The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-11 00:00:00

•he really leas not able to comprehend the nature of efforts to wrest from their Governments free institutions.
-ties- Hen. Gentlemans questron. .•- .• - -. • The Spaniards and the Portuguese at a later period,
SA TTA RA. under happier auspices, under their legitimate Sore-
A persoa from tip India house was called in and
Feigas, and with the aid of England, had
. iobtained thy
inestimable blessing of representation. But at was mpos-
prucented papers relative to Sattara. • . sible that this country should not be affected by the same
SL AVERY. • principle.-. England had taken too active and too leading
Mr. VILLIERS wiAled•-• to know from the Noble part in the affairs of the world, so that whin peace re-
Lord.the Secretary for the Colonies, whether he had lieved the public mind from that anxious and overpower-
received any report from the colony of Ceylon with. ing pressure, which must always attend a contest for
regard to slavery. sessional existence, the attention of the people
Lord STANLEY said that not very long ago he was directed immediately to their domestic
Lad received from the Governor of Ceylon despatches concerns.---(Hear.) Two questions then principally
expressing his regret that he was not prepared to occupied the public mind. One was the gross andgriev-
furnNh a detailed report on the subject. to which the ous injustice which a large portion of the people had fur
Hon'. Me:niber had alluded, but be had stated that longtimea suffered in consequence of the disabilities
Slavery had been almost eXtin uished in the colony
unposed on them by a difference of religion ; the other
g
question was connected with the imperfections and . through the Registration Act, and he was about to in- de-
tects of their representative system. The question of
'ti s,duce a new Registration Act, which he hoped would Parliamentary Reform most affected the great mass of
render the entire abolition of slavery certain. the community, and that, therefore, was the question on
CHARTISTS. which they expressed the liveliest interest. The Catholic
Mr. R. YORIiE wished to put a question to the question, which was the greatest practical injustice, and
Home Secretary. When speaking this morning on the the one the more immediately affecting the national in-
stil,st
.' •st of the Chartist prisoners., he had stated that terests, was that to which the great public men of the
it was absolutely 'necessary that political prisoners day, and both Houses of Parliament, directed their
exertions. After a long • struggle the Catholic
*limit.' be treated with rigour. Now he wished
"
to know from the home Secretary whether he was
question was carried in 1829, and though
emw poered, upon many distinguished public men paved the way for this
ex parte statements, to release a
great consummation, yet that it was carried at that time,
prisoner, when that prisoner had been reported by a and the country saved from all the various evils which
Court of .1 ustice.—(Cries of " Question, question.") would have arisen from a longer protraction of that in-
The SPEAKER said that the question, as it was justice, was a benefit mainly owing to the energy and
being put by the Hon. Member, might lead to dis- firmness of three men, the Right Hon. Baronet opposite,
cusaion.—(clear, hear.) now the head of the Government, the Duke of Welling.
111 r. R. YORKE trusted that he should be allowed ton, and a person not often combined with them in poli-
to put the question in another shape. He wished tical action, the Right Hon. and Learned Member for
to know from the Home Secretary, whether he 'c as Cork.—(Loud cheers.) To these three men the settle-
ment of the Catholic Question n was mainly owing.—
etnpowered to recommend the commutation of punish-
meat for the consideration of money, especially (Cheers.) I cannot on. this occasion mention the name of
that great and illustrious man, the Duke of Wellington, when the evidence upon which the prisoner had been to whom this country owes a larger debt of gratitude
convicted had not been impugned. than ever a nation before owed to any public man, with-
Sir JAMES GRAHAM. said, that part of the out humbly expressing my hope that he is destined to
question of the Hon. Member was in the shape "of add another wreath to the laurels which already deck
statement, and the other an interrogatory. He his brow ; and that, having saved his country by his
appealed to the gentleman who had heard hini, genius in war, and having by his wisdom in peace struck
that morning, whether, considering how short a time off the fetters from seven millions of his fellow-subjects,
had elapsed, it was consistent with the imperfect me- he will yet add to his military exploits, and his civil
mory they possessed, to say he had stated that political achievements, the additional glory of working
offenders should be treated with rigour: he out the commercial emancipation of this empire.
—(Cheers.)it Themas Catholic question having been
inept,—he who
denied thit he had ever made such a state-
had drawn no distinction whatever ; carried,reflect carefully on the state of affairs.e Parliament-
what he did state was, that while he ary Reform was the question which stood next for set-
was anxious that prison discipline should be con- tlement. That question might have been delayed for
ducted with humanity and forbearanee, it some years longer, but the events which occurred in
was due to society that criminals in gaols France and other places during the summer of 1830,
should have discipline firmly and temperately hastened it. It then became the place of the Government
administered. With regard to the limit of the power of the day—the leaders of the party which were now in
or: the there power,
, y Secretar of State he begged to say that' to determine whether they would undertake
was no limit to the exercise of the prerogative of the settlement of the question as they had undertaken
mercy—(Hear)—and that was the glory of this the settlement of the Catholic claims. They determined
country. that they would not ; and I think, judged rightly.
However honourable their conduct was in 1829—and I
stated at that period that I believed it was so, nor shall
I now change that opinion—however honourable to them-
selves, and beneficial to their country was their conduct on
that great occasion, it'is yet true that it did excite, in
a great portion of those who were at that time their
supporters, the deepest and bitterest resentment—a re-
sentment arising from the want of those large
views of national interests and political neces-
sity, which actuated the Government of the day.
The interval which elapsed between 1839 and 1840 was
of too short a date to allow these resentments to cease.
If, therefore, the Government had undertaken the settle-
ment of Parliamentary Reform, they would have been sure
to have gone either too far to retrieve the support of their
followers, or too short to have obtained the support of
the other side of the House. They therefore took ad-
vantage of a comparatively unimportant question, and
resigned their offices. In resigning those offices the
members of the Government expressed their conviction
that the time was come when they thought the settle-
ment of that question was necessary. We succeeded.
We brought forth our plan—that plan was more exten-
sive than any of those gentlemen had imagined to be ne-
cessary. The mere announcement of it struck many of
them not only with astonishment, but with positive dis-
may.—(Hear, bear.) They thought they saw in it their
utter annihilation as a political party ; they thought it
would destroy all their influence at elections, and that
they should be swept away practically from the scene of
public affairs. We assured them that their fears were vi-
sionary; that property would still, under our improve-
ments, maintain its just and legitimate influence, and
that more than its just and legitimate influence it ought
not to have.—(Hear; hear.) That slid not allay their
apprehensions. But I would ask the most vehement
Anti-Reformer of those days to look at the affairs of the
House—to look at the proceedings of this session—and
say whether the fears they then entertained have not
been proved by the result to be altogether visionary and
groundless ?—(Hear.) I say, Sir, not less visionary and
groundless are the apprehensions they now entertain
that by striking off the fetters which now cramp and pa-
ralyse the interests of the country, an injury and not
some great benefit would be conferred on the owners of
the soil.—(Hear.) Now, Sir, Parliamentary Reform
being passed, there was this difference between it and
the Catholic question, that the Catholic question was a
measure complete in itself ; its object was to redress an
injury, and the injury was redressed. But Parliamen-
tary Reform was a question of a different nature. It was
not a measure complete in itself, but was rather a means
to further improvement.—(Hear, hear.) We recon-
structed the great machine of the Legislature with the
view that Parliament might be better able to correct in
our laws what was bad, and to produce good and whole-
some laws for the future.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir,
among those evils of our system which obviously must
at the earliest moment attract the practical attention of
the reformed Parliament, the defects of our commercial
system were eminently amongst tin; first. .It was idle
to suppose that when you admitted into this Mese in
duo proportion the direct representatives of' the great
manufacturing and commercial community, that those re-
presentatives would not state so effectually and with such
force as they have done the various evils under which
those communities lab Our by reason of your peculiar
and restrictive system. It was . idle to suppose that in
the course of no great time Parliament wenld not be forced
by the effect of' their reasoning to make great and impor-
tant changes in their system of monopoly and restritsion.
But there are many who did not look deep enough into
the course of things to be convinced of that; a large party
honestly and conscientiously think that system
which we call monopoly and restriction is, of a truth, a
system not only calculated for their benefit but the coun •
try at large ; they believe that these great stages of so-
cial improvement depend on the action, not of a large
and wide-spreading cause, but upon the opinion of the
men who might be in power. They thought, front time
to time, if they could only contrive to dispossess us of the
power we held, and place it in the hands of leaders of
their party, they should be safe in the system they che-
rished for a long period. They had a large majority in
the House of Lords• and all they wanted was a majority
in this House.—(Hear.) They set to work steadily and
systematically labouring at the Registration Courts, and
theygradually rose upon us, and it was obvious,from ses-
sion to session, their numbers increased, and that the time
probably vsould shortly come when they would have a
majority in this House as well as well as the other House
of Parliament.—(llear, hear.) Sir, the last session
brought matters to a crisis, their numbers were, at all
events equal, if not greater, than ours, and the great
measures of conimercial reform which we announced,
some of which we brought forward, and some of which
we did not, showed that no tinie was to be lost. They
fought it in this House, and they fought it in the country;
their victory was complete, and our defeat amounted
almost to a rout. When we delivered up the seals surely
that was a day of exultation, of triumph to Tory
parties ; that was a day that would secure for
them for many years to come the maintenance
.of that leeislation which they had so long held,
and which they considered no less essential to the inte-
rest of themselves than to that of the country—no less
essential to the interests of the country than conformable
to their views. Great was then their triumph, and loud
was their exultation. But the vanity of human fore-
sight !---the vanity of the foresight of even the wisest
men ! But a few months. passed over their heads when
those songs of' triumph. were changed to cries of lamen-
tation. The very parties whom they selected to he
their chosen champions—the very guardians they had
armed for their defence, turned their weapons upon them,
with the most inhuman, unrelenting cruelty struck blows
which; if they have not already proved fatal, must in all
probability lead sooner or later to the entire extinction
of their system.—(lfear, hear.) Well, Sir, great was
their disappointment, and loud their lamentations—loud
their expressions of astonishment.. We have not heard
much of it in this House for certain reasons, but if
much was not. said on the matter in this House, much
was said in every other house in London.—(Hear, and
laughter.) In all the Clubs, and in every street, the bit-
terest and loudest complaints were made, that they were
most grossly deceived—but by whom ? Not by the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, but by themselves.
They have themselves to blame for the disappointment'
which they may have sustained. Why did they not, in
the ten long years during which they were following their
present leaders. take a few pains to ascertain what were
the opinions of those leaders upon those important points
which they think vital questions ? If they did not ascer-
tain those opinions they have no right to blame any but
themselves for any disappointment which may arise
when those opinions'come to be perfected. What those
opinions are we have during the present session learned.
1 am bound to say that more liberal opinions, more en-
lightened views, and juster principles, with respect to
the public interests to which they 'applied, than those
which we have heaial from these Members of Govern-
inent who were called on to take a prominent part in
those debates—juster views could not have proceeded
from the most enthusiastic advocate of free trade on that
(the Ministerial) side of the House. It is not to be sup-
posed, I presume, that we so impregnated the minis-
terial offices with free trade principles, that they have
caught the infection as an epidermic. Still less can it be
imagined that these doctrines are the effect of new
studies, taken up since the period they have' got into
office ; for we know whtit are the labours of public
men in this country-s-that every hour, every day, the
routine of business comes flowing in on them like the
current of the Thames, and that if they do not dispatch
it instantly it will overwhelm every thought and faculty of
the mind. None know it better than we do. We are aware
of the magnitude of the weight which is borne by men ie
office. Their labours are great at all times, but they are
undoubtedly greater than ever during the first few
months of a. new administration. It is not to be sup-
Fosed that between the 3d of September and the 3d of
ebruary, the members of the new Government could
have studied their Adam Smith, their Ricardo, their
M'Culloch, their Mills, or their Senior, and other works
of the same kind. No ; it is clear that those opinions
which have been so well expounded, and in so full, and

Mr./R. YORKE said that when he spoke of the
Right lion. Baronet's expression he had been misin-
formed.

Sir T. WILDE said it was a matter of sur-
prise that any question should be made
with respect to the prerogative of the Crown.
The Crown might commute any sentence, if recom-
mended to do so by the responsible advisers of the
Crown.

REGISTRATION (IRELAND).
Mr. WYSE wished to know if it was the intention of
Government to introduce next session any measure for
the regulation of the registration of voters in Ireland.
Lord ELIOT said it was the intention of the Govern-
ment to do so. The Noble Lord said that he would take
hat opportunity of confirming what he had said on a
former occasion, relative to the employment of Hagan,
the informer, by the Magistrates ; and to state, in
addition, that he had received a letter from Mr. Forsythe,
the Provost of Sligo, in which it was mentioned that he
(the Provost) and his colleague (Mr. O'Brien) had not
only never employed Hagan, but that, knowing the
character of the man, and that he had been a most active
Ribbonnum, they cautioned him against having recourse
to his old practices ; apcl that there was no foundation
whatever for the assertion that they had employed him.
MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
A: Message from the Lords brought down the Dis•
senters Marriage (Ireland) Bill, and the Ecclesiastical
Leasing Bill, with amendments.
- MARRIAGES (IRELAND) BILL.
On the question being put that the Lords' amendments
to this Bill should be agreed to,
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL expressed a wish that the
Bill should not be pressed during the present session.
He believed that the measure would not be acceptable to
the Presbyterian body generally, inasmuch as it seemed
to call in question the validity of all former marriages
celebrated by Presbyt&ian eiergymen between Episco-
palians and Presbyterians.
Sir R. PEEL said that the Bill had been expressly in-
troduced fur the purpose of remedying the evils to which
the present uncertainty of the marriage law in Ireland
had given rise. Evils innumerable had sprung up under
• the old law, and therefore the -Government deemed it
advisable to introduce the Bill. Ho trusted, therefore,
, that this explaiation would be satisfactory to the Hon.
Gentleman.
Tht.. amendments were then agreed to.
• MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS.
A Message from the Lords informed the house that
their Lordships had agreed to the amendments proposed
by the Commons in the Bankruptcy Amendment Bill,
and that the Lunatic Asylums (Ireland) Bill had been
agreed to Without amendment.
Mr. VERNON SMITH begged to ask the Right Hon.
Baronet opposite (Sir James Graham), whether it was
his intention to introduce the Registration of Electors
(England) Bill and the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill this
evening ?

Sir JAMES GRAHAM said it was his intention to
to have introduced the Registration Bill yesterday even •
ing. if the lion. Member for Lambeth had not moved

• ••••v •••• • l,••
th-e adjournment of the House.—(Hear, hear.) 1t,.•
was
his intention, however, to introduce the Bill before the
close of the session ; and he should postpone the intro
duction of the Ecclesiastical Courts Bill. until the com-
mencement of the next session.
FOREIGN CORN.
Mr. M. PHILIPS begged to put a question to the
Right lion. Gentleman (the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer). Is was well known that some dispute had
arisen in reference to the Act passed for the importation
of foreign corn. The 28th clause provided that the
average should be taken on the Thursday up to the
S4turday previ6us. A question had arisen amongst the
imooriera of corn as to the operation of the Act between
Friday, the 29th of A pril, and the Thursday following, it
being contended that it did not amount to gt clear week.
;The duty lied been paid under protest, and the question
was, whether the payment could legally be demanded ?
He suggested, if Ahem, was any doubt upon the sutijeet,
.the benefit of it should be gison to those districts in
the greatest distress prevailed.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that the matter had net been brought directly under his
bet use no upplieatien had been made to the
'Treasury on the subject. The application bad been made
- the Board of Trade, and the.r•-fore his Right Hen.
Friend, at the head of that. department, would have been
.•nabled to give a more detailed statement than he (the
Cilaneelliw of the Exchequer) should be enabled to
Ic 1,e10,,.ed the facts of the ease were these. One of
t per,ong who employ themselves in endeavouring
o di •.cots r filets in Acts of Parliameht,. for the purpose
of offering them to persons for a premium
Mr. 11A WES-L-That is a most nnfair attack.
• The [AN( !ELLoR of the EXCHEQUEWdid not
mean to say that such was the case in the'present in-
stance, but there were persons who thus employed them-
selves.„ Some person imagine I that he had discovered
some silch blot in the Corn Act, As that to which the
I ton. Gentletnan had alludi d. The law officers of the
iroOlt had been consulted on the subject, and they had
elated that they could see nothing in the objection.
LIMITATION OF ACTIONS (IRELAND) BILL.
Mr. HAWES wished to ask one question, in relation
to what had fallen from the Right lion. Gentleman, the
Secretary .for the Home Department. It was true that
he (Mr. Hawes) hail moved the adjournment of the
house last evening—(A laugh)—and to that motion he
Lelieved the Right Hon. Gentleman had said " Aye."—
(Clieer3 sod laughter.) Ilia object in making that mo-
tion, had been to defeat the 'Limitation of Actions (Ire-
lan) MI,. a Bill which he thought oueht not, to have
.hot-i 4 .presAed at such a late period of the session. -He
wished to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland,
flit *us: his intention to proceed with the Bill during
flak:prescut ;zession ?
-LoritELlOT—lt is not possible to do so.
REVIEW OF' THI,3 SESSION.

Lord PAK.cIERSTON•rose and said—Sirs I rise in
pursuance of the notice which I have given, for a re-
turn of the Bills which have been brought into the
house this session of Parliament, and as this, return
4.ll'l4:aces. one •may say, the whole policy of the
Government, I think this is not an unfitting occasion
upon which to submit to the Houso some few observa-
tions. Sir, there are times •and epochs to which it is
good for us to look back, and endeavour to trace the po-
litical causes which may have been in operation, to ex-
un:ne their ef&cts, and to anticipate their future actions.
Now the present time appears to me to be a moment of
that kind, when the party who have been ten years in
:Leave opposition, and who have now been for nearly
twelve months in office, are about to close their first Par-.
liatneinary session. It appears to me that it is not an
unfitting moment to consider what were the ex-
pectations formed when that party acceded to
plwer, and • in what degree those expectations
I„:-ve or have not been fulfilled. Now, Sir, in pursuing.
this ;nquiry it is necessary to cad a rapid glance a little
further back than when they were in opposition. The
that. Metalier for Shreesbury in a recent debate traced
seine of the causes of what I think imaginary evils to
the settlement made of Europe in 1815. But I venture '
to-think that some of those great causes which are still
in operation originated in the long war, of which that
settlement was the termination—the tvar which lasted a
,quarter of a century, whose progress was marked with
the most extraordinary and even romantic vicissitudes,
:luring which the tide of conquest rolled' over the
Continent from west to east, and bark again from east
to west. In that war all the passions, all the faculties,
and 'all the energies of the nations of Europe were
roused into the most vehement action, and it was idle
to suppose that the return of peace would restore the
people to the position in which the war found them: It
avas in vain to think that men Who were so long. in the
Ihabit of hilcussing freely their rights and wrongs would
"at once go back to the same policy—l may almost say,
"r,',41 into the same political slumber, out of which
they. were.. moused. But, nevertheless, there were
men ?tot on on the Continent, but even in this country,
who I..dulged that dream. The Italians, the Spaniards,
and the _Portuguese made frequent though unsuccessful