The Sun.
London, England, 1829-02-25 00:00:00

PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.

Thomas Gillard and William Cornish, Strand, print-
sellers.

Thomas Dawson and Edward Kettle, Claines, Wor-
cestershire, glove-manufacturers.
Joseph Chappell and Thomas Hernminv., Bath, drapers.
Edwin Fardon and John Fardou, Alfred-place, Newing-
ton-causeway, merchants.
Edmund Michell, Alexander Clugston, and Charles
Pearce Chapman, Martin's-lane, Cannon. street.
Matthew Nelson and George Nelson, Ellerton, North
Riding, Yorkshire, farmers and carriers.
Henry Rolls, Charles Gritlin, and Richard Henry Rolls,
Banbury, attornies.
Maria Critchfield and Mary Ann Neave, Norwich, dress-
makers.

Joseph Taite and Samuel Taite, Bermondsey-new-road,
Southwark, tanners.

Charles Thinks and Benjamin Dewson the younger,
Liverpool.
Thomas Kibble and Jonathaa Manning, Gravesend,
Kent, bricklayers.
John Knight and Henry Lacey, Paternoster-row, book-
sellers. _ _

John Hall and Benjamin Francis Barfoot, Old-street,
St. Luke's, Middlesex, cabinet-manufacturers.
Richard Meade and Daniel M‘Mahon, Manchester, corn-
merchants.

Thomas Rawsthorne and Lawrence Rawsthorne, Lancas-
ter, solicitors.
John Armstrong and Thomas Barton Armistead, Kendal,
Westmoreland, surgeons.
Frederick Fortune Gibbs and Edward Luckie, Mark-
lane, London, insurance-brokers.
Matthew Needham, William Needham, and Rupert
Renshaw, Nottingham, lace-manufacturers.
Edward Townsend and James Townsend, Lime-street,
London, wine-merchants.
James Howes and Samuel Groves, Cheapside, Aston,
Birmingham, manufacturers of Britannia metal goods.
William Knight and James Butler, Kensington, Middle-
sex, solicitors. _ _ _

Abraham Buckland, Edward Buckland, and William
Roberts, New-road, Camberwell, Surrey.

Joseph Steffenoni and Charles Steffenoni, Brighton,
jewellers. _ _ .

William James and Isaac James, Birmingham, grocers.
Ambrose William Skinner and Philip Carter, Wes'
Thorrock, Essex, farmers.

Henry Beaumont Leeson, Thomas Wilson, Thomas
A,bmore, Thomas Hodgkinson, John Hodgkinson, and
William MIIBIIIIII, Cornwall-road, Lambeth, operative
chemists.

William Jones, William Toplass, John Toplass, and
Robert Toplass, Shelton, Staffordshire Potteries, marhufae-
infers of earthenware.

A curious story is afloat respecting a pocket-
handkerchief, which might have ended as tragically as the
one M Othello. An amiable Nobleman, who is as re-
markable for the absence of all foppery as for his attach-
ment to just and constitutional principles, surprised his
lady some evenings ago on his return from the House of
Lords by the display of a perfumed handkerchief. " Where
did you pick up that odious thing which kills one with its
faded scents?" was the lady's exclamation. " I cannot
imagine," was the answer, " unless it was in the house."
" I recollect Lord W--a sat next to me." " There is, I

see, aW. in the corner : it must be his." Haying dis- table.
covered the ownership of the handkerchief, the Noble The Bishop of BRISTOL rose to present a petition
Lord thought it his duty to restore it with all speed, and against granting any further concessions to the Roman
accordingly sent it to the supposed proprietor. The next Catholics, from the minister, churchwardens, and other
morning a Noble Duke, fnnotas Mr his love of the church inhabitants of Clifton, in the county of Gloucester. He
and of close boroughs, called upon the Noble Lord with would embrace that opportunity to say a few words relative
an earnest and solemn demand of satisfaction for so ex- to the Bristol petition, which had been agreed to at a
traerdinary an insult offered to his friend Lord W—a, numerous meeting specially convened, and he would take
as the transmission of the aforesaid scented handkerchief. the liberty of stating to their Lordships that he was not
" Good Heaven," said the unconscious offender, " who
aware of any
day that
b improper means having been adopted to swell
ever heard of a challenge for restoring to its owner his the number of signatures to that petition. He believed he
ranks tia nond classes: was
ii
i
own,hnkrchie
own property ? Lord W—a sat next me : I find a
mentionedon a former
contemplation,
and
itp was signed y such
all a p
of his Majesty's subjects. The persons who axed
handkerchief
and
wfbiineb: n
from
ro napocket,i ts mark,
awhich
apprehend
k)rneobsevn not o
m t tomust
t be
belong
mnygffi
whatt 0
groundlV— a, to whom I accordingly send it. On
can this be deemed an insult?" " There their sipatures to thepetition had acted from their own
spontaneous feelings, and were not operated on by any
must be some mistake," observed the Noble Duke, " Lord other cause. The petitioners, whose petition he was now
W—a uses no scents, nor has he lost a handker- about to present, solicited their Lordships, in the strongest
chief. Was there no other Lord sitting near you in the manner, to preserve inviolate the Protestant Constitution
course of the evening ?" " Faith," said the other, with a in Church and State. They observed, that it would re-
smile, " I can explain the whole matter. Lord W—y
juice them to see an improvement in the moral state of
sat by me for a few minutes : the handkerchief must be I !and ; and they thought that the extension of Protes-
his." The solemn Duke was amply satisfied, the enigma t :.t schools would greatly forward that object.—The peti-
was solved, and the perfumed cause of dispute was for- ti.,n was read, and laid on the table.
warded to the Noble and venerab!e beau, to whom it
actually belonged. The grave and chivalrous Dukebefore Petitions were presented against granting further con-
' cessions to the Roman Catholics from a parish in Oxford,
he undertakes another mission of the same kind, would
by Lord Ror.r.e ;—from a parish in Northumberland, and
do well to repeat half a dozen times the well-known couplet,
from the Clergrof Newcastle-upon-Tyne, by the Bishop
" What dire offence from childish causes springs !
of DURHAM ; from Newton-Abbott, and another parish.
" What mighty hubbubs rise from trivial things !"
in Devonshire, signed by 3,600 persons, from Great Tor-
Times.
rington, and from the town and neighbourhood of Ilfra-
One day last week, a weaver named James combe, he Lord ROLLE ;7-from the President and Fellows
Dawson, residing in Bridge-street, was beating his wife, ' of Sion College, in the city of London, and from Shep-
when the mother of the latter interfered to save her daughter I,erton, Middlesex, by the Bishop of LONDON.—LaiI on
fruits his fan% Upon this the fellow turned upon the old the table.
Woman, 4 nst one of her little fingers between his teeth, and Lord DE DUNSTAN VILLE presented a petition from
bit it of);—Preaton Pilot. . a body of Protestant Dissenters at PIIELVIDOe7 praying fur

the reinovai-of all civil disabilit zrLcount of religious
opinions.
Lord BEXLEY—Do they ask for all disabilities to bk.-.
reanoved ?

Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE—Tesire that all re-
ligious ttFts of every kind mkt• L•e'lone away with.—Peti-
Con laid on the table.

The Earl of FAZAiDI7TH said, the Noble Lord had
presented a petition front Penzance, in favour of the Roman
Catholic Claims, signed by 150 individuals—(Lord De
llonstans-ilte—By 199 persons)—and he now roan to !ay
i• fare their Lordships a petition from that town and its
s • ,ikkity, signed by upwards of :36t) persons, against grant-
r{ any further concessions. He begged leave to state, that
'tits petition was not, perhaps, so numerously sigzred, Con-
sidering the population of the town and neighbourlwod, as
some which he had presented, and some which he was
about to present, to their Lordships. The reason of this
awns. because the neigldrourhood, as his Noble Friend knew,
was filled with Dis<tenters, who were notoriously •in favour
rtf concessierss. Being on his legs, he wished to say a
word or two on the petition which his Noble Friend had
'resented yesterd ty, and which was by no means so no-
metsrusly signed. That petition included the hundred of
Lust Lone, and a considerable part of another hundred.
Now he had a petition signed by neatly 1,000 r*.,spectable
names, which emanated from a very !mall portion of
tt Lone, called the middle div;sir;ll. His Noble Friend
:yesterday observed, that a considerable portion of the land-
.ed property of Cornwall was in favour of the Claims of
the Roman Catheli•cs. Undoubtedly his Noble Friend was
Yorro.r, in tlot assertion ; but, at the same time, he rcesuld
'declare, ills firm belief, that a very great majority of
`the lamTholders was against those claims. With respect to
'he sstiddle classes of persons, he had no hesitation its saving
%MA they were generally opposed to ‘centste,sion, and he be-
btvetl his Noble F head couhl not deny that they would pre-
",ent an overwhelming majority against any such nieasute. If
Lis Notde Friend thought otherwise, he had nothing to do but
sin present tie petitions of those who wished to address their
I..ordships Its favour of the Roman Catholic Claims. As
,Yet, he believed, those who had so petitioned did not ex-
'mei 7350 person=. lie could, oft the other hand, assure
Lis Noble Friend, that, without his moving at all on the
'subject, for he had studiously avoided doing so—without
having got up one sist;de petition, having been only in.
vs lied to attend rte meeting, which was convened two
days before it took place—without having been at all-con-
verted ise 40ating the question,—still he could state that
petit/tans, signed by no less than 8,000 of the inhabitants
:;,,r 'Cornwall, were prepared. He believed, if the Noble
Duke were determined to carry this measure through, that
lie would do so in the face of an overwhelming majority of
the Protestant church and the Protestant people of Eng-
land. (Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord concluded by pre-
senting a petition against the Catholi: claims from the
town and neighbourhood of Penzance, in Cornwall, signed
by 360 of the inhabitants.

The petitian, an the motion of the Noble Loid, teas
read at length by the
Lord DE DUISSTANVILLE was as mach attached to
the Protestant church as the petitioners or the Noble
Lord ; but 'ne professed himself unable to see any thing
in the Ki;ition opposed- to the concession of the Catholic
ehiints.

of FALMOUTH contended, that the peti-
tioners were decidedly opposed to Catholic emancipation.
Lord DE DUNSTANVILLE would merely maintain
that there was nothing in the petition opposed to Catholic
concession,

The Earl of FALMOUTH had another petition to Bre-
sent, as to the meaning of which the Noble Lord could
raise no dcniht. The Noble Earl then presented a petition
from the middle division of the hundred of East Looe, in
Cornwall, against any further concessions to the Catholics.
Lord KING had a petition to present, which he would
move should be read, as a retaliation for the reading of i he
petition prevented by the Noble Earl. It was a petition
from the Protestant Di.senters of the principality of
Wales, in favour of Catholic: Emancipation.
The Clerk was about to read the petition, when—
Lord KING said, he would withdraw it Mr the pre-
sent, awl have it translated for their Lordships by to-
morrow) as it was in Welsh.—(A laugh.)
The Bishop of GLOUCESTER presented a petition
kora a parish in Gloucestershire, against the Catholic claims.
The Earl of WINCHELSEA presented petitions against
the Catholic claims, from the parishes of St. Augustine
and St. Thomas, in the city of Bristol ;—frosn the inlia-
bittnts of BAldock, in Hertfordshire;—and from a place in
Worcestershire.

The Marquis of ANGLESEA presented petitions pray-
ing for Emancipation, from the Roman Catholics of Kil-
xtolanan, Tralee, Killarney, and seven other parishes, in
the county of Kerry ;—from two parishes in the county
of Wexford ;—from the pariah of Movilly ;—from the
parish of St. Paul, in the city of Cork ;—from the parish
of St. John, in the city of Kilkenny ;—from the town of
Cashel ;—from a parish in the county of Waterford ; and
a petition from the parish of Kilwoi th, in the county of
Cirk, praying for the removal of all civil and religious
disabilities, and for the repeal of the Vestry and Sub-let-
ting Acts.
A Noble Lord, whose name we could not learn, pre-
sented petitions in favour of Emancipation from two pa-
rishes in the county Tipperary, and from Ferinoy, and
another place, in the county Cork.
The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from
the Silk•throwsters of Macclesfield, praying relief from
their Lordships, and for an increase of the duty upon foreign
thrown si►k.

The Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented a petition from
the Roman Catholics of Bandon, praying for Emancipation,
and for the repeal of the Vestry and Sub-letting Acts.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented petitions against
Emancipation from the town of Leicester : from Gotham,
and ten oth,r places, in the county of Nottingh.tm ; from
a place in Lancashire ; and front Kirkdale, in the county
of York.

The Earl of LONGFORD presented petitions from Tyr-
rellspass, and the town of 3loate, in the county Westmeath,
against Emancipation, and praying their Lordships to pre-
vent Roman Catholic settlements, such as that of the Je-
suits in Ireland, and to suppress the Catholic Association.
Lord CAI.THORPE presented a petition from the phy-
sicians and surgeons of Birmingham, praying their Lord-
ships to introduce some measures to facilitate the study of
anatomy; and a similar petition from the Magistrates of
Birmingham.

DANGEROUS ASSOCIATIONS (IRELAND) SUP-
PRESSION BILL.
On the motion of the Duke of Wer.LlNOrote; the order
of the day was read for the third reading of the Bill,
The Duke of WELLINGTON then said that he had an
amendment to propose in the Bill, which had been sug-
gested to him since yesterday by his Noble Friend (Lord
ftedesdale.) The Noble Duke then read the amendment,
to this effect—" Provided that nothing in this Act shall be
construed to authorise the suppression of any association
assembled for lawful purposes, on the ground of any dis-
turbance that may arise i❑ censerinence of the intrusion of
persons not members thereof." The Noble Duke proceeded
to state that the object of this Act was merely to enable the
Lord Lieutenant to prevent and put down seditious asso-
ciations; and that the meetings described in the amend-
ments which be was about to propose did not come under
that description. It was true that in such meetings as
those described in the first part of the proviso, and assem-
bled for perfectly lawful and charitable purposes, persons
not connected with them might intrude themselves, endea-
vour to create a tiot or disturbance of the public peace, and
then call on the Lord Lieutenant to put them down under
the provisions of this Act. But there was no doubt what-
ever that the Lord Lieutenant would not lie justified in
putting down such meetings ; and if the Lord Lieutenant
took sneh authority on himself, lie would depart from the
intention and meaning of this Act. Under such circum-
stan.;es, he conceived that this proviso was highly neces-
sary. For the exercise of the authority with which he was
invested by this Act, the Lard Lieutenant would be respon-
sible to Parliament, and it was therefore extremely de-
sirable that there should be nothing thrown in his, way to
imrede or cast a doubt upon the exercise of that authority.
Loid REDESDALE said, that strong apprehensions
existed in Ireland that this Act would be turned to a very
different use front that intended by the Noble Duke. The
fact to which the proviso alluded hail already happened
more than once in Ireland. Instances had been known
there where Catholic Priests had created disturbatr.•es in
meetings assembled for religious purposes, and it was to
provide against such attempts, with a view to evade this
Act, that he had suggested the amendment which had been
proposed by the Noble Duke. It was a fact that these per-
tons to whom the amendment more particularly pointed,
had been already known to declare their determination to
proceed in the manner he Lad described under the provi-
sions of the Act.

The Marquis of ANGLESEA—My Lords, if I thought
that any observation which in iy fall from ine could have
the effect of throwing impediments in the way of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, whilst they are engaged in carrying into
effect measures that have been so graciously recommended
from the Throne, and so laudably adopted by his Majesty's
servants, or that I should by possibility impede a measure
ncomparably the most important, and likely to be the
most beneficial to the whole empire, of any that has yet
been offered to the consideration of Parliament, I would
not permit myself to break silence ; but, being certain that
this cannot he the case—that, on the contrary, if my ad-
vivo bs Invaded tvi it will kcilitstg and exredite this wvat

"hateable object, t ouali venture to make a few remarks
Aaron the piesent Bill. My Lords, you are about to confer
a great boon ; I wish it to be without a drawback. You
are about to perform an act of grace ; let me implore your
Lordships not to allow this act of grace to he accompanied
or, I should rather say, preceded by an ungracious act.
My Lords, this Bill is an ungracious act : it appears to
lie nothing less than a gratuitous insult. My Lords, it is
useless and nugatory : it is a work of pure supererogation:
it is an enactment against a thing which has no existence.
The Catholic Association is defunct. It dissolved itself
upon the prospect of brighter days. What, my Lords,
gat'e birth to the Catholic Association ? Hersh, unjust,
oppressive, and offensive laws. Remove a cause, and the
effect necessarily ceases ; repeal the grievous penal enact-
ments, and the Association is annihilated ; it cannot re-
vive, it would have no soil on which to vegetate. As
far, then, as the Association is concerned, the law will
be utterly useless, Let us now consider it as it will
affect other societies. What generated the Brunswick
Clubs? There is not a Noble BrOnswicker present
who will not at once say, the Catholic Associa-
tion. They profeeeed to form themselves in oppo-
sition to the Catholic Association, and for the pur-
pose of supporting the Government. Aly Lords, I give
full credit to the 13runswirkers for the loyalty of their in-
tentions : hut I for one, having been at the head of the
Irish Government when they were formed, beg leave to
say that 1 could not give them my thanks for their efforts,
for I felt that I had ample power and had no occasion
whatever for their assistance, Oa the contrary, I only
tit that I had an additional nuisance to controul. But,
my Lordta as these clubs grew out of the Association, so
they wiil perish at its dissolution. Therefore the Bill is
useless. And note let me say one word—one parting
word—concerning the Association. That body was com-
posed of men of the first genius and abilities of Ireland.—
Asionget them were many ardent, Ylolnt, speculative spi-
rits, all writhing ender galling wrongs. They have been
violent, irritating, offensive, insulting,—frequently dealing
in unjustifiable personalities ! But had it not one redeem-
: lug quality ? I say it had, and that so important a one,
that it may be considered as an equivalent—a set-off
against all its vices and its errors. Is the Bill of Relief
which we are all expecting with so much anxiety, one that
is likely to produce effects the mast beneficial, not only to
Ireland, but to the empire generally ? I affirm that it is,
and I have no doubt that a large majority of your Lord-
ships will concur in this opinion. And who or what, I
would ask, has mainly contributed to this important ob- •
ject? I say the Catholic Association. Let me implore
your Lordships, then, to set aside this Bill, and pass at
once and rapidly to that of relief. Grant generously, but
above all grant confidently, and I will venture to ay-ert that
you will reap an ample harvest fur your magnanimity.
The Earl of LONGFORD could not sit silent and bear
such praise bestowed on the Catholic Association, and
more than censure cast upon the Brunswick Clubs, which
he (Lord Longford) would maintain had been honestly and
solely defensive.—(Hear.)—What, however, was the case
with regard to the Association? It had been formed, like
other joint-stock companies, to injure the interests of the
etwuntry. Other joint-stock companies had almost ruined
the finances of the country, and this joint-stock company
of faction, sedition, disaffection, and treason, had almost
ruined the country by its proceedings. In looking to their
proceedings, he conceived that there existed some grounds
for palliation, not in their favour, but by reason of the
forbearance exhibited towards them by the two preceding
administrations in Ireland. The Noble Lord concluded by
observing, that the minds of all well-informed persons were
mule up on the subject of the necessity of this measure, be-
cause they were convinced that it was altogether impos-
sible that any Government could possibly go on under the
circumstances in which the Government of Ireland hid
been placed for some time.
The Marquis of ANGLESEA begged to state, that he
hail never attacked or shown himself hostile to the Bruns-
wick Clubs by any act of his government. His expres-
sion, to which allusion had been made to-night, was not
that these clubs were formed on offensive principles, but
that they were in their nature defensive.
The Earl of LONGFGRD regretted he had been induced
to adopt a misrepresentation.
Lord GODERICH was not opposed in principle to the
Bill, under the circumstances, although he felt no reason
certainly to be enamoured of it, or its provisions, which
were certainly stringent enough. He had no desire what-
ever to heap censure on the Association a-s a body, neither
was he anxious to become their eulogist. He conceived
the existence .of the Association to be altogether inconsist-
ent with the principles of our Constitution, as had been
well expressed by his Majesty's speech ; subversive of all
good government in Ireland, and incompatible with the
just prerogatives of the Crown. He believed that Asso-
ciation dangerous in itself; and, paradoxical as it might
appear to their Lordships, dangerous, not so touch for
what it had done, as what it had prevented being done by
other bodies. The extraordinary feature of this Associa-
tion was, that it not only had excited and agitated the
passions and feelings of a sensitive people, but had allayed
those feelings, and seemed with equal effect to ride amid
the storm triumphant, and direct its fury at pleasure. It
was impossible, as things stood, that the laws could he
administered. To what was all this to be assigned? To
nothing less than this--that the Roman Catholic popula-
tion felt themselves labouring under is permanent and Sc •
verely felt grievance.—(Hear.)—lf that grievance were
not removed, he would ask where was the boasted British
Constitution in Ireland ?—(Hear.)—He gave full credit to
the opposers of this measure for rectitude of intention; hut
lie could not help expressing, before he sat down, once
more, his conviction that should they prevail in their op-
position, it would he productive to him of deep concern,
end to the public of serious embarrassment and alarm.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH hoped their Lordships were
ful:y persuaded that nothing short of an absolute and ho-
perious necessity had induced His Majesty's Ministers to
put down by this Bill the Association. He was free to
confess this Bill would not do it alone. But much was to
be expected from the effect of it, combined with the co-
operation of the contemplated measure of grace and con-
cession. In point of thee, it was necessary the measure of
coercion must precede that of grace. He would, in con-
elusion, observe, that whatever gratification might be al-
fin ded to others by the circumstance, it would be compe-
-1 rativeiv trifling compared to that which His Majesty's
nisters. would feel whenever the progress of events should
release theta from the responsibility under which they
must labour, as long as they were armed with the strong
powers sought by the enactment of the Bill before their
' Lordship.
Lord MELBOURNE entered at some length into the
defence of the measures of the Irish Government (hiring
the last few years, particularly whilst he had filled the
important office of Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland. He was persuaded if this measure were not fol-
lowed up by one of grace and favour, it would fall alto-
gether short of the pacification or conciliation of the Irish
Catholics. He felt it his duty to give to the Bill, as it
stood, his cordial support, as part of a system which he
trusted would have the best influence on the future condi-
tion and well-being of that part of our empire.
The Earl of MANSFIELD believed there never had been
known an instance of an Association of a more alarming and
dangerous nature, fostered as it were within the state, than
the Catholic Association of Ireland. The evil had originated
partly in the remissness of Government with respect to the
Catholic body, and still more in the impunity which the
political leaders there had been so long suffered to enjoy.
With respect to another Bill which it was understood to he
the intention of the Noble Duke at the head of the Govern-
ment to propose, he (the Earl of Mansfield) would not form
any conjecture or attempt an anticipation of its contents,
but contented himself with saying, that when that measure
came before their Lordships, he would consider it with his
best attention ; and he entertained a confident hope that, as
his opinions were unaltered on the subject of Roman Ca-
tholic disabilities, so his vote, notwithstanding the force of
recent examples, would be in complete unison with his pre-
viously expressed sentiments. Noble Loris had been re-
commended to repose with unlimited confidence on the
Noble Duke (Wellington); Auld if it were merely a reliance
upon the good torture that generally attached to that dis-
tinguished individual that was requited, no man could have
a more implicit, he had almost said, superstitious confidence
than himself ; but, brilliant as had been the fortunes of that
illustrious person in his military capacity, he (the Earl of
Mansfield) feared that his political success in this instance
at least, would not equal his former triumphs. If lie could
believe that the Bill fur the admission of Roman Catholics
to Parliament would contain such conditions as the Catho-
lics would not accept, and that the evil could be thus put
off fur a little, then he would not he satisfied, for such a
Bill could not pass without an abandonment of the principle
of the exclusion of the Roman Catholics from Parliament,
which he considered an essential principle of our Protestant
Constitution.
The Duke of WELLINGTON having already troubled
their Lordships once that evening with his sentiments on
this subject, would not now detain the House for any
length of time, more particularly in adverting to a
measure not at present before Parliament, but which he
should have the honour hereafter to submit to its con-
sideration. He could assure the Noble Lords that when
this measure was brought forward, their Lordships might
rely on it they would find it brought forward in such a
manner by his Majesty's Ministers, and so complete in it-
. ,wlf, as to be calculated to attain its objects without any of
; the drawbacks or jippeciiMentra to is operation whicii, his

Noble Friend had adverted to. He now rose principally !
for the purpose of assuring the Noble Lord that he was
very much mistaken if he supposed that serious efforts had
not been made by his Majesty's Government, is the course
of last year, to suppress and put an end to an Association
of which the Noble Lord and every body else complained.
The fact was, cases were submitted not only to the Crown
Lawyers in Ireland; but to the legal advisers of the Govern-
ment in this country, with a view to ascertain whether any
steps could be taken under the existing law, the Convert-.
lion Act, or the common law of the land, to put down the
Roman Catholic Association ; and the result of the opinions
of the law-officers of the Crown was to produce a convic-
tion on the minds of his Majesty's servants that it would
not be judicious to make any attempt to proceed against the
Association. Under the circumstances of the case, Mini-
eters had no alternative, except to come down to Parlia-
ment, and ask it to invest his Majesty with new powers,
to enable him to suppress this body. In the course of the
address which he hid made to their Lordships on the oc-
casion of moving the second reading of the Bill now be-
fore the House, he had stated the circumstances attending
the measure adopted for the suppression of the Catholic
Association in 1825, and also mentioned the causes of its
failure, which arose, not only from the deficiency of the
law, but from the division subsisting in the Government
and the Parliament on this subject, and the difference of
opinion existing between this and the other House of Par-
liament on all questions relating to Ireland. These divi-
sions, which in his opinion had more than any thing else
occasioned the existence of the Roman Catholic Association,
and contributed to the growth of the evil complained of in
that country,—an evil which eventually placed Ministers
under the necessity of considering the whole state of Ire-
land, and recommending the adoption of measures neces-
sary to bring it to what he might call a state of civilized
society ;—those divisions were productive of the most in-
jurious effects. Nothing was to be feared in the way of
rebellion, nothing in the way of foreign war, or of any of
those dangers calculated to create well-grounded apprehen-
sions of this sort in the minds of ft;s Majesty's Govern
ment ; but the state of society was-not to be remedied by
any other means than representing to his Majesty the ne-
cessity of recotnmending Parliament to take into consider-
ation the whole state of Ireland, with a view to the re-
moval of Roman Catholic disabilities. These reasons in-
duced him (the Duke of Wellington) and others of his
Majesty's Ministers to act as they did, and influenced
them in the recommendation they had submitted to hi.
Majesty previous to the meeting of Parliament on this
subject, which recommendation his Majesty had been
graciously pleased to adopt ; and accordingly the subject
was introduced in the Speech from the Throne.
Lord CALTHORPE observed, it had been said that the
[torten Catholic Association was the offspring of the re-
sistance that had been offered to the Roman Catholic
claims, and he did not deny that fact ; but that was only a
pelt of the truth. The strength of the Catholic Associa-
tion was derived from the circumstance of the resistance to
the Roman Catholics being nut only considered by them-
selves as a grievance, but from its be.ng declared to be such
by a considerable part of the Legislature. With respect. to
the present Bill, he felt curry, considering the ungracious
aspect it assumed, that Ministers had had recourse to it.—
He could not but regret, that many petitions presented on
this subject had been brought forward in such a way, as if
it were the intention to overawe Parliament in its decision
upon it.
Lord lIEDESDALE thought it his duty to oppose the
Bill, heejuse it stated that an Association described in the
Speech from the throne, and in the preamble to the Bill
itself, as one totally subversive of all order, was a society
which the common law of the country could not suppress.
As a lawyer, he held that position to be utterly false. The
Roman Catholic Association might and would have been
suppressed if the law had been duly administered in Ire•
land. It was true that there might have been considerable
difficulty in enforcing the law, but the Irish Government
never tried to do so. He could not permit the Bill to
pass into a law without entering his protest in the journals
against the principles which it involved—namely, that an
Association such as that in question was not contrary to
and punishable by the common law of the land. One
further observation—the Association was only a tool in the
hands of the Roman Catholic priesthood, and except the
latter could he brought into a state of obedience to the
Government, attempts like the present were perfectly use-
less. Unless the Noble Duke had some measure of coer-
cion in view against the priests, every other measure which
He could devise for the benefit of Ireland mast be null and
void.

The Earl of ELDON would take an early opportunity
of perfectly satisfying every body that it was not his fault
that while he was Chancellor the common law of the land
had not been resorted to for the purpose of putting down
the Roman Catholic Association. lie preferred postpon-
ing the proof to another occasion, as a Noble Lord, whom
he could wish to see present when he introduced the sub-
ject, was not then in his place.
The Bill was then read a third time and passed.
Adjourned at a quarter past Eight till Thursday.