The Sun.
London, England, 1845-06-17 00:00:00

Xa, .1 Ti VE 17, '"1845.

a question had been raised whether the brother or an Hon.
Member of the other House should be allowed to establish at
his own expense a school in Malta for the education of Roman
Catholic children. That question was still under the consi-
deratien 'Government. No school could be established in
Malta without the licence of the Governor, and that licence
had hitherto never been refused.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE asked whether the gentleman
alluded to was a member of the Jesuit Society,
Lord STANLEY was understood to say, he believed the
gentleman belonged to a Jesuit college.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE asked whether any communi-
cation had been held on the subject of thin Bill with the Pope
of Rome,
Lord STANLEY replied that no direct communication ever
took place between this country and the Pope of Rome ; but
on the present occasion, as on others of a similar nature, the
agent of the British embassy at Florence had certainly carried
en an indirect communicatien with the Papal Court.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE considered that it was cri-
minal in the State to encourage the Roman Catholic religion,
which was both superstitious and idolatrous, if those who pro-
fessed it set up images which they worshipped. That doctrine
was founded in error, and was contrary to all religion. He ob.
jected to the grant being paid out of the funds of this country,
and understood that when the College of Maynooth was esta-
blished, that it was projected as an experiment, and not as an
institution to be permanently supported and endowed by the
State. The people would not be satisfied with the measure,
for they had evinced the greatest dissatisfaction since Catholi
Emancipation was granted to them ; so that it was absurd to
suppose that this measure would conciliate them, and render
them quiescent. The Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington)
said, in introducing the Bill, " that no one in his senses"
The Duke of WELLINGTON—No, no.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE_I say, yes. lam not to be
put down by " No." The Noble Duke said " that no man in
his senses would now think, the Government and the Parlia-
ment being against them, that they could ever have a chance
of carrying their point (repeal), as they were so beaten down,
so thoroughly unable to raise the standard of rebellion again,
that it was desirable to he exceedingly liberal and to conciliate
as much as possible." He (the Duke of Newcastle) held that
jthe peace and prosperity of this country would be greatly in-
ured if they passed the measure. The situation in which the
Queen was placed, with respect to this measure, by her Go-
vernment, whose conduct he deprecated, was most painful, for
they were requiring her to do that which was contrary to the
oath which she swore at her coronation—that she would hold
the Established Church inviolate. He conceived, also, that
the sentiments of this country were against the measure.
He thought that there ought to be no barracks without a chapel
of the Church of England attached to them. All this was un-
lawful, especially by the Emancipation Act. There was another
Act which made it unlawful to establish a Jesuit's College any-
where, and he believed that those who were engaged in the es-
tablishment of these colleges subjected themselves to a premu-
nire. He did think that any attempt to establish a college at
all was contrary to the Constitution, and though he felt bound
to apologize for the very imperfect manner in which he had
stated his views, he yet felt bound to state them, and he should
vote for the motion of the most Rev. Prelate.
The Duke of WELLINGTON felt bound to explain what
he had said in a former debate, and it was this, that he
felt assured that it was utterly out of the power of
any man, by tumult, intimidation, or violence, to force the
question of repeal. He had not said a word about agitation.
He had not said a word about tumult. And he never thought
that any Act could be forced throongh the House by tumult or
violence; and if the Noble Duke was of opinion that it could be,
he was the only man of sense that was of that opinion. He
would beg to remind their Lordships that this was a Bill to
amend an Act of Parliament, and he had never heard that it
was unlawful to amend an Act of Parliament. The Noble
Duke had stated a variety of circumstances to show that it was
unlawful, but he must say that was not the opinion of other
Noble Lords. They must either repeal the Act altogether,
which he did not think was at all likely, or they must pass
it as they had done heretofore by large majorities. If this
were necessary when the population was only 3,000,000, it was
still more so when the population had increased 250,000.
When he had spoken in a former debate of making provision
for the decencies of life in a college in which there were 500
students, ha meant that they should not be two and three in a
bed—( A laugh, and cheers)—or that there should be four in a
room. If they meant to give education to the members of the
college, it should be such an education as would render then)
equal to their several duties. They had not only to obtain an
influential power with their flocks, but also a social influence
in the community, and it should be recollected that this could
not be obtained without an education which should in some
way place them on an equality with the parties with whom
they had to associate. Their business was to associate with the
higher classes, and it was the object of this Bill to place them
in such a position as to render them fit to be the associates of
gentlemen of property and position. This he presumes! was
what the Noble Lord behind him meant by making them gen-
tlemen, and what he meant by giving them the decencies of life.
This was the opinion entertained in that part of the
country, and it was vain he thought to go back. They could not
go back to such a state of things as existed fifty years since.
All he asked of them was that they should carry out this mea-
sure in a way worthy of this great country, and that they
should establish this institution according to the spirit in which
it bad first been founded. They certainly could not accom-
plish this on cheaper terms than those which had beet, pro-
posed. There was another part of the question which related
to the endowment. What was the question with regard to
endowment ? Was this the first Act by which that endowment
was effected ? He would contend that it was not, for the en-
dowment was in fact effected by the very first Act of Parlia-
ment which had conferred the 8,0001., and that question was
therefore set at rest. It mattered little whether it was a small
sum or a large sum, for between them in the way of prin-
ciple there was no difference whatever. But then, as
his Noble Friend had stated, there was an argument in the
fact that this vote had been an annual one, but he would
contend that the very first year, when in 1795 the grant had
been made, the endowment was effected, and it mattered little
whether the grant was for 9,0001. or 15,0001. the legality of
the grant was the same. In the one case in which any alte-
ration had been adopted it had been made by a Minister for
whom he entertained the highest respect. He was a good
Minister, a highly respectable Minister, and one whose memory
ought to be held in great veneration. He meant Mr. Per-
cival. That Minister had made an increase to 9,0001. a-year in
consquence of the increase of the number of stu-
dents. That was the rule of equity, and it mat-
tered not whether the rule mere considered in
the House or not, but it was most desirable that
these discussions should be avoided, and that the grant
should be a permanent one, but also on other grounds. It
should be recollected that the education of these persons occu-
pied a period of years, and it was necessary that those whose
duty it was to instruct these students should have some assur-
ance that their salaries should not be stopped. Their labours
were of the highest importance. They were men of learning
and position, and it was not reasonable that men of this cha-
racter should be turned adrift at a moment's notice ; and the
mere differs ice therefore between the grant being annual and
its being permanent did not in any way affect the Bill.—
(Hear, hear.) Another point arose out of the impression that
the institution of Maynooth was a corporation. But that was
a mistake. It was not a corporation. It possessed
none of the powers of a corporation. The Act
of Parliament by which it was founded expressly
defined the powers by which this institution was founded,
and the Act of 43 Geo. 111., by which the previous Act was
renewed and confirmed, expressly stated that the persons in-
vested with authority and power as the rulers of the uni-
versity, had none of the powers of a corporation. The pream-
ble stated that this Act was passed in order to perform the
duties of their calling and position. The institution was not
an ecclesiastical, corporation, but it was an eleemosynary col-
lege. The ordinary here had no power of visitation which
was to 'oe made by the officers of the Crown. This visitation
w.es to be made by an officer of the Government, under the
authority of an Act of Parliament. But he could not assent
to the proposition of the Noble and Learned Lord, whet had
risen in the early part of the debate (Lord Campbell), who
had given his reasons for voting for the third reading of the
Bill. He (the Duke of Wellington) should disclaim all the
reasons which that Noble and Learned Lord had given for his
support to the Bill. This measure was not intended to be the
forerunner of any other measure. It was to stand by itself.
He felt that the Church of England as established in Ireland
was founded according to the principles of the Constitution.
He had taken the. Oath of Supremacy, and he must say that he
was bound to support that church. They were bound to sup-
port the supremacy of the Protestant Church, and he would
assure the Most Rev. Prelate that the same principle had been
preserved in this Bill which had been observed from the com-
mencement of the reign of Geo. 111. to the Act of 1829. He felt,
therefore, that it was absolutely incumbent upon her to uphold the
maintenance of the Protestant Church in Ireland. The question
had always been surrounded by difficulties, and he did not see
any solution to those difficulties in any of the prepositions
which had ever been made to Parliament. The principle
which they were now applying had been used ever since the
establishment of the reformed religion in this country. It was
upon this that the universities, colleges, and schools of the
country had been founded, and if it were changed they would
have to alter the whole system of ecclesiastical polity in the
country, and interfere with every sect of religious opinion in the
community. According to the opinion of his Noble Friend
behind him the course was perfectly clear, but he thought that
the objects which his Noble Friend wished to serve would not
be made out. They might go ten years back, or a hundred
years, and he feared that his Friend's position would not be
improved.
The Earl of WICKLOW had thrown all that overboard,
The Duke of WELLIN GTON was glad to hear that he
had thrown all that overboard, for he feared that if he went
back 100 or 200 years, or as far as 300 years, or as far as he
would, the position would be the worse the ferthet he Went
back. It was rather a curious assertion that the establish-
ment of this institution was inconsistent with the Oath of
Supremacy. Now he himself had taken the Oath of Supre-
macy. The State had imposed that test, and he asked
the Noble Lord to consult the Acts of Parliament, and
he would find many which, while they stated that the
Pope had not, and ought not to have any power or jurisdic-
tion in this realm, never stated anything which made it incon-
sistent in them to give a grant for the purposes of the Catholic
religion. How, he would ask, could it be a breach of oath,
when the Legislature themselves knew, that there were many
who took the oath of allegiance, who never took the oath of
supremacy at all ? He thought, if the Noble Lord had
looked into the original statutes of the year 1795, he would
see that the students and all who were employed in the college,
were under the necessity of complying with the provisions of
the 13th atitt 14th George 111., to testify their allegiance.
Under all these circumstances, he thought their Lordships
should support this measure, for he considered that it was
one pregnant with the mast beneficial results as regarded the
welfare and condition of the people of Ireland. The Earl of WICKLOW explained in reference to the
funds to be taken for the endowment of the Catholic Church
to which subject he had referred in his speech a few months
ago. He thought that if a measure of that kind were not
carried, one infinitely more dangerous would be ultimately pro-
posed. If they did net take advantage of the present favourable
opportunity, a demand would be made in a succeeding
Parliament, and from a source not at present antici-
pated, which would sap the foundation of the Protestant
Church in Ireland. He was perfectly aware that unless some
such measure were adopted —unless other measures of a con-
ciliatory tendency succeeded the one at present before the
House, it alone would not add to the improvement and tran-
quillity of that country.
After a few words from Lord CAMPBELL,
The Marquis of BREADALBANE said that he opposed
this Bill. He was desirous to redress every grievance which
unhappily prevailed in Ireland, but he considered that every
measure of redress brought before their Lordships should always
keep in view those great landmarks and fundamental prin-
ciples which existed in their own Constitution.—(Hear,
hear.) He thought that the enactment of the Maynooth grant
entirely proceeded at first out of a spirit of toleration, as no
Catholic college could at that time be founded according to
the laws, but he thought it never was contemplated to perpe-
tuate that grant, or to throw its support for all future time upon
the people of this country. One of the best bulwarks of the
liberties and rights of the country was the establishment of the
Protestant religion, and if they sacrificed its interests they en-
dangered the safety of the constitution. The Noble Lord
then quoted a number of documents to show that the
reformation Parliament of 1678-1679 was summoned
and sanctioned by the Prince of Orange and the people, upon
strictly Protestant principles, and proceeded to say that the
present Bill was contrary to the spirit, if not contrary to the
very letter of the documents he had read. By the corona-
tion oath, her Majesty had declared the principles of the
Romish Church to be superstitions and idolatrous; and pet

their Lordships called upon the Queen to give her sanction to
a Bill which proposed to endow the very same error. If there
was not inconsistency in this, he did not know what consis-
tency was. These facts ought not to be got over by an acci-
dental majority, contrary to the declared sentiments of the
people of England, and if the safeguards of the Constitution
were to be violated in this most daring manner, he did not
know what would bedtime df the rights and privileges of the
people. Government should dissolve the Parliament before
they suffered this measure to pass, for the constituencies df the
country would never have returned the present Parliament had
they had the remotest idea of the course they intended to pur-
sue. Such a course was wholly opposed to the principles
avowed by the present Government when they came into
office, and wholly opposed to the opinions of his
Noble Friends around him. It was a course dis-
countenanced by nearly every European State -in
existence, and he believed there was not a free and independent
State in Christendom that did not renounce the monstrous and
absurd doctrines to be found in many of the test and class- books
used in Roman Catholic establishments. Having very imper-
fectly put their Lordships in possession of the grounds of his
opposition to the present measure, he would merely remark in
conclusion, that if there was any denomination in the country
which had more right to complain than another of this measure,
it was those who dissented from the Established Church upon
conscientious principles. They bad not only their own reli-
gious establishments to maintain, but they had to contribute
as well to the Established Church, and now they were call.:d
upon to pay for the promulgation of doctrines to which
they entertained strong conscientious objections.—(Hear. )
He again said that the measure which they were about
to adopt was wholly inconsistent with religious feeling. They
were endowing a religion on which, as on the religion of Scot-
land, they imposed no conditions—( Hear, hear)—and they
did so because they would not destroy the grave and power of
the grant. Would they tell the Presbyterians of Scotland that,
in endowing their religion, they made certain conditions which
they did not call upon the Catholics of Ireland to subscribe
to ? The Noble Lord concluded by stating that he considered
the measure at variance with sound policy, wisdom, and justice.
The Earl of CHICHESTER wished to say a few words
why he should give his support to the third reading of the
Bill. He should not enter into the constitutional question
which had been involved in the measure raised by the Noble
Marquis and by other Noble Lords. He could not see any
difference between the measure of 1795, with respect to the
College of Maynooth, and the one before the House, which
he believed was but carrying out the liberal intentions on which
that measure was founded. Objections, he knew, were felt by
a numerous and respectable body of their fellow-countrymen,
to some of which he wished to address himself. It was
felt by many that there were grave objections to the
measure on religious grounds. He differed with those who
entertained this opinion as it should not be discussed with re-
ference to the religious question involved. But it must not be
conceived that because he gave his support to this measure,
that he was desirous of injuring either the spiritual or temporal
interests of his fellow subjects. Although he, in common with
those of his Church differed with the doctrines of the Roman
Catholic Church, yet he should not act as a Christian if he
looked upon those doctrines as anti-Christian.—( Hear, hear. )
He was sure that none who hail discuseed this measure were
prepared to go that length. He held that it was fallacious to
refuse support to a religion which might be less
"use than the one which we professed, but whose
doctrines were held by a great body of the people.
They must either teach the Roman Catholics by their own
priests, or else they must be left altogether untaught. He
believed the measure to be founded en justice, and trusted that
if it were followed up by a corresponding policy on the part of
her Majesty's Government, that Ireland would be found ca-
pable of enjoying the blessings of civil and religious liberty to
which she was entitled. He confidently believed that if such
a policy were adopted that that country would be no longer a
diffieultproblem in British legislation, but an aid and a sup-
port to this country. The time had gone by when Ireland
could be governed by a hostile policy—when she could be
governed by a military force, or be scourged into a tempo-
rary submission. He should vote for the measure, as he con-
sidered it due to Ireland.
The Earl of ROSSE said he had resided in Ireland all his
life, and was deeply interested in all that concerned that coun-
try; and believing that the measure would be productive of
benefit, he should give his vote in favour of the third reading.
From the time it was first proposed, he was of opinion that it
would very much improve the education of the Roman Catholic
clergy. He was, therefore, surprised when he heard it said
that the Bill contained no clause for the purpose of effecting
that -object. They had a guarantee that the best education
would be given to the students which it was in the power of
the teachers to impart. Those who had seen the educated
Roman Catholic priest, and the priest sent from Maynooth
with a miserably stunted education, could bear testimony to
the beneficial effects of education on the Catholic priests.
It was said that education would give poser, and that that
power would be used against the Protestant Church.
If he said that that argument was web founded, it would
be entitled to the most earnest consideration; but, in his
judgment, such an argument was totally unfounded. He
appealed to Noble Lords whether they had observed, in the
educated Roman Catholic priest, or in the priest sent from
Maynooth with a stunted education, anything hostile to the
Protestant religion. Therefore, looking to this question, in
all its points of view, he should say, and he did not think the opi-
nion could be controverted, that the Roman Catholic priesthood
of Ireland could not be expected to oppose this system of educa-
tion. But some Noble Lords had said that this measure would
result in the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergymen,
and before granting that this would be the ca-e, he should wish
to know how the revenues of both churches stood at the pre-
sent time. The revenues of the Roman Catholics had been
variously estimated, at 17,0001, at one time, and at other times
double the sum that accued to the Established Church. He
did not believe that the revenue of the Roman Catholic church
exceeded the revenue of the Established Church. But he
should say that in this measure there was not the most distant
approximation to an endowment of the Roman Catho-
lic religion. If indeed they gave the Roman Cathos
lie clergy the same power that they gave the Established
Churchmen, then there might be some ground for opposi-
tion. An agitation had long existed in Ireland, and it had
very properly been termed a religious agitation. This mea-
sure would be likely to quell that. agitation. But he was per-
fectly well aware that this measure was regarded by some
parties of extreme sectarian opinions as an evil, but he was
equally sure, that by the general classes of the country it
would be considered a great boon. Now, he did think it
a great matter that the Roman Catholics should be
educated.—( Hear, hear.) They would find it the only means
of eradicating discontent and anarchy. There were many
points to which he should wish to direct the attention of the
House, but at this stage of the discussion he should not do so.
He had no doubt, however, that every man in Ireland must be
convinced that this measure, brought forward by the Govern-
ment and passed by the other House, would conduce to the
welfare and happiness of that country. They sere
told that if they passed this measure they might
look to the increase of sectarianism, but its his
humble judgment, the very opposite would be the effect pro-
duced. The persons who guided the peasantry of Ireland were
sensible and discreet men, who would look with horror upon
a civil war.—( Hear.) They knew that Ireland would not
maintain itself as an independent nation, and that in connexion
with no other country than this, could the public possess
so much of civil and religious liberty. The Noble Lord con-
cluded amidst loud cheers by giving his cordial support to the
Bill.

Lord CLANC ART Y defended the speech which he had
made upon the second reading, and again referred at length to
the various documents from which he had quoted on that occa-
sion, for the purpose of exposing the pernicious and unchristian
doctrines which he alleged were taught at Maynooth. He
believed it to be his duty to reject. this Bill, and he trusted that
the day would come when his countrymen would appreciate the
blessings of the Reformation and be able to enjoy them.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not intend to take up
any great portion of the time of the House at so late an hour
of the night. But before he gave his vote in support of the
measure, he wished to make some observations as to the
grounds on which he was convinced that this vote would be
favourable to the peace of Ireland, and to the security of the
Established Church. He entirely concurred with what had
been said by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Rosse) as to the
advantages of having an educated instead of an unedu-
cated clergy, and as to the other benefits which the
superior education of the Roman Catholic priests would have
upon the peace of that country. Which respect to the distinc-
tion which had been attempted to be raised between a tem-
porary grant and a permanent endowment, he must say that he
could not admit that the distinction was supported by the
principle which had been so often referred to. If upon
principle they were opposed to a grant, the difference of
duration could not affect that principle. Nor could they shut
their eyes to the glaring fact that there were seven millions of
their fellow subjects who had a demand upon their assistance
for the education of their religious teachers. Noble Ltrds
opposite, and Right Reverend Prelates had declared that
though they had voted in favour of the temporary grant,
they were in principle opposed to a permanent endowment.
But he asked, upon the questicn of principle, was there the
slightest difference between an extended vote and a limited
one ?—(Hear. ) Was there any principle of religion, by which
he might be a thief, a murderer, or an adulterer—( Laughter)—
for a time, on condition of hot asking to be permanently en-
dowed with a privilege of wrong? All who had voted in favour
of the temporary grant had admitted that the public money might
be voted for the education of the priests. Aalmitiistration after
Administration had carried liberality over three-quarters of
the globe, and were they to stop at that body of people which most
claimed their support?—( Cheers)—who, because they were
most ignorant, and the most in want of the liberality of the
Government, should find you stop short with them, after
you had given away your liberality in every other quarter of
the globe ?—( Cheers.) It had been said, in the course of the
debate, that one reason for withholding this grant to Ireland
—conceded to all the rest of our possessions—was that Ireland
was a conquered people. What an objection that was to
go forth to the Irish people ?—( Cheers.) Were you to say
to them that if they obeyed the laws and avoided crime, they
should not have religious instruction. But if they committed
crime, and were sent to Van Dieman's Land, the Government
would pay for the support of their clergy?—( Cheers.) Noble
Lords and Prelates did not resist the support of the clergy of
Malta, for the sake of their trade in the Mediterranean.—
(Cheers, and laughter.) In Trinidad they supported those
" teachers of error," rather than risk a hogshead of sugar—
(Cheers and laughter)—and in Newfoundland they did the
same rather than risk the value of their cod-fish.—( Laughter.)
He would then consider the question as one of expediency. It
had been said that Mr. Burke was the first to recognise the
principle contdined in the present Bill. He believed that Mr.
Burke was the first who enforced that principle on the Govern-
ment of this country. A professor of Trinity College sug-
gested to Mr. Burke, before the Government took up this
question, tbat the Catholic priests should all be made sizars of
Trinity College. This proposition produced from Mr. Burke
the emphatic and characteristic reply—" Yeu might as well
feed the Hindoos with beef, or dress their wounds with brandy."
Mr. Burke took every opportunity of forcing this principle upon
the Government. He represented it to Mr Pitt, who adopted it.
He ( the Marquis of Lansdowne) tiltsught he was entitled to
use the argument that no one man having been brought to con-
template the state of Ireland, and who had been furnished with
the means of knowing and understanding west that state. was,
that had not seen the expediency and necessity, not only of con-
tinuing the grant, but of enlarging it for the purpose of n:21""g,
sufficient provision for the wants of the people. lie believe,.
that the time would come when it would be larger, but he was
perfectly prepared to say, that he considered the vote in this
case was great, and he did not think that any Noble Lord in
voting for this Bill was obliged in any degree to support any
Bill that might be proposed hereafter. He accepted this
measure as giving value to the declaration known to have
been made at the time that inea-ure was introduced. It was
a proof and symptom of the policy intended to be pursued
towards Ireland. He thought the Government were wine in
not stating in detail the measures which they had in view.
Such a course would prejudice both the present measure and
thosa that were to come. He would remind their Lordships
that the present state of Ireland was a most dangerous one. It
had been said that the measures which had been passed by their
Lordships, similar in character to the present one, had
not been received with gratitude. He found no argu-
ment in this against the measure before their Lordships.
By such measures as these they would take the power out of
the agitators hands and place it in those of the Government.
If the people did not at once repose with confidence in the
Government of this country, it was only what might be ex-
pected from a nation which, it was now admitted upon all
hands, had suffered centuries of misrule. It had been said
somewhere by an eminent writer, that a Government could
make laws but could not make prejudices, neither could they
unmake priludices. They could not fly before time, nor anti.

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;v.. tht b, eruPe: 0 f Of: 8:: 1:7,
Count
tsLsaoculoirs
dfle-oNmohaiiisiels,lt
esetyretthaery
aprdrußmoTanted'r,kiNver.7,-i:att 11 1,..54,4:1.1-.1,
t;i,4
South-Eastern Railway. La Bayonne AL ,„oe,:c-- fobnoer '"‘ -,-14-4
Bricklayers
aef
vit their
_Lredsee i
;ei ,
,ritant
°ray:
ers.leizi
07e;teat scot
e: 1
A:oab:uar:4o
j:
.;,t. 4441:::::44:.:,10:
lowed from the Palace. Ktoing'the Erilba at'S ''Lino I
of the op eIPI tlittro,teb.
derleloo I,icowill
Before the departure of the Duke and Duchess .1 ilig
_dly ,?isittin•st
their Royal Highness received a visit frov ter 11°P; so
c`bro kh;!:,tilteuktboett
the Duchess of Kent, who arrived at the Palaceansti I;111 i'Y e, bel
hour, and after taking leave of the illustrious Dukflne,'s. 400 LAt4atekt
returned to her residence, Clarence House, St; J!_ the
..,,..ori. c t%,,,,,1i1t It.
theTßheo
His Royal Highness Prince Albert returned r,,,,trill' 0‘ st 0:
yQaleeGeanrdeennds
ofruosmvitshiteorrsa.ilway station, after the departure et '03001.0% ill
I,Ci\A'll44ceili,3,l,
Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales,re takett 1,,t%1741> ,
the Princess Royal, and the Princes= Alice,leo, ~,,ter Vittittllti
usual walks and rides to-day, in the RO# Gaiprit tort° ' era,
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Neat ''' , tool tttili4o:l'l'
PorfinßcuecAkilnbgehrtamwaplkaieadcey
.esterdrtl
ripe odireedir.,
.4,ol,l4thtli!rttaoi4tier t
arrived IPgdal Ltt.4,4134:
day afternoon, for the Continent.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Carnbridgel to ber,,.
Nl4
411 n
yesterday morning from Kew, and paid a visit Jaree! 01 lit/tost44ll
Highness, at her residence, Clarence House, ocesier, Oriole kti, ti
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gi°aLii,,hoes6., 100 Nklta44l:o4
Highness Prince George and his Serene i i Pin tiko 'l%t ?I'''
Edward of Saxe Weimar called during the day ger L Der ,e 1
00. t $ N.t, 1'1;N.
of the Royal Duchess. e aftetn . k N.,,11,1
The Queen visited her Royal Mother in th _ llow:trio0 likVipt.
Majesty and Prince Albert arrived at Clareoef_ii. Illo' ,:i.,,„
;id V) IS I.l'
k trite °1
quarter before five o'clock, and remained with_rttnint• ,
,00.„
relative until a short time previous to her dge'nt, ACC°7O.O; Nht t°ll
snd Dawson,
f,,u
,Lfoardythein
At half-past five o'clock the Duchess of D-Loli 1/0130-rrisr, )1•Ity ,4111
by the Prince of Leiningen, and attended Huge, .in a f flirt 11yiltad
1/4(10t s:
RailwayT h e Royal
to 1D) uocvheers. iNNtrli
ness was received by Colonel Sir
al WI, r,
Georger cooper; oho'
ru:
4'4 tSEI
Equerry and Comptroller of her Royal Hife,, SOO, IV NZilov:'111
NWewaitcinrgos,slesfttaCtiolanre, nee 000,.,; Rea or!
'';t:11;31‘
te!! tb° 11°
Hotel. 'ties g': tr flcleOr 444'411% ki
A deputation on the subject of life annutervle resi me `.tile
Commissioners of the National Debt had an it n Aciasi 11°0
k‘tk.4.44,1(41
s ariHdersußitoeyatiragveilglehdr;siot
.s. 0,
Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at.h.:d of Pt.fril4ol
in Downing-street. The dtputation consist,ll,l‘.. 100,0iir, -, a,
4'n
1
Moneymusk, Mr. Nicholson, Mr. G.
Drummond, M.P., Mr. Gibson Craig, M; P • Robe4olsl, 4)1. V . "I'
111. P., Mr. George Duncan, MT., 311% •e r 14 ji'''lts'll
Lauri
,oee
ere.
;ty
Angell, Mr. Boyd, and Mr. P. Etvart. ~,Ih, .64/ °of,
The Ecclesiastical Commissioners for Eng-ii pill'4chei,h6
• White" 'of P .a. '*. °lllCl44:l.°' yesterday afternoon, at the office in --„ishop - hott-
were present the Bishop of London, the va. gob r. the Zll-4 3''''
the Earl of Besborough, the Right of
i•stininoloitge.
lkillitk4ll
Right Hon. J. Nichol!, and the Dean of "e. stsi . so'ipir.
Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the StaoW-costerae-Osaies
11444 Ht
Hon. E. Stewart, Deputy Chairman a tiles' totilipterl tl
Higham, Secretary and Comptroller-Gennerbc, bs Earl of
The French Ambassador had an in
sinners for the Reduction of the National A'e de.h the .1"-
with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterifriw
Aberdeen yesterday, at the Foreign-eft6ecer:fesfitb LtgileSei:oniisl.el•
Dispatches were sent off last eveniniodia
Mr. Felton Matthew had an interrie-
-0 - f Gi,""geld,
the Do'
yesterday, at the Colonial-office. frail, looio',...ipsr.
office, for the Goverrers of the West ~,,,,ereori° Fresh ay.
patches were received yesterday from the "-a (I Nr' yeote"-oa
Mr. Carr, Mr. John Fielden, M. P" c-nehcluer - l'srti sol
had interviews with the Chancellor of the 1 a diner cotst tit
The Duchess Dowager of Cleveland h,3 . •rbe'Vizatqio
Sunday, at her residence in Seamore-P'aced LadY and 'l,c,
included the Countess of Carnperdown anflorleS
_.00,'
_,.
Duncan, the Earl of Mulgrave,
bent, Mr. and Mrs. Edmund Phipps,Lati_AY ''sir 111.7,,,)JT
Somerset, Mr. and Lady Anne Dashvwlowes,l‘.ol.talii:o
Wells, Mr. Baillie, Captain R. Russell, It• •'ltiebo 3.,
Mr.
ton and Duncan, Mr. Henry Milbank, esteru'.
Mr•N cool
cot ,0
or
Harry Vane. _
ono otlmecellll4
The:Judicial Committee of the Privy Ulhe vire-L:0014$
The Lords present were Lord .Broughar°,' by of Cclr•• sf•
Knight Bruce, the Chancellor of the liue " ijanl
•si
the Judge of the Admiralty Court. colon! el, 3.
An Appeal from St. Lu" Thoeueen's Caartiesleet'le
Mr. Jervis, Queen's Counsel,
Alarryat was heard, Mr. \Viral:a' ''' for the , d..
r their 100
parties. ' at sf!' to
Lord Brougham gave judgment on the below' b be rig
ships, affirming the Decree of the Court
clause' saving
costs, and adding to the judgment a
of the parties in any future action.
appeared

entAttlpediecpe
odae.dec
rircnonndst
BanAacleiD,
It is a broad quiz upon the Bal , F. Mt
ingham Palace, and is a regular sc,r"bbs ",°°;",,lft
Bat Poudre is a 111 erie and '•
rs. .ontgotn- tors
the wife of an eminent grocer. ito, cln"' dories4,J
habited a la Lucile Grahn and `l,erh 'yleofbre3
titer
Ping
de la Cour and Gavotte in the most of laugtv glit6s"
imaginable, and scarcely have the Nal% „gy,bY " -"web
sv't°lol:l7ll.,LegauetedPelnatebol.i.frebgCbeill:tgeDisfressertrbolleSsefeuwil:tbLo::
it
before they are renewed with redoubled erlefreihoent,Lcoss
his partner, whether she will have 2,nl,rethe latter, s
olid'a
horans,,e or a hoyster, and recommencui°e that he 1
will slip down the easiest. Add to tb_7l by WILY of
mirable parody on " Come gentil," 4Tope of lunas griu:s.t
his respectability produces the e,,nve, re' 1 broad the- 0
paper, ins' ead of his card, and all s'uo sn'in store for
form some faint idea of the treat that
successful, .1"
the Adelphi. The piece was Perfect Y nclusion;
Selby and Wright were called for at thee°

thh,

go.
On the 13th inst., at INBierlirtoSn.-Place' 0, Ana
a son. the li° ,
I::
leao,
cr..nkiitil
eloiaertalc3:tohpf
oainwds,ta:su,
gaoth:.tae.
daughter. Wimbledon, the I adYfor
souttyro y
On the 12th instl, Mrs. Thomas Parker,
Si.
. 0.
•fe of
ChOanylltihaen,lo2ftllit
soinns.t.-, in Oxford -terrace, tbas____:_____./

On the 14th of April, at Cpallelnjti)ta.,,A. I:,yrs...se.rt,oafro* or3hiliiit
On the ~d • ,at :New Lodge, 11 cst (Ono I
jb:ln Nellardinit.
,On ,:le Stli just., at 8..t0n, Surrey' bar
Tilhl'
r ii.
Esq., co,„„ ' lnder,"R N-
On the ' ns., ;It Dunbar, Janedt, wti63 °f Chri3t4Pliet
Middlen 10th
-
0 n thea 51s4t1'1: sill; just., t °falj' nr
Westminster,edg;e' ilad
.. n Samuel. iCaPrnear
_ On the 12th ins.t. 6at Westfield -grove: Ileadini, Y,
Leeds, Mary, wife of '3lr. i,lard Osstler. __ A fr. Charles
hale,On the 13th just., at Cattleg,te, 31'ddIesc, '..-
aged 83. House, near
.Sorciictj'
On the 13th inst ,at gonseholei goberl
Maria, younfre3t daughter of 111ajor-Greneral..,..Sir.s.
Dor
Harvey, aged 25. ' '
On the 'l3th inst.,. in Old Burlington -street, itu•
e 4
lecher, aged 88.
On the 13th inst., at Blackheath, Marriott, the Wife 01'.
Prior, Esq.
On the 13th inst., Amelia Hyde, fourth daughter Of It .It.
Smith, of Grove-lane, Camberwell. liter of Mt'
On the 14th inst. Mary Jennings, third daug
It. Jennings, bookseller, Chea )side. __-------
1 •--.7 o of
YOUN '
Longon : Printed and Published by D1V1)0_, ,jO, 11%
N. i 2, Strand. Printer, ate he Sets Obtlek;;0101
strand, in the Precinct of thSavoy, in tee
?LW OW.; Tuestay, Awe 17, lit&