The Sun.
London, England, 1842-10-17 00:00:00

DAVJDGE'S ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.

Continuation of the Nautical Dramas, in consequence of the
immense overflows attracted by the heart•stirring acting of
Mr. T. P. Cooke, the only acknowledged Salim. on the Stage.
THIS EVENING, OCTOBER 17,

Will be acted Mr. Albert Smith's new Drama, called
BLANCHE HERIOT, which has met with most decided
success. Neville Audety, Mr. H. Hughes ; Hugh Laneret,
Mr. N. T. Hicks; Herrick Evenden, Mr. J. Webster; Blanche
Heriot, Mrs. R. Honner.

After which, BLACK EYED SUSAN, with the Original Cast.
To conclude wish OUR HOUSE; or, LODGINGS IN
LONDON.

Places and private Boxes to be had of Mr. J. Kerschner, at
the Box-office, from eleven to four.

HIG/I W ATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
vornin 34 minutes alter 0 I Evening 49 minutes after 0.

the rural community. Railways has nearly put
an end to their occupation, and must tend to
lessen, if not to extinguish, sucii classes of men.
We are by no means of opinion that rail-
ways have caused any great diminution of
employment for horses and coaches, fbr where
one long stage before plied there are
now a great number of short stages,
of cabs and omnibuses. Little or no employ-
ment actually depending on the rearing
and maintaining horses, has been lost. Some of
the persons connected with the long stages have
become omnibus and cab drivers, and probably,
by being dispersed, have improved in character
and station. So far as the servants of inns have
been superseded by porters and servants con-
nected with railways, the change is advantageous,
for the discipline maintained amongst the latter
makes them in general quite models of propriety.
They live not in public-houses, and do not, as
the rule, pass their spare hours in drinking and
smoking. Policemen on the railway line must be
watchful and steady, or they cannot retain their
situations. Next come the guards and conduc-
tors, who are continually under inspection, and
must be, at the least, as careful and steady
as the guards of coaches. Great as is the
skill of a coachman, and many of them
were, latterly, most respectable, steady
men, it cannot be compared, we think, to the
skill of the engineer, who has superseded the
coachman. We know of no class of labourers
connected with coaching to be compared to the
stokers, who are always occupied during their
working hours ; or to the smiths, who make and
repair the stupendous machines, that are at once
horses and carriages, and give motion to the
whole mile long trains. A a great many more
carriages are required for railways than for com-
mon roads, and the use of the former has not
diminished the employment of coach builders
and coach smiths.

' The principal and most noted change of em-
ployment is the substitution of the thousand in-
telligent and tolerably well educated mechanics
who contribute to the perfection of a railroad, for
the stable boys and idlers who congregated about
great coach houses and great posting houses.
The mechanics live in a comparatively cultivated
and informed society, and we could, if it were
worth while, quote Lord BROUGHAM'S authority
for their being some of the most enlightened
and best behaved persons in the community.
Such a change in employment is every way ad-
vantageous. It is a type of those changes which
are going on in every part of society—which
would go on more rapidly were politicians to in-
terfere less—and of which the gist and principle
is to substitute skilful machinery, the produce of
the mind of man, for untutored animal power.
No persons have a higher opinion, we believe, of
railways, than ourselves. Great as is the celerity,
the ease, certainty, safety, and convenience of
railway travelling, are quite as surprising ; yet we
venture to doubt whether their moral benefits,
substituting home for inns, and intelligent me-
chanics for the loungers of the tap and the
stable-yard, be not quite as great as their phy-
sical advantages.

We made a few observations, in the course of
last week, on the law of nations in reference to
the free navigation of rivers ; and we then laid
down the principle that the interest of the people
governed is the basis of all the rights of every
Government. A larger or more comprehensive
principle can scarcely be desired or conceived,
for it concedes to every nation everything which
is for' its benefit. According to our view of free
trade, which is every day, we believe, becoming
more prevalent, all the new tariffs enacted in
England, France, Germany, the United States,
&c., are proofs that these nations are not really
aware of what commercial regulations and laws
are for their benefit. At least great disputes pre-
vail here as to our own tariff, as they prevail in
America as to its tariff, and France, England, and
America, will all, probably, join in condemning
the tariff of the Zoll Verein. But if nations are
not yet well aware what laws and regulations
will promote their own interest, if that interest is
the basis of all the rights of Governments, and
of all international law, it follows, that as nations
become enlightened as to their own true interest,
the rights and duties of their Governments must
be changed, and the international law must be
also changed. On this principle, we are averse
from pinning our faith to the dicta of GROTIUS
or VATTEL, or Herr Von MASTERS, on the rights
of Governments concerning rivers; particularly
when those assumed rights extend to interdict or
control commerce, with which Governments
have properly nothing whatever to do.
The necessity of occasionally revising and
changing international law, seems, in fact,
established by the frequent changes that have
been made in the customs of Europe. It was
formerly contended that a nation might do with
the rivers which pass through it as it liked; but
that was at length found to be wholly untenable,
and, at the Congress of Vienna, it was declared
that the navigation of all rivers which form the
boundaries of States, or pass through several
States, " shall be entirely free, from the points
where they become navigable to their em-
brouchures, and that no one who conforms to the
police arrangement, shall be debarred the privi-
lege of navigating them for commercial pur-
poses." It was further declared, that " duties ex-
acted shall be regulated with a view to encourage
commerce and facilitate navigation." That was '
a great change on the old principle, that every
State might do what it likes with the rivers which
pass through it, and shows conclusively, we think,
that we must not rely on ancient authorities to
inform us what ought to be the laws of nations.
It is well observed by the Spectator, from
which we copy this brief notice of the treaty of
Vienna, that by Lord ASHBURTON'S treaty so
much is not conceded to the United States as
England would have been bound to concede to ,
any other Power a party with her to the treaty
of Vienna. St. John's is a boundary river, and
the Americans may justly claim to have as free
use of it as the inhabitants of New Brunswick,
for " commercial purposes." " The privilege,"
says the Spectator, " conferred upon American
produce is in reality a boon to the New Bruns-
wickers." There never was a more idle cry than that
attempted to be raised against Lord ASHBURTON
for conceding this privilege to the Americans
without exacting some favour in return, unless
men are to insist upon being paid for serving
themselves." The last words put the right on its
true bads. It is the interest of New Brunswick
and of England that the right should exist ; and
those persons who would have the Government
claim a power to prevent the exercise of this
right by the Americans, require it to take upon
itself the power to injure its own people.
Both the theory we have laid down, and the
practice of the Congress of Vienna, seem to us to
establish the great principle, that the benefit of
the people is the basis of the rights of every Go-
vernment, and, of course, of all international law.
But as what promotes the benefit of nations is
yet only darkly known, it is the duty of intelli-
gent and enlightened nations, like the English and
Americans, and the intelligent and enlightened
journalists who hold the pen for them, to study
what will promote the benefit of nations, and
to make the rights of Government and interna-
tional law conform thereto, instead of seeking
in the pages of writers what were the customs of
Sovereigns in less enlightened times than the
present, and endeavouring to keep our usages in
conformity to their barbarous practices. Let us,
for example, apply this doctrine to our own right
of search for British seamen. It is utterly im-
possible that it can be for the benefit of the
people of England to impress the seamen ; it is
not, therefore, for the national benefit to seek to
retain a power over them for ever ; it is not, con-
sequently, for our advantage to insist on search.
ing American vessels for Eng .lish seamen, and
the claim to search them ought at once to be
gracefully resigned, so that another source of
contention between these two great nations may
be dried up for ever and ever.

The Tories say that the Tate of wages rises and
falls with the price of provisions. Suppose it
true, let us see what follows. The Tories have
assed a tariff, the object of Which is to lower

prices; but as the rate of wages will be reduced
in proportion, the working classes will get no
benefit from it. That tariff principally affects
meat and things which are as the rule now beyond
the reach of the labouring classes. It lowers
prices, therefore, to the opulent, whom the
Tories pretend not to benefit. The persons who
will,chiefly benefit by this reduction of prices
are those who have nothing to sell but money,
who possess an annuity. In fact, the Tory mea-
sures, according to the Tory doctrine, will benefit
the money classes at the expense of the pro-
ducers, and not benefit the labourers. So their
policy, on their own theory, accords not with
their professions. If they are not errant political
swindlers, they are the most ignorant men that
ever attempted to govern a State.

We are happy to see, by the Morning Chronic&
of Saturday, that the inference we drew
from the conduct of Lord SYDENHAM, and the
language of the Globe on Friday, is incorrect.
The Whigs, by the Chronicle, praise the conduct
of Sir C. BAGOT, but they lament, as well they
may, that it did not fall to the lot of a Whig to
consummate Lord DunuAm's policy. Why did
not Lord SYDENHAM attempt it, instead of using
all the influence of the Government to ensure
the continued superiority of a few? We regret,
that we have given the party less credit than it
deserves on this occasion; but having made
itself the advocate of war, and having scouted,
by its demands to restrain the navigation of the
Maine, the doctrines of free trade, we were afraid
that it meant also to desert its principle on the
important question of deferring, in the Govern-
ment of Canada, to the opinion of the majority.

Lord ABINGER'S recent Charges at Chester
and Liverpool, which have occasioned such
general dissatisfaction throughout the country,
have been commented on by Mr. COBDEN—as
will be seen by reference to a report in another
column of The Sun—with a fearless honesty of
purpose that does the Hon. Gentleman infinite
credit. After disposing of his Lordship's unwar-
rantable assertion, that " the disaffection
of the working classes does not seem to
originate in any voluntary feeling of their own
respecting their privations, or the high price
of provisions," by showing that during the last
session, two millions of petitions for the repeal of
the Corn-laws, and three millions of petitions for
the Charter, making five millions in all, spoke in
the most emphatic terms of the privations to which
they were subject, and their extreme suffering for
want of bread—after thus triumphantly refuting
the Noble and Learned Lord's sophism, Mr.
COBDEN proceeded to convict him of the
grossest ignorance as respects the question
of wages, on which, it may be remembered, he
dilated in his Liverpool Charge with all that pert,
dogmatic self-sufficiency so common to shallow
pretenders, who wish to be thought oracles of
wisdom. "It is deeply to be deplored," ob-
served the Hon. Member for Stockport, " that
his Lordship shouldso far forget the proper func-
tions of his office, as to be attempting to lay
down the law which governs wages, when his
only duty, as I understand it, is to lay down the
law of the land. At all events, if he under-
take that, supererogatory duty, he should make
himself a little better acquainted with the laws
of political economy before he meddles with the
science." Hard hitting this, but the blow, though
a floorer, is richly deserved. Lord ABINGER has
shown no compassion for, what he is pleased to
call, the ignorance of the working classes ;
and it is but just and fitting that
no quarter should be given to his own
grosser and more inexcusable ignoiance.
Mr. COBDEN concluded by remarking, " I con-
fess that the charge of the Noble and Learned
Lord, in which he implicates the great body of
the working classes in felonious and treasonable
designs—l confess I think that charge has been
so calculated to prejudice the cause of those who
have been tried at the Special Commis-
sion, that if a motion was made in
the House of Commons for an address
to her MAJESTY to remit the sentences
of those men convicted, pursuant to
the Charge of the Noble and Learned Lord—l
say if the words of the Learned Judge be cor-
rectly reported—l should vote in favour of such
a motion." There is a boldness and manliness in
these observations of Mr. COBDEN that merit the
warmest praise. We will even go further, and
say, that we earnestly hope that the Honour-
able Member will himself move the Address
to her MAJESTY, which he alludes to; for if ever
there were judicial Charges that deserved to be
rigidly inquired into by Parliament—first, from
their being filled to overflowing with extraneous
matters, and secondly, from their perverting
those extraneous matters on which they expa-
tiated, so that they must necessarily have
confused and bewildered the judgment of those
who heard them, and who were, in no slight de-
gree, liable to be influenced by them—in a word,
if ever there were Charges violating in the most
barefaced and deliberate manner the first princi-
ples of commonsense, they are the two delivered
by Lord ABINGER at Chester and at Liverpool !

The Special Commission, which was opened at
Liverpool on Monday, closed its proceedings on
Thursday, and that at Stafford [terminated en
on Saturday, after protracted and numerous
trials, which occupied the Court for fourteen
days. It is some relief, certainly, to know that
these melancholy investigations are at an end;
but, on looking at the results, no one can fail to
be affected by the sufferings which the unfortu-
nate and misguided victims have brought on
themselves and their numerous families. Some
have been transported for life, great num-
bers for periods varying from twenty-one
to seven years, and probably not fewer than two
hundred have been condemned to imprisonment,
generally with hard labour, in their native coun-
try. While many lament the severe sentences
passed on some of the prisoners, and feel regret
that so many of their countrymen have thus been
made outcasts from society, it cannot be denied
that grievous offences were committed, that
much property was wantonly destroyed, and
great alarm created through extensive dis-
tricts by riot and plunder. But these
men have not only injured themselves, they
have done great mischief to others, and
not a little damaged the cause which some of
them professed to serve. To Chartism they have
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ing to compel the higher and middle classes,
and not a few of the lower classes also, to accept
all the points of the Charter, whether they approve
of them or not. On reviewing the melancholy scene
altogether, it affords great matter :for congratu-
lation that the Criminal Code was revised before
this outbreak, and that the old Tory system of
hanging criminals for similar offences, has been,
we trust, for ever abolished. In the days of
ELDON, and St DMOUTH, and CASTLEREAGII,
deeds like those which have lately disturbed
society, could not have been expiated without
the sacrifice of many lives, while not one of the
convicts on this occasion has been doomed to
death.

We have given elsewhere a few extracts from
WlLLlen's Income-tax tables, and recommend
the little useful publication to the attention of all
those who come within the operation of this new
infliction. They are so arranged as to show at
sight the amount of the duty on fractional as well
as integral sums; and besides contain some in-
teresting statistical information.

W e have received all the Paris papers,
from which we are glad to learn that the
negotiations for a revision of the Post-office re-
gulations between the two countries are going on
most favourably', and are likely to be brought to
a speedy conclusion. France, it appears, is
anxious to grant every facility for the rapid and
cheap transit of letters from England to Mar-
seilles, and thereby obviate those useless and
vexatious delays and interruptions of which this
country has had just reason to complain. The

following intelligence on the subject is taken
from Galignani's Messenger of Thursday :
'We have great pleasure in stating, that the propo-
sitions for a revision of the Post-office tariff between
France and England, submitted to the English Go-
vernment on the part of the French authorities, have
been received in a spirit which promises the desired
results, although there are still, we learn, some diffi-
culties to be surmounted. The bases of the prospec-
tive arrangementi are understood to be as follow :--
The French Government consents, as regards all let-
ters to and.from England and France, to apply the
same tariff as for letters in the interior of this
country ; and the English Government, on its part,
agrees to reduce the uniform charge of ten-pence to
three-pence, so that a letter from Paris to London, or
from London to Paris, which now costs two francs,
would only cost nine-pence in London, or ninety cents.
(18 sous) in Paris and the postage for letters beyond
the weight at which the single rate is now charged,
would experience a reduction on the same scale.
In addition, it is offered by the French Govern-
ment to reduce considerably the charges for the
transit of letters from England through France, to
the East Indies, and other, points. In noticing these
propositions, the credit of originating which is, we are
assured, due to the French Government—although
they were met in a spirit of corresponding liberality
by the English Cabinet and the Post-office authorities,
whose routine, however, does not admit of quite so
prompt a termination of the formalities as could he
wished—we think it right to allude to the exertions
made by the French Government in 1836, to effect
the improvements in the postal relations which then
took place between the two countries, and by which
the necessity of pre-payment of postage was dispensed
with, and a reduction made in the rate of postage then
charged. The reform of 1836 was considered a great
amelioration, as indeed it was ; but the spirit of pro-
gress since that time has been such as to render a
larger concession necessary, both as regards the mer-
cantile relations between England and France, and
the general international intercourse, which has au-
mented considerably, in spite of the postal barrier that
still existed. The new treaty will, therefore, give
universal satisfaction in England and in France, and
we trust that nothing will occur to prevent its being
speedily put in force. •
The Constitutionnel has a long article on the
official returns of the exports and imports of
Great Britain, and, of course takes a gloomy view
of the results. After adverting to the competi-
tion which English goods meet in almost every
market, and the increase of manufactures in
Belgium, France, the German Customs' Union,
and Switzerland, it thus sums up the details :
Statesmen of England are well aware of the
dangers of their position, and they seek in another
hemisphere a remedy against the present evils, as well
as those which threaten them for the future. India,
glutted with English produce, and impoverished by
incredible exactions is no longer so profitable a market
ms formerly, but China, on the other hand, offers im-
mense resources, and the English would willingly
gain entrance there by force. In America, it i 3 di-
plomatic agents who are entrusted with pushing the
commerce of England ; and all the south of that vast
continent is at present actively canvassed by English
emissaries. These efforts are worthy of attention, as
they give to our assertions a strong support. One
may, in a certain measure, follow there the anxiety
and the failure of Great Britain, at the same time that
they give an idea of the measures which the Cabinet
of London endeavours to realise, in order to substitute
new markets for those which appear to slip from it in
Eu rope.
The Presse has the following remarks in re-
ferance to the mission of Sir HENRY ELLIS to
the Brazils :

Some politicians, alarmed at the transformation
now in progress in the South American States, and
at the departure of Mr. Ellis, the English agent, for
renewing the commercial treaty between Great Bri-
tain and Brazil, have inquired whether France means
to take any part in the measures that are preparing.
These grave affairs will not be treated of without our
concurrence. Baron de Langsdorff will shortly be
at his post, a small French squadron will be cruising
off Rio de Janeiro, and, we believe, the Minister of
Foreign Affairs has given positive instructions that
the interests of Brazil, so dear to France, and im-
portant to •all Europe, may be defended. The inde-
pendence of Brazil in the transactions relative
to the abolition of the slave trade cannot
be too strongly protected; and any solution
similar to that imposed upon Portugal would
be peculiarly injurious to the maritime rights of all
nations. The events now being accomplished at the
extremity of the Gulph of Mexico ought to be watched
with the utmost care. M. Alley de Cyprey, our
Minister to the Mexican Government, is on the spot,
and his capacity cannot be questioned. We earnestly
hope that Mexico will repossess itself of its power
over Yucatan, which has none of the qualities neces-
sary to constitute a separate State, and we would have
a French squadron sent to this point to maintain the
rights and interests of our allies. Mexico has no
longer any question with France to unravel—the best
intelligence ought to be established between the two
countries ; and we do not think that England could
find any fault with the appearance of a Friench
squadron in those waters. An English fleet was pre-
sent during the expedition of Admiral Baudin against
Vera Cruz, and France, we know, made no remon-
strance against it. It would be but an act of prudence
to imitate in this respectthe conduct of our neighbours.
STOCK EXCHANGE, QUARTER TO Two O'CLOCK,
THURSDAY.—Five per Cents. cash, 118 f. 80c. ;
Threes, 80f. 15c.

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