The Sun.
London, England, 1829-05-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE LONDON JOURNALS.

It is clear to every man who watches the progress
of events in the east of Europe, that the immediate
settlement of the Greek question has become a po-
litical interest of the first order to the independence
of the Euxine, the safety of the Turkish empire, the
consequent freedom of the Archipelago and the Me-
diterranean, and the final welfare of Great Britain
herself in her commercial prosperity, and her colo-
nial possessions. " The settlement of the Greek
question" implies the formal acquiescence of the
Porte in certain conditions required of her by Eng-
land, France, and (originally) Russia ; the main
object of which is the release of Greece from the
dominion exercised over her by Turkey. Had
Russia chosen to remain at peace with Turkey on
her northern frontier, the advantage to the cause
of civilization and Christianity, arising from a
treaty on the above condition between Turkey
and the Allied Powers, would be equally apparent
as it now is ; but the " political necessity ' for
some pacific arrangement between them on the
question of Greek independence, would by no
means have been equally strong, because the ex-
istence of Turkey as a sovereign state would not
then have beets, as it unquestionably now is, involved
in the issue of the negotiations. The attack made
by Russia upon Turkey has generated a new political
emergency, and imposed upon France and England
(at least upon the latter) a duty more imperative,
and more urgent and inevitable, even than that of
the solitary protection of Greece,—we mean the
preservation of Turkey from the hands of Russia.
The most important aspect of the Greek treaty at
this moment is, in the eyes of an Englishman, its
subserviency, if it can still be rendered subservient,
to the general security of the Porte as an indepen-
dent power. It then becomes a vital question how
best, and soonest, to bring about that settlement.
There is nothing more manifest, than that the in-
vasion of the Turkish empire by Nicholas must of it-
self have a tendency to perplex and confound the
whole plan of the contracting parties to the Greek
treaty, by presenting Russia under a double, and, to
Turkey, a most insulting form,—namely, that of at
once a real enemy and a pretended mediator. If any
thing could be added to the mischievous confusion of
such an inconsistent attitudeassumed byßussia,it was
the pertinacity with which she has required that Eng-
land and France should acknowledge her in both
these characters,—that she should have the privi-
lege of sharing and controlling the negotiations of
these great Powers, for the benefit of Greece, and
at the same time that of excluding them from all in-
terference with her measures for the ruin of Turkey.
The declaration of war by Russia against Turkey
put a virtual end to the rights of the former Govern-
ment, under a treaty which recognised her as a me-
diatrix only. That declaration, and the war which
followed it, substantially dissolved the alliance be-
tween England, France, and Russia, because from
that hour the Court of St. Petersburgh must, in the
nature of things, have interests directly adverse to
that of the other allies, in so far as Turkey was
concerned. It thence became the direct inte-
rest of Russia to embroil Turkey with all her
natural friends, and with her most " ancient al-
lies," of which the Duke of Wellington allowed
that England was one. We forbear to say that
she acted on that interest. It then became a
second positive interest of Russia, not to pro-
mote, but to thwart and retard the settlement of
the quarrel between Greece and Turkey, that the
Greek war might continue to operate as a diversion
of the Turkish force. Far be it from us to assert
that the Court of St. Petersburgh has acted on such
a policy. But had it been her desire to prosecute
that policy, she could not have devised a more ef-
fectual method of pursuing it than by taking advan-
tage of French sentimental ardour on behalf of
Greece, and engaging the lu' insters of his Most
Christian Majesty to co-operate with her in the de-
mand of such terms as it was obvious Turkey never
would or could agree to, unless in the very agonies
of dissolution. We have hitherto thought it de-
sirable that the Allies should obtain from the Porte,
if possible, such a frontier for Greece as would
leave her inhabitants a territory proportioned to
their numbers. We were anxious, and ate still so,
that Attica at least should be enclosed within the
new principality or republic; and might, though to
a certain compromise of the safety of our islands, have
joined in soliciting from Turkey the extension of
the northern frontier of Greece, along a line
running east and west from the Gulf of Arta to
that of Volo. But this line was not expressed in
the Greek treaty, and if Turkey be resolute in
withholding her concurrence from the great aliena-
tion of territory which is involved in the establish-
ment of the frontier contended for by Russia, and
by the impetuous and perhaps not very considerate
eagerness of French politicians (who, by the way,
are rather to be found in the salons than among the
official departments of Paris) on the subject. We
must ask, what is to be the consequence? Ia Eng-
land so far to lose sight of all objects but the one,
and so far set up the Greek barrier as the boundary
of all British views and doctrines with regard to the
common interests of Europe, that she will let Rus-
sia annihilate the Turkish empire, and fix herself
upon the Dardanelles (which now be it said en pas-
sant she has, in flat breach of promise, blockaded),
on no pretence but that of punishing the Grand Seig-
nor for his repugnance to sacrifice an ancient pro-
vince of his dominions, and to no end but the ag-
grandizement of Russia, who will then be in the Me-
diterranean what she already is in the Euxine,—
the mistress of its keys, and of its commerce?
We have not long since declared oar opinion, that
the King's Ministers ought to hold language—not
boisterous or offensive, but decided and becoming
language—expressive of the impossibility of Europe
or England looking on while Russia pushes her
southern frontier into the Turkish territory at her
own good will and pleasure. There is no denying
that our actual relations with the Russian Govern-
ment are of a nature to try both the firmness and
wisdom of those who advise our Monarch. We
cannot avoid adding, that if the British Government,
when the audacious blockade of the Dardanelles was
first announced, had quietly told Russia that she had
no right, under her own previous agreements, to lay
such an incubus on European commerce, and on that
of England, and moreover that having no right she
must not exercise the power, all the difficulties of
the present crisis would have been averted. But the
Duke of Wellington then had Ireland on his hands,
Russia ought to see that emancipation has since
been carried,—that part of the army has already
been withdrawn from Ireland, and that at home we
have nothing to distract or employ our foree.—sTimes,

SECOND EDITION.
SUN OFFICE, &pen o' Clod

I M PERIA L PA RUA M ENT

THIS EVENING.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The Douse P..et to-day at Four o'Clock, when
the Royal Assent was giyeri by Commission to the
Composition Assessed Taxes Bill, the Spanish
Claims fill, the Navy Victualling Department
the Naval Officers' Widows' Pension Bill, the scOt,ch
Registration Seisin Bill, the Swan River Settle:.
went Bill, the Newfoundland Fishery B;11, thg
East India Writers Bill, the Dublin Gas Light Bill,
the Manchester Railway Bill, Tyrrill's Divorce Bill,
the Aberdeen Harbour Improvement Bill, seve-
ral Naturaliption Bills, together with upwards of
fifty other Private
The Lord Commissioners were, the 1:141) CHAN-
CELLOR, the Earl Of SHAFTESBURY, and Viscount
MELVILLE.
MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS.
Sir ALEXANDER GRANT and others brought up
the Life Annuity, together with several Private
Bills.
Mr. Alderman WOOD brought up the London