The Sun.
London, England, 1842-10-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 17, 1842.

LA W INTELLIG ENCE.

BANKRUPTCY.-(THIS DAY.)
MESSRS. CROSBY, VALENTINE, AND WHITE'S DANr.,

RUPTC Y.

The bankrupts under this fiat had been extensive
hardware merchants, carrying on business in Houns-
d tch, and also at Birmingham. This day being fixed
f,r audit and proof of debts, several proofs were ten-
lered, amongst which was one, upon a joint pro-
missory note of Valentine and Crosby, which was.
sought to be established against the joint estate of the
three bankrupts. It appeared that the party holding
the promissory note was under the impression that
White was a secret partner when he accepted it, and
a verdict having been given against them, he now
sought to prove for the original debt and the costs.
After considerable discussion, Sir C. WILLIAMS al-
lowed the proof to be received, minus the cost%
None of the bankrupts being present, although the
meeting was' appointed for eleven o'clock, Sir C.
Williams raid, the creditors, after losing their money,
were at all events entitled to the satisfaction of having
the bankrupts in Court, to answer any questions that
might be put to them, and he was determined in all
cases to enforce their attendance at least 10 minutes
before the hour named for the meeting.
The official assignee announced that up to the pre-
sent time the assets realised would afford a dividend
of 3s. in the pound upon the aggregate amount of debt.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE
WORSHIP-STREET.—(THIS DAY.)
John Keane, an Irish labourer, was charged with
assaulting his wife.
Police Constable, 103 G, stated, that at about 7
o'clock yesterday morning he perceived a crowd
round a house in Adam and Eve-court, Whitecross-
street. Ile went to the spot, and found the wife of
the prisoner lying on the steps of a door, apparently
in a very dangerous condition, and vomiting blood.
She told him she had been ill used by her husband,
who was pcinted out to witness, and taken by him
into custody. He sent for his Inspector, who ordered
that a surgeon should be sent for.
Inspector Shackle deposed to having seen the
woman under the circumstances detailed by the
preceding witness. The surgeon who had been
first called in stated that bethought there was no fear
of the woman's recovery, ,if she were properly at-
tended to. She had, however, been afterwards taken
to St. Bartholomew's hospital, where she was now
lying in a very dangerous condition.
The prisoner stated in his own defence that his wife
had been drunk and disorderly at his house on Satur-
day night. He opened the door to lot her in at about
two o'clock in the morning, when she began to abuse
him. He pushed her, and she fell down the steps of
the door.

Other witnesses deposed to the disorderly behaviour
of the wife. The prisoner was remanded until the con -
dition of the woman could be further ascertained.

SPORTING INTELIAGENuE.
(RECEIVED THIS DAY.)
NORTHALLERTON .RACES—THURSDAY.
The Two-yrs-old Stakes of 20 sovs., h ft, with 10 added.
Mr. Bayston's Sands (Templeman) 1
Mr. Jaques's Semiseria 2
Sir W. Milner's f by Sheet Anchor 3
The Town Plate of 501. Heats, two miles.
Colonel Cradock's The Prior, 3 yrs 1 1
Mr. Catton's Candidate, 4 yrs 6 2
Mr. Lancaster's Simon Pure, 3 yrs 5 3
Mr. Powlett's Bobadil, aged 4 4
Mr. Loy's Palmeri°, 3 yrs 2 5
Mr. Stebbing's Portion, 3 yrs 3 6
FRIDAY.
The Gold Cup Stakes of 10 sovs. each. Two miles.
Mr. Fowles's b f Alice Hawthorn, 4 yrs
Col. Cradock's b f Sally, 3 yrs . '
Mr. Wormald's Millepede, 4 yrs 3
Mr. Milbank's Sampson, 6 yrs
Mr. H. Beresford's Disclosure, 6 yrs s'
Plate of 501., for all ages ; heats, two miles.
Mr. Cuthbert's Queen of the Tyne, 3 yrs
Mr. Bell's Eboracum, 3 yrs
Mr. Gascoi,gne's Jack Sheppard, 4 yrg 2 3
DUMFRIES RACES—THURSDAY.
The Gold Cup Stakes of 10 guineas each ; two miles.
Mr. Johnstone's Charles XII., 6 yrs (Marson) 1
Mr. W. R. Ramsay's Foxberry, 3 yrs
Won by a neck.
The County Members' Plate of 501. Heats, once round
and a distance ; winner to be sold for 2001.
Mr. Smith's The Maid, 5 yrs ....... .... (Joy) 2 1 1
Mr. Ramsay's Martyrdom, 4 yrs 1 ' 2 '3
Captain Erskine's br m, aged L 3 2 2

'i'he Dumfries Whip Stakes were won by Mr. fliddle-.
ston's Fair Helen, beating two others.
FRIDAY.
The Stewards' Plate of 501., added to a Sweepstakes or
10/. Heats, two miles.
Mr. Ramsay's Foxberry,3 yrs (Robertson)
Mr. Ramshay's Moss Trooper, 3 yrs
The Southern Plate of 501. Heats, once round and a dis.
Mr. Johnston's William le Gros, 3 yrs
Mr. Maitland's Clem o' the Clough, 6 yrs • 3 2
Mr. A. Johnstone's f by Yoltaire—Proserpine,
4 yrs 2 dr
Handicap of 5 suvs. each, and 25 added, for the beaten
horses. Once round and a dis.
Mr. Maitland's Cleni•o' the Cleugh, 6y rs (Noble) 0 I
Mr. Itainshay's Moss Trooper, 3 yrs
HUNTING APPOINTMENTS.
M. H., Tues., at Chesselburn Mill ; Fri., Godinan-
,
stone Down-11. • • • •
Mr.•Dennett's (the Lytnington)'Harrs., Wed.; at Buck-
lard Kennel ; r ri., Norley Firs-101. . •
Mr. Long's Harrs., Wed., at Garrett's Barn ; Fri ,
Bolesbury Knoll-11.
Hursley lids., Fri., at Sandy Gate.
H. H., l'hurs., at Chawton Park ; Sat., Greyhill—lei.
Tytherley Harrs., Wed., at West Dean ; Fri., Newton
Stacey,
Thanet Harr., Wed., Minster Mill ; Fri., Northburn
Mile-10.

SOUTVAMPTON, OCT. 15.-- Sailed at twelve o'clock
this day, the Royal West India Mail Steam packet,
the Dee, for the West Indies, taking out ninety-fbur
passengers, thirty of whom are for Madeira, paying.
the full fare to St. Thomas's. In consequence of the
number of passengers which the Dee has been obliged
to refuse, the Tay steamer, Captain Hayden; which
arrived here on Thursday evening last, will sail as an
extra packet in the course of next week, sixty berth!,
having already been engaged. The Oriental and
Peninsular steam-packet, the Montrose, sailed this
afternoon for Gibraltar, with full complement of pas-
sengers, among whom are Sir Charles Napier and fa-
mily fur Lisbon.' Sunday, October 16.—The Orien-
tal steamer, from Alexandria, was this morning
released from quarantine and arrived here
from the Motherbank, and landed her passengers,
thirty in number, who proceeded from hence per
railway. Arrived this morning, the Peninsular Com-
pany's steam-packet Royal Tar, with full cargo of
fruit, and 12 passengers, and 30 oxen. The Royal
Tar left Gibraltar on the 6th inst., Cadiz on the 9th,
Lisbon on the 10th, Oporto on the 11th, Vigo on the
12th, and Falmouth on the 15th. There is consider-
able improvement in the beasts imported this week,
and when the Spaniards begin to find a ready sale for
their produce, some little more attention will be paid
to their grazing of the cattle, so as to let them come
in a better condition, and more suitable for the Eng-
lish market. The 30 that have arrived by the Royal
Tar were sent by special train from Southampton
this day, to enable them to be early in Smithfield to-
morrow morning. A sailing vessel left Vigo on the
3d inst. with 50 beasts, and owing to adverse winds
has not yet arrived. The cost of beasts at Vigo averages
from 51. to 71. ; freight and railway expenses, 41. ; and
they fetch on an average 151. to 161. each ; some have
fetched as high as 251.
Lord Charles Wellesley, Lord Wilton, and Mr.
Mellish were among the passengers that landed at the
Brunswick 11, hart; Blackwall, this' morning, from the
General Steam Navigation Company's steam-ship
Rainbow, Captain T. Fife, that left Antwerp the pre-
vious afternoon.

Sir John and Lady Charlotte Guest, and Mr.
Greenfield and family, arrived on Saturday frOm
Ostend, by the General Steam Navigation Company's
steam-ship SiriEdward Banks, Captain D. Robinson.
DEATH FROM CARRYING A HEAVY LOAD. Mr.
Payne held an inquest on Saturday evening in the
Committee-room, Cock and Hoop-yard, Houndsditch,
on the body of Thomas Gardner, aged 53. Michael
Lupman, fruiterer, of Petticoat-square, said he em-
ployed the deceased at Spitalfields-market, ~n Satur-
day morning, to carry three baskets, one filled with
with nuts and two with apples, to his residence. They
weighed about 130 lbs. lie carried them upon his
head, and upon reaching the shop-door found them so
heavy that he could not lift them off without assist-
ance. A woman helped him, and immediately that
they were placed on the ground witness's wife said,
"Dear me, how pale the man is." At that moment
deeeased fell, and in a few minutes died. Mr. Tity,
surgeon, attributed death to the rupture of a large
vessel near the heart, caused by the exertion of lifting
such a heavy load down from his head. Verdict,
" Natural death."
Mr. G. E. ANSON.—This gentleman, the Treasurer
and Private Secretary to Prince Albert, who met with
a serious accident by being thrown from his horse on
Friday. morning last, as he was leaving the Castle
with his Royal Highness to hunt with the Prince s
beagles in the Great Park, was re,i:oved from his re-
sidence at Cumberland lodge to the Castle (where he
now remains) on Saturday, accompanied by his lady,
th (Hon. Mrs. Anson. 'The injury sustained is of
such a nature, that it is not expected he will be able to
walk for some time, and then not without assistance.
THE HIGH BAILIFF.—A report has got abroad
that Mr. Payne intends to retire in favour of Sir Wm.
fieygate. This is is totally without foundation. Mr.
Payne 6011 intends to contest the election.
facilisli and haddocks are so abundant in Hy the
Bay at present, that the boats are enabled to catch a
load in u vCry brief space of time. Cod is remarkably
cheap; and haddocks have been sold at Folkestone so
low at 18d. per 100.—Dover Chronicle.

SPEECH OF NR. 'WEBSTER AT
BOSTON.
(Prom the Boston Courier, Oct. 1.)
-Long before the time arranged for opening the
doors of Faneuil-hall, yesterday morning, even while
the constables and others were cleaning it and ar-
ranging the platform, many people came in and took
their stand, and at ten o'clock the hall was nearly
full. People from the south as far as Baltimore were
here for the purpose of hearing Mr. -Webster. At
about half-past ten o'clock the Mayor came in, ac-
companied by a number of friends of Mr. -Webster,
and some of our most distinguished citizens. Before
eleven o'clock the hail was filled in every corner, and
it seemed as if there would hardly be room for the
entrance of the committee and their guest.
The MAyor, (Mr. Chapman) announced that a
number of the gentlemen had invited Mr. Webster to
meet them at a social entertainment, but that that
gentleman had pi eferred a more public and quite as
social mode of meeting them, and that this place had
heen appointed for the purpose. After only a mi-
nute or two had elapsed Mr. Webster and his friends
arrived, arid he was formally introduced to the Mayor
by Mr. I'. B. Curtis, the chairman.
The MAYOR then addressed him, and concluded as
follows :—I have only to say, that Daniel Webster,
the faithful representative, the manly and able states-
man, your fellow-citizen and friend, is before you,
and I leave his name to do the rest.
Mr. WEBSTER replied in a speech of which the fol-
lowing report is given :—I know not how it is, Mr.
Mayor and Gentlemen, but there is something in the
echoes of these walls, or in this sea of up-turned
faces I behold before me, or in the genius which
always hovers over this place—a place which has so
often reverberated to the tones of ardent and patriotic
feeling—there is, I say, something which excites me
deeply, too deeply, before" can even begin to address
you. It cannot be doubted that this salutation from
my fellow-citizens is dear to my heart. Boston is
indeed my home—my cherished home. It is now
more than 25 years since I came here with my family
to pursue in this enlightened metropolis those objects
in life for which my private and professional studies
and education had alike designed me. It is more
than 20 years since I was invited by my fellow-citi-
zens of Boston to clothe myself with a public trust.
It gives me infinite pleasure to see here to-day, in
the seats appropriated to gentlemen of more advanced
life, many of those 'who were the most influential
agents in inducing me to enter upon that course, and
to devote myself to the service of the people. When
at different times my public duties have withdrawn
me from the attractions of home, I have felt this to be
the spot to which all my most cherished local affec-
tions tended ; and when the progress of time shall
bring a period (if that period is not hastened by the
course of events) to my public career, I cherish no
hope with more pleasure than to pass among you, my
friends, what may remain to me of life—and to leave
in the midst of you, partaking of your fortunes,
whether they may be good or evil, those who bear
my name. _

The Mayor has spoken very kindly of my conduct
on various public occasions, and especially of the results
of the late negotiation. I hope something has been
dune permanently useful for the good of the country.
I do not claim for myself any particular merit. I
simply endeavoured' to do my duty. I have had some
hard work, indeed ; but I am not altogether unused to
it. I have passed, during the last summer, many
anxious days and sleepless nights, but if my fellow-
citizens should be satisfied with the results of my
labour and anxiety, my other days will be happier,
and my other nights blessed with sweeter sleep. It
was an object of the highest national importance to
disperse the clouds which hung over the relations be-
tween England and America. A large class of ques-
tions were to be decided, which did not perhaps
threaten immediate war, but which prevented any as-
surance of permanent peace.
At the inauguration of President Harrison, in 1841,
was called to the place which I now occupy ; and,
althoUgh'it is generally in bad taste to speak of one's
self, yet. here, among my friends and neighbours, I
wish to say a word or two about matters in which I
myself am deeply concerned.
With the late President Harrison I had contracted
an acquaintance while we were both Members of Con-
gress. I saw him afterwards at his house in North
Bend. I desire to make no boast of the confidence
which it was his pleasure to repose in me, but circum-
stances have rendered it not improper to say, that so
soon as General Harrison was elected President of the
United States, and without, of course, hearing pre-
viously from me, he wrote to me, offering me any
place I might choose in his Cabinet, and asking MN'
advice as to the other persons of whom it should be
composed. He expressed rather a wish that I should
take the Treasury Department, as I had paid con-
siderable attention to the subjects of currency and
finance, and as the wants of the country in those par-
ticulars had been the moving causes which produced
the revolution that had placed him in the chair of state:
It so happened that my preference was for the
ether place, which I now hold, notwithstanding the
perhaps greater rare and responsibility which belong
to' it ; for to say truly, with whatever attention I had
examined the subject of finance, I felt more compe-
tent to undertake the duties of any other branch of
the Government than to go through the daily
drudgery, of the. Treasury. I was not disappointed
when I learned the extent of the responsibility I had
assumed`; for, although the whole of the danger was
not developed, yet I saw that when the state of affairs
between England and America should become known,
an outbreak was sure to be at hand. I allude to oc-
currences upon the frontier in 1841, with which the
name of M‘Leod was accidentally connected. A year
or two before, the British Government had seen fit to
authorise a military incursion into *lir territory
against the steamer Oaroline, alleged to be engaged
in hostilities against her provincial subjects. The
act was allowed by England as a public act. Alex-
ander 1114.e0d, who, as an individual, deserves no re-
gard or sympathy, was supposed to be one of the
agents who, in a military character, performed these
commands of his superior, and he was, some time
after, arrested in the United States for homicide, and
held to trial as fora private felony.
According to my apprehension, this proceeding was
opposed to well-settled and received doctrines of
public law, and was of a character likely to create
indignation, not only on the part of the Government,
hut among the people of his country. Suppose any
citizen of the United States who, as a military man,
should obey an order which he must either obey or
be hanged, should be found years after in a foreign
country, tried for an ignominious crime, and threat-
ened with an ignominious punishment, is there a man
in the whole country who would not instantly cry
out for redress and vengeance ? Every elevated Go-
vernment claims for its subjects personal immunity,
when acting in obedience to its commands. Every
high-minded Government says at once—"l am re-
sponsible ; look to me for redress ;" and exclaims, as
in the story of Nisus and Euryalus, "Adsum qui feci—
me, in me convertite tda."
Information of this arrest reached Washington within
a few days after the installation of General Harrison.
I did not think it necessary to state the fact then;
but if every thing had been known here that we knew
in Washington, the shipping interest and every-
thing which depended upon commerce would have
been depressed one-half in six hours. I thought the
crisis might be averted, by admitting in our diplomatic
correspondence in relation to it the acknowledged
principles Lof public law, and demanding an apology
for the transgressions of that law by Great Britain,
by putting ourselves right in the first place, and in-
sisting that they should do right in the second place.
While in England in 1839, I happened to have occa-
sion to address a large assemblage of English per-
sonages, and I stated then what I thought, ail what
I think now—that in any controversy between the
United States and England, the only eminent advan-
tage which either side will possess will be in the rec-
titude of its cause. With right on our side, we should
be a match for England—with right on hers, she
would be a match for us, or for anybody.
With the advancement of society, and the improve-
ment and diffusion of the means of education,
_a new
and elevated tribunal has come into being to which
the disputes of nations must in all cases be referred—
I mean that of public opinion. Nations cannot now
go to war, unless for grounds and reasons which will
Justify them in the general judgment of mankind.
The influence of civilization, the increase of know-
ledge, the extension of commerce, and, more than all,
that heavenly light which beams over Christendom,
restrain nations from gratifying an inordinate ambi-
tion by the bloody scenes of war. It has been truly
said, that every peace arrangement is a new tribute to
Christianity, and new proof of the benign influences
of the Christian faith. In regard to the terms of the
treaty, it would be awkward for me to speak, because
the whoie correspondence has not yet been published ;
but I persuade myself that. when- the whole shall be
calmly considered, it will be mound that sufficient care
has been taken to maintain the just interests of the
country, and to preserve every point of honour, while
a proper regard has been paid, on the other side, to
the establishment of pefmanent peace.
Gentlemen, in acknowledging the commendations
which you have been pleased to bestow upon me
through your Mayor, I have an agreeable duty to
perform towards others. I take pleasure in bearing
testimony to the constant and intelligent attention to
the interests of the country in these respects which
has been manifested by the President of the United
States, and to the sincere and anxious desire which
he has displayed to maintain peace bet Ween the two
countries, and I cheerfully acknowledge here and
everywhere, with heartfelt gratitude, my obligations
to him for the unbroken and implicit confidence which
he reposed in me while I was transacting affairs not
unimportant to my country, and of infinite lin_
portance to my own reputation. A negotiator dis-
trusted by his own Government must always find
himself in a painful and embarrassing condition. A
negotiator so situated would, indeed, be an unequal

=tell for a cool and -sagacious statesman, invested t
by the proudest Government on earth with entire au-
thority to bind it in the most important respects. I
shall never forget the frankness and generosity with
which, after a conference with' the President, he did I
me the honour to say, that on my shouldati rested the
entire responsibility, and on my discretion the ulti-
mate decision of every question.

It is also gratifying for me to speak of the hearty
co-operation and aid which were so constantly ren-
dered by the other branches of the Government, and I
need hardly say that the highest respect is due to the
Commissioners of Maine and Massachusetts, for the
cordial assistance which they afforded throughout the
progress of the negotiation. While their conduct was
distinguished by the most faithful adherence to the
interests of their own States, they were not wanting
in a just and statesmanlike regard for the interests of
their country and of humanity.
A happy selection was made by England of the
Minister to whom her interests were confided. A
thorough Englishman, well understanding and faith-
fully pursuing the interests of his country—a states-
man of large and liberal view;—of such standing and
weight at home, that whatever he did was almost sure
to receive the sanction of his Government and the
approbation of his countrymen—atthe same time well
acquainted with the relations between the two coun-
tries—thinking favourably, and always, cm suitable
opportunities, acting favourably towards the United
States—if he finds his work well received at home,
he may congratulate himself upon having made an
arrangement conforMable to the honour and interests
of all concerned, and may well say that in this he haS
achieved the greatest labour of his life.

Aside from the North-eastern boundary question,
the correspondence, when it appears, will show that
other subjects of great moment to the country have
been attentively discussed. The opportunity was not
neglected of calling the attention of the British Co-
vernment to important questions which have long re-
mained unsettled between the two countries. In re •
lation to all these matters, I look with deep concern,
but with faith and trust, to the judgment of the people.
There yet remain in our foreign relations several
subjects of considerable magnitude, which demand at••
tention. Even with England several questions are
yet unsettled. An arrangement was made in the
year 1830 respecting the colonial trade on this conti-
nent and with the West Indies, of which I have taken
the pains to keep the run to the present time. I have
the misfortune to know that that arrangement has
proved extremely unfavourable to the shipping inte-
rest of the United States, and especially to New Eng-
land. The department with which I am connected
has been called upon for a report in relation to this
subject. A report has also been presented to the
House of Representatives by a Committee of that body.
I hold this subject to be one of vital importance to the
navigating interests of the country.

A-question of somewhat more importance is the line
of boundary of our territory on the Pacific west of
the Rocky Mountains. I need not advert to the ne-
cessity of deciding this question before the country
shall become settled on one side and on the cther.
We have unsettled our relations, too, with other States.
American citizens have claims on most of the Govern-
ments on this continent, arising out of occurrences
in which they have been unfairly treated. It becomes
the United States, by a calm and dignified course of
action, which shall be at the same time decisive in its
tone, to insure a prompt settlement of these demands.
Gentlemen, I am here to-day as a guest. I was
invited by a large number of highly-valued personal
and political friends, to partake with them of a public
dinner, for the purpose of giving them an opportu-
nity to interchange the usual greetings, to pay their
respects to me for public services heretofore, and to
tender their congratulations for the success of this last
negotiation. At my instance the proposed meeting
took this form, insteaa of that of a festive entertain.
ment, and I have come to meet such of my fellow-
citizens as choose to meet me in this more public
manner. Still, the general character of the occasion
is not changed. I am here as a guest, to receive con-
gratulations on particular subjects only.
On these grounds I forbear from expressing my
own opinions on other subjects—thinking it my duty
so to do. I shall not say how far I agree with my
friends, and how far I am unfortunately constrained
to differ from them. I defer the fulfilment of my
wishes in these respects to another occasion.
I will say one thing, however, because it has been
alluded to. The Mayor was kind enough to say, that
haying performed the duties-of my station, it may be
be left to me to take care of my own honour and repu-
tation. I suppose he meant to say, that in the preser.t
distracted state of the Whig party, and amidst a con-
trariety of opinion, if contrariety there be, it may
safely left to myself to decide upon the course which
it is proper for me to pursue. I am exactly of his
opinion. I am quite of opinion that in a question
touching my own honour, and the consistency of my
own character, and as I am to tear the consequences
of the decision, I had better be trusted to make the
decision myself. No man values the advice of friend,
more highly than I do ; but in a question as delicate
and important as this, and so closely affecting myself,
I like to choose the friends who shall advise me. As
to what my decision will be, I leave you just as en-
lightened as I found you. I make no pledges—l give
no intimations as to the course I intend to pursue. I
will be as absolutely free, when this day closes, to act
greeted ine.—(Nine cheers.) There is a delicacy in
as I think duty calls, as I was when its dawn first
the case, as there always is, when one is obliged to
differ from his friends, but no
embarrassment.
If I see the path of duty clear before me, there
is that within me which assures me I am able to
pursue it without embarrassment. A public man
has no occasion to be embarrassed, if he is honest.
He is nothing; his country and duty are everything;
and as he acts or not solely with reference to them,
he is marked for a great or a little man in. time to
come. There were many persons who found great
fault in 1841 with ray remaining in the Cabinet.
Notwithstanding 20 years of honest, I do not say,
efficient, but I will not say undistinguished service in
the Whig ranks, my remaining in office produced
such an outpouring of abuse as seldom proceeds from
Whig tongues or Whig pens against any man. I am
a little hard to be coaxed, and a little harder to be
driven, and thinking myself in a post where I was
likely to do good service, I stay there—and I leave it
to you, this day, and to my whole country to say, if
the country would have been better off to-day if I had
left my post. I have no attachment to office—l have
tasted its sweets, but I have also tasted its bitterness.
I am content with what I have achieved ; I am too
anxious to preserve what I have gained to run risks
in seeking new acquisitions. I might stop here,
having alluded to nothing except what concerns my-
v
self ; but some ten days ago, a most respectable con-
ention of Whig delegates assembled in this hall, and
passed a series of not unimportant resolutions, which
it may he proper for me to notice. There is no set
of gentlemen for whom I entertain more respect and
served
regard than for that convention. They are Whigs
--but they are no better Whigs than I; they have
in the Whig ranks long and
well, but
havettilelir
country
u
quite as long, perhaps with
less ability and success. They were sent here to
s
agree upon candidates for the office of Governor and
Lieutenant-Governor of this Commonwealth—if they
had any commission beyond that, I am not acquainted
with it. Taking into view the limited extent of their
authority some of their proceedings appeared a little
inconsiderate. I know, indeed, that the resolutions
which are presented at large conventions can never
receive careful deliberation. I noticed, among other
things, a declaration, on the part of the Whigs or
this Coßunonwealth, of a full and final separation from
President Tyler. Those gentlemen were Whigs,
and entitled to speak their own sentiments. Whigs,
indeed, speak out their sentiments everywhere ;
but it is quite another thing for them to speak
for others, for all the Whigs of the Commonwealth,
when they were not authorised to do so. I am aWhig,
always have been, and always mean to be. If anybody
seeks to turn me out of the pale of that communion,
let him see which will leave it first. I am a Massa-
chusetts Whig—a Faneuil -hall hig, having breathed
this air for twenty-five
years, and mean to breathe it
the rest of my life. I am accustomed to submit to the
decisions of Whig conventions. when properly autho-
rised, and know that frequently the public good can-
not otherwise be attained ; but it Is quite another.
question, whether they shall bind me in relation to
subjects which I did not submit to their arbitration.
This convention pronounced It
full and final separa-
tion of the Whig party from the President. A full
and final separation ? This is a text which requires a
comment. What does it mean ? That all measure,:
are to be opposed, whether right or wrong. The Pre-
sident has yet three years to serve. If the President
shall eritteavour to benefit the interests of navigation,
are all the Whigs of Massachusetts ready to separate
from him ? If he review the whole commercial
policy, so as to obtain a reciprocity of commercial ad-
vantages, and proper measures shall be recommended
for that purpose, are the W igs of Massachusetts to
separate from him, to give hire no aid ?—(Cries of
" No, no.") Well, I say no, too.
If the President shall look deeply into the principles
of indirect trade and of reciprocity treaties, and if
measures are to be taken to revive our suffering com-
merce, are the Whigs of Massachusetts to resist these
measures, and to oppose such efforts for their advan-
tage, merely because they emanate from the present
Administration ? Here, among us, are gentlemen
v.ho do know that more than one-half of the carrying
trade between the Brazils and the United States is
engrossed by tonnage from the north of Europe. This
is one of the unavoidable consequences of the so-
called reciprocity treaties, in which the benefit is
always on one side, and the burden on the other. By
those treaties we take the bread front our children's
mouths, and give it to strangers. I ask you (turning
to Mr. Benjamin Rich, who sat near him), as a ship-
owner, if this is not true,?
(Mr. Rich replied em-
phatically—" It is true.' )
lAre we to separate from the Administration ? isse

we to bear these evils for three years longer, until
Providence shall bless us with more power to do good
than we have now ? There are many persons in office
under the Administration wha are supposed to 1e
pretty good Whigs—collectors, marshals, district
attorneys, and others. What is to become of them
in this separation ? On which side are they to fall ?
Are they to resign, or are these things intended as a
provocation to the Government to turn them out ?
There is our fellow-citizen at the Court of London.
Is he expected to come home, and yield his place to
his predecessor or some one else.? And even the
humble individual who now addresses you, on which
side of the line is he to fall? When a divorce is de-
creed, it is customary to divide. the children between
the parents. Where am Itogo ? I do not wish to
treat this subject too lightly, nor yettoo seriously; I
am well aware that resolutions offered to a large
popular assembly cannot he attended_ to with any de-
gree of deliberation. Ido not know the Hon. Gen-
tlemen who prepared them. I dare say they were very
respectable people. I do not suppose that they at-
tached much meaning to them, nor knew very accu-
rately what the little meaning that was in them was.
They drew up a bill of charges, an indictment against
the President, declared him guilty, and pronounced
the penalty of a full and final separation.
This resolution had an intentional, or unintentional
bearing on my position. It is right for me to speak
of it. The time has come for me to speak. If I differ
in opinion from my Whig brethren in some respects,
it is an honest difference. There seems to me a dis-
position to postpone all attempts to do good to some
future and uncertain time. Why should we post-
pone ? 'There is a strong Whig majority in either
house of Congress. It is time now to do good, to ac-
complish what remains to be accomplished. I am of opi-
nion that now is the time to act. There are persons of
more sanguine temperament than myself. "Confi-
dence," says Burke, " is a plant of slow growth in an
old bosom." He (Mr. Burke) spoke of confidence in
men. It is true of confidence in future councils.
There are people who see far along in the distance
mild skies and halcyon seas. Darkness and mists blind
the vision of other sons of humanity. It was not easy
for the Whigs to attain power in 1840, and it is far
easier to lose it. Nothing but union—cordial, sympa-
thetic, and fraternal—can save the Whigs from pros-
tration. It is not by partial and denunciatory pro-
ceedings, and still less by prescriptive resolutions, that
we shall ever keep the Whig family together.
We came in as a party mae up of men of different
opinions—embracing every complexion of political
creed. There were men of extreme state rights' opi-
nions—of extreme federal opinions—there were tariff
men, and anti-tariff men. The country expected
them, in a spirit of harmony, union, and cordial sym-
pathy, to agree to save her from the effects of the ruin-
ous measures of the last Administration. The whole
history of the revolution of 1840 preaches to the Whig
party kindness, forbearance, conciliation, friendship,
sympathy, and union.
Gentlemen, if I understand the matter, there were
four or five great objects for which the Whigs strug-
gled. The first great object was to establish a per-
manent peace bet Ween this country and England, for
although there wa3 no war, there was a perpetual agi-
tation, which, by rendering men uncertain of the fu-
ture, and by lessening their ability to calculate the
chances of success, interfered with business one-half
as much as a war would have done..

The establishment of a permanent peace was one
object.
The next object was the providing of a sufficient
revenue. It is a notorious fact that the last Ad-
ministration exceeded its income. The country was
in debt. The Compromise Act had diminished the
revenue. It was necessary to provide sufficient re=
sources to meet the ordinary expenses of the Govern-
ment. That object has to a reasonable extent been
attained, and those who accomplished it deserve the
thanks and respect of the community.
The third great object was protection. Much has
been done in furtherance of this object—l hope enough
for the interests of the country—certainly enough to
deserve my and your hearty commendation. It was
the remark of a Prench rhetorician that there is no-
thing beautiful which is not true. I am afraid some of
our jubilant oratory would not stand the test of this
canon of criticism. It is not true, for instance, that
the Whig ma:ority passed the tariff. It is well known
that more than 30 Whigs voted against the tariff—
good Whigs, too, in other respects. Some of the
other party voted in its favoUr, and, after all, it passed
but by one vote.
A izreat deal of parade and eclat has been made
because somebody comes forward at the last moment
to the rescue, as it is called, and gives his vote in its
favour. It was but one vote after all, and there were
twenty of opposite politics who had done quite as
much. Our neighbour from Middlesex, for instance,
(Mr. Fomenter), stood as firmly, and voted as
steadily in favour of the tariff, as even the distin-
guished representative of this city. He had one vote,
too, and he held the tariff as absolutely in his hand
as if he had the Presidential veto. It prevailed also
in the Senate but by•one vote. Do we not all know
that it could not hive passed but by the aid of the
two senators from Pennsylvania—of Mr. Wright of
New York, and Mr. Williams Of Maine ? Now,
Gentlemen, let us admit the truth, and a lawyer
always does that when it helps his cause. The truth
is, that a large proportion of ,the other party came in
to help to carry the tariff. Looking as we all do to
our industry as the means of livelihood for our-
selves and our children, can we consent that such
a great object as the protection of domestic industry
shall be identified with the success of a particular
party—rising as the party rises, and sinking to the
grave when the party goes down;?' It is a public
and national question. A titriff7.a, sensible and mo-
derate tariff, should be inwrought into the politics
of all parties, because, although I desire the success
of the Whig principles, I wish to take a bond and
security for the protection of industry more durable
than even the permanence of Whig power.
This tariff has accomplished much. I honour the
men who passed it. It has restored the country to the
state in which it was before the Compromise Act was
passed. It has repaired the consequences of that
measure. I may speak of the Compromise Act—my
turn to speak has now come. —I can truly say, that no
measure that has passed during my career in Congress
gave me more grief and mortification. It was carried
by a few friends joining the whole host of our enemies.
'the motives of those who framed the Act have been
much commended. Ido not desire to impugn them.
The motives of all public men are supposed to be pure ;
but if the objects proposed to be accomplished by the
Act be deemed to be the motives which induced its
passage, then the motives were worse than the Act
itself. Those objects were to impose upon the Legis-
lature, for all time to come, a restriction which the
Constitution had not imposed, to introduce a new pro-
hibitory clause into the Constitution, to the effect that
after 1842 no duties exceeding 20 per cent. (and those
levied upon an absurd horizontal principle) should
thereafter be imposed by Congress. It was a new,
false, and dangerous principle, which was carried only
by the pressure of emergency. I predicted at the
time that the operation of this measure would be most
disastrous, and that when its consequences could
be borne no longer it would produce a spasm and a
throe throught the country to get rid of it. But
now, thank God, we have got rid of it. The present
tariff law is specific and discriminating, and
imposes duties above 20 per " cent. It rejects the
principle of the Compromise Act, and I hope for
ever. Another great and original object of the revo-
lution of 1840 was the restoration of a sound and uni-
form currency. Our troubles did not begin in the
want of money, nor with the Compromise Act, but
with the derangements of the, currency in 1833. For
this great evil of a disordered currency no provision
hes yet been made. If the tariff shall operate as a
stimulus to the business of the country, I shall rejoin()
at it ; but, until some provision for a general currency
of uniform value throughout the Union, I shall be
hard to be persuaded that we can see a return of our
former prosperity.

1 wish to say a word. upon this subject. At the
special session Mr. Ewing proposed a plan for a na-
tional bank, on the idea of a large capital to be illy-.
nished by private subscription, with branches for local
discount. It received the approbation of every mem-
ber of the Cabinet, as the only pita' :which would be
likely to succeed, considerisAebpinions of the in-
dividual whom we had all agreed to put in the second
place in the Government. It was the part of wisdom
not to see how much of a case we could make out against
the President, but how to get on as well as we might
with the President. Mr. Ewing's Bill did not allow
the establishment of branches without the consent of
the States. I have no idea myself that there is con-
stitutional necessity for this restriction. T Haver had
any such idea, but I could see no great difference that
it could make. It was merely alheoretic difficulty,
attended with no practical disadvantages that I eould
see—but its opposers contended that the omission to
exercise a power amounted to relinquishment of it.
It was all along exceedingly doubtful whether snail
a Bill, if passed, would be carried into effeot. We
did what we could under the cirewastances. We
sent to the principal commercial cities—we had men
of skill and experience about us to consult with.
They expressed doubts—hopes also, and pledged
themselves to do the best they maid to promote its
success. As the Administration was new, and fresN
and popular, they opreased groat earnestness to try
the new measure. It was sent to the Scuts, but re-
jected ; a new Bill was introduced, but after six R eeks'
discussion, it was found that it could not even pass
Whig Senate. I will not pursue the unhappy scuts
of the latter part of the session of 1841. aion were
excited, angry, and resentful. I saw the storm rising,
and endeavoured to hush it. I thought that it was
better to forbear theattempt to do anything mare at
that time. My opinion was made public, la a letter
to the two senators from 3180.aciNsetts. I wished to
ve time for the
exeito passions of men to cool, but
gi
my advice was not followed.
That hrowiht us to the couvaleucemeat of the late

session. The Secretary of the Treasury sent to Con-
gress the plan of the Exchequer. I wish to say that
this measure met my hearty, sincere, and entire ap-
probation. I hope, Gentlemen, I have never mani-
fested an overweening confidence in my own judgment,
or extraordinary unwillingness to defer to the judg-
ment of my friends; but there are some subjects on
which I confess I have, some respect for my own
opinions. Of these, currency is one—it has been the
study of my life ; thirty years ago, when the subject
of a mixed currency, of the proper relation which
specie bears to paper, was much discussed in both
Houses of Parliament, I paid the greatest attention to
the controversy. Many of you will remember the fa-
mous resolution of Mr. Vansittart, which was intro-
duced during the suspension of the Bank of England,
and when bank-notes were 15 per cent. below par. It
was insisted by Mr. Vansittart that bank paper was
worth its face—that it had not depreciated, but that
gold had risen. This doctrine was supported by Lord
Liverpool, Lord Castlereagh, and Mr. Rhoades. It
was opposed by the luminous learning of Homer, the
powerful logic of Huskisson, and the practical good
sense of Alexander Baring, now Lord Ashburton. The
study of those papers, I confess, made me a thorough
bullionist, and convinced me that no paper currency
was worth anything that was not instantly redeem-
able in specie at the counters of those who issued it.
Coining into Congress the next year, at the close of
the war, and finding the finances of the country in a
deplorable condition, I bestowed myself to the consi-
deration of that question.
I read everything at all valuable, written or spoken,
upon the subject, and became a close observer of what
took place in other countries in relation to it, from
the discontinuance of the first bank in 1811 to that
time. I then expressed opinions which have not been
altogether falsified by subsequent events. I may,
then, perhaps, be permitted to place some confidence
in my own judgment, and to take the responsibility
of the course which it dictates, notwithstanding the
flippant paragraphs of newspapers, or the hasty ebul-
litions of politicians. The measure submitted to Con-
gress at the last session is the best and only measure
for the country.
I stake my reputation upon it, and that is all I have
to stake. If this Whig Congress will take that mea-
sure and give it a fair trial fur three years, it will
prove itself the most beneficial measure ever esta-
blished in this country—the Constitution alone ex-
cepted. I mean if they will take it as it came from
the consideration of the Cabinet—not as it looked
after the committee had had their hands upon it. When
they struck out the Exchange feature they made it not
worth a rush, not worth the parchment on which it
was engrossed.

There is an absolute necessity in this country for a
common, uniform, and cheap medium of change, for a
machine which shall equalise debt and credit, from
one end of the country to the other, with the same
velocity with which steam carries men and merchan-
dise from one end to the other. We must have it for
the country; a large and liberal provision for ex •
changes, ready, cheap, and uniform, such as existed
when many millions could at any time be exchanged,
for less than three-quarters of one per cent., between
the most distant portions of the country. How can
we reach this goal but by the authority of the General
Government ? A bank of the United States, founded
on a large capital furnished by private subscription, is
altogether out of the question. 'Whoever attempts it
pursues an obsolete idea.

Suppose a law now passed establishing such a bank
with a capital of 50,000,000 dollars. Who is to sub-
scribe ? What would be the value of a share ? Ask
the question in State-street. Do you want the nation
to send here so much untaxed public capital to par-
take your discounts ? You would nut oppose it if the
exigency of the country required it ; but you would
not desire it, at any rate. If we are to wait for such
an institution before we commence our efforts, we
may as well postpone all attempts to restore the pros-
perity of the country till the incoming of the Jews.
What, then, is to be done ? When the Exchequer
plan was presented to Congress, it was assailed from
all quarters.

One gentleman, indeed, was bold enough to confess
that he did not know but by possibility it might do
some good. Some said it had not power to stand
alone. Others that it possessed too great life and
vigour, and would increase the executive power and
patronage to a most alarming extent. One party
called it a King Log, the other a King Serpent.
Some said it was impotent wholly ; others that it was
most dangerous—that it was a giant to stride over the
liberties and overthrow the Constitution of the country.

Those opposite arguments, loudly contradicting
each other, convinced me, even beore it was sent to
the Committee, that the plan would not be temperately
considered.
Our. excellent Constitution does seem sometimes to
stand strangely in the way of the public progress.
One man fears to do one thing, another fears to do
something else, lest they may break the Constitution,
and so they agree to do nothing. One man fears a
bank without branching powers, lest that should break
the Constitution. Another fear; a bank with branch-
ing powers, lest that should break the Constitution. A
third will not vote for the Exchequer, lest it should
give the Executive too great power, and enable hini
to break the Constitution.

And the end of all is, that we stand still and get
nothing, just as a boatman who finds himself sur-
rounded by fierce and dangerous currents, and dares
not pull a single stroke lest he may break his oar. To
say that when the prosperity of the country is re-
stored, then we will look after the currency, is to say
that we will not try to save the ship from sinking till
the chances. of the winds and waves have landed her
solely on shore. _ _

Ire must be a more sanguine man than I who
thinks there can be a better time than the present for
this work. The approaching session of Congress calls
in the loudest voice of patriotism for immediate action.
Here is a measure of the Administration to which
the President aad his advisers are pledged. Why not
try it, and if it lees not succeed, let the Administra-
tion take the responsibility?
Gentlemen, I mean to make a free communication
to you of my views. There is no man of my age in
the country who has written and spoken more than I
have against the abuse of the veto power, and my
opinions remain unchanged. It is well known, and
if it is not, I mean it shall be universally known, that
I advised against the abuses of the veto power in every
case in which it has been lately tried. BuNvhile I
have done this, I have not :been willing to join with
those whose great object appeared to be to see how
they could best make out a case against the President
rather than to see how they could serve the country,
the veto notwithstanding. _

It seemed at the close of the session as if nothing
was to be (lone till the veto power was abolished.
ifi
This scheme of getting rid of the veto seems to me
with all, respect to those who entertain it, to be P : trleoS
as
a inGckery. Ido not say what would be
We were now reforming the Constiptliaonu,ponnoirt,wbhuatt
altogether strike it out.
The Constitution of New York, as
other guards it might be proper
probably no convention would altogether
amended,
requires a vote of two-thirds to pass certain Acts. The
rules of the House of
Representives cannot be sus-
pended without A Vote of two-thirds. The veto
power amounts to up -
gisAlafttuurre. all, greater restraint upon the Le-
who expects to live to see the Constitu •
tion amended in this respect ? And to give up all
ideawill
nofotbesaneyfititnrgiflinthge,
bcuotutnihsterytcootuitlnrl
ettrahtatthiistehdognreea,
tisl'indl
pressing emergencies of
Congresstoo little
regard. Now is the time, and thisy' Whig
are the men to accomplish this object of reforming the
currency, mid till that is done there can be no com-
plete restoration to prosperity. The plan of last year
will accomplish it. lam confident of it; I know it.
If a mechanic make a tool—an axe, a chisel, a plane
of the proper temper and materials, and constructed in
the proper manner, he knows it will answer its pur-
poise, and I know this will answer its purpose.
There is another subject of much importance. I
mean the mortifying state of the public credit of this
eqUutry abroad. I cannot help thinking that if the
1 statesmen of a former age—if Washington, John
Adams, Hamilton, and Madison could now come
amang• us, they would be deeply concerned and soberly
thoughtful about the present state of the public credit.
In the performance of the duties of my department 1
am obliged to read communications from public agents
in foreign countries, and it is frequently deeply pain-
ful to me to peruse their accounts of the scorn and
contumely with which American credit is spoken of
abroad. Stocks of the United States which ought to
eflommand 125 will not bring a dollar.
Does not this Commonwealth also suffer ? Is there
not a man strong enough—with a mind sufficiently
large and comprehensive, to show to the American
people what must be the result of abandoning the true
principles of finance—what sufferings must ensue
from leaving these great questions unadjusted?
Some indeed are indiscreet enough to rely upon re-
Diritrepnuodtiaatliwonayptstybainddeibntg 5n U
law and
? Until the
dpeubdtiatiisonva.id
morals ? Repudiation only adds disrepute to ac-
knowledged inability.
It is our duty to rouse public feeling. It is
to maintain and assert the beneficial influence. ours
of honesty, and good faith. It is of law,
abroad ought to discriminate between said that people
and those of the United States. 's the State Stocks
0 they ought. But
the same people constitute the St
the United States, and if the State Governments re-
ates individually and
palate, how long, they
before the United States ', may well ask, will it be
buke from the people 9 will do the same without re-
Her. is a stain upon Our character which we ought
to kel worse than a wound,
and all the people of the
country should address themselves soberly and seri-
ously to the work of eradicating it. Ido not under-
take to say what Congress may have power to do in
the premises, but if the great public domain does in-
deed belong to the means pro-
vided to enable
the
States, then there is a
them to save their credit.

'rin~'aC

--fit-

I have already detained you much too to ''rll
-4
ittc.,
st - \,.,;•, \N-2.
greatly desired to say to you, that, in nv gO.-
-, ----.
many of the great objects of the Whig part, ,AkaA.
are yet to be accomplished, may be attained without
the delay which some have deemed necessary. These
objects are, as I have said, the settlement of the re•
maining questions with Englakd—the remodelling of
the reciprocity treaties and of Vtie colonial trade—the
absorbirg subject of the currency—and the other great
question of the restoration of the public faith.
To these great objects of national pursuit and of
private effort lam ready to devote myself. Ido not,
however, expect that much of public service yet re-
mains to he performed by me ; but, in furtherance of
these objects, I expect to co-operate with the sober
mon of all parties. Among such men there is an in-
creasing fear of the influence of party. It is already
felt that patriotism itself, heated by party contests,
may run into partisanship, and in the end entirely
disappear.
There is in the community a vastly growing senti-
ment that more moderate counsels should prevail, that
there should be a greater predominance of pure public
feeling, and a union of well-meaning men on all sides,
to support such councils.
In the pursuit of these objects, lam willing, in a
public or private station, to perform the part assigued
me, and to give to them, with hearty good-will and
zealous co-operation, all that may vet remain to me
of strength and of life.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY

CITY SATURDAY EVENING.
TlDlES.—Connected with railway affairs some ex.
traordinary facts have transpired relative to an under
taking called the Clarence Railway, situated in Dur-
ham, which would lead to unpleasant inferences, con-
sidering they are only allowed to transpire through
an advertisement in the public prints, the press being
invariably excluded from the meetings of the share-
holders when they take place. According to this
advertisement, the Exchequer Loan Commissioners
have seized upon the railway and announced it .for
public sale in the course of the ensuing month, unless
a proportion of the money borrowed from Govern-
ment, amounting with interest to about 155,0004,
be repaid in the month of November. - In their
emergency the Directors appeal to the public to
subscribe the amount on an issue of new scrip
shares or loan notes of 101. each, bearing interest at
the rate of 6 per cent. per annum, giving them the
preference over all other shareholders (no other divi-
dend to be paid before their claims are satisfied),
the statement being that the present revenue of the
Company shows a clear profit of 12,0001. per annum,
with " an undoubted prospect of a large increase," to
be made over to the subscribers as a guarantee for
the payment oT the interest on the money to be
raised. It is also stated, that the shareholders will,
no doubt, take a considerable portion of the shares
but, as by "deaths and other casualties there vVill
inevitably. be. a certain number undisposed of," the
public are invited to come in and participate in the
profits which are hoped to be secured when the
traffic of the line is well developed. The conceal-
ment of the real state of the Company's affairs, ex-
cept what can be gathered from this advertisement,
which is by no means likely to impress the publie
with an idea of success, is above all things sure to
create a suspicion of unsoundness at the core and
hence it is, by the suppression of their proceedings,
they have just adopted the very plan to defeat their
own object in raising the money they require. How-
ever unfavourable for the while their affairs may be
they could hardly be afraid of misrepresentation ; and
if not afraid of that, the public would at least have
been in p:;sse:sion, and, enabled to judge for them-
selves, of the facts elicited in elucidation of the
awkward position in which the Company at present
stands with the Exchequer Lean Commissioners. As
the case now is, there is nothing but the mere de-
claration of the Directors in an advertisement that
they forthwith require capital to relieve the concern,
for which they over a high rate of interest in per-
spective • but this is not a course by any means
calculated to attract the monied interest when they
find themselves destitute of facts or figures whereon.
could be based reasonable hope of employing it with
ultimate advantage and security. It is feared little
success will attend the attempt of the Directors to
come into the market as borrowers with the ambiguous
statement they have put forward.
The Durham and Sunderland Railway have de-
clared a dividend of 10s. per share, and appear to he
working down the difficulties from which it has for
some time suffered. The depressed condition of tnide
had much affected its traffic.

SUN.---The purchases on account of the East T..nam
Company were, as it was stated yesterday, colifliiiied ;
these, with several small investments, gave an in-
creased firmness to the funds. Consols left Off at 93j
93 for Money, and 93? 93i for the Account ; Bank
Stock, 164 ;66 ; India Stock, 250 252 ; Exchequer
Bills, 55 57. premium.

. .
The prices of Foreign Securities were—Belgian
103 104 ; Dutch Two-autl-a-Half per Cents., 521.-
524 ; the Five per Cents., 100 100!f ; Danish, 83 84;
and Brazilian, 63 64.

The quotation for Mexican Bonds continued to
dec:ine, they being last market 32i 3'2*.
The Share Market showed some improvement;
London and Birmingham were 182 .184; .Bir-
mingiun and Gloucester, 40 41; Great Western,
82' 83 : the Half-shares, 60 60k; south Western,
571 57 ; North Midland, 57 58 ; the New, shares,
28 99 ; South Eastern and Dover,. 23 ; :astern
Counties, 84 8;1; Northern and Eastern, 354 361;
Blackwell, 6 6:1; and Brighton, 3611 368 per share.
The quotations of the Bonds were Colombian
20} 20141; Peruvian, 15 16 ; Portuguese Five per
Cents.' 361 374 ; the Three per Cents., 214 221 ;
Spanish Five per Cents., 16 16k ; the Three per
Cents., 20i 21. _

By comparing the returns of the average weekly
assets and liabilities of the Bank of England, for the
twelve weeks ending the Bth inst., with that termi-
nating on the 10th Sept., the following result will be
perceived:—

LIABILITIES.

Circulation, Now
Last time

Increase.

Deposit, N 290,0000 w
Last time e.. 9,833,000

Decrease ..,.t

Last time

465,000