The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-28 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sit,—As the course of French policy would seem
to be little understood in this country, I would ad-
dress a few words on the subject. In 1840 I hap-
pened to pass through France from Switzerland, at
the time of the rupture of amicable relations with
that country, and when it was considered that war
was inevitable. In the same diligence were several
of the Deputies, who did not hesitate to avow their
belief that our object was to obtain possession of
Egypt—a country which it was equally evident that
France had determined to possess at some future
period. Whilst they expressed with French politeness
their high regard for Englishmen as individuals, they
unequivocally expressed their hatred of England and
her policy ;—they said we were. a grasping, proud,
domineering nation; and that our policy was opposed
to the aggrandisement of France. They said that
England had risen to her present position by her
commerce, and that alone ; so did Carthage, but Rome
vanquished her by force of arms ; so did Tyre, but
an army swept it from the map of the world. Their
arguments resolved themselves to this, that the
strength of England was her commerce ; that what-
ever injured her commerce injured her; that whatever
injured England benefited France—therefore the gist of
French'policy should be the destruction and cramping of
the commerce of England. I ask what entente cordiale
there can be with such a nation and on such a basis ?
Have they not shown their policy ? Else why send a
fleet to China, where they have no trade ? Why seize
the islands of the Pacific, where British missionaries
had shed their blood, and British Christians their
money, in the work of civilisation, and where the
French name is known but to be abhorred ? Why
invade Morocco, but to cramp British commerce ?
Why open her arms to the United States but to excite
feelings against England, and close one of her best
markets for her manufactures ? Why seek an
alli-
ance with the royal family of the Brazils, but to esta-
blish French influence, and exclude, by a high tariff,
British manufactures ? Why attempt to seize the
ter,r,itothrye cinonetaingsuoof d
contiguous toestthreoyGinagbooonurrh,-eirf,ricbunt
trade
doeb 2
, African
oppose a railway from Cairo to Suez . Because
it would benefit British commerce, and throw under
British influence a country where she hopes, ere long,
to erect her standard, and thereby pave the way
for her conquest of Africa. In Abyssinia she has
long had her emissaries; her people, unfit from their
native disposition for commerce, envious of the pros-
perity of England, would seek to raise their own
commerce by the destruction of England's. I will
only add, that no man is fit to guide the policy of this
country who pays deference to French interests, or
even French threats ; they durst not go to war, as all
Europe would be against them. Let England
strengthen herself by a liberal commercial treaty with
Russia. Russia has timber, corn, oil, flax, tallow,
hemp, and many other productions of essential im-
portance to England. England has manufactures,
and wants a market. Russia is now well-disposed
towards England. Let the moment be embraced.—
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

A LONDON MERCHANT.
London, Jan, 24, 1845.

FRANCE.
CIIAAIBER OF DEPUTIES, JAN. 25.

M. Guizot (who was in possession of the tribune when
the post left) in his reply to M. Odillon 13arrot, denied
that any threats had been made by the British Cabinet,
and observed that the French Government had not, con-
sequently, been influenced by fear in its determination.
The gravity of the situation, he said, revealed :itself by
degrees, and by certain symptoms, which M.Jarac
remarked and communicated to his
M d,e
sGoa•ernTent.
r.
Those symptoms and facts did not modify the ideas
which the Government originally entertained, er change
its resolution. " There must always exist between Eng-
land and France," said M. Guizot, " courtesy,_ regard,
good proceedings, mutual advantages, and concession.
Any other conduct would be shameful, and sooner or
later fatal. When I hear men say that those sentiments
are not reciprocal, after what has passed
during four years, and particularly during the
last six months, I think I am dreaming, for
I can hardly conceive that facts should be so perverted
or badly understood. I could, if I wished, lay before
your eyes the relative situations of 1 ranee and Eng-
land, and all the facts relating thereto in all the points of
the globe, and you would see that everywhere the ad-
vantages and concessions are reciprocal between the two
countries ; you would see that wherever we had any ob-
ject to carry our policy, so far from losing ground, in
consequence of our intimacy with Great Britain, had
rather gained. French influence in Spain, in Africa, in
the East, in Greece, in Italy, everywhere in short, has
increased." M. Guizot then contended that that mutual
good feeling was particularly manifest in the affair of
titaluite. When France had accepted the protectorate
of that archipelago, in which the English Government
indirectly predominated through its missionaries, tradi •
tions, and the habits of the country during the last forty
years, that Government had viewed that measure with
displeasure; nevertheless it had acted loyally, sensibly,
it had not contested the right of France, it had even
accepted the protectorate, and sent instructions to
that effect to its agents, and on that occasion
the good feeling, the acts of complaisance and conces-
sion, were not on the side of France. M. Guizot admitted
that in the case of the occupation of Otaheite, France had
responded to that friendly disposition of England. "We
considered," he said, " that the absolute sovereignty
would not be advantageous to us, that it would modify
the character of our establishment, that it would render
the complications which it was likely to produce between
us and England more difficult and delicate. We refused
the absolute sovereignty, and we acted wisely; for, al-
low me to remind you, that the temporary protectorate
had endured for a space of fourteen months, with diffi-
culties and embarrassments, but without any serious
event, without any insurrection, or any appeal to mate-
rial force. Scarcely, however, had the absolute sove-
reignty been proclaimed than sedition and revolt per-
vaded the island. In this second act of the affair I con-
fess it was the French Cabinet who evinced regard to-
wards England; but it will be admitted, on the other
hand, that in the first two acts of the affair there was at
least reciprocity. I now come to the third act—the
explosion of the civil war and the expulsion of Mr.
Pritchard. Two facts have been overlooked—first at
the moment when Mr. Pritchard was expelled he had
been recaled by his Government ; he had been removed
from Otaheite and sent elsewhere. England bad taken
into consideration our remonstrances on the inconve-
nience of continuing Mr. Pritchard at Otaheite ; she had
given us satisfaction by recaling him. When Mr.
Pritchard was expelled, ho demanded that an inquiry be
instituted into the facts with which he was charged ; he
asked to be tried, and repeated that request after his
return to England. He maintained, wrongfully, I believe,
that he was a stranger to the explosion of the civil war
and to the revolt ; he contends that it would have been
impossible to convict him, had he been tried, for want of
proof. Our agents at Otaheite did not deem it expe-
dient to adopt such a course. I approve their conduct. I
regard their conviction respecting the intrigues of Mr.
Pritchard and the danger of his presence as well founded;
the trial would have been difficult and dangerous, and per-
haps productive of no result." M.Guizot then described the
effect created in England by the expulsion of Mr. Prit-
chard. " We wished," he said, "to give time to the agitation
to subside ; we assumed a passive and expectant attitude,
persuaded, as we were, that this result would be attained
when the truth should become known. We were
strongly urged. Nothing was officially demanded from
us, we were in nowise threatened. No Government in.
Europe, whether friendly or indifferent, would presume
to address in any shape, directly or indirectly, any
menaces to the King's Government. We did not require
to be told that the situation was serious. We knew that
a solution should be given to it ; that France should take
a decision, and say something on what had occurred at
Otaheite, otherwise serious events would be the con-
sequence. After a month's delay, we made known to
the English Government our opinion and resolution.
We maintained that our agents had the right to expel
Mr. Pritchard, and that they had acted properly in ex-
pelling him. We then added, as I myself stated to our
agent from the beginning, that we regretted and
disapproved certain proceedings and circumstances
in his conduct. I persist at present more strongly
than ever in that opinion, after what has been said at
this tribune. I greatly apprehend that the sentiments
delivered in this hall may cause a confusion in the minds
of our agents scattered all over the globe, and impress
them with a false idea of their situation and duties. We
think that the proceedings to which I alluded, and which
a brave officer, full of devotedness for his country, con-
ceived he could resort to at a moment of danger, might
have been dispensed with, that they were unnecessary,
and that he had a sufficient force at his disposal to have
acted otherwise. Such was our opinion, and we gave it
without hesitation ; we thought, that at the very moment
when we firmly asserted our right and the exercise of
that right, we should tell the truth respecting accessory
faults ; we thought that the continuance of our good
relations with a friendly Government was well worth the
admission of those errors of an agent of the King. We ac-
cordingly told the truth, and disapproved his conduct." M.
Guizot next justified the promise of an indemnity to Mr.
Pritchard, not on account of his expulsion, but because the
proceedings which the Government had blamed might
have produced the injury and sufferings of which he
complained. "We did not admit," he added, " the
truth of the facts on his own assertion. We promised
to give him an indemnity if his claim were well founded ;
the facts will be verified on the spot by the English and
French admirals, and if those facts be such as Mr.
Pritchard describes them, the arbitrators will fix the
amount of the indemnity." M. Guizot again observed,
that the situation in which the Government had found
itself, during the:whole transaction, had been extremely
serious, having been placed between the alternative of a
compromise or a rupture. " The compromise, of which
the Chamber knows the conditions," he said, " appeared
to us as equitable and proper. The English Go-
vernment was of the same opinion, and, strange
to say, it is at this very moment accused of the
same errors and faults with which we have been re-
proached. As for us, we do not regret what we
have done ; we did not hesitate, nor should we hesitate
to-day, if it was to do over again. lam convinced that
on the other side of the channel Sir Robert Peel and
Lord Aberdeen will have the same thoughts and hold the
same language that I do, and that they will not either
regret what they have done. lam convinced that the
two Governments—and I will say the two countries—
will congratulate themselves on such a compromise having
averted such a rupture." In concluding, M. Guizot de-
clared that the policy pursued during the last four years
had been good and honest, useful to the country, con-
ducive to its interests, and morally great ; that, in order
to succeed, it required the frank and firm support of the
great powers of the State, and that if that support failed
completely, or was not sufficiently firm to enable the
Ministry to continue that policy with success, he and his
colleagues would cease to charge themselvea with it.
M. Dufaure followed M. Guizot, and after examining
at some length and condemning the conduct of the
Ministry in the Otaheite affair, thus concluded :—" If
you acquiesce in the approbation which the Committee
claims in behalf of the Ministry you will add an evil to
an evil ; to the act of the Ministry you will add your
own act, the act of the organs of the popular sentiments
of this country. You will declare to the garrison of
Otaheite that the indemnity granted to Pritchard was
not only accorded by the Government, but that the
Chamber of Deputies has accorded it a second time."
The discussion having been closed, on the amendment
of M. Malleville, the President put it to the vote. ME
result of the first trial was proclaimed doubtful by the.
secretaries. It was rejected, however, at the second, but
by so imperceptible a majority that many pronounced
the amendment to have been carried. The assembly
then adjourned, amidst the greatest agitation.

A correspondent is desirous of calling the attention
of the Post office authorities to the great inconvenience
experienced by merchants in the heart of the City for
want of early intelligence at the Lombard-street office of
the arrival of foreign mails, when such arrivals take place
after the morning delivery of letters. On Saturday, he
states that inquirers could not hear at three o'clock
whether the Ilamburgh mail had arrived or not, although
at two o'clock it was announced at St.. Martin s-le-Grand
that it had. This certainly is an evil. ; the communica-
tion might be made from the chief office to that in Lom-
bard-street in ten minutes. after the arrival of the mail
othre sudden and
posted at the latter place in the usual way.— Times.
mytE.A_Tiallurorrea.dCeLrAsCwpil.l ArerrextAtNopleEaur,n
unexpected demise of this respected gentleman at Bal-
loarnyle, on Tuesday last. We have heard it stated,
we know not with what degree of accuracy, that the de-
ceased will be succeeded in his estates of Balochmyle by
his younger brother, W. M. Alexander, Esq of South-
tgaiwtacuekc.i
hplkuit. Issnogoupßt
btol
ani
or
et
to
on
nc
eo sn;ee
South-
bar, who, we have been variously informed," either has
e
ll
twit
oi betwixtabsolutely
sgretaining
iah
brother,
on
iudnt htoobradrree arlinnt do-
bxo ret
np t
411.
ne v
has
ac
sa n
lt aei
dn t
outai . aM.
e. r lyV
r/ sela.tAdeleax:aonfdteimr,eiatnied
expense in the improvement of the 'Southbar estate ; the
extent being indeed inconceivable to any one unac-
quainted with that gentleman's taste and talent for agri-
cultural improvement. So that unless the Balloclimyle
property is vastly superior, the latter alternative would
be a hardship probably not contemplated in the original
entail.—Kilmarnock Journal.

CITY NON-FREEMEN.—A number of actions have
been commenced by the City Corporation against several
wholesale houses, for penalties for trading in the City.
Those actions have been brought in the Lord Mayor's
Court, where the City authorities arc judges; whence
there is an appeal to an obsolete Court held in St. Mar-
tin's-le-Grand; and thence to the House of Lords. The
claim of the City is grounded on charters granted in
the reign of Edward 111., and it is said that those char-
ters only extended to retail trading, and that their
validity is very questionable. Arrangements have been
made between Mr. Charles Pearson, the City solicitor,
and Messrs. Maples and Stevens, the solicitors to the
associated non-freemen, for bringing the questions to a
speedy decision, and in as fair a manner as possible, and
nextothcceuried w
courtsih
tie subject.n,'e bruy or April are expected to be