The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-24 00:00:00

19114: SUN, LONDON. THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 24, 184,2

resources of the country.—(Hear.) A man with credit might
have a great deal of trade, but it was maintained at another man's
expense.—(Hear, hear.) Credit did not multiply wealth, it only
enabled one ma❑ to work with the wealth of another' man, and it
was honest and proper If the other believed he could give it, but
if by any side wind, a man pretended to he rich, it was dishonest,
and it was no benefit to niorality or society. He should not care a
farthing if the amount of his means was known to-morrow,
nor should lie think himself the worse in any man's opi.
nion for its being known that his gains were less.—(Hear.)
The Hon. Member for Lambeth said he should like to know how
a banker would like to have his income told P Now, this was the
very class of persons who should have the least objection. for on
the last day of the year a banker knew exactly how much he had
made during the twelve months, and he (Mr. R.) did not see why
a banker should be ashamed, or afraid, or consider it inconsistent
with his character as a good man, that people, who supposed that
he was making 10,0001, a year should find out that he made but
s,oool.—(Cheers.) But if such exposures were to be dreaded as
too inquisitorial, he woutd ask the Hight Hon. Baronet was it not
easy to hit upon some other mode of making a pretty accurate esti-
mate of the incomes of persons, whether as regarded the past year,
or a long series of years preceding ?—(Hear, hoar.) He (Mr. IL)
thought it would not be difficult to suggest the other tests. For
instance, the income of a man might be tolerably well estimated by
knowing what rent be paid for his lodging, or, at least, it might be
calculated how much he ought to pay to the State.—(Laughter, and
Hear, bear, hear.) No doubt this test would be as much objected
to .as any other by some pieties; but whatever the danger
and difficulty of inquiry it would be amply compensated by the
benent of direct taxation—without presuming to usurp the
functions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he (Mr.

lation of the laws of nations. The lion. Member for Lambeth
has said that the Affghsns are engaged in a war for their inde-
pendence ; and he added that he would hold me responsible for the
war in Affghanistan ; but I musi say that when I first heard of the
war across the Indus, I expressed great doubt as to its policy.
I did not forget the language used by a Gallant Officer, who has
fallen a victim to his zeal in the public service—l mean Sir Alex.
ander Burnes—who said that the attempt to restore Shah Soojah to
the throne from which he was expelled in 1809, would be a mea.
sure in which failure might be attended with the worst come.
quences. I said at the time that the attempt to restore Shah
Soojah to the throne of A fighanistan would very ninth resemble the
policy of attempting to force Charles X. upon the throne of France.
It appeared that the character of Shah Soojah was held in the
greatest contempt by those who were called upon to submit to his
rule. I must disclaim most decidedly, for myself and those with
whom I act, all responsibility for the expedition beyond the Indus ;
but I shall. nevertheless, take such means as British
honour and British interests may require in India,
with as much alacrity, and as much good faith and earnestness as
1(1 had been a party to the original movement in Affghanistan.
But to return to our financial condition, I find a deficit in this
country which has amounted within the last six years to
10,000,000/. ; while there has been a deficit in India to the
amount of nearly 5,000,000/., for the last two years alone. Ido
submit to the deliberate judgment of this House, and of those who
have sent us here, whether, under those circumstances, it is not
incumbent on us to make some great exertion for the purpose of
rescuing ourselves from such a condition. I think it would lie
mere delusion to suppose that our difficulties would be removed by
any ordinary means. Ido not say that you should impose an
income ox because there was a war in Afghanistan, and a war
in China, but I tell you to review the whole of your
financial position, and I think you will find that those two
causes, concurrently with others, call for some great
exertion on your parts of some kind or another.
I have been told that the adoption of the Budget prepared by the
late Ministry would have enabled us to meet our financial difficul-
ties ; but I entirely dissent from that opinion. The last Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer contemplated an increase In the sugar duty
of 7,00,0001., in consequence of the admission of foreign singer, but
that increase has been realized as nearly as possible without effect-
ing any change in the duty which existed at the time. With re.
sped to the duty on corn it is difficult to form an estimalie of what
the duty on it may produce. The Noble Lord calculated that the
same number of quarters would be introduced under
his duty as under the duty of one shilling; but I cannot
see how he could assume that would be the case. With
respect to timber, I admit that the duty proposed by the party
opposite would produce a larger amount of revenue than mine—
that proposition was to reduce the duty on foreign timber by Is.,
and to continue the discriminating duties between Canadian and
foreign timber—that in placing a duty of 20s. on Canadian timber,
and eos, on foreign timber, I admit that would realise more than
my plan could do: but this I contend for, that if you can afffird it
there is no single article in the whole range of custom articles, in
which a reduction of duty will tell with a greater effect In encourag-
ing the industry of the country, than the reduction in Canadian
timber.—(Hear, hear.) I must express my surprise at hearing the
dirty attacked so much by the Honourable Gentleman opposite.
Hon. Gentlemen opposite had the greatest respect for the autho-
rity of Mr. Deacon Hume, but what was his opinion ? He says,
"If the country can afford to give up the whole amount of the
timber duties, there is no other article to which it should give a
freer importation than that of wood. We possess iron and coal,
but we have not wood, and if they could get that article our case
would be complete." The ancient policy of the country was to en.
courage the importation of wood, and up to the year 1795 the
whole amount of duty was only Os. Eid. Considering wood to be a
raw material, and that it entered largely into all manufactures, the
duty was low for the benefit of the consumers, and it was not made
an article of revenue until the hottest period of the war in 1795.
The proposal which I make with respect to the duty on woos
is infinitely more favourable to the consumer than that which
was made by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and this I
must repeat, that if I could get a tax on property to the
amount of 600,0001. or 700,900/., and could thereby relieve the
consumer from the weight of the tax on timber, I believe would do
more to encourage industry and to restore; trade and manufac.
tures, and to benefit generally all classes of Society, than by adopt.
ing any other ineans.—(Hear, hear.) I wish lion. Gentlemen
would read the evidence given on the subject. They would find
in the Report of the Timber Committee of 1835, and in the Re-
port of the Import Duties Committee of 1840, the most satisfactory
evidence that our fisheries were subjeet to great disadvantage on ac.
count of the timber duties. He wished they would read the evideeree
of Mr. Mitchell on the subject, and also as to the effect which
they had on the ship building interest, where it was come
pletely proved to the House that the shipbuilding was withdrawn
on account of the timber duties.—( Hear, hear.) And though I
cannot compare my plan with that of the Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite as a means of raising a revenue, yet so far as the benefit of
the consumer is concerned, the reduction of the duty on colonial
timber to a nominal amount, and on Baltic timber from 555. to 30s.
appears to ins one of the most advantageous measures which it Is
possible to adopt, not in a financial point of view, but as far as the
interests of the consumer are concerned.—(Hear, hear.) It
is said I am presenting a gloomy view of the finances
of the country, and that I have said there was no other mode
of raising the revenue than having recourse to an income tax.
I said no such thing. lam certain there are other means. I think
if I were to reimpose some of the 20 millions of taxes which were
remitted alter the war, I should be able to procure a revenue,but I do
nut think I should, by increasing the taxes on commodities subject
to the present excise and customs. The Right Hon.
Gentleman
opposite (Mr. Baring) when speaking of the five per cent. which
he imposed, thought he was very triumphant on the omission of
aceshnitethfl lac/.
duties or. corn, but he did not take any credit for the duties on
sugar, deducting the duty on corn and sugar, the sum which
had been received in 1840, was 17,532,000/. ; the sum which was
received in 1842 with a 5 percent. addition, was 17,960,0001.; but
it ought to have been, if the 5 per cent. addition had realised the
Hon. Gentleman's expectations, 18,409,0001., and from that in.
fer that with respect to articles of the discription on Which the
additional 5 per cent: was imposed, we have arrived at the limit of
taxation, and that it would not be wise to lay any additional
taxes upon them. But if Igo back to other articles in respect of
which taxation has been removed, I have no doubt I shall be
able to raise a revenue, and perhaps carry with me the assent of
the majority of the House of Commcns, but I thought
it more just towards the great body of the penple,
to resort to a property tax.---(Cheers ) 1 might take leather, and
I have no doubt by imposing • a tax on it, I would derive a consi.
derable revenue. I might also derive a Very large revenue from
salt, and also from a tax on beer—but I say it is more just and po.
litic to meet the difficulties in which we are placed by imposing art income tax, than by removing those indirect taxes, which Cannot be
imposed without the greatest pressure on industry, without disturb.
yself to the objection that I laid
ing trade and manufactures into which those articles have largely
entered on their repeal, to expose in
a tax on articles of consumption, which would be so much felt by
have been
the labouring classes of the country—(Cheers)—and it h
,uSviri:gi,:ctit,h
had
byraed
theab are other tichooe,:nr.
Memberniejnetcetdi oon
for to
y mLt yii)sekpel;airnot w. ha iane:l)ild
on that account that I propose a property-tax.— (Hear, hear,)
n
man, that there is a great objection to direct ta%ation, because it
diminished the fund out of which the let
I impose a salt tax would it Pe-- —uourcr was .s 'd But if
..ot have acted as sensibly on the
funds of the working Mall °
• confess I was greatly surprised at
hearing it urgent that the
(Hear, hear.) 1-- --re was a fatal objection to the tax.—
up public ^ cannot adopt any measure more likely to keep
• ~.edit than by 'bowing a determination to raise the sup.
„rues with the yearly direct taxation, and I cannot say,
for anything I have seen, that there is any great indication
of the public funds being affected. The next objection
which he put was, that by an income tax we were driving capitalists
from tho country, and that it would have a great tendency to pro.
mote that effect. But though he went abroad, what was to pre.
vent lino from paying the tax, as the landlord paid it ?—(Cheers.)
The direct taxation will subject him to a contribution of the ex.
peticilture. From that he could not extricate himself whether be
had property in land or in the funds. The benefit of direct taxa.
lion is that for whatever object lie goes abroad, he will not be able to
relieve himself from contributing to the revenue of the country,
and he will be compelled to pay Inc fair share. But I believe the
plan which I propose will have the effect of reducing the cost of
living in this country, I
eetpetit, that will be the
result of the reduction I nrotiose ih tilt tritlff
the theepnees Of Ming abroad incitlce parties to leave time
toentry, 1 believe that the cost of living at home being reduced by
the duty on those articles which enter into manufactures being
lessened and the prohibitory duties on articles of provision being
lowered,so far from an income tax having a tendency to drain capi.
tal out of the country, the general ef'f'ect of the plenum Will be
to invite its return and to insure its ctfi.----( Cheers ) The Hon.
Gentlemen reef' tit it lie has colepared the legacy duties and person.
tit ptopertY for the last three years with the duty paid in 1916, and
be says that he has found an immense increase in it. Why, that
argument is rather in favour of the tax. The returns on the sub-
ject show that there is a tendency to accuinulation,
That is a circutnstance that operates in favour of my
measure that property ought to bear the Increased burdens
of the state and not articli2.s of consumption. The Hon. Gentle-
r:l,n,, keeii as the lion. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller)
addrresed themselves to what they considered One gross injnstice of
this tax. They arc quite content to have a tax on property, bet
object to a tax on income—that is to a tax derived froth the Ineomes
of professions and of teadee,

Roebuck) would, when the tariff came on for consideration,
undertake to prove that great benefit would result to the revenue,
and the commuidty by a different adjustment of the duties on tim-
ber. Ile would show that it was not for the interests of the colonies
or for the interests of the Canadian people, that that tax should be
continued as it was; but that it merely contributed to fill the
pockets of a small body in this country, who owned rotten ships :
that the interest of that class was very much overrated, and, in
short, speaking what he knew from having had the honour to be
the delegate of the Canadian people, they wished that the perma-
nent protection on timber should be abolished, as of no benefit
either to them or to the mother country. His plan would be
different hem that of the Right Hon. Baronet. He (Mr. R.)
would lower the duty on Baltic timher one half, and raise it as
much on Canadian. The difference now between the two was
455. This step would produce *air:revenue, would do injustice to
no one, and would give the community better and cheaper timber.
As respected the importation of sugar, the tariff of the Right Hon.
Baronet appeared to him quite untenable. He was sorry to see
that the Right Hon. Baronet should be deterred by that talk about
slavery which was the bugbear of this country when any good was
to be done. Great mischief had been done already by the intcrferance
that had taken rlac_ in this matter; for even according to the ad.
mission of those who had been most active, and had gained most
glory by their efforts in the cause, they had effected no good what-
ever. Instead of mitigating the evil they would allow they had ag.
gravated it ; and now, when the people of England asked for some
relief, you say they cannot have it on account of the slave trade. But
why now add to the mischief, when it was unquestionable that we
could not prevent the slave trade f—(Hear. hear.) With those
remarks he would now close his observations with what he should
call the moral of his tale. The Gentlemen on his side of the House
had made two attempts during the present Session to win for them-
selves popularity.—(Laughter.) First, by their opposition to the
Corn-law they had got up the steam, but they failed.—(Laughter,
and great cheering from the Ministerial Benches.) They failed,
because the working people had no confidence in them—(Cheers
from the Ministerialists)—possessing power granted to them by the
people, the middle classes arrayed themselves against the people
when they asked for their rights. But when the middle classes
wanted to get rid of a burthen placed on themselves, the people
stood aloof, seeing bow the promises made them in 1831
and 1832 were forgotten ; and thn3 the first attempt
of the Gentlemen near him at popularity hunting
had grievously failed.—(Cheors.) New they made their second
attempt, but the people clearly understood them, and being re.
Levet.' by the artifice of the other side, and by the political saga-
city of the Right Hon. Baronet, if they were not personally in-
terested, and seeing that little regard had been had for their pro-
perty, their labour, by the middle classes, they would look at the at-
tack now made on the property of the middle classes with equani-
mity. They said they would not trust the working man with
power, because they would attack property. The working classes,
remembering how their property, the labour of their hands
and their heads, had been disregarded, would not now interfere
on the funded and personal property of the middle classes. it was
all the better that the working classes should hear, from time to
time, that the middle classes alone were not able to cope with the
other side of the House. There were means, however, by which
the middle classes could put them down. They had put them down
before—try again. Let the middle classes tell the people we have
found out our mistake—we find we cannot obtain justice for our-
selves unless we obtain justice for you—(Hear)—now we will
agree to do you justice, anti then we will obtain justice fur all—and
this was the moral of his talc.

Sir R. PEEL—Sir, after the comments that have been made in
the course of this debate on the proposal I have made
for relieving the country from its financial difficulties,
I must, very naturally, feel some anxiety to reply to
some of the observations which have been directed against
my propositions..—(llear, hear.) And I must first remark on
the objections taken to the course I have pursued by the Hon.
Member for Liskeard. I was told, in the course of this night, by
him, that having no confidence in the abstract merits of the measure
I brought forward, and being unable to support it by arguments, I
resorted to topics calculated to excite party feelings, and that I was
desirous to derive that aid from party excitement which I could not
hope to draw from reason and argument.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I
refer for my vindication against that charge to all those who heard
me make my financial statement.—(Cheers from the Minis.
teriallsts.) I ask whether, when I stated to the House the causes of
the present difficulties, and proposed my remedy for them—whether
it was possible that.gny man could have more studiously avoided all
topics of an irritating nature P—(Cheers.) It was necessary fur me
to refer, amongst other causes of expense, to the war in China, and
to the war to the West of the Indus ; but in referring to those
causes of Increased expense, did I not studiously abstain from every
political subject which could be considered likely to provoke a dis-
cussion of a party nature?—(Cheers.) But, Sir, when on a follow.
ing night I vindicated the course I had pursued, I was placed in a
different position. On the first night I was told my proposal should be
considered as a whole, that there was an admission of great financial
embarrassment—that it should be discussed without any party
feeling, but entirely on its abstract merits ; and now I appeal to
those who recollect the second night's debate, whether any mea.
sure could have been discussed with more party spirit?—(Cheers.)
Not that I complain of this, on the contrary, I foresaw it. But
when I came to vindicate my measure so opposed, was it
not natural that I should remind those who attacked
my measure, that they and their policy had been the chief
causes of the present difficulties ?--(Great cheering.) I must say
now—not wishing to speak in a temper different from that in which
I began, that a speech of greater bitterness I never heard than that
from the late Chancellor of the Exchequer.—( Cheers and counter
cheers.) Why, Sir, was it not said that I maintained the sugar
dutits, not because I was convinced of the policy of maintaining
them, but because they would hells me to annoy my predecessors ?
Was it not said that I would not prefer any measure that would
affect my own political interest and position ? Was it not said
that the tax against which not one word was said when I first pro.
posed it, but which I had an assurance should be calmly and deli-
betrateiy considered—was it not said by the Noble L ird and the
Right Hon. Gentleman, that after having given the subjec, '

most mature attention, they could come. .
other con-
to no sne
elusion, but that a more unjust inqui-•
sive measure was never proposed and mires.
I must say that 1 had spoken
• olim'redtiriet
pression, not that my me .
•
n that-i(iffigehatr;altihecarr,uannd'etrctilimeeilan).
Lion which I was
clTset, but, I
ed the opposition
p,- . 'nought that the spirit which actuat
hsando
unkoi t
duo n ebt eyrgpohnielots
ohic,
hceorns siind etria,
e.
to it
..cook much more of the character of a meeting at the Ises
Club—(Laud cheers on the Ministerial benches)—and, there.
fore, after the assurances which I had received, after the manner in
which I had opened the subject, and after the mahner in which I
and the measure were subsequently assailed, then, indeed, I did
Vaal which I always shall do. I vindicated to the best of toy power
the measure which I had proposed, and the motives which had in-
fluenced me in submitting it to the consideration of the House. I
certainly was surprised that the proposal of an income tax shoold
he now denounced by the leaders of the ratty oppo.
site, without any reference to the public exigencies
or the difficulties of our position. I was surprised
to have it denounced as an odious and unjust measure, which no
Minister ought to propose, because I recollect perfectly well that
aniong those which have been connected with the party opposite,
and whose attention has been directed chiefly to matters of finanee,
I have heard their declarations, and their opinions arc left on re.
cord,that looking at the nature of our taxation, and seeing its
tendency to press upon labour, and upon those articles which, form
the necessary consumption of the great masses of the people-1
have heard them declare that a property tax might be resorted to
with advantage during time of peace. I have heard Lord Althorp
give thatopinion, and Sir henry Parnell has left on record a similar
opinion, formed at a time when the country was placed in no such
financial difficulties as at present, and formed for the sole
purpose of relieving the main articles of ceassnraption and the pro-
ductive industry of the country from the existing amount of taxation
Mr. Peulett Thomson, Lord Althorp, Mr. Flume, and Sir Henry
Parnell, all declared In favour of a property tax, and therefore a
property tax aught not to be denounced by you, acting as phile,
soldiers, and not as party men. The principle of a prepert• tisk
• might not to be denounced with quite so much of &flatness as has
been displayed upon the subject.—(llcor, hVal.) But I am told
that I have not established any cflic;ent necessity for a property
tax. I wish to pans in review the objections which nave been
urged against the measure which I have introduced. I have hterl
told th.d I have established no sufficient necessity rot- intli,t4l4'? a
property tax in time of peace. I fairly own that in Wi" Making
an appeal, not so much to the Gentleman Otr',lslte as to the de.
liberate judgment of the country, upon wfliell I rely for support—
(Cries of " Hear, hear")-1 ask all. those who are capable
of forming a just judgment upon our financial difficoltieas
and of the inevitable consequelices which must fenen, IY
during a time of peace you 't,erinit these difficultirn tr 6
without attempting to
~'eneck the rrogtenn.---A 'ask of them ana.
turely to consider 'Whether I do establish such a fman.
cial necesniAy, calling at ;east ffir some vigorous and decisive
course -f—(licoor-‘ t 'prove that there has been a deficit during the
last six years, 'which has gone on rapidly increasing for the last
four real's. I have shown that in the year ending oth Aplik
1840, there had been a deficit of income as con Tared 01 ex-
penditure, of 1,447,0001. ; in 1841 the CtAdt. amounted to
1,851,000; in 18.12 amounted to 9.,f130 :nO/. ; and in 1813 it will
amount to '2,573,0001. 1 haVt. proved that during the last six
years you have seenrarditB s debt amounting to 10,000,000/. I
have shown that theft will be a deficiency in the estimates of the
present :year,, Whleh I take at 2,5000,000/.. It cannot, 1 belletes
be ICFS6 after you shall have passed the estimate'' for rein.
fatting our troops in India, and after defraying the
' expenses of the Chinese expedition dining the approaching year.
Why, that alone seems to me to establish the tecessity'df
your finances upon a new basis. I ask you, too, .tliiittketr tit Indian
finance. 1 have told you that Indian linati/:e4 have followed the
course of the finances at home. Isa The year 1630, you began
with a large surplus; in theyear .tl4l, you ended by a large deficit.
You found in 163(1 a surplus of at least 1,500,0004 ; you ended in
1840 with a deficit eft,300,0004 ; and in 1841 you had a dells 4
of 2,400,0004 He had said that the Indian Gave:invest mats iesott.
ing to loans; they had at first tried a loan of 4 sset ; they have
since resorted to a loan of 2,000,000 at •7, h'e'r cent. He told them
that under those circumstances thar Might find it necessary to come
to the support of the credit sat tritlia. I thought it wise you should
abstain from incurring any additional debt, and that you should
maintain the public credit as you have maintained it, by showing
your determination to raise a supply adequate to your expenditetre.
These were the proofs which he gave for the purpose 'cif shawin
that there existed financial necessities--necessitties Whltli should not
deter us or dismay us; and if I had not a foil 'confidence in the re-
sources of this country, I must have ,shrank from developing the
truth, but it was because I knew that the country would have the
manliness and the energy to meet its difficulties that I would not
condescend to conceal a knowledge of these difficulties from the
public.—(Hear, hear.) I must here observe that I take no de-
sponding view of our affairs in India, I have just the same eon_
tidence as ever that the energy of the British people that has been
already so gloriously displayed in that great field of exertion —I
cannot but think that those energies when properly exerted, will
enable us to repair any casual and temporary disasters which we
may have suffered.—(Hear, hear.) But I must say I think the
Honourable Gentleman the. Member for Lambeth (Mr.
Hawes) was rather too hasty in refusing to adopt any measure
to which it may be found necessary to have recourse fsr the par.
pose
ee tax,"ofre saidaiTi''g those disasters. " Not one shilling of this in_
ethe Hon. Gentleman, " with my consent shall be
applied to the war in Affghanistan." Nowl shall not enter into the
discussion of our Indian policy ; but I think the House will sus-
pend its judgment upon that subject until they have full infonra-
lion with regard to it laid Lefore them. I shall not offer any opinion
as to the policy which we may ultimately find it necessary to pre-
serve in India; but I trust the House will suspend its judgment as
to the course which it may adopt if it should be found that British
lives had beengacri6f)pri irr conseTiericc of gruls perfidy, and a yin.

Mr. Ror Brick. tn'adO all OtAervation across the table, which
was, net attAhle In the gallery.
Sir 11. PEEL went on to say, the I-lon. Gentleman then dots not '
object to the inquisitorial nature of the Machinery I* i;tieli this I
tax iuus be levied. He k certainly singhiai• in that OPiiii'dri '
among the Gentlemen whO ttiolte ironk :ttiV? hiiimllti .iilb bf the
House on tiVa •SillAtier, 'hie•i bard that the tax upon incomes de. 1
riVel tic% tad and Professsions was objectionable, not on ac. 1
teallit of the amount to be raised, but on account of the inquisitorial
nature of its machinery. Such was tile tibledloii digt,('
by the great body of the Genticillio who tpoltebil the OPtieslte side:
When I look to what the objt.ctiOnt to ink tak are', I cannot admit the
force of the odiectioli npairrit i'arlitig nen the itii:,;thei 14^ lif`ifeed
invki,,to-hrimottnalyttare
jaoinittiere
from iirot'sssicinh Add frail ilrid's;; 11l brat,' tit EBfilfitiiiiing ilicir
10,4 re f''s th!s tA. it *outd not, in my mind, be fair to entail
tile whale burden of the tax upon incomes d,rived from land. I
am not singular in that opinion. It Was the opinion distinctly
avowed by Lord Althorp. That Noble Lord said—" I have heard
gentlemen speaking of laying on a proptrty tak ‘, a tax upon 'capital,
upon rent, upon intetest oh in.Oiieki Upon enia'rtga;ies; iiildri Aniiiii'-
tie., etc.l and that firothAVetittah shy C,•aiiitai •eisteru in mann.
tadthres.,:Slieted le 4kCinlit. iiut I ask Honourable Gentlemen
`to consider what would be the effect of this—what the num.
bee is of persons possessing small income's of that descrip-
tion.
Let them figure to themselves a small fi4,ehOtdi,i
living in the neighbourhood of 1 grtAl V•iiiihaelstiret—ivnat his
feelings would be ot thl'Al',:g his tittle PrOPerty heavily taxed, while
Now,ort.,\iv;aietti,,.ta,orthe.t:tiy:aei,remob:iejeec,rri,,t,‘,icioe,ti..i.sa,:gailiisnasyt
his vrealtlq n'e;:glihottr WAS exempt. If the iegislature Can adopt
:,,u0 a
istooosition they will commit a great injustice. :I'heab-
-1 solute property df ail classics mush bit hied; oi- antic it alt." Tll4-
(1.41./et,r:iiCodt,enaunrdeiont.
Was the opinion of ToL:d :Alitiorp it the time when he was Chan.
t..,110r. Of th'i', FACIINquer.
order to make all parties contribute a poriion of their inetnneS for
this tA, which was to
the public service? It is contended that
to the
a'tt *Or In),lsVi`Cctf(')
be imposed but f.)yri
,:,ii:o.
tis
t,:i,t,xce,4raenl,l,,,llit,gi:h:tmdteotsil;,egeens:eo,,,,r,Aalllyitlia:6lo.drlni7l.olty,
you better
if yl ii ,:virspi that principle,
_.
income tax altogether.—(Opposition cheers.) now is it pon.
slide to apply any direct taXation according to that piitickple. tioeS
e
the beer tax operate eivally—eocl; tt*li!.greaVetissittaianint—ik:Booon,l)cii-sa.jet.sicilianotinlhiattickiatO,,ph‘nive 1
tax operate equally r Art tht *Ns'e4; tares equal ison't all
taxatio.h wlitt het tif reiCt 'Of kfigree t., 0, f p (:,Fs'snit,OlierAte Stieq'6ally
--iNitiliqtriall citicei's.) Iclov tat? VI e"e, r tl iii.64"0:.51 °hal Man.
.s,,vpos,o +.,i.s. b!,. EL.gy...fiizat A'4l; or .oirect taxation against the pro.
Ifes.A6'i',al inah. i *lli show that the owner of land, kc. can
readily escape indirect taxation. lie can ren:°". ''2. a nt, Dirt °tithe. .
it:Lin:lin: hne,,,pdliecaasies,maannd_ctiairet slit dcrtili:s iii s :_eccestn•rn:::::::?bi: I,lll.oliuts
tole Country.
obliged to live in this country. Wit ereaS the prOfeasional
condition of life,,indfloice:
(em tlie:tilituattinng '
and consequently obliged to ache it to inditeet taxation, tut
t'relissions and trade
how am I to proceed to adopt the elineiple
say that incomes derived from real pro.perty Ought to bt, tkii,...,ta
ought to be tree, partly from the
et,isiiitilierey toarkt,hbeuttaxt.h at incomes derived t:roM
61tiligi'lrt th.olullaanlfdr fray
arid ehingeabiC
tnuatbueretaozfetdh,atar,rdlestchrcilis)tii:yn,ticoifmfr:.hcperitoy.
Ithtircts.opethe'tlttotalxiLinterests '
ten thousand pound a-year not to be taxed?
nu:tants for a tern, of years ought not to be subjected to thse catkin'
laiifieotioindtiopfonidx,oa,TntiorrfolrEasEbteilrebit.inxiv,an who derives his
tat. Will you subject the widow, who
Mr. lloElWClC—Certainly not.
Sir ItQllri,
41: estates, 1
i a there to he 4 distinction made between propert3, in f • property tyilit respect to which there is only i i
re:
ilimple And
(near, hoer.) Suppose I have a life interest in all eist ':i'teret.—
to fall to a distant relation, for whom I feel no p
~..i.tical at which is
ar d,ign ee of
interest, is it to be calculated what my intereir '
in the eva to Is
supposing that I depended entirely ..,:.,'th at property fo ''
F nll4 weans
of support—surely in that renect regar4 !RYA be h I
. .
of that property.: .
~..,. .
~, ft ,o nry. tenure
• •

Mr. ROEBUCK—Certainly.
Sir R. PEEL proceeded—A clergyman has a certain income, and
he holds it only for his life; am I to calculate, then, in this case,
the balance of his life interest ? If I thus deal with all cases of
this kind I must take away entirely Schedule A.
Again, take the case of two brothers, each haying 5,1100/.,•
One rests his sum in the funds, and receives ay per cent.
for his money ; the other purchases a living and insures his
life. Shall I make a deduction in the case of the one so as to ren-
der his position similar to that of the other ? I have put all those
cases to show that if I am to act on the principle of making such
valuations and allowances, I had better abandon the tax altogether.
I say again, that this income tax is a necessary measure in time
of war, and when great exertions are to be made,
looking at the necessity that may arise of imposing a tax of 10 per
cent., and if the pressure be great of imposing even a greater amount
than 10 per cent. rather than have recourse to the system of bor-
rowing money and funding, that it would be better to have no income
tax at all than to establish such a staite of things as would necessarily
arise from the operation of the principle advocated on the other
side. HI have to take the case of an annuitant, and grant her an
exemption, then I must abandon the principle upon which
the tax is founded, namely, that every man
should contribute a certain sum according to his means.
I hope that I have sufficiently stated the grounds upon which I am
of opinion that, if we did resort to a tax upon income, we ought to
call upon all incomes to contribute equally with those abatements
and reductions only, which were specified in the Act, and that
nothing could he more unwise than to attempt to change the income
tax into a tax upon capital or property. With respect to the
details I have not the slightest objection to give my attentive con.
sideration to any modifications which may be suggested, but with
respect to the main principle of the proposal—namely, the levying
of a duty of 7d. per pound upon income—that is the proposal which
I have made to the House, and that is the proposal which I mean to
urge as far as I can upon their acceptance, clearly foreseeing the

measures . which we considered the best suited to re-
replace our finances on a sound and satisfactory basis.—(Hear )
Sir, I am charged that this measure—thls measure of an income
tax—is a measure not only proposed upon the whole authority of
the Government, but that it is a measure upon which the fate of
the Government exists. I think, to snake atiy declaration on such
a subject, would be entirely uncalled for; that, supposing that I
could in the present state of affairs, propose such a measure as that
v !deli I have proposed, without considering the fate of the Govern.
meat being involved in the decision, such a declaration appears to
me scarcely necessary. I did propose it on the responsibility of the
Government. I did propose it as the financial and commercial
policy of the Government,—a measure which I never would have
consented to have proposed if I did not entertain a manifest con-
viction of its necessity, and risking my fate as a Minister upon R.—
(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The more I consider,
the moredeeply am I convincei that measure, and the measures con.
bined with it are necessary for the welfare of the State. I relinquished
office before in 1835, because I would not consent to all acquies-
ence in a principle which I felt not to be founded on justice. I
propose now an alteration, and if the House of Commons
should overrule that proposal, I shall retire with perfect content,
and with a consciousness that I have discharged the duty which I
owed to the country, by proposing a measure as characterised by
one of my opponents as a bold, a direct, awl honest measure; and
if that is the characteristic of it, It is well suited to the exigencies
of the present time.—(Cheers.) This is a period in which you re-
quire Oat the measures you propose should be a bold—should be
a direct one— should be an honest one.—(Cheers.) It may be re-
jecte !. Now, the attempts which are made to deceive those inte-
rests which I am supposes! to have affected to unite them in oppo-
sition to this income tax. It may possibly prevail--I doubt it._
(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) I doubt whether there
will not be an opinion on the part of the country—a conviction
that the time is come when a vigorous exertion should be made—
That the time is come when, for the intere:t of property, that pro-
perty should be taxed. But my opinion may be overruled, and yet
I have confidence that what occurred in 1535 may occur again—
that, after the lapse_ of a short time, after making ineffectual at-
tempts to repair the finances by other means, by:resorting to indi-
rect taxes, it Will be ultimately seen that the measures which I now
propose is founded in reason and in justice. After the lapse of a
short time, I shall see the House of Commons adopt that measure
which they had rejected, but I believe that, with the prevailing feel-
ing of the country, that they will now adopt that measure—that
they will not draw delusive distinctions between the times of war
and peace, and that we shall adopt that bold, that honest, that
direct measure which, so far from being misconstrued by foreign
countries, will be held up by them as a proof of the ancient vigour'
of the country, that the energies of the people are yet alive to the
ditlicugies, and will ride triumphantly over them on account of that
energy. (The Right Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud
cheers.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said—Mr. Greene, I hope
we are coming to a decision upon this question.—(Loud cries of
" No, no.") I shall confine myself solely to the income tax, and
that with respect to the commercial tariff, upon which the Right
Hon. Baronet naturally found it necessary to make some observa-
tions. I will entirely reserve anything I should have to say to
some future occasion, when this tariff will be before the Ilouse.
Sir, the Right lion. Baronet commenced his speech by making some
remarks upon what had fallen from my lion. Friend the Member
for Liskeard, with respect to the tone in which the Right lion. Bart.
hail addressed the House. Sir, if his tone was always in consonance
with his speech on the first night of this question—(Hear, hear)--:
or with the speech made to.nigh, 1 do not think the Hon. Gentle.
man (Mr. Buller) would have thought it ncessary to make any ots
servation respecting it. But I certainly do think that, upon
more than one occasion, the tone did Justify the objections of my
Non. Friend. With respect to the speech in the recapitulation of tha
plan of the Right Hon. Baronet, we certainly do not complain.
But a few days afterwards, my Right Hon. Friend, who held the
post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, who has a right, as much as
any person in this House, to ask questions with respect to financial
measures, ventured to ask the Right Hon. Baronet what was the
machinery by which his proposal was to be carried into effect,
why the Right Hon. Baronet not only refused him an answer, but
refused it with a sneer—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—for whatever
might be the politics of Mr. Pitt, everybody must admit that no
matter what pleasure was brought forward, lie had at all times
preserved an unanimity and courtesy towards all parties, which
must be admired, not only by those who were during his time its
Parliament, but by succeeding generations.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Baronet was pleased to say, that we, upon this side of the
House, would have opposed any measure which might have been
brought forward by him. It was hardly necessary to give any
answer to that statement, but it showed the tone and temper with
which the Right Hon. Gentleman was disposed to discuss the ques-
tion.—(Loud cheers.) Having said so much, Sir, in justification
of my Right Hon. Friend (the late Chancellor of the Exchequer),
I will now proceed to discuss the question before the Committee.
The Right Hon. Gentleman, tonight has stated what the propesition
was to be. We have heard many gentlemen state the great hardships
attending au income tax; several Hon. Members expressed their
hopes that there would be some modification in the measure pro-
posed by the Right Hon, Gentleman. The Hon. Member for Berk.
shire said that there should be some modification in it; another
Hon. Gentleman showed clearly the injustice of an income tax par.
ticularly upon annuitants, and instanced a case in which he was him-
self concerned, where he shewed that 41,7001. was embarked
in annuities, and where 15,0001. were for terminable 2111111 i.

consequences of abatements and exemptions of such a nature as
those which had been urged by lion. Gentlemen opposite.
I am told that another great objection to this tax is, that it en.
couraged perjury and fraud. Now, as such is stated to
be the effect of direct taxation. I should like to know what is the
effect of indirect taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I should like to know
what is the tendency of the Excise duties, and of all the regulations
with respect to distilleries.—(Hear, hear.) Taxation of some kind
or other is inevitable. I quite agree with: the lion. and Learned
Gentleman that nothing can be more frivolous or more absurd than
extreme sensitivenes as to what people are worth. I believe there
is generally a very good estimate formed amongst those who care
about other people's property, or the state of their credit.—(Hear,
hear.) There is a keen instinctive sense of what a man is worth ;

'idler his looks, or his gestures, or something or other, appear to
betray it to others.—(Laughter.) And, with respect to this terrible
inquisition into men's affairs, and the disclosures which most
follow, I do really believe that if a man is disposed to make a bona
fide return of his income to the office, there would be no such tre-
mendous consequences as some Hon. Gentiemen have seemed to
imagine. If there be a disposition to practise fraud and perjury
for the sake of saving 31. or 4/., there may be some difficulty, but I
have too high an opinion of the people of this country to suppose that
a tax of•? 1. 18e. 4d. in the 100/. would supply this temptation to
perjury. But as I have already said, whatever may be tne inconve.
niences of direct taxation, depend upon it you cannot resort to in.
direct taxation, without, as it appears to me, affording, at least in an
equal degree, a temptation to perjury and fraud.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir, as I have before stated, I do not merely propose the income t.:x
for the purpose •f meeting the deficiency is the public revenue—
concurrently with meeting that deficiency I propose to make ex-
tensive alterations in the tariff. Sir, there has been a dis.
position entirely to underrate and undervalue the changes
which I propose to make, a disposition in which I must
say that the Honourable Member far Bolton I)r. Bowring)
does not participate; for lie, who probably knows as much as any
man on the subject, says he cannot deny that the alterations which

I propose in the tariff; are very extensive and most important.—
(Hear, hear.) He says I omit two most important articles, namely,
corn and sugar, and he blames me for that omission ; but with
respect generally to the changes which I propose in the tariff, the
Hon. Member thinks they will tend to encourage industry, enter-
prise, and commerce, and therefore bears his valuable testimony in
their favour.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what were those changes In
the first place, I will notice the removal of the prohibitory duties.
On this subject an Hon. Gentleman makes a singular charge against
me. •He says, though I remove the prohibition upon the importa-
tion of foreign cattle, I do nothing, for that the cattle are not yet
born.—(Laughter.) I remove the prohibition upon the imports.
ban of foreign cattle, and I permit salt and fre-Jh beef to
come in at a small duty; but it is said, that the first
of these changes will confer no benefit at present, because
the calves are not yet born. lam afraid that I cannot provide for
that difficulty.—(Laughter.) Same apprehensions have been en-
tertained as to the effect of the removal of the prohibition upon the
importation of fresh meat. I think there is no ground for appre.
hension. The effect will, undoubtedly be, to cheapen provisions ;
but I think those in England and Scotland who entertain appre-
hensions on this subject greatly overrate the danger to themselves
of permitting the importation of fresh meat Into this country.—
(Hear, hear,) With respect to timber, the proposed duties will be
almost nominal. Foreign ornamental wood I have reduced to the
lowest price. At present we labour under a great disadvantage
in competing with foreigners in the manufacture of furniture;
of the effect of the alteration—the removing that disadvantage—
, will not that be a benefit ?—( Hear, hear.) I have reduced the
duty on every kind of foreign wood except rosewood, and I have
no doubt when we have:concluded a treaty with Brazil, that will
be added to the rest. But lam told that we ought to proceed upon
the principle of remitting the duty on every article of foreign pro-
duction, entirely regardless of what foreign countries may do in
return. Now abstractedly lam not prepared to deny that that
would be good policy.—(Bear, hear.) lam not prepared to deny
that to buy at the best market, without reference to others, would,
in the abstract, be good policy. But at the same time it cannot be
denied, on the other hand, that it would be a great advantage to us
if we could induce foreign countries to make a correspond.
ing reduction.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I have no doubt that it
would be a great advantage to France to remit the duty upon
brandy. I belive also that it would be a great advantage to both
countries if France were to admit the manufactures of Sheffield.
I do not see why we should at once resign every advantage, by Mi.
mediately remitting our duties. I trust that Portugal, Brazil,
Spain, and other countries, will see the advantage t• be derived
from a reciprocal reduction of duties. That that reduction ought

to be made c❑ the part of foreign countries, as well as on our

own, cannot bedenied ; and:it is upon that ground that I object to

a precipitate reduction of duty here without claiming, as an equi-
valent, a corresponding reductio❑ in foreign countries.—(Hear.)
You undertake to say that the reductions I snake in the tariff are
not Calculated to diminish the cost of living, or to increase our
manufactures. Now, look to the reductions which I propose in
the duties on oils—look to the reductions which I propose in the
duties on dye stuffs, on rosins—all articles used to a considerable
extent in manufactures.—(Cheers.) Look, again, at the articles
of skins and furs.—(Cheers.) I have greatly lessened the amount
of duty levied on many articles, the manufacture of foreign
countries, Now, what wi❑ be the effect of that ? The present
duty sounds like a prohibition, but it is not so in fact. The
smuggler takes care to el.sure you a supply of the article, in
spite of your prohibitory duties.—(Loud Opposition cheers.)
What, then, is the use of retaining a duty of 40 per

cent. when the smuggler will ensure you a supply
at a cost of 10 per cent. on the value as a repayment for the risk
he runs. The article is not the less -brought into consumption,

but the profit goes into the pocket of the smuggler. Now, by the
reductions which I propose, I shall enable the merchant to know
precisely what he has to contend with, and relieve him from that
uncertainty in making his calculations under which he must neces.
sarily labour in consequence of bring dependent upon the smug-
gler,—(Cheers.) There is the article of gloves, for instance. It is
impossible to prevent the importation of them. The smuggler
will take care that there shall be a sufficent supply. Now I have
remitted a large portion of the duty on foreign manufactured
leather, and that, in my opinion, will be of great advantage to the
consumer.—;Cheers.) But it has been said that, on the whole,
the reductions which I have proposed in the tariff will tend to in-

crease the consumption—will tend to cheapen the necessaries of life.
When the lion. Gentleman denied that there would be any adran-

tage in the proposed alterations in the tariff, in cheapening the cost
of living, an Hon, Friend near me whispered to me, that he was a
Member of a Board of Guardians—that he had just returned from

attelidirig the third, and that they had entered into a contract for
furnishing the iiniod if itil i foVietdlt3 neat year, which contract
was '2O per cent. lower than it had bait last tiai.--(Minhiterial

cheers.) Now from that it appears that you will obtain a fedticdcrt
in the poor-rates—not in consequence of any encroachment on the
comforts of the poor—not in consequence of any diminution in the
amount paid for tho solace of the t:enrving poor—but in conse-
quence of the great reduction in the articles of consumption, by
which the Cost of lining in so much lessened, that you are enabled

to maintain your house at much less cost than formerly.—(Cheers.)
I now come to consider the reductions proposed in artie:es of col°.

nial produce. The Hon. Gentleman says that in passing this mea.
cure I refuse altogether to listen to any argument, but that I rely
solely upon a majority to support me in carrying whatever measures
I may propose. Now If I felt sure of possessing that majority I can
assure the Hon. Gentleman that that would only make me the
more desirous of listening to any arguments which might be
offered against my plan.—(Cheers.) And if any suggestion should

he offered Which I emsider an improvement ml the tariff, so far
from feeling the slightest shame at acknowledging that it was an
linprovement, I would be the very first to acknowledge my error,
and to adopt the suggestion,—(Loud cheers.) With regard to the
7reat printiple of the tariff, however, when I consider the greet re-
duction 1 have proposed, I indulge the confident hope, if the tariff
Silduld lie adopted; that it will lead to the great improvement dour
tfarbi Alia id 6)6 intirtiOd pialtritY of our country: With regard
to the details, as I said befogs', It miy Etigg6tioti shell be offered
which I may consider as improvements upon the original preposi=
tion, I shall not hestate a moment in adopting thein,—(llear,
hear.) With regard to the colonies—
itditt differentia! ditties.
Sir It. PEEL;—i am certainly not pHpated to say that there
shOtild be, nd dirf,rential duties in favotir of oar Colonial produr-
tiririi Ihe ijitestioH i= S'ety extensive one: In the fitst 1660
you triust doin;ider thd thsadfantiigeA Othiei eeionfes
lahour.—(Hear, hear.) You compel them to feddife theft iiidbit-
Gwured article, from the mother-country.--([Lear, hear.) h it

unfair, therefore, to give the articles Or colonial production a
pfefereilde 1* tbe rout market.—(Lqutl cheering.) I am
dtsiiosed to thin It tliat the ttu OifilCire; If it could be
adopted; taoiiid iSe to tion?lder this Coidrilett frr fretiv..ty
the saute light sas it they 4ete oltif oibrr ehipire:
At the same time I am bound to acimii t of iie're aid adepticitis
as, for instance, where the article is not exclusively oiie St ioid.
prOdfice, bdt when. it iS
I,ikevAlA the produce of this country as
At thltt.eai Ole 611iiinier to Wive the
stlvitntige; but where there is a tompetithiii tieivW6ti the

ties, but only the remaining 6,000/. should be taxed, but
he proved to you that the tax, according to the proposed
measure, would fall upon the whole 21,700/., and not upon the
15,000/. Other Honourable Gentlemen had shown the obvious
difference between incomes, between 5001. or 600/. a year, derived
from property, and the same sum made by persons in professions,
or others whose incomes might not, in all probability. last more
than five or six years, during which this income tax would
continue; these were the inequalities which were pointed
out not only by Honourable Gentlemen upon this side
of the House, but also by several Honourable Gentlemen upon
the Ministerial side.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.)
What was the answer of the Right Hon. Gentleman ? His answer
was, that though these inequalities might exist, it would be im-
possible to remove them, and if it was attempted to remove them,
it would be better for him to abandon the measure altogether.
sir, I think the Right Hon. Gentleman's reasons upon that point
arc sound reasons. I certainly would not force any modification
upon the Right Hon. Gentleman—and though I did not expect
that the direct opposition to this tax would be carried, yet if any
modification of it was carried, I should be to some extent respon-
sible for it. 1 feel I should be taking the measure out of the hands
of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and that I would be answerable fur
whatever modifications were made. If there was only one objcc-
ti.m to this measure, and that was on the ground of inequality, I

colony and a foreign country, in that case I think that in justric
the Colony a differential duty ought to be imposed. But this prin-
Ciße of a die ereritial diity ,ti). favour of our own colonial produc-
0H;1.4 0 lid hiett has always been
acted on. It Is a fdti have
adopted.—(Loud cheers.) Chi *hat pflhtlple did you
pose a different and a Iptiei fAc -of citify do rough tied
kil‘; )reduce Of tfii itrotlit Of 4eriCA tdail (hi dui cd
g4otilid did you impose dl
sugar and on East India rum.—(Cheers.) -I
merely mention
this for the purpose of showing that I am introducing no new prin.
ciple in establishing differential duties . iii`fhvour of our colonial
productions. There are diltereniial ditties ilfeicly existing on up.
yfutti dt tit
110111. Witii regard to the details of the tariff, as i stated beide;
'Ant pertectlY opeti to cohoiCtion, Add if f shoilid consider that the
atguenenta.siioiild pi00(16.36 Id fayoilt Of it modification; I shall
4lititevel- liegAtilie
nitre is not any other part of the plan to which I need now advert;
lion. Gentlemen opposite would themselves I think admit that I
and ttln!? with whont I act ha,,! 141,191. km a task of extreme
chilleulty.—(Cheers.) They will admit that at the period of our
accession to office we found many difficulties to contend with..—
(eheets:) We Mind a sbdt in Affshanistan,-_(Hear, hear.) We
fialind the Chinese hostilities ithsettled—(Cheers) —and we found, I
regret to say, gititting between this country and France a
spirit of jealousy *lll not call It hostility—but a
spirit kif jeildilty, In consequence of the events of
list year, the existence of which we cannot but deeply
deptecate,—(Loud cheers,) I consider It of the utmost import.
Ante that those rt•elities of godd.Will Which of late years we were
told had existed between France and this country should be renewed,
that the ancient relations between this country and France should
'remain undistUrtted, th#t the commercial Intercourse be.
tWcen the two countries should- be extended.—(Hear. hear.)
I. All these I consider to be, of the utmost importance ;
at the same time I must say that'll wild not consent to make any
concessions unsuited to the honour and welfare of the country, be.
cause I consider that by preserving the honour of this country I
take the best means for preserving peace,—(Cheers.) But as the
cause of dieuaian no longer exists, as the Five Powers are now
acting amicably together as regards the Eastern question, I trust
that 'the good feeling which did exist between this country
and Trance will soon be renewed.—(Loud cheers.) We
tows& our relations with the United States in an unsettled
state, the vittestion of the Canada bohndary having remained in
trrAsate for:rOseries-of.lsaxs.. _ Above all, we kuncl...tir finances
of the country in al 'post unsatisfactory state-4110er, fieat)...::-and
I 'tee it our duty to apply oureelvo to the proposal of those
...

they might have been again imposes] with far less injury to the:
squiffy than the resorting to the Income tax. There are the taxes •
made-servants, on four-wheeled and two-wheeled carriages, and on
carriage and riding horses, which had been reduced to the amount
of 700,000/. At various times there have been other taxes re-
duced, the assessed taxes, for instance, and I will say at once that
it would be far preferable to resort to those as-
sessed taxes, than now 'to inflict an income tax,
on the country.—(llear, hear.) The :Right lion. Baronet had
foutol fault with the calculations of his Right Hon. Friend the
Measlier for Portsmouth, because he did not take into account in
the last year's estimate the increase of she sugar duiy. But that
year, compared with the year before, showed a remarkable deft.
ciencyf to the extent of 230,000 tons. The calculation ought to
be made made upon a year of ordinary, and not of decruersing con.
sinption: 1 consider my Right lion. Friend was quite right in
statinli, that with a moderato duty on corn, and a diminution tit-
the prohibitory duties on sugar, and a reajustment or
the tax on timber, he would have received a very great portion,
this required revenue. His Right Hots. Friend estimated that in-
crease at 1,700,0001., but you in,iy take it at less, and even if you
do take it at less it will very much diminish the amount of the
deficit. The deficit being two millions and a half, it would be di-
minished by half of its amount, arid you would not have more than
1,450,000/. deficiency to provide for. With respect to some of the
articles in the proposed tariff, I think you might have postponed
the great loss yon are prepared to suffer, rather than resort to the
measure you have resolved on. The Hon. Member sor Bath, has
been pleased to say that in opposing this tax we «re
fightirg for popularity.—(Loud cheering.) Now with re-
gard to any subject where there may be popular opinitu
on one side or the other, I do not think it is fair to say that those
who take it are only fighting for popularity. I believe with regard
to the working classes, Ih:ere was a very unfounded impression that
this swat a tax solely en persons of funded, and landed, and ether
property, and not on the mass of the community. Itut I think it
will be found out, some time hence, that if you diminish the means
of employment—if you diminish the means by which the working
daises obtain sufficient wages, you do, by so diminishing those
means, as much affect them as if you laid a tax on:them.—
(Cheers). Nut Ido not think, with respect to this measure, that
we can justly be charged with fighting for popularity. Was
if for the sake of popularity, that we for so many years contended
for the claims of the Roman Catholics ?—(Cheers.) Nothing could
be more unpopular in this country than those claims ; it was said
that we were for bringing the Roman Caiholic religion into this
country. Again, with regard to the Poor-laws, was it fer the
sake of popularity that we introduced them P— (Cheers.) if then
we have introdured, and are prepared to introduce again, measures
that were unpopular at the time, where our principles bound us
to the assertion of those measures, I shall not shrink from
opposing other measures, when it may bear a more
popular air, because I am told that popularity is my object.--
(Cheerf.) In the course of my public duty, I must he the advo-
cate of measures to which much popular odinm attaches at the
time, and at other times, if other measures which have popular
favour attached to them. In the course of the Reform Bill, much
popularity attached to that measure, but I was not more in favour
of the Reform Rill than I was in favour of other
measures to which no such popular:ty was attached.—(Cheers.)
I shall, therefore, ftifil my duty in this House
by giving my opposition to tills tax. The Right Hon. Gentleman
has said that that opposition is not likely to succeed ; but I also be-
lieve that the people are not yet fully aware of the nature of the
tax.—(Cheers.) They are not aware of the evils that it inflicts ;
of the inquisition with which it is necessarily accompanied ; anti
the inequality of operation on the various kinds of income, which
is inseparable from its nature. I think if we assented silently to
this income tax, after its evils came to act on the country,
our constituents—those who will then feel the tax—
will justly have to reproach us that we had not raised
our voices in Parliament against it.—(Hear, hear.) They may
say, we might have been mistaken as to the operation of such a
tax, but you who are to consider such things, who are sent into
Parliament to represent out interests, you at least ought to have
raised your voices, and given your votes against the enactment of
such a tax—(llear, hear)--and then we should have felt that we
had not been Been deserted. Sir, it is in order that no such re.
proach may be made on me, in order that the gentlemen
who act with me may not have to suffer from
such a reprorch that I am determined to oppose the
enactment of such a tax.—(Cheers.) Should there come a time of
great danger, which may require the enactment of such an unjust,
unequal, and injurious tax, then those evils may be borne, rather
than suffer any injury to the credit and honour of the country. But
if you call on the country to make those efforts when they are not
necessary—if you do not husband your energies until they are
really required, far from rendering those efforts more easy
when they may be absolutely necessary, you will but indispose the
public to believe your assertions and you will give them reason
to say, why there was another time when you asked us to make
those efforts, but on examination we found there was no adequate
public necessity for the call. I say, therefore, do not abandon
this resoure , it is one of the resources of the public exigencies,
but in order to preserve your power over it—in order that you
may be enabled hereafter to appeal to the country and to meet
with universal acquiescence, do not now, when there is no abso.
lute necessity, call for efforts which the people will find to be op.
pressive, and which they will hereafter reproach you for having
imposed on them.—(Cheeers.)
Mr. 13. WOOD (amidst considerable intemmtion and cries of

" Adjourn," " Divide") proceeded to oppose the tax in detail. Ae
one instance of the hardship and injustice of the income tax when
it was levied before, he stated that he knew a man who gained
25,000/. in one year out of mines in Cornwall, but lost more than
than 2.5,000/. in the same year as a shipowner, yet instead of the
loss being set against the gain he was obliged to pay ten per cent.
on the 25,000/. He (Mr. W.) paid 2,500/. for him.—(Hear.)
Mr.COBDEN (amidst renewed cries of" Divide,"" Adjourn,'')
said the explanations the Right Hon. Baronet had given them
of his measure, which was both an income tax and a property
tax, deserved most mature consideration—(Hear, heat)—and as
they were now on the eve of adjournment, and about. to have an
opportunity of consulting their constituents, and taking their
opinions on the plan—(Hear, hear)—and recollecting that the pre-
sent question involved a revision of the tariff and the Corn-law, he
trusted the Right Hot,. Baronet would consent to adjourn the de-
bate until after Easter.—(}lour, hear, and cheers.) The
Right Honourable Baronet had expressed a full c mviction that the
country was with turn upon the present occasion; but if it should
be ascertained by those opposed to him that such was really the
feeling of their constituents, they would be saved much future
discussion. For these reasons he begged leave to move that. the
Chairman should report progress, and ask leave to sit again.
The amendment having been put,
Mr. VERNON SMITH said, that although lie had cited for the

ste , i , i. ~,,,
he e 0 ....,...
could not then support a similar
might ha ready to joist with those who thought it ought to be adjourionent the other evening;
modified; but es the measure stands, I feel that the Right llon.
Inuisassilieontiatttelrethieticgliisitculssioions.sssutat'ltmoitai,tt;ol.lad
It was
placeatnhdathveersypeefet
you cannot attempt to remedy one inequality
Gentleman is correct in Isis argument. I think he is right that
with. Members on the Ministerial beachesterhaudpoauddttrehsisetheltthheeyill,oadusaC
rutigohiti
out meeting others which were just as clear and as glaring the wa
question ; but that
as that.—(Hear, hear.) Then, Sir, I shall not vote for any modi.
to consult their own wishes, and they might if they pleased leave
tication of this measure, as the Hon. Member for Bath has said, the defence of the measure to the Right Hon. Baronet.
" You must, when imposing this tax, see all the circumstances of
Ile found that three independent Members on the benches Oppo-
s
votingconsequence
resolution,
of had de
their
-
a man's life." If you do that which could be done between life
es ilt;r'est"tht'ls their intentionlial'lrnv e'olf
of
the
detailsfor
it, of
in the
assurance companies and individuals—between the Government
and individuals—you will be doing that which will be leaving the attachment to the Right Hon. Gentleman. However, in the posi-
fate of the Government of the country entirely in the hands of tion in whirls they were then placed, he did not think they should
the executive. Besides, you will be sanctioning a system of further adjourn the discussion of the question , and he begged to
partiality, and a most objectionable inquisition. I then concur remind floss Gentlemen, that they would hereafter have an o sor-
in that part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's observations, in which tunity of submitting any amendments they PI
he stated that you must take this proposition as it is—that the on the bringing might think desirable
up of the Report.
Committee and the House must be prepared to deal with this pro_ Mr. 'l'. DUNcOMIIE said, that he would support the motion
position as it now stands, and therefore in taking it as it now made that evening for ass adjoerument, for the same reasons which
stands it has every kind of inequality, and its inequality you can. bad induced him to support a similar motion the other evening._
not remedy.—(bear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said (Hear, hear.) If the reasons given for an adjournment the other
that you would only increase the evils if you attempted it. You evening were then good, they would be equally good in the pre-
must then take it as it is. You are to consider whether a measure sent case. They had asked fur an adjournment on Monday night.,
like this is to be resorted to only in times of danger. in order that the country might have an opportunity of expressing its
—(Hean) The question is whether there is that public necessity opinion of the measure, and that opportunity had not yet been given.
which would make you agree to the imposition of such a tax ?
The Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down bad expressed a (litre.
(Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Gentleman has said, in referring to rent opinion ; soul how had he supported that opinion ? It appeared
authorities, that such a tax had been resorted to already its times of that the Right Hon. Gentleman, the First Lord of the Treasury,
peace; but there are authorities likewise to show what the had spoken the other evening as lie had spoken that evening.
statements made with respect to the Government were, Another reason assigned by the Hon. Gentleman for coming to a
whose acts the Right Honourable Gentleman was now fol- decision immediately was that three Independent Members, as he
lowing. In ISOti, whets Lord Grenville was a member of the called them, on the Ministerial benches, had expressed themselves
Government, and Lord Lansdowne was Chancellor of the unfavourable to the measure, while they were going to vote in
Exchequer, a discuesiosi took place wills respect to the intention of favour of its adoption. Now it appeared to him that they ought
those Ministers to continue the income tax in times of peace, and to give those Hon. Gentlemen further time to deliberate, in order
Lord Lansdowne at that time clearly said, that all these taxes , that they might have an opportunity of seeing whether they ought
should terminate in times of peace. He concluded by saying
i not to vote in accordance with their speeches. It had been said
that he bad proposed the continuing of that tax in 1507 as a war i that they would not be placed in a worse position by adopting
tax, withotft the slightest idea of continuing it during the time of 1 the resolution that night, but he was of an entirely different opinion,
peace, and there was nothing in the then state of the country, or in because the House would thereby becommitted to a great principle.
the state of Europe, which required it. It was only required What was the Lenguage used by the Hon. Gentleman, the Member
during war and with it it ought to terminate.—(Cries of 1
1 for Dover, the ex. Governor of the Bank of England ? Why he
" Hear, hear.") Lord Grenville spoke afterwards, 1
aiii• he "sr if i had told the Right Hon. Baronet not to flinch, but to finish the
possible, more emphatic, for he appealed to their Lordships and the l business that evening, and he would stake Isis existence that the
Government, saying that when they asked for that odious and in- I commercial interests of the country would be perfectly.satisfied;
quisltorial measure, he thought it was only to be continued during I
now all parties were not agreed on that point. What did the
the time of war.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, say? Why he
finds fault with us because we call it an inquisitorial measure, and had said, in opposition to the ex-Governor of the Bank of England,
he says that if it be so he will not presss it, butt I have shown that that the people of this country slid not really understand the pro.
these are the torsos with which Lord Grenville, who was :1 party to posed measure. They had heard that the old property tax bill
it at first designated Re—(lcer, hens.) Sir, a tax may was to be reprinted, in order that the country might be made
be odious and inquisitorial, it may be unjust, but still acquainted wills the machinery by which the tax was to be worked.
it may be preferable to bringing the country under the •
That reprinting, however, would take some time, and he had no
power of a foreign Goveinment —it may be preferable to the loss hesitation iii saying, that when the country and the corn.
of independence, and to evils threatening our country—then it may inercial intercot s were made acquainted with the nature
be perfectly justifiable ; and I think it was in the time when Mr. of the tax, they would come to ass opinion directly
l'itt originally carried it, and when the Goverinnent of IrlOti opposed to that stated by the Hon. Member for Dover, and that
thought fit to continue and increase it. But I by no means sup- they would not be satisfied with the proposal of the Bight Hon.
pose such a moisture to be necessary now for the peace of the Baronet. Looking at the question in every point of view—looking
country.—(Hear, hear.) It is almost impossible to compare the times at the hypocritical pretence set up, that the measure would be for
of a mutiny at the Nore, a rebellion its Ireland, and the Republic of the benefit of the working classes, be would tell them that the
Vranee„ proceeding in the words of a great historian, " its principles country, and especially the working classes, would not be misled as
sometime: making way for its arms, its arms making way for its to the real character of the proposal of the Right Iron. Baronet.
principles ; and ecnnetimes like a chain shot, carrying both together." Bust if the working classes were labouring under any delusion on
When Napoleon was carrying devastation abroad, and this country the subject, he thought that time should he given them to make
found itself obliged to go to war for the maintenance of its pourer, themselves acquainted with the real character of Ise measure. In
that was the period when this tax was to be imposed. When, what way could it be said that an income tax would benefit the
id, 1%;,,,,p.k.0i. became successful, and gained several battles, working Masse. ? He believed that it could have no other effect
asSd ttrott.lit due Prussian monarchy to his feet, and had be. than that of bringing down to their level the class immediately
~,iiie eeieetteet in his treaties, then this country above thern.—(" 01i, oh.") lie said that would be the result of
was called m,i ter an increased tax. Is there anything in the the measure; and the country could judge between him and Hon.
public necessit jog nereY to be compared with those?—(Cheers.) Gentlemen opposite upon that point. The Right Hon. Baronet
Would it not be ridiculous it I were to compare what happened to had said that evening, that he slid nut lament or deprecate the
(slur troops in Afghanistan, and the tenth and expense of the war course which had been taken by the party opposed to hies; but u
hi ('Dina e If I were to compare them 1 say, with what the Right Hon. Baronet dill not lament or deprecate that course,
I Is el'f ,ittet mentioned, would it not be most bill. and if the country approved of it, lie (Mr. Duncombe) hoped that
tillOtts.—(HOlf, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman has his Hon. Friend would proceed with his amendment.—(Heat.;
ewokets of the tear in Affghanistan. But no question was ever Lord 110 \VICK could not but regret the course adopted by
raised lo his House as to the policy of that war. 'the Right Hon. many Hon. Members on his side of the Ilseve—(Cheers)—and the
Member hot Porehester did give a notice of that kind, but he snore so because he thought it would not be likely to procure that
ifterWardS withdrew it..--(llear, hear.) I therefore say there was consideration of the measure which they seemed so anxious it
M; e,',Ytte, 'disapprobation of the step expressed.—(Cries of sholild receive. Ile thought that the measure was only in a prehi.
" Hear, he':Vt:") But even if the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite I urinary stage. There was a Bill to he yet brought in, and if the
hail formally disategqeetel of that war, I concur in the determination night Hon. Baronet bad been
permitted to proceed wills his pro.
which the ;;fight Hun. GC/Mermen this expressed that you must main. position the other evening, lie thought it would have been the wises
I the greatest confidence that besore many
*nisi chat war. Dn . have course. He considered it would be very advantageous to
destletsetiee oeil reach this ~,,untry, the unfortunate disasters which have the measure !setter understood, but he could not admit the
her Majesty's anns.—(clear.) ) / validity of the plea of waist of time, and if that were not a good
have °tett:led Met he repaired i.:
whatevs: difficulty you may have
With respect to Chins likewise, ground, he thought the course pursued would not conciliate public
jii defeating them, yon may say at least, that. there, , are ntiiheetmorstts sesiniors or support out of doors.—(Cheers.) Ile knew it may be
they cal; thlke Onich will A all affect you, or en o„,„"ger: possible for a small number to carry such a point in the House, and
distant possession e.,fier 10 lesty.—(liear.) With reves..- to
t these
..,,_ in peculiar and rare circumstances it was wise to exercise. the,:
occurrences, I observe that there PS a great difference in the ws.. .I,ts power, but lue must . say. , that there was not in his opinnoion
of the Government according to the object immediately in view ; .1
...sly necessity.for its exercise on that occasion.—(Cheers.) . .
turfs, ',ben the purpose is to make a ease egehist an Gen, Semen were aware of what took place with respect to the perms-
, tax", w that care preeaitg, and that there adorn of „*:bate on the presentation of petitions, and he was very
alewife - g ore toldp .
is nob occasion for it; but when tire purpose Is to make much afraid, Juicy persevered in the present course, they would be en-
ont a case for an income tax, then this peace becomes hostility. simmering a very valuable privilege—valuable when it was neces.
'Y'ls'aq.'tresbOve very pardonable hostilities. Bet we cannot take it sary to pre7esit Insane mystification. If the Right Hon. Baronet
both' tCafi—r,lieeir hen.) If there have been hostilities its Ca. divided the lionse, he (Lord Howick) would vote for him on that
3 I da, China, and Atrglidtilsta,tr, do fret then make it a matter of occasion.—(Hear, hear.)
blame to us that the usual cosisegneencee of hostilities should Mr. WAKLEY said that when he considered the enormous
haP en or that, during that time, Teur expenditure should magnitude of the measure, and that it was one which would work
exceed your revenue.—(llear, hear, hhur.) But if you take for good or for evil, he hoped the motion for an adjournment
it on the other hand, and using common parlance, say, might he consented to. lie hoped the Right lion. Baronet would
as in her Majesty's late Speech, that we are at peace i himself see the advantage of such a course and accede.—(Cries of
with the great Powers of Europe, and the United States of '.. Nooio,") Could the Right Holt. Gentleman be aware of the
America,
when
we do not mention France, Austria, Prussia, opinions of the people with respect to his measure. 'He had read
or the United States, and say nothing which portends war—do not a paragraph, whichhe would read to the House.--(Cries 0f,." Oh.")
tell me that ass income tax is required because of dangerous hostili. i The paragraph was taken from the Northern Star, anfd
the working.
owrittenk
ties.—(Hear, hear.) One of these two courses must be taken, and , by' Mr. F. O'Connor, who was a leader of millionisetothte
Right Hon.
1 hope we shall decide by a vote to-night that we are at peace, and ' 1 classes—("Oh, oh," and laughter.) It was right
to
o his measure.' The
that being at peace, there is no necessity for the income tax.— i Baronet know what was passing on the subject
ofstated that live
(Hear, hear.) But as I cannot think that these hostilities are suf. , paragraph was dated the 19th of March, and it
I consider the 1 stock, oxen, and calves, which in Parliamentary language, meant
ficient grounds for the imposition of an income tax,
of two ' ' b ' introduced, the effect would be
case Is really this, that there is a deficiency in the revenue , young beasts—(Laughter)—being eing
millions and a half. It comes simply to that. I will allow that that provisions would come from Belgium and France at half the
country, and it
durin this year, and say for three or four years to come, your esta- i price fur which they could be procured in this
sure calculated to
blishingents will cause an expense above what the ordinary revenue stated that if he (the writer) were to frame a menauro,
commercial,
be expected to be of three millions and a half. Granting dissolve every interest in the nation—agricultural,
would
not make a
l'nhaagt to be the state of our finances, is that a sufficient ground for manufacturing, trading, moral, and plseicanl,ight
Hon.
Baronet--
the imposition of the income tax ? (Hear, hear.) I think my single alteration in the Budget of t
debt, ruin the land.
late Chancellor of the Exchequer, showed (Laughter)—which would sponge the national
Right Hon. Friend, the the language held out of
is not,—(Hear, hear.) I do not wish to go over lords, and pay off the ure liters. Such
was
clearly that it
h mated a measure with regard to
k nor state the points which I think have not i doors, and he (Mr. Wakley) clepreesed
being pressed on wills Met
the ground
me took, nor
showed that twenty-five millions of taxes , which such opinions were entertained
beent. an .er ,
even without going to articles of general haste.
have been reduced, and. interrupted by loud cries of '`. Ohs 0h,,,
• ,-. salt andleather,.yel, 1. arid that hundreds of Mr. CURTEIS (5ch?F,!5,...2 ....
consumisucui,sur— as •
thousandg of pounds have been eurrondered on article;
.on whioli.
. ;1'..-.li body tuctsti 7t-fil'iT,, .

LONDON
THURSDAY MORNING. MARCH 24, 11142.

We announce with great satisfaction that the corn-
keeping-out Bill was yesterday postponed till after
Easter, and that the Resolution imposing an income
tax did not receive the assent of the Committee, and is
also postponed to the same period. Thanks to the per-
feverance of Mr. COBDEN, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, and their
friends, but no thanks, we must say, to the bulk of the
Whigs, who prefer their convenience when they
expect to be in office, to the present public
welfare. Sir ROBERT PEEL, after two divisions
on motions to report rrogress, gave way, and
the House resumed without coming to any division
on his resolution. The House will now adjourn
till after Easter, and if the people be true to
themselves the Right Hon. Baronet will never be
. able to carry that hateful measure. The late hour
quarter before three, when the question was settled, pre-
. vents us now from saying more than this :—Let great
onour be conferred on the two minorities of 87 and 84th
which sufficed to defeat and delay Sir ROBERT PEEL.

The Tory journals call the Opposition factious, be-
cause they have declared that they will delay and thwart
Sir Ron Ear PEEL'S plan to impose an income tax on
the country to the utmost of their power. We declare
that they are justified in doing that, and they would
groesly neglect their duty if they did not embrace every
opportunity which the usages of Parliament sanction
to defeat the scheme. After seven months' cogi-
tation, the whole device having all that time
been kept a profound secret, the Right lion. Baronet
comes down to the House of Commons on Friday week
and announces, in a time of profound peace, when there
are scores of other sources of revenue which could be
Opened, that he proposes in the plentitude of his vast
wisdom to impose the most iniquisitorial and unjust tax
on the people that was ever submitted to in a time of
great danger, for tho paltry purpose of raising, as he
F'ays, :1,700,000/. That plan he proposes to carry
at once through Parliament, without allowing
the House of Commons time to consider it
in all its bearings, or the people to learn
what it is, for only few of the present generation
remember the former income tax. If there were no
other reason whatever—if the measure were as likely to be
beneficial, as it is to be mischievous—his mode of bring-
ing forward the plan and hurrying it through Parlia-
ment,r would warrant his opponents in placing every
possible • Tole obstacle in his way which the forms ofa'Parli2-
Parlia-
ment allow.
This, however, is hut a small part of his demerits. He
has sought to cheat, as well as drive, the people into his
toils. Ile has coupled t!:.e income tax with an alteration
of the tariff, and justifies the tax by the relaxations which
he affirms he makes in our commercial restrictions, and
by the losa they will cause to the revenue. The
juStifiCation would be inadequate, if true, but it is more
cunning than true. On one day be tells the commercial
community that the relaxations will extend and enrich

trade. On another he tells the agriculturists that they
will have no effect on prices. his relaxations in the
tariff, when closely examined, are really found to be
very trilling, and such as not to afford the shadow of
a pretext for an income tax.
Between the tariff and an income tax there is no con-
nexion whatever. If the removal of the prohibitions is
to be of the least use they must add to the revenue. The
only important deduction made from the revenue by the
alterations of the tariff comes from the timber duties.
Sir 11. PEEL'S mode of dealing with which has been
justly called a wanton sacrifice of revenue. No class of the
community asked him for that particular change. He might
by a judicious alteration of the discriminating timber
duties have increased the revenue and promoted trade
But, according to his policy, the whole of the commu-
nity is to be tortured with an income tax for behoof of
the Canadas. We are all to be placed under its harrow,
that the lumberers of Canada may go on gambling and
drinking, and a few shin masters in England find em-
ployment for worn-out ships. Common sense revolts,
against such a conclusion; and all calculations of political
arithmetic justify the assertion, that it would be
more rational and equitable to destroy the timber trade
with Canada altogether, by the abolition of all discrimi-
nating duties and levying a tax of 255. or 30s. a load on
all timber, than that the people should be worried by an
income tax.

Sir R. PEEL, by blending the income tax with the
tariff, has cunningly said to the furniture makers, " Be-
hold, I allow mahogany to come in at a lower duty,
therefore, allow me to tax your profits." To all the
eaters of meat, " I have removed the prohibition to im-
port cattle ; therefore, let me put my hand into your poc-
ket, and take sevenpence out of every sovereign." To
the manufacturers, "I have lowered the duties on raw
materials; and therefore, I propose to cutAthree per cent.
off your profits." To the wonting classes he exclaims
" I tax property, and leave industry untouched ;" and
so he has, by appealing to ono class after another,
sought to create divided interests in the community,
and bribe these several classes, by offering something
to the selfishness of each, into an acquiescence in his
arrogant scheme. Such a cunning, nefarious, demo-
ralising, dissocialising contrivance, based ,on such a pal-
pable attempt at corruption, ought to be resisted by
every honest man to the utmost extent of his means.
It is said, however, by the Tories, that it is very
wicked and very factious in the Whigs to oppose Sir
ROBERT, since our financial difficulties are of their caus-
ing. We admire the logic which asks the natioti to
make a sacrifice of its freedom, because the Whigs
have committed blunders. Suppose the Whigs did
commit an error in causink the expenditure to outrun the
revenue, is that a reason why they should not oppose Sir
ROBERT PEEL, who makes these errors an excuse for
committing a crime against the liberties of the people ? On
the contrary, their present consciousness of former errors
is a strong reason why they should assist in arresting, if
they can, the more fatal course of Sir R. PEEL. They
offer us, too, an alternative. They say, with a small
fixed duty on corn, a reduction of the duty on foreign
sugar, and an equalization, of duties on all timber, a
sufficient revenue might be raised for the service of the
State. Sir ROBERT PEEL will have none of these ;he
will have an income tax, and nothing but an income tax.

It was well observed, by Mr. C. BULLER, last night,
in his excellent speech on this question, that nothing but
the most extreme necessity, such as great peril from
for( ion invasion, can justify the imposition of this odious
and unpopular tax. Sir ROBERT PEEL'S necessity arises
only from his own exaggeration of the deficiency of the
revenue, and his depreciation of the resources of the
country. He will not run the risk of causing a wrinkle
in the sleek skins of the negroes,—though Lord STANLEY,
by another measure, means to reduce their wages,—or of
diminishing the wealth of a few planters, and therefore
the whole people of England must submit to an income
tax. He cannot, he says, think of allowing the people
to eat their bread untaxed ; they must all submit to an
income tax, in addition to a bread tax. The sole neces-
sity for this onerous impost, is Sir ROBERT PEEL'S
insolence. He has power in the House of Commons,
and he is determined to have his own way. If the nation
submit to be:thus cheated, juggled, bribed, and bullied into
now bowing their necks to an income tax, they will be a
bye-word to freemen in all future ages.

We will not suffer ourselves to he led into a discussion
of any qualifications of the tax. We protest in limine
against the whole plan. The nation requires relief from
taxation, and that restrictions be removed from indus-
try. Sir It. PEEL'S plan continues restrictions and in-
creases taxes. We oppose it in toto and on principle,
and the Opposition will, we are sure, do the same.

It is, we believe, not asserting too much, to say that
there is not, at the present time, an assembly in the
world in which questions of greater magnitude, or of
greater importance to the vital well-being of the human
race are discussed, than in the General Court of Pro-
prietors of East India Stock, periodically convened at
their house in Leadenhall-street. Should any of our
readers demur at the soundness of this opinion, let
' them consider the scope and bearing of the topics
brought under the consideration of the Court during the
interesting debate of yesterday ; and let them also
glance at the extent of that empire which has been com-
mitted to the charge of the East India Company.
We are sorry, however, to perceive so strong a reluct-
ance on the part of some influential Members of the
Court of Proprietors to allow the free discussion of ques-
tions which not only concern the welfare of millions of our
Asiatic fellow-subjects, but the prosperity of this country,
which is intimately connected with the good government
of India. The India House is the proper and legitimate
place for the discussion of all questions connected
with the condition, government, and prospects of
India ; and we believe there are men in that
House fully competent to give the public the most
valuable information on all these subjects. No hin-
drance, therefore, should be thrown in their way. An
system of burking in Leadenhall-street will only lead to
the taking up of Indian questions out of doors, and
when this is done, in consequence of the arbitrary
measures of the Directors, and their obsequious friends
in waiting, they may be sure that the continuance of their
power will be ofshort duration, and that their monopoly of
domination will be brought to a speedy end. From the
debate of yesterday we perceive, that several matters of
high importance are likely to be brought under dis-
cussion very soon. We shall feel it our duty to watch
these discussions with the attention they demand, and
shall be happy to find that the Directors profit by the
wholesome advice which they yesterday had tendered to
them. It is too late in the day for them to attempt to
strangle free discussion, or to conceal the acts of their
servants.