
ebaertltieers t nooptp
otrot
unfoi
tl
yl o wo f
in a measure of so much importance as the income-tax,
tbiount
eestteatibnligshtedhe riuniteest%
of the Government. He thought it was the more
incumbent to take an early opportunity to state that
intention when important changes were to take place.
And certainly next week would not elapse, without his
giving a general statement of his intentions on this sub-
ject. With respect to the Irish Church (we understood
the Right Hon. Baronet to say), it was not necessary for
him now to occupy the House with any observations. He
wished the Noble Lord would take the opinion orthe
House as to whether the Government had taken any -
steps derogatory to the honour of this country, or dz.
waging to her fair name, in the arrangement which they
had made with the French Government, and which the
Noble Lord had denounced.—(Hear, hear.) Let the
House consider the language which had been used in the
French Chamber. He would not impute unworthy mo-
tives to the men who held the language most opposed tq.
the views of this Government—men like M. Dupin—like
M. Thiers. When they saw such men—who hadheld eminent situations in the service of
country—accusing the French Government of their
ing dishonoured France ; and when - they .saw the
English Government accused that night of nevmg
dishonoured England—it would be acknowledged that
of ygreat difficulties would be thrown in
the wa:
reconci-
liation when unavoidable differences arose. Whilst he de-
nied that there was any
grounds for the statement that,
the Government either of France or of England had done