The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-17 00:00:00

rHE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORISINC-r,

idti_ffebree nbt
epl partse
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abb d • e t
tibdat ntobtewHisohusteo i t
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to pay attention to the facts daily brought
_before it. He re
gretted, however, that it had been statedb bby. the Hon. Mem-
ber fur Sheffield, that the number of uninhabited houses was
proof of that distress. If they compared the population
in 1831, with the population in 1841, and the num-
ber of uninhabited houses then and now, instead
of founding an argument in favour of existing distress the,
would find one in favour of prosperity. In relation to the pi--
pulation it would be found that there ought now to h,
400,000 uninhabited houses instead of 198,000. The fact was
that there had been over-building as well as over-production
The evidence to which he referred would show that the dis-
tress on that occasion was referred, net to the Corn-laws, bu
to the mania for speculation and the 'proceedings of the Bank
It appeared in the course of the arguments of the Anti-Corn
law party that they, in demanding cheap food, did mean to re
duce the wages of the operative; and, therefore, he could no
see what benefit would be enjoyed by the working mat
if he could buy corn at 455., instead of 66s
a quarter, if at the same time his wages were reduced from
151. to 7s. 6d., or from Hs. to 6s. But his (the Noble Lord's
chief reason for supporting the measure of the Right Hon
Baronet was a:conviction that in times of plenty it would seem,
the farmer, and in times of scarcity it would provide food i
abundance for the labourer. On the contrary, the other pla,
proposed to be introduced would ruin the farmers in times 1,
abundance by destroying his protection, and injure the pot,
man in times of scarcity by destroying the deposits i.
grain in the bonded storehouses. It was the more re il
markable that the plan should be introduced when, during
the ten years the Honourable Gentlemen were in ollici
and had the power of carrying it into effect, they ha;
heard nothing about it. At that time the Nubl-
Viseount -at the head of tho Government declared that i
would be madness to make a change. The measure could no:
give satisfaction, and it appeared to 11;p that the only objet:
of its supporters was to prevent any satisfaction being deriver. -
from the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet. lie reterret .
to the imports of corn from the Black Sea, to show the
but a very limited quantity could be drawn from that quip
ter, and the argument that the population of this country
had outstripped the supply of food, he met with th,
fact, that though the population had increased from *en mil
lions to upwards of eighteen millions since the commencemen
of the present century, yet the importation of corn, front 1631
to 1840, did not exceed by 100,000 quarters the quantity im-
ported from 1790 to 1800. It was satisfactory to know that it.
average years we could grow sufficient to feed our own popu-
lation.

Mr. HASTIE said it would be in the recollection of
House, that in the year 1836, we had a very abundant harvest.
In 1837 the monetary difficulties in the United States cause,
some little degree of commercial embart assment, but th•
country soon recovered from that check. In 1838, 1839, 184(1
and 1841, we had had short harvests, and the price of provision
had consequently been raised so much that it had become im
possible for many of the labourers to buy clothing, the whole
of their income being expended in the purchase of food
The Hon. Gentleman then adverted at some length to thi
effect of the Corn-laws upon the Bank of England, which wa•
frequently drained of its bullion, which bullion was sent t.
Hamburgh and other places in payment for corn. By this
means difficulty was thrown on all trade. In consequence of
the Bank of England being drained of its bullion, it became
necessary to raise the rate of discount, and thus, when engage-
ments, entered into a year perhaps before, came to be fulfilled
this sudden rising of the discount produced great disasters.
and the foreign merchant naturally became insolvent. Hi
stock, consisting of sugar, cotton, indigo, and other foreign
produce, was thrown into the market, and thus the prices of
these articles were reduced, and the solvent merchant was it
danger of becoming bankrupt also. This effect was inherent
for every Corn-law having a sliding scale.—( Hear, from the
Opposition.) The same ren'ark would apply to the manufac-
tures of the country. The manufacturer was obliged to pay a
high rate of discount, and the natural effect was, in many cases,
insolvency. The insolvent's stock was thrown into the market,
and sold at a loss, and necessarily brought down the prices of the
goods of the solvent manufacturer. Thus was the distress of
the manufacturing districts to be traced to the Corn-laws
Now let them consider another branch of these Corn-laws.
The importation of corn from foreign countries generall!
took place in the months of June, July, and August.
The corn was paid for on its arrival in gold. It arrived at ts
time when prices naturally were high in this country, when
the farmer had sold three-fourths of his crop, and when th.
time had not arrived for him to thrash the grain from the new
crop. He (Mr. Hastie) contended that no system of taking
the averages could possibly prevent this frequently recurring.
The sliding scale induced the speculator and foreign corn.
grower to hold their corn till the price was at. 635., and the
farmer reaped no protection, because the rising in price took
place when the principal part of his crop was gone.
and when his new crop came into the market
the prices were reduced in consequence of a large
importation of foreign corn. By this system a course
of suffering was inflicted on the working classes which
ne description of his could gire any idea of. This was the re-
sult of the present sliding scale. The sliding scale was a sys-
tem which tended to destroy the commerce, and certainly to
ruin the manufactures, of this country.—(Cheers from the Op-
position.) He had listened with great attention to the speech
of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he (Mr. Hastie) must confess
that he had felt disappointment in the causes which the Right
Hon. Baronet had brought forward as productive of the dis
tress of the country; and he was sorry that those which thi
Right Honourable Baronet considered as primary causes were
of so slight a character. The only causes which he had
brought forward were joint-stock banks, American difficulties, and
the war with China. Now, with regard to the war with
China, he would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that, in the yeas '
1841, a larger amount of cotton manufactures were sent to
China than in several years previously.—( Hear, hear.)
In 1840, a larger quantity of calico was exported to that coun-
try than in 1839 ; in short, a regular increase of exports had
taken place to that quarter of the world, in every species of
trade, for some years past. Now, that could not be the cause
of the trade of this country being in its present state of dis-
tress.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to America, it was quite
true what the Right Hon: Baronet had stated, and that three
millions had been the deficiency in the exports to that country.
But in a great country like this, trading to all the world, pe-
culiar branches of its, trade -might become paralysed. So far
as.that went, he quite' areedWlth'the Right Hon. Baronet. ;
bat when:they tesok,tlse,aggregate.a.tbe exports, although one
branch might fall short, yet;-wheit they -found the aggregate
increaring year after. year, that one branch could not be the
cause of distress in the trade,of the country. Now, in proof 01
this, he would readies the House what was the total amount 0
exports of this coutitty in the last four years. In 183 S, the
total amount of exports was 43;304,623/. In 1839, the exports
were 45,281,252/.
Sir R PEEL—Is that the declared value?

Mr. HASTIE—Yes, this was the declared value. In 1840,
the exports were 43,959,604/. This was less than the preced-
ing year, but the whole exports in 1841, were 44,545,525/.
Now, in 1641, it was well known that prices were
much lower than the year before; they were 10
per cent. lower, and as this was the declared value, adding
10 per cent. to the exports of 1841, it would
add four millions to the exports of that year. The prices of
former years he had quoted, remained the same with reference
to each other, therefore, adding these four millions to the ex-
ports of 1841, it made those exports amount to upwards of 48
millions, so that no falling off had taken place in the exports of
this country; therefore the Right Hon. Baronet could not at-
tribute the distress to this cause, as no cessation had taken
place in the foreign trade of this country. He (Mr. Hastie)
would state to the House the number of yards of manufacturing
cotton of all descriptions, exported in the year 1839, namely.
720,000,000, the declared value of which was 16,378,0001. In
1840, and he wished them to mark this as an illustration of his ar-
gument. In 1840 seven hundred and ninety millions six hundrec
thousand yards of calico were exported, and the declared value
was only 6,30'2,000L. proving that a larger quantity had been
exported, while the value was less than the year before, arising
from the low prices of the raw material, thereby proving that
the quantity, although it 'might appear that the aggregate
value was less, was greater than previous years. Now, in
cotton yarn in 1839 it was 105,600,000/., with a declared value
of 6,350,000/. In 1840 it was 118,000,0001., with a declared
value of 7,000,0001., making an average of 3%d. per yard ;
and in 1840 of 20. a yard—showing a decrease in
the value of 6/. per cent. He wished to show to
the House that the exports had not fallen off, although our
manufacturing labourers were in want of employment, and in
great suffering throughout the country. Having shown that
the distress of the country did not arise from a falling off in
the exports, he would state what, in his opinion, was the cause
of that distress. and then leave the House to decide upon it.
During the years of 1833, 1834, and 1835, the average prices
of wheat was 425. 2d. Now, estimating the quantity of wheat
consumed by each individual according to the calculation of
the Hon. Member for Shropshire, at a quarter, or eight bushels,
and taking the population in round numbers at 28,000,000, and
taking the price, as he said before, at 425. 2d., the amount paid by
the inhabitants of this country for wheat was 62,000,000/.
Then in 1837 the price was 445. 6d., making the total con-
sumption of this country 60,000,0001. Now he found that
those years were years of prosperity ; 60,000,000/. was suffi-
cient for the purchase of wheat for the inhabitants or this
country. He now arrived at the first year of the short crops,' 838,,
when the price of wheat rose to 565., and the amount paid by
the inhabitants of this country was 75,000,000/., making a dif-
ference between that and the former year of 15,000,000/.; thus
taking 15,000,000/. from the amount which should be expended
by the people in clothes to wear. He would now come to the
. year 1639, when the price was 635. 841., making the total
amount of consumption 85,950,000/., which was a difference to
the inhabitants of the country of 25;000,000/. between that year
and the year 1837. As he said before, this 25,000,000/. was
taken from the manufacturers of the country. In 1840
the price was 675., making the total amount of 89,000,000/.
and in 1841 it was the same. The total of these four years—
years in which value was depreciated—these four years, io
compared with the three previous years, had takeu out of the
pockets of the inhabitants of this country one hundred mil-
lions sterling.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.)
Now, taking all these circumstances into consideration—when
the same high prices existed at the present moment—when
they found numbers of the manufacturers were working half
time, and consequently paying half wages,—considering
how these laws influenced the Bank of England,
the foreign merchant, and the home manufacturer,
he had hoped to see the sliding scale done away
with.—(Loud. cheers.) He could not hope that the
Right Hon. Baronet would change it to an abolition of the
duty; but he had hoped that the Right Hen Baronet would
have seen that a fixed duty would be one of the best means of
restoring the commerce of the country.—( Cheers. )
Mr. CHRISTMAS, after some preliminary observations,
said, that that House, constituted as it was from the commu-
nity at large, could not attempt to look at the question under
consideration, without reference to the wants and the interests
of the public generally, and the vast masses of persons who
were so deeply affected by it.—(llear, hear.) If that consi-
deration were to weigh with the House with reference to this
country, it applied particularly to Ireland, where the vast
masses of the country were agricultural—whose interests
would consequently be most seriously affected by this
question. For his own part; he (Mr. Christmas.).
apprehended most serious injuries would result to Ireland it
the scale of duty was not sufficient to insure protection to the
agriculturists there, and he was convinced that the injury
would recoil upon this count ry,—( Hear, hear.) If the price
of corn were diminished the landed proprietors of Ireland
would be obliged to take into their own hands vast tracts of
land, now cultivated by the poorer classes of the people.
Hon. Members should recollect that the price of corn in Ire-
:and is as less than here, and likewise that the land there was
not at all improved as it was in this country.—( Hear. ) He
thought the great falling off in the export of corn from Ireland
in the last three years were to be attributed to the unfavourable
seasons. At the same time he believed that the exports from
that country might be considerably increased by a better sys-
tem of agri !ulture. The (Alma' e, too, was not favourable; the 1
humidity of the Irish climate rendered the growth of corn there
somewhat snore defective than in England. With regard to
oat, there was a great increase in that article since 1825, even
though the last three seasons were bad, there was scarcely any
falling off at all in the article. He thought that
wheat was sufficiently protected, but there should be a higher
scale of protection for oats, consequently he should feel himself
called upon to recommend an increased duty upon that article.
Considering the entire question, he felt little inclination to
enter into its details, hut, after giving it his best attention, he
should say he felt it his duty to give Ills full and entire assent
to theresolution of the Right Hon. Baronet.--(Hear. )
Mr. ROEBUCK said he would not have intruded himself
upon the dulgence of the House, but he believed, were he to
vote upon the question as it now stood, there might be, some
. misapprehension as to the opinion he entertained upon the

subject. rHe claimed the indulgence of the House while he
made some observations with respect to what had fallen from
ihe Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the
Home Departreint, made :he evening before. That Right
Hon. Gentleman said that sometimes the Members of the
House were opposed to the rules of common sense. He (Mr.
Roebuck) quite agreed with that Right Hon. Gentleman, that
,f the rules of the House were correct, they should not be de-
parted from. He quite agreed with him that the discussion
of this question ought to have been left to a secondary conside-
ration ; but he believed that the Right Hon. Gentleman was
slightly in error when he said those rules were departed from
in a matter seemingly unimportant. He believed that the reason
for departing from them arose partly from misconception, which
had gone abroad with reference to the rules of the House, and
partly from a misunderstanding of what had fallen from him
(Mr. Roebuck). It was quite competent to any Honourable
Gentleman to propose a resolution for the adoption of the
House against putting on any duty whatever upon foreign
corn ; an amendment might be proposed by the rules
of the House upon that resolution, and a division
had upon it; and a second amendment might be now put upon
that, and the sense of the House taken upon that amendment
first. He took that to be the rule of the House, and he should
wish and desire that that should be done, because by that
means those Hon.seGentlemen who thought with him that
there should be no dittywhatever upon foreign Sewn, Would be
relieved from many eldffieulties and much misapprehension,
which might otherwlse be attached to theni.—(Hear, hear. )
It might go abroad out of doors that he, and those who acted
with him, had not fairly brought the question before the
Clouse. But, at the seine time, it those Gentle-
men thought there could be no misapprehension as to the
question, he (Mr. R.) was perfectly willing to yield his
Judgment to their opinion as to the best mode of determining
the matter. He would go before the public, leaving it with
diem to consider whether he, and those who acted with him,
were acting properly in the course they were taking in the
liscussion. He was opposed to the proposition of th Right
. donourable Baronet, and his opposition arose from ;the
(-act of its being a sliding scale. It was not to any pecue
liarity in the measure to which he wished to ad-
dress himself, because he felt it his duty to give the entire mea •
sure his most strenous opposition.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr.
Roebuck) believed that the plan the Right Hon. Baronet
proposed was an evasive and impolitic plan. impolitic.
for reasons which he would shortly state ; unwise for
the Right Honourable Baronet's own purpose in the
largest sense of the term, for the happiness of the people.
But before he went on to the discussion of the
question, he hoped he should be allowed to strip it
of much extraneous matter which had been mixed up with it ;
as far as lie was concerned he could not see why this should
be made a religious question—( Hear, hear)—but he would, as
fairly as his abilities would permit, set forth the arguments
which he thought valid against its policy as a tax, not enlisting
in his favour any prejudices against those who held different
views. Unfortunately considerations had been mixed up with
the discussion of this question, which redounded not to the
credit of those who set them forth The imputation of sin
—for it was an imputation of sin—might be raised against
them on a future occasion, and they would suffer for that spirit
of fanaticism which they had raised. The law might be, and he
(Mr. Roebuck) believed was, impolitic and unwise, but unwise
and impolitic did nut mean sinful. Injustice of all descriptions
was sinful ; it was not fair, therefore, to prove this law unjust
by assuming it to be sinful. If he could not succeed by fair
argument in subduing his opponents, he would enlist into his
service no improper auxiliaries.—( Hear, hear.) He would
wish to addiess himself first to the existing distress that had
been admitted by the Right Hon. Baronet himself, and by
Hon. Members on both sides of the House who had yet spoken
on the subjeet.—(Hear, hear.) All had been loud, unani-
mous, almost vehement, in their praises of the mode in which
the people had borne their sufferings.—( Hear, hear. )
They were all, unfortunately, bound to agree on its
intensity and extent, and they were glad to bear their
testimony to the valour, lie would call it, with which they
had borne it ; but they were not agreed to its cause, and he
(Mr. Roebuck), in speaking of its cause, did not wish to im-
pute it to any party not existing in the State.—( Hear, bear.)
He believed it to have arisen from circumstances over which.
in reality, they had no control; from circumstances which, in
reality, they, as now existing, never could have caused ; but
lie thought it important that in considering the cause of this
distress they should look back for a few years, and learn what
was at the bottom of it.—( Hear, hear.) He thought it would
be found to have originated in that system which had arisen,
not out of their own views, but from the views of those
who had preceded them.—(Hear, hear.) A fictitious
opinion had been raised in this country by the
opposition which it was thought necessary to make
against France; that made them a separate people, as regarded
the rest of the world, insular in their knowledge as much as
they were in their geographical position. As time went on
this peculiar system, subject to new trials, had brought on
gradually the whop amount of evils to which they were now
now subject. It should be remembered by those opposite that
the energies which they then exerted made them manufactu-
rers, and the Gentlemen opposite were not now to turn round
and say—" are we to maintain the manufacturers ?"—( Hear. )
They had been brought into existence by the universal consent
of those who had governed the State ; and though the present
Government might not be answerable for the cause,
they were at least for the mode in - which they dealt
with it now; and he ( Mr. Roebuck) did say that the manu-
facturing class of this country had a distinct claim on the Gen--
tlemen opposite who represented the landed interest of this
country, and they must not say that they would foster the
manufacturers no longer.—(l-fear. hear.) The time was
passed for that ; they should have said it when the enemy was
at the door. They were saved as a nation by that gigantic
effort, and would it be justtce now to turn round and forsake
them.—( Hear.) They were not those now to say, " Can we
maintain these interests ?" They must.— ( Cheers.) " Can
we foster this manufacturing interest?" They must foster it.
—( Hear.) It was no longer a matter of right, but a matter of
necessity. Now, applying themselves to this, he would ask
the House, and the Right Hon. Baronet himself, while he dis-
claimed imputing the cause of the distress to the Right Hon.
Baronet, seriously to consider the position which he (the
Right Hon. Baronet) assumed when he came to that House to
deal with that distress.—( Hear.) Some feiv months ago these
difficulties were seen coming on. All men of particular saga-
city—and there was no man more sagacious than the Right
Hon. Baronet—saw what was coming.—(Hear.) .That was
the time when the Right Honourable Baronet. and his
I party thought fit to make an effort to move all the
energies which were ' at their command to seat themselves
where they now where, and violently to seize the reins of Go-
vernment.—(" Hear," and laughter.) He ( Mr. Roebuck) was
only stating the facts distinctly as they occurred. It was at
that time when every man of common sagacity—not to say
of such peculiar sagacity and perspicacity as the Right
Hon. Baronet possessed—must have foreseen this. It was
therefore his peculiar responsibility to answer for the mode in
which he dealt with this distress. On his shoulders must rest
the blame if he did not deal with it properly. When the late
Government left their seat, they proposed—late he would allow;
late was the good, but good it was—measures for relieving
the distress of the country. Some might say that
that was a sort of proceeding which was very like the baptism
of Constantine—he thought by that means to wash out the sins
which attached to a life of rapacity. They were not permit-
ted to carry that scheme into effect ; the Right Hon. Baronet
assumed the reins of power, and on him devolved the business
of alleviation. When the Right Hon. Baronet last year ap-
peared before the House, he said, and he (Mr. Roebuck)
thought said justly, that he must take time to consider what
should be done—lie must take all the evidence, and examine
all the features of the case. Give him, then, time, and they
should see what he would do.—( Cheers. ) He (Mr. Roebuck)
did not know whether sufficient time had been given him.—
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) They had heard him, on the
first night of the session, with much force, and an appearance
of sorrow, as if he were weighed down by the burthens that
pressed on him. He came forward and told them, as early as
possible, as soon as the forms of the House would allow, he
would come down and touch this awful question. They were
all alive, on the tip-the of expectation; all Hon. Members had,
no doubt, been troubled for applications to fill that gallery—
(pointing to the strangers' gallery); the world abroad was
all alive—we wonder what his saga"ity would bring forward to
relieve this distress. Every Honourable Member, lie was
sure, must recollect the scene which then took place.
They saw him walk up the House with care and pride
mingled in his countenance, as much as to say, " Now
is the great day, something is about to be disclosed ;
now for the mystery." Great was the marvel they did expect
that there would have been some plan devised by care, fore-
thought, and provident regard, which should, as far as states-
men could devise, tend to alleviate this distress. For two
long hours the question was worked round by the Right Hon.
Baronet—every now and then Members seized pens and
paper, for the pnrpose of taking down what he should say.
The minutes escaped the Right Hon. Baronet, who still went
round about it, about it, about it, and at length, with all this
preparation for months, the marvellous mystery—the extraor-
dinary secresy—the wonderful sagacity—the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet's scheme—came out in a sliding scale. This was the re-
sult of all the wonderful secresy. What was it? An altera-
tion—a slight modification of the old system ; but it might
be said that the Right He nonrable Baronet thought
that the sliding scale was the best plan they could adept; but
if he did think so, why not have said so at once, and riot have
called forth expectations in this proceeding. There was nothing
so wonderful in this new scale but it might have been com-
posed in half an hour ; the only difficulty was the jumping
scale; hut who would deny that all which had been proposed
might not, with the aid of an accountant, have been settled in
Half an hour. He ( Mr. Roebuck) complained that the Right
Hon. Baronet had dealt so deficiently with the question.—
( Hear.) As a bold statesman, he should have come for-
ward, and said, " This distress is beyond me; I
won't pretend to relieve it ; it is not worth while
to touch the question at all ; and I will not have
anything to do with it ;" but he had taken the question
into his hands, he had lamade the child his own, and he
left the country to admire the bantling.—(Cheers and laugh-
ter.) It had been expected by the country that a plan would
have been proposed by which corn might remain at a certain
fixed price, and that by lowering the price of food the market-
might be enlarged, which, by enabling the manufacturers to
di-pose of their produce,. the people who were now starving
might be fully employed, and such a field for action laid open
that the alleviation might be immediate and very extensive.
Weighing the Right Ilmi. Itart.'s scheme ies this balance, what
was it worth ? It might be said, and it had beer, said, by
the Right lion. Gentleman, 'the Vice-President of the Board
of Trade, that comparing the price of bread in other countries
distresscountries,apply.
theirt
1p whereeply. e 1
markets
rthHhafedkeowerverreehat(
tsniAwh:tihoeaaravgsipwseerßreant
oowrsoodtehehgut i
bhcecreCuaehet
woilcaoloktrsehntned)ioali-
self-supporting
0:
:car,
fsboswoucreeipforls
uufpei
.tdron. withshertu:otrpiei
wßnweid)
countries
derived
htel
systemrstdi
rauni i
topgc:
swpoe ctdluenioh
lexfuadrsdanto.ct
nenintoproupieteHenl
depending
He (Mr.
referredred,
extending
nwin(,dagdhnintleotni
rrtuii
nge.ort
ciliated. And we now suffered under all the disadvantages
winch
appertainedourselves
Roebuck) took his ground on the self-supplying system, and
he said it was a bad one—bad in principles, and incapable
of being followed out in this country. It did not exist, nor
could they make it exist.—( Hear, hear.) They had More
mouths than they could feed—their country would not grow
diem corn—they are obliged to apply to the manufacturer;and
he would guard them thus against the notion of a self-Sup-
-I.li ine system. Instead of alleviating distress, they were con-
siderably augmented. He wished to know if we should, net
have been a war long ago with North America if it had not
been for our commercial intercourse.—( Hear, hear.) !We
should strengthen our relations with Spanish America, Odessa,
wa,lsioichexmteenadns
tiNeelliblsiteswsieugesxtiomfdpeedare,r coovme-r
world. And let it not be said that they were to be dependanti'll'illineedri.re:ehelleriw"'sehegrsoehinougblydforth as Ines, engers of peace throughout! the
upon other nations, because they had supplies from them,
AlexanderNVh a t had
the
ea4ins t
bbruotuoguhrt
caobmomuturtche?
eallißanuctel
ebtebtsei•leuen(
ANira.poßleuoenbit!:nke
prevent
vtehnet
tbe
fluctuationli on. u
f p
Baronet, i
cdei dill he ie'e modethh
Hon. Baronet's argument was, h
consider his friends (Hear, hear)
good. He (Mr. Roebuck) would warn
leithink
veryin by
whichpith he 3 these
of m
hbg.
,
hitshepla inlonw. was
tlemen opposite, the representatives of thmeuclahndtehdatintnlet
that on the question of price hung
be imputed to them hereafter ; for here came 1
doctrine of protection, and he (Mr. Roebuck) was one
said that there ought to be no protection. What did it m
for what was it to be supported? what was the object?
the means by which that was to be obtained ? The Right 1
Member for Kent said last night that it was to maintain
position of the landed interests and society, meaning, he (1
Roebuck) supposed, that by those means should be maint,'

i the
`Mr.
fined

ithose who, by the aid of money, ease, and leisure might have the
means of extending their measure throughout society, which
might tend to soften, toraise, and to benefit society. That was
what the Hon. Member meant, he supposed, by maintaining
the interest of the landed gentry, but it yet remained to be shown
that all those advantages, if advantages they were, were to be
maintained only at the expense of protection. He (Mr. R. )
did not believe that the gentry of England would be ruined
by an alteration of the Corn-laws. Could it be supposed that
they would be less wise, less courteous, less country gentle
men, than before ? Was it to be imagined that they, who
were the ornament, the flower, the Corinthian capital of the
country, were supported by the 20e. duty en corn, and could
only exist in common with a tariff? He (Mr. Roebuck)
could not believe any such thing. They were a great benefit
to society, tut they would be just as much so without the
20s. duty en corn. Wealth, to be beneficial to society, did
riot require to be in large sums and few hands.—( Hear. )
It was said that the Corn-laws did not take any thing from the
country, or that, if the landlords got with one hand they paid
with the other ; but surely, in that case, they may as well give
them their goods at once—( Hear, hear)—that was the mean.
ing of the argument. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite
had endeavoured to prove, last night, that the advantage de-
rived from the Corn-laws by the landed interest did not amount
to more than five millions. He certainly differed from the
Hon. 'Member for Bolton, who said that they gained fifty mil-
lions. But assuming it to be five millions, which was only as
a drop in the ocean of the evil, did they not, in addition, pre-
vent them from stretching their commerce to many places
which would be glad to receive their products ? lee landed
aristocracy said they were our best consumers ; but if they
gave back the five millions they acknowledged to have taken
away, and allowed them to extend their commerce, they
would soon get consumers elsewhere. If as was said by the
Honourable Member for Bolton, they received fifty mil-
lions for their own benefit, he (Mr. Roebuck) thought
they paid too much for their Corinthian column.—( Laughter. )
He repudiated the entire doctrine of protection. It ciuld not
be shown to be of the slightest advantage to the country—it
increased the expenditure of the whole people for the benefit
of the few, to maintain a small section in a state of affluence for
that was the nature of protection. It meant that the great
body of the people were to undergo great privations and suffer-
ings, that they were to endure great distress, that they were
to starve, that they were to be reduced to a condition harrow-
ing to humanity, and yet that the benefit to be derived from
monopoly was so great as to outweigh all these terrible disas-
ters.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had
said if any odium attached to the sliding scale it was attached
to a fixed duty. He admitted it. A fixed duty was open to
all the objections of a sliding scale. He should. be ashamed to
use arguments against the one and not admit them when he
believed them to be as forcible against the other. He believed
the Right Houourable Baronet would give him credit
for that.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said by the advocates
of a fixed duty that the landed interest sustained peculiar bur-
dens, for which they' sought to be remunerated. Now he
would answer that statement in two ways. In the first place,
he denied the assertion.—(Hear, hear.) Let them prove the
existence of those eculiar burdens ; but they always shrunk
from the proof.—(Cheers.) Let them prove the fact, and
then it would be more economical to remove those burdens
directly.—( Cheers. ) He was glad to hear Right Hon. Gen-
tlemen cheer, and he hoped when they proposed relief, that
those Hon. Gentlemen would vote for them ; and then they
would say that their representations were fair and honest, and
that the agriculturists had been unfairly dealt with.—( Cheers. )
But he should say in the first place, "prove your grievance."—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) One said he paid the Poor's-
rate.; why so did he (Mr. Roebuck). Another said
he paid the county rate. Why, so did he.—( Hear, hear.)
The landed interest did not pay exclusive burdens, and he be-
lieved that the quota of the rest of the claimants would be
found to be larger than what Hon. Gentlemen supposed. But
if the landed interest did bear particular burdens, it had no
right to make that an argument in support of monopoly, but it
should come forward and lay its petitions on the table of the
House, explain its grievances, and ask for a remedy, and. not,
as was said by an Hon. Gentleman on his side of the House,
,who said that in every vote he gave on the Corn-laws he cone
suited his own private interests, ask for relief on private
grounds.. That Hon. Gentleman was not content with mak-
ing that statement once, but he reiterated it several times.
But then came the saving clause, that he always voted for the
interests of the public. He (Mr. R.) supposed that any
Gentleman on the opposite side of the House would say the
same.—( A laugh.) All persons agreed in these generalities.
Every body working for the benefit of the public—in that there
could be no dispute—( A laugh)—were all virtuous ;no
body could doubt it. —( Renewed laughter.) He (Mr. R.)
had not those Roman virtues. Such was not the conduct
which ought to be pursued on public questions, for, if so, every
gentleman opposite might say he best consulted the interests of
his country by consulting his private advantage. He (Mr.
Roebuck) would beg to remind them, that they. were not
sent there for their own private interests but to vote for the
public advantage, and not in the vain hope that by consulting
their private interests they might do some good for the country
thereby. They were there to represent the community at
large, and they must act as if their own interests were but a
fraction. Those interests, to be sure, might enter into their calcu-
lation, but still they were only a fraction. If that were true
he entreated Hon. Gentlemen opposite, when they came to a
full and fair consideration of the question before the House; to
discard all peculiar considerations, and to give up such local virtue
as had been displayed by the. Hon. Gentleman to whom he alluded,
- otherwise they might imagine that in consulting their private
interests, they were also consulting those of the public, and
that in maintaining the Corn-laws, they maintained the pros-
perity of the country. The public abroad thought they were
sent to Parliament for their benefit, end if they looked to their
distress with the calm philosophy with which every man should
regard the sufferings of the poor; and if they maintained such
stoicism, a time for reckoning would soon come.—( Hear,
hear.) That time he believed to be about to arrive, for in his
heart he thought that at the present time the working
classes of the country were looking on at the great
experiment 'which was being tried with the most intense inte-
rest and anxiety.—( Hear, hear.) It had been said that they
took no part, or at least but a small part, its this agitation,
and he believed it.—( Hear. hear.) But (continued the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman) let no man deceive himself. 'The
working classes see there is a great experiment going on with
respect to two great classes of society—between the landed
interests and that which is called the mercantile interests.
First, they are waiting to see if the landed interests have a due
regard to their situatiort-:-whother they will . voluntarily yield
to the distress, and to the demands which. that .distress creates.
—( Hear, hear.) Such is their expectation from the landed
interests, from the mercantile interests, whom they regard as
more peculiarly their representatives ; they are waiting to see
if by their unaided efforts, they can so act as to compel the
the landed interest to do them justice, if that interest is not
of itself inclined to do so.--( Hear, hear.) If it should turn
out that the experiment foils, the people' will come to two con-
clusions first, that you will not do them justice, and secondly,
that you are not able to do it.---( Hear, hear, and cheers.) And
if the people discover the weakness of the mercantile classes,
the great body of the industrious portion of the community,
seeing the weakness of that class in this House, will hope for
their co-operation in other systems of agitation.—(Loud
cheers.) And depend upon it that the people, not looking at
it simply as a mercantile question, or as one of fiscal regula-
tion, but as one pregnant with the mind of a great statesman,
will in time compel that statesman to meet the wishes of the
age, and force him onward, as they did before when he lagged
behind the knowledge of the age.—(Cheers.) Now, he is
again lagging behind and refuses to join in the onward march,
and he may be left behind now again to recover the opportu-
nity he has lo,st. This I believe to be the time not only for
the interest of the people, or the mercantile classes, but for
the statesman-like capacity of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—
( Cheers. ) On him, and on his head alone, will be concentrated
the onus and the odium of his failure to relieve the distress of
the country. He will have shown either that he has not had
the sagacity to understand that distress, and the mode of its
relief, or that seeing and well-knowing it, he has not the cou-
rage to suggest it. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman resumed
his seat amidst loud cheers.
Lord ASHLEY said it was not his intention to enter at all
into the discussion of the matter now before the House, but he
(lid hope that in a matter quite personal to himself the House
would bear with him for a moment. At five o'clock to-day
he had been informed that the Hon. Member for Sheffield
(Mr. Ward) in his speech last night had thought fit to make
something in the nature of an attack upon him (Lord Ashley ).
Net having been in the House when the Hon. Member deli-
livered
his speech, he (Lord Ashley) had not the benefit or the
pleasure of hearing it, but as soon as he had information of the
terms in which the Hon. Member had alluded to him ( Lord
Ashley), he resorted to the only channel through which he
could obtain an accurate statement of the lan,Luage attributed to
the Honourable Member. (Here the Noble..ord drew forth
a newspaper from which he was about to read, when a cry of
" Order, order, was raised from various parts of the House.)
The Noble Lord went on to say that to the expressions of the
Hon. Member, as far as he (Lord Ashley) could recollect
them, from having learned them through the channel he ad-
verted to, he was prepared to give the flattest contradiction.—
( Hear, hear.) He understood that the for.. Gentleman said
that the great object of the Hon. Member for Knaresborough's
(Mr. Ferrand's) speech was to revive discussions which ought
never to have been raised—to engender passions of the worst
nature—to set master against men, and to produce a state of
things that must be attended with confusion, and that that
speech was violently cheered by a Noble Lord, meaning him
(Lord Ashley). The Hon. Member thus charged him with
co-operating in maintaining that bad blond and those bad pas-
sions, which, if foitered, would reduce the country to a state 1
of barbarism. Did the Hon. Gentleman know whether he 1
( Lord Ashley) hearth the speech of the Hon. Member for
Knareshorough at all ?—( Hear, hear.) Did lie know whether
lie was preen( in the House at the time that speech was deli-
vered.—(Hear, hear.) Now certainly of a charge of that
nature it would have been but courteous that he should have
had some previous notice. What would the House think
when he mentioned that he had not heard the speech of the
Hon. Member for Knaresbenough at all ? Nay, more ; he
(Lord Ashley) was not even in the neighbourhood of the
House during any one moment when that Hon. Member was
speaking. He would now leave it to the House to decide which
-of the two had exhibited the greater, tendency to restore bar-
barism.—( Hear, hear. ).
Mr. WARD took the earliest opportunity to express his
deep regret at the mistake which he had unintentionally com-
mitted.—( Hear, hear.) He certainly could not possibly be
fNlengilsorbcir
to setting
cover :,vihmi ch to
rstitapipitosseitd‘st,oasreipartchseenptawaersotafttelleo
did not believe withthat
confusion, if he (Mr. Ward)
to certain sentiments
iNtVba
ur Ward) )
remained
r h expressedim
t o
and in such a way as to warrant
the Noble Lord,
it misrepresented
to it. If in doing so, he him (Mr. Ward) in alluding
the fact was as he had stated.
his The Noble implicitly Lord. as Ire (Mr.
satisfactiont,thewholewithof thteheNoble expressass 'oehntits.
Ds sincere
divide.")
ieveirde t
,f, or the
circumstance, and trust the Noble Lord would pardon him.
enewed crier of "divide," and
oe mEmoearrede in
e the House, which lasted in a
much noise in the body of
explana-
tion
Lord
ooarr
fdd t
shAAeSNHHDaLnOE.
Nil;
eern: pi:ereeras.i_eidd(ff Iris.hct
orr uie
hint
hweh foraehna considerabletmhbe
6obi he
L 0
r d,Lord's length
voice of
greater or less degree throne,
1 1 h
er t let a t ough the petition
to the sliding. scale; and preferred
reached us, he was contending
tLuonred'sinsapuedeiebhl,e ainad rthenedgeratry.
ten were of opinion,ritsheatfrtohme
presented to the. House f
t warranted in
from the
Presidenetr of th
was no
Liverpool _ assuming from
aLT
irfivaexdreepdw( Adlluret.xypl.:aeylsei soteUicthhhea°r:et i)tiiirteY
it that the merchants of
had wi
yett h
extensivelyi
that
atth
te h leas t
proposed
engaged
a dgaeydss
ehem receivedeof
new sliding scale was not a vast improvement on the old one,
commerce would not • '
.
and that great advantages
it. lie (Lord Sandon)
preferred. duty on corn to
a fixed in
trade,
wh o
stated t communicationshat t fromhoug
h gentlementhe they
theanY descriptionG°tohveerrnnient ladvantageous, inasmuch as
it would give a liberal amount of protection to the agriculturist,
and secure to the revenue what had hitherto gone
. into the pocket of the foreign grower.—( Hear, hear.)
What did Hon. Gentlemen tell them had been the effect of
the present Corn-laws ? They said the effect of them had been
to bring into cultivation an immense quantity of land, which
v,,as oefx(clueetyd,ing y
never ought to have been cultivated. What, then, could be
expected from a repeal of them but that that land would be
thrown out of cultivation, and, as a necessary consequence, that
hundreds of thousands of labourers would either be thrown
upon the poor-houses, or upon the manufacturing districts,
where the price of wages must necessarily be lowered?—( Hear,
hear.) It behoved them to be exceedingly cautious how they
dealt with that question. Even if they were ultimately to
have a much lower protection, it became them, as wise states-
men,
to proceed gradually. They hail already proceeded to , '
considerable extent in lowering protective duties. He believed '

- EBRITAR Y 17, 841..

it was the opinion of a great number of commercial men that
the effect of the proposed measure would be to
supply food at a cheaper rate. That would be
done without impairing in any important particular
that great sinew of our national wealth and prospe-
rity-the agricultural interest of this country.-( Hear, hear. )
He firmly believed that this great interest might be protected
in perfect harmony with the manufactures and trade of the
country ; and that by the judicious compromise which he con-
sidered the present to be, they would at once promote the cum-
, mercial interests of the nation, and remove those feelings of
virulence and inflammation among the different classes of so •
ciety which had unhappily been excited. He would not trou-
ble the House with any more remarks on the snbject under its
consideration. He had risen merely for the purpose of ex-
, pressing, as he was entitled to do, his belief that commercial
men were satisfied with the measure before the House, and
that they conceived it to be a great boon ; and that, in the lan-
guage of one of his Liverpool correspondents, they hailed it as
" large measure, made in a very liberal spirit."-(Cheers.)
Lord IN ORSLEY said he was anxious to explain to the
House the reasons why he could not give his assent to the motion
proposed by his Noble Friend the Member for the City of
of London-( Cheers from the Ministerial benehes)-and he
was also anxious to exptaisesto 'the House why, as a Mem-
ber representing a very large and very important agricultural
constituency, he could not also give his assent to the measure
proposed by the Right lion. Baronet..-( Hear hear, from the
Opposition.) As the motion immediately before the House
was that proposed by his Noble Friend, the Member fur the
City of London, he would first state why he cou:d not support
that motion. He did not believe that the evils ueder which
the country was labouring, were to be attributed to the opera-
tion of the sliding scale, or that it was the Corn-laws which
had caused the distress that existed in many parts of the coun-
try.-( Hear, hear.) He could not' shut his eyes to the fact,
that the manufacturers of this country had been for a length of
time increasing in wealth, under a system of Corn-laws simi-
lar to that which now existed.-( Hear, hear.) He could not
forget that they had seen such an increase of manufacturing
prosperity in this country, as had not been witnessed in any
other part of the world.--( Hear, hear.) Although distrsss
certainly existed to a great extent, it should be recollected that
railroads, and many other large speculations, had chiefly ema-
nated from the manufacturers.-( Hear, hear.) He foresaw
that great evils would result from the existence of a fixed duty ;
but if he were obliged to consent to a fixed duty, he would ra-
ther acceA a low fixed duty than a high one, because, while
there would a fair chance of adhering to a low duty in times of
scarcity, a high one could not be maintained.-(Hear, hear. )
But, on the other hand, he contended that, if a low
fixed duty was to become the law of the land,
the agriculturists would find it impossible to cultivate the land
so as to produce sufficient corn for the consumption of the
people of this country. As he had already stated that he did
not and could not approve of the plan proposed by the Right
Hon. Baronet, he might almost say that he was quite at a loss
to account why the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed this
measure at this time ; because he recollected in the last Session,
before the dissolution of Parliament, when Hon. Gentlemen,
whom he saw opposite, were on that side of the House, they,
in common with himself, were constantly presenting petitions
to that House, praying that there might be no alteration what-
ever in the Corn-laws.-(Opposition cheers.) Their consti-
tuencies at that time prayed that there might be no alteration ;
and, if he mistook uot, many of those Hon. Members, when
they went before their constituencies, stated that they would
not consent to diminish the protection upon agricultural pro-
duce. He could refer to the speeches made by several Mem-
bers, to their constituencies, upon the hustings ; and if the consti-
tuencies in the agricultural districts were not told explicitly that
there would be no alteration-if a loophole were left open for
the purpose of enabling them to support the Right Hon. Bart.
when he proposed his alteration, adhering to the principle of
the sliding scale, still an impression was left by Hon. Mem-
bers opposite upon the minds of their constituents, that no alte-
ration which might be propoced to be made in the Corn-lasss
would receive their assent.-(Cheers from the Opposition.)
The Hon. Member for Rutland stated to his constituents upon
the hustings, that " the present laws could not be altered for the
better."-(Continued cheering.) The Hon. Member for
Northamptonshire was "prepared to stand by the present law."
-(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for East Norfolk said that
" in maintaining the scale of duties the national safety con-
sisted."-( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Suffolk de-
clared that he should " oppose any attempt to alter the pre-
tent system." His colleague also was opposed to any altera-
tion.-( Loud cheering.) Now he hoped that those Hon.
Members who had • proposed those opinions in the pre-
sence of their constituents, and had led them to believe
that they would not support any Ministry who proposed
to diminish the protection afforded to agriculture, would join
him (Lord Worsley) in opposing the measure of the Right
Hon. Baronet.-( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) And
not only had the Hon. Members, to whom he had alluded, in-
timates! to their constituents that they would not give their
support to any measure which would diminish the protection
of agriculture, but they had also conveyed an impression to the
minds of the agriculturists that the Right Hon. Baronet was
not lik-ly to propose any measure which would have such a
tendency; for, when it was perceived that,the county Members
' would form the strength of their party, the county Members
being opposed to a change, it was inferred from that that the
oh! protection would be continued.-( Hear, hear.) Although
he ( Lord Worsley) had opposed the propos.tion of the late
Government with respect to a fixed duty, because he had yea-
tured to say that he approved of their general policy, an at-
tempt was made, on the part of some gentlemen in his county,
to persuade the electors that he was no longer fit to represent
them.-(]tear, hear.) He stated to his constituents that he
had no confidence in the late Government, as regarded the
protection to be afforded to agriculture; but, at the same time,
he stated that he did not believe that the Right Hon. Baronet
opposite would continue the existing protection ; that although
he had with much pleasure frequently heard him say that he
would maintain the principle of a sliding scale, yet he was not
satisfied that the old protection would be continued.-(Hear. )
He was frequently told in his own country that he misrepre-
sented the Right Hon. Baronet--(Cheers from the Opposition
benches)-anu the consequence was that there was an oppo-
sition raised against him at the election ; but he was proud to
say that he stood there the representative of 5,400 persons who
had voted for him under the impression, and who had sent him
there for the purpose of maintaining for them as great a pro-
tection as they enjoyed under the present.law.-( Hear, hear.)
The Right Hon. Baronet, in his opening speech, had given
various reasons why he had thought it necessary to bring for-
ward his measure. He stated, however, among, other things,
that he did not think that the Corn-laWs Were the cause of the
manufacturing distress, and that it could be accounted fur by
' other causes; and the only reason he (Lord Worsley) could
find out for the proposal to alter the present system of Corn-
laws, was that the agriculturists thought they might be altered
with advantage. Now, if the Right Hon. Baronet were right,
as it appeared to him (Lord Worsley) he was right, in not at-
tributing the distress that now prevailed to the operation of
the present laws, and if the Right Hon. Baronet the :ncretary
for the Home Department were correct in saying, as he did
last night, that. the manufacturers were now comparatively
prosperous, inasmuch as there were many new mills building,
and many had lately been erected-if these things were so, he
would ask why it was that it had been thought necessary to in-
troduce a new system? If the manufacturers were not dis-
tressed, why were the agriculturists to be deprived of their
protection ?-( Hear, hear.) If these things were so, and if the
Right Hon. Baronet proposed an alteration because the agri-
culturists thought the law ought to be altered, he wished to
know why the Right Honourable Baronet had proposed his
particular scale of duty ? Perhaps the Right Honourable
Baronet thought that the agriculturists felt that the law
might be so amended, because his (Lord Worsley's) Hon.
Colleague (Mr. Christopher) had proposed a similar scale. In
the month of October last his Hon. Colleague, addressing his
constituents, said, that " it appeared to him, if he were cor-
rect in his estimate, that foreign wheat could be imported into
this country at 365. a quarter, exclusive of duty; but that a
duty of 20s. would be a protection when corn was at 365., as
when it was at 50s. Therefore he would venture, with great
diffidence, to suggest whether they might not greatly simplify
the present scale, which he thought too complicated, by sub-
stituting another maximum and minimum duty, the maximum
to be 20s. when the duty was 505., and the minimum to be ss.
when the pi ice was 655."-(Hear, hear.) Now he would ask
the Right Hon. Baronet whether he did not think he was
wrong in the scale he had proposed, when he said that the pro-
position of his (Lord Worsley's) Honourable Colleague
was so unpopular in the county in which it was
proposed that he himself had introduced an amend-
ment to the measure of the Right Honourable Baronet ?-
( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," on the Opposition benches. )
Although it was his own proposition, so much was it disliked
in the county which he represented, that he was himself about
to amend his own proposition.-(Opposition cheers.) The
Government seemed to draw their scale of duty, by taking
the average to have been during the last ten years, 565. Ild.
Now he (Lord Worsley) had taken the average during the last
ten years, which he found amounted to 605., in the third quar-
ter of each year, that being the time at which the greatest quan-
tities were sold, because it was then that the merchant made
his sales for the purpose of raising the averages, while it was
the time at which the farmer had any corn. He would
trouble the House with a detail of various quantities,
He b,lieved that the quantity of corn sold in the first quarter of
the year 1840 amounted to 949,156 quarters. In the se-
cond quarter it amounted to 860,484 qrs. ; in the third quarter
to 1,121,339 ; and in the fourth quarter 982,830 ; but in the
third quarter when the average price was 60s. therewas a greater
quantity sold, and the merchant was thereby being enabled
to raise the averages, while the farmer was not benefitted by the
high price, as that was the period at which he had this corn to
dispose of. The Right Hon. Baronet stated the other night,
that he considered the remunerating price to the farmer ought
to range from 545. to 58s. But he (Lord Worslev) had no he-
sitation in saying on the part of his constituents tWatthey would
not consider that a remunerating price. He had heard it com-
monly said by them, that on the present system they would
consider a fsir remunerating price to be about 60s. He
would endeavour to show, with the permission of the House,
that the proposition of the Government would not be beneficial
either to the public or the farmer. By the scale proposed by
the Government the duty at 545., which the Hon. Baronet
stated to be a remunerating price, would be 16s. He (Lord
Worsley) had taken the pains to ascertain the quantity of corn
introduced during the last ton years, paying a higher duty
than 16s. He found that in ttsge,year 1831, 622 quarters of
wheat had been introduced'Sl 225. 7d. ; in 1832, there had
been illtrodtited 166,127 quarters, paying a duty of 275. 10d. ;
in 1833, 110,044 quarters had been introduced at a duty of
235. I Id. In 1834, 163,041 quarters had been introduced at
21s. 2d. In 1835, 47 quarters had been introduced at a duty of
275. In 1836, 997 quarters had been introduced at a duty of
265. Bd. In 1837, 210,254. quarters had been introduced at a
duty of 20s. 9d. In 1838, 18,466 quarters had been introduced
at a duty of 275. In 1839, 40,068 quarters had been intro-
duced at a duty of 18e. 9d.; and in 1840, 299,354 quarters had
been introduced at '2os. Bd. It appeared to him that if that
quantity of 299,354 quarters could be brought in by the
merchant at a duty of 20s. Bd., in the year 1840, a duty
of 16s, would not be a sufficient protection for the farmer.
It should also be remembered that the merchants who had
introduced that large quantity of corn in 1840 at so high a
' duty must be supposed to have made a profit by the transac- '
tion. His constituents said that the proposed method of
taking the averages would not correct the defects which they
acknowledged to exist in the present system ; but he thought
that the averages might be correctly made up by taking sepa-
rate returns from the grower and the purchaser, and making
one party act as a check on the other; and this being the una-
nimous feeling of his constituents, he trusted the suggestion
would be entertained by the Government. The farmers ge-
nerally thought that the sliding scale did not give protection
enough for wheat ; but still, after what had been intimated in
the speech ofan Hon. Gentleman, supposed to know the inten-
tions of the Government, it was better than they had expected.
But in the large agricultural community from which he (the
Noble Lord) came, there were not two opinions respecting
oats and barley, which they thought ought not to have less pro-
tection than the present, considering the great labour, ex-
pense, and preparation required to raise hat crop. No doubt the
Government thought the sliding scale they proposed was the
best, but others did not think so. He had in his hand a letter
from Germany stating that the Gentleman whom Sir Robert
Peel sent to make inquiries was laughed at for his ignorance
and unfitness, for he (the agent) assured the merchants and
farmers there, that if the. Corn-laws were repealed, imme-
diately their land would grow turnips and wheat.-( Cries of
" Hear, hear," and question.) Hewould conclude by pressing
the Government to consider the practicability of adopting some
better mode Of taking the averages, for tothe danger involved in
this part of the subject, his constituents looked with more
alarm than anything else. He knew that his remarks would
give a handle to the opponents of a sliding scale, but still
thinking that a fixed duty would '- most injurious to the
country, as it could not maintain a sufficient protection and the

farmer when corn was low, nor satisfy the consumer when '
prices were high, while justice might be done to both by a
more stringent system oitstaking the averages under a sliding
scale, he must on this principle oppose tho proposition of the
Noble Lord.—(Cries of "Question," and cries of "Peel.")
The Right Hon. Baronet was about to rise, but
Mr. CHRISTOPHER begged leave to say a few words in •
reply to the reflections of the Noble Lord, whore
he must congratulate on his new born zerl in
behalf of the agricultural interests. When he con-
sidered that at the commencement of the last ses-
sion, his Noble Friend had thought fit to vote for an address to
the Crown, which attributed all the distress to the Corn-laws,
he thought it would ill become him on the present occasion
either to tax him with having deserted the interests of his con-
stituents, or to apologise to the House for coming forward to
explain the course he had pursued. His Noble Friend had )
recorded his vote in favour of a Corn-law Administration, arid
he thought, therefore, that it ill became him to accuse his Right
Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, with supporting
the agriculturists. His Noble Friend had been pleased
to state that he (Mr. Christopher) was the first
person who recommended to his constituents, the
adoption of a maximum duty of 20s. on the importation of
foreign corn. He did take an opportunity, at the commence-
ment of the last Session, when he thought not only his Noble
Friend, and those who acted with him, but when both
Houses were pledged to entertain the question of the revision
of the Corn-lass, he applied his mind to the subject, arid
offered the suggestions which he thought for the benefit of his
constituents. He did not say that the maximum duty of 20s.
should be levied on foreign corn. What he stated was, that
that if foreign corn could be introduced in any quantity, ex-
clusive of duty, at the price of :As., that then a maximum of
20s. would be a sufficient protection.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.") He stated, also, that if corn could be introduced
in any quantity under 36s , that then the maximum duty should
be 255., and he stated also that if corn could be introduced in
any quantity at a lower rate that then the duty should be 30s.
He had taken the opportunity of making these statements, net
in any part of the county he represented, where he would be
supported by party feelings, but he made it in the presence of
many of the tenants of the Noble Lord, and whether he stated
that the maximum duty should be 265. or 255. as a sufficient
protection, it was not only well received but cheered by the
persons living on the estate of the relatives of the Noble Lord,
and it was not until six weeks afterwards when the Noble
Lord, for the sake of embarrassing the Administra-
tion, chose to agitate the country, that his own tenants
ever heard anything of a maximum duty of 20s. In six weeks
however, after that declaration had been made, many letters
were written by the tenants of the Noble Lord, and the con-
sequence was, that a panic arose from that agitation. This
he would say, however, that since the proposal of the Govern-
ment had been put forth, even with all its defects, he believed
from the information he had received from the county he re-
presented, the great majority of the county would rather
accept the measure as it was, than be companions with the
Noble Lord to reject that measure and the Government, and so
t o leave the agricultural interest at the mercy of the Noble Lord,
He should have other opportunities of addressing that House,
as lie had given notice of amotion—(Laughter)—that when
the House resolved itself into a Cornmitte, he should state to
that Committee good and sufficient reason why the Committee
should adopt a maximum duty of t2ss. in preference to the duty
proposed by her Majesty's Government. Whether the House
agreed to that proposal or not, so persuaded was he that it was
desirable for the permanent settlement of this question for
the benefit of the agriculturist, and for the benefit of
those he represented, and whom the Noble Lord repre-
sented, that he would rather see the measure proposed
by the Administration, passed without a single alteration, then
see the agriculturists left to the tender mercies of the Noble
Lord opposite.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the course
of conduct he had pursued, all he could say was, that he was
not afraid to meet his constituents at any time, and enter into
a contest with the Noble Loid before them.—(Cries of
" Question, question.") The Noble Lord had imputed to
him that he had acted the unworthy part of concerting with
the Administration to overthrow the agricultural inte-
rests, and to compromise that of his constituents.
Now, with respect to wheat, he had no hesitation in appealing
to his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government
and his colleagues to say, whether on any occasion, whether
directly or indirectly he had ever made a communication
with them until he had declared his opinion in the presence of
his constituents ?—( Cries of " Question, question.")
Lord WORSLEY, in explanation, observed, that in what
he had stated to the House he had not the most remote idea
of casting any reflections on the Hon. Member.
Mr. GRANTLEY BERK E LEY said that he was not going
to desert the landed interest, for fear being charged with at-
tending too much to tho demands of the middle classes. He
thought that by adopting a sufficient fixed duty they would
get rid of gambling specnlations, which pressed so heavily upon
manufacturers, while the sliding scale did not protect the
landed interest. Under these circumstances, and entertaining
those opinions, he would support the Motion of the Noble Lord.
Sir R. PEEL rose, amidst much cheering, and addressed
the flouse as follows :—Mr. Speaker, Sir,—After the demand
I felt it my duty to make upon the patience of the House in
bringing forward the measure, I shall feel it incumbent to limit
myself as much as the nature of the motion will allow, and I
will confine myself to the issue raised by the proposal of the
Noble Lord. lam a little surprised at the nature of the issue
raised by the Noble Lord. I am quite aware that I have to
contend against two classes of antagonists, entertaining two
opposite opinions; the one led by the Noble Lord, the advocate
of a fixed duty ; the other, conducted by those who are the
decided enemies of all duty. Now, I was a little curious to
know by what process those two classes of antagonists could be
brought to range under the same banr&r. The Noble Lord I
expected to affirm that a fixed duty ought to be preferred to a
sliding scale. 1 heard much front the Noble Lord and those
who support him in condemnation of those who oppose his
measure, but they did not clearly, anounce their opinions.
Concur, if you please, its what the Noble Lord has said ; reject
I say, if you will, my plan, upon these considerations ; but if
you bring forward abstract propositions, in order that you may
come to what are to be the measures of Government, then it is
fitting with the dignity and character of our proposition to put
upon record, the great principles en which you found your ob-
jections. The Noble Lord has said to me, "it is very well
for you to say this—you are in opposition, and are not charged
with the functions andaesponsibilities of government, but you
have been long in public life, you have the confidence of a large
party, this is a great question, and has undergone repeated dis-
cussion, and the country wants to know the principles on whieb
you would be disposed to govern." I did then expect that
the Noble Lord, not uniting in the third reading of a Bill
with men of opposite opinions for therejection of that measure,
but at the outset, putting forth the .grounds and principles on
which the measure could not be entertained, I did expect that
the Noble Lord, after the eloquent condemnation I heard from
him on theevils of ambiguous and abstract resolutions, I did ex-
pect, I say, to hear something more from him than such a relo-
lution as he has proposed. How those who advocated the prin-
ciple of no duty at all can vote for this proposition, I cannot
understand. The mover of this proposition is an advocate for
a fixed duty, and you may infer the character of abstract resolu.
tions from the principles of those who move them.—( Hear. )
The Noble Lord merely affirms that this House, looking at
the evils which have resulted from a graduated sliding
scale, is not prepared to adopt the measure of her
Majesty's Government, founded on the same principle, and
which would be attended with similar results. Why, a fixed
duty plainly lurks under these expressions.—(Cheers.) Your
Mover is in favour of a fixed duty, and how will you, who are
opposed to all graduated scales as mischievous, and to a fixed
duty as a positive injustice, how will you agree with the ad-
vocates of a fixed duty ? Ambiguous as the terms of this mo-
tion may be, this I know, that it does involve a fixed duty,
and nothing else; and how you can agree with it I cannot per-
ceive. Now, the motion the Noble Lord ought to have made
is clearly this—with his principles—( A laugh from the Opposi-
tion benches)—Oh ! I only meant if he intends to carry out
his principles.—(Tory cheers.) I pay, it seems, a greater
compliment to the Noble Lord than his former colleagues.—
(Renewed cheers.) Both the principles are at issue. The
question whether a fixed duty is preferable to a sliding scale ;
and if the Noble Lord had acted on his precedent of 1830, it
is clear that the resolution he ought to have moved should
have been this : —Resolved that no settlement of the Corn-laws
can be permanent or satisfactory that does not include the
principle of a fixeduty.—(Lou cheers.)
d d Acting on the
precedent of 1830, when it was very difficult to bring men of
conflicting opinions to join in one common course, and
unite in one common vote, that distinct kind of
resolution was the one which the Noble Lord brought forward.
But here, in this place, and at the present time, when
opinions are even more discordant, the Noble Lord knows
that he could not form a compact and alliance with men of such
opposite views, if he had not connected himself with an ab-
stract prineiple, in order to bring those who are the opponents
of all duties to concur in a vote, in the hopes of concealing
from the eyes of that intelligent public, which, we are told,
has its scrutinising eyes fixed upon us—to conceal from the
public by this division, what is the real nature and extent of
the difference between them. I.lly object to-night is not to
maintain an argument with those who advocate absolute free-
dom. My conflict, if conflict it can be called, is with the de-
tails of the proposal of the Noble Lord. With regard to the
general principle the Noble Lord has laid down, as the principle
which should govern all legislation on this question, in thosegene-
ral principles there is no material difference between us. I agree
with my Hon. Friend that the object that ought to animate us
is the welfare of the great body of the people.—( Cheers. )
I cordially concur with this principle ; and that man cannot be
the true friend of the agricultural interest who tries to get for
it any temporary benefit by calling on the other classes of the
community to submit to sacrifices in order that such a benefit
may be secured to it. Then, with respect to the Noble Lord,
he has told us that he would submit to any odium rather than
do an injustice to agriculture. He said the agricultural interest
was entitled to protection. First, en-account of the peculiar
and special burdens to which it is subjected; and, secondly, it
was entitled to protection if, in consequence of the long endu-
rance of laws originally and continuously defective, yet if, under
the sanction of the Legislature, men have embarked their capi-
tal and committed their pecuniary interest on the faith of what
the Legislature has done, then, said the Noble Lord, it will be
competent for you to retrace your steps. Sound policy may
enjoin you to retrace your steps, but considerations of equity
and of justice command you to combine With the establishment
of a better system a temporary protection, for these will have
been fostered under the system you have built up. These were
the sentiments of the Noble Lord, determining the course which
lie thpught should be pursued with respect to agriculture. As
I said before, I do not materially differ from the
Noble Lord on these principles. Our difference merely is as
to which will be the better practical measure to adopt ; and
it is because I believe that the measure I propose, namely, a
graduated scale of duty, varying inversely with the price of
corn diminishing,--I admit the amount of protection to a cer-
tain extent now received, but guarding the agricultural interest
againstcompetition when the price is as low as it is consistent with
the interest of the consumer it should be, and dismissing theduty
altogether, when the interest of the consumer requires its aban-
donment, a better principle than the Noble Lord's for a fixed
duty—therefore, it is, that for my practical measure I do contend.
A fixed !duty why the Noble Lord himself seems inclined to
abandon it, he will have no sliding scale ; but, in one respect,
he adopts it. The difference between us is that the
Noble Lord slides on one leg.—( Cheers and laughter.) For with
respect to a higher amount of duty, the Noble Lord is prepared
to maintain a system of averages fur the purpose of determining
when the duty at a certain point shall cease. Well, I think
my plan ensuring that cessation, is better than the plan of the
Noble Lord, because, as has just been stated in the able speech
of my Hon. Friend, the Noble Lord's plan provides tuat at
7.25. there is a duty of Bs., but at 735., determined by
the price of the averages, the duty altogether
ceases. If opportunities of combination can exist; if it is so
objectionable, that a duty shall aggravate the evils of high
prices; if corn being at 70s. is an inducement to hold it till it
reaches 735., in the hopes of getting the 35., what an im-
mense inducement to hold back ; and the practice on the ave-
rages will be found, on comparing the scale of the Noble Lord
with mine, when a duty of 2s. in the price makes a difference
of Bs. in the duty.—( Hear, hear.) And with respect to Ame-
rica—supposing an American, finding the duty remitted at 735.,
ships corn for this country, and the holders of corn here have
poured it in, and availed themselves of the remission of duty,
should it be their interest to raise the duty again, which they
can do by combining, the American, who has imported on the
faith of the duty being abolished, is met here by a duty of 8s ,
on account of the price having risen. Why he must be aware
of the immense difficulties attending the question of a fixed
duty,when after six months' deliberation, he proposes an amend-
ment, subject to almost all the evils of the existing scale.
I think that whoever considers the conflicting opinions which
have been given during the course of this debate by Gentlemen
on both sides of the House, by Gentlemen representing both
the agricultural and the manufacturing districts, must come to

could be undertaken by any Government.— ( cheers. )
,not-,01';
trast the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Li
ltahsevsc,outluersitoank'ets.hoantehoef wthheomuonsdtedritait eusltaarnedviosnienroouts tthaesk?_trait.
sident of the Board of 'Trade.—( A laugh. ) late
'the
shire with the speech of the Right Hon. Cientleinhaeothie.ardorne;
1 mean the Right Honourable Gentleman _
e.
President of the Board of Trade.—( Hear, hear, and hee
was whichonli •
alsassutr eni himht
the Right
Rniogth
ti r
I am sure the Right Hon. Gentleman will pardon them
my mode of taking the averages, while it diminished thno,'9_,re
raised the duty ; while the 'Noble Lord says this evening
t"
by my proposed change in the system of taking the ad_e ,
intentional.
—tie(
it was considered that the farmers would be preju
the greatest alarm has been created in the agricultural
the mode in which it was proposed that the averages
oshould_.4
rnliaenar'tol'lcelarranii'at,e__;;
taken. I am surprised that the Hon. Gentleman PKTtse,
should give the countenance of his authority to the peel:el:;o
which have been excited on this subjeet•—(
For myself I disclaim any intention of affecting the
_La-v,eLeges,ed
improperly by the system 1 have proposed—( Hear, he"%tsahe
if on consideration of the subject 1 shall be convinced ttol
effect will not be what I anticipate, 1 shall be prepared
02761._
any alteration which on consideration 1 may deeed.6ol
(Cheers). 1 propose merely to correct fraud,
„greedy
protection I may take for agriculture, 1 will tabeue____,
and not indirectly by any unfair tampering
'the Noble Lord, the Member for Lincolnshire, says thas
are scarcely any two persons satisfied with the scale 1131:713- :0
for wheat, but that, with regard to barley and oats,
- tp
meets with universal condemnation. 1 think that, leatsomittsof
the manner in which this plan has been received by Pe: op
extreme opinions on both sides, and considering the with the
_IN..
(thy of effecting anything like a satisfactory adjust, jowl
the question of the -Corn-laws considering the
s_ led
advanced by th, advocates of tree trade on the one Mitutteo-0-
by tne advocates of protection on tras other, 1 a./' t eea
sidering the different opinions which have been ao"Podeatts
the extremes of both parties, I feel confident that °tad
men of all parties—if not entirely approving of the de r 0
the proposed plan—will accept it as the result of much an
a.tb,t
i
deliberation, rather than enforce extreme opinions,ntssed
they will infer from the manner in which it has been re des,
by those entertaining extreme opinions on both ;1 as
that on the whole there is nothing very unreasonable `il des
and that if in itself it issit good measure it will be te.,, beta
sirable that it should be adopted.—( Cheers.) it l L"jet-bes
brought forward by myself and my colleagues, under t.:00
lief that on the whole it was , the most safe Andra:rests
measure that could be proposed in the present artifict,..ate
of our social relations. As I stated when I first propos:Le of
measure, it has been brought forward, not for the purge"- al
protecting any particular class-not with a view of faLaaas'
any particular class at tie expense of the others, but rick
we believed that, on the whole, it was the measuregeard
culated to serve the general interests of the country.—(iateltl'
I offer it to the House under circumstances of great arciast,
as a great improvement of the existing law, and a coutPr ,110
which moderate men of all parties ought to aceel*
Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, in his speech', e
was throughout characterised by great
me not to lag behind the spirit of the age, 7,001
propose any lf measures, not to make any comproltd st
principle, but to bring forward such a measure a5,.,57i,, fe)
once stamp me with the character of a statesman.—("wite
I must tell the Hon. Gentleman that I disregard that 0.01
I bring forward this measure as one calculated to effeetloo
practical good. I do not pretend to bring it forward boor
announcit g some great principle from which the person ,was
ing it forward may reap for himself some temperer): I:evil
larity, but which when carried will leave all the pract,_it.,)
precisely where it found them.—(Cheers and laugni-,00
stand in a different position from that in which the o!Atis"
Learned Gentleman stands. I stand in a different 1170
to that in which the Noble Lord stands. lam trying° -It?
a practical adjustment of this most difficult questio°7-eiair
easy for the Hon. Gentleman to say, carry out the great P. 041
pies of free trade ; but what do I find? 1 find mighty i°4ool
which have grown up under the present systena.--10tr
cheers.') I find that, under the present system,
.„tn,0101?
two millions of quarters of wheat, and forty-five r'
quarters of grain have been grown annually los
country. When I think of the immense capital e°loo°_,
in growing this enormous quantity, what JTi
pecuniary interests do I find involved—what complicate
interests —how many families are there dependent of
subsistence and for their comforts on the continuanceese
present system ?—( Loud cheers.) Am I to disregard th..„,„o'
terests altogether, and apply the principles of free trade,. sie.
to disregard these immense social and pecuniary interes"„
nether ? How many leases have there been granted,ps)
faith of the continuance of the present system ?--k4OlO,
Take the case of the tenant-at-will. Is it any ;al liP
to him to say this is a landlord's question ? His caPfeeeig
been embarked in agriculture, and any sudden influx aloof
corn must, and would, most materially affect him. OS,
disregard him, what am Ito do with the leaseholders ?...the
many thousand leases have been entered into on the 100
the existing law ? F r 150 years past agriculture haLttlis
pre,ected. Can 1 disregard that fact? It is no proof tfd
protection was wise in the first instance, but it is areisti
touchinglightl those interests which have been establistlet'slo
grown up under the present system. Then again recellt,oo
under the Tithe Commutation Act. All your Cale .;01j
have been made upon the price of corn under the estispr
•tena. Then, again, with regard to Ireland, the N°JJJe„' 0d
proposes to admit oats at a duty of 3s. 2d. Does ale 0
think that it is either wise or just, without an hours' 119:00!
the Sister Kingdom, which sends us two millions Ofqc.Site
annually--is it wise or politic, without notice, to adwLStieit
an influx of oats from the Continent, as would eventuatsqs,
her produce from the market, and which must ,101.)
case if oats are admitted at 3s. 2d. ?—(Hear, hear'eala,
Sir, when you make an arrangement with respect to.
_mg!
is desirable also to consider what other produce is to he 7,-a
by your regulation. I would wish to substitutt'ssai,
principle of prohibition, in respect of other articles' M
f 0
tion, one of protection.—(Hear, hear.) I find thatposed duty would be, as regards Ireland, an absolute tla",'
,
tion,—(llear, hear.) And, Sir, I find that there are;ileisa"
interests involved, that it is our duty to adopt anY;4lle'f'
which may affect them, with the greatest caution! ttei!elap;
hear.) And I must say, that whatever may be 14, ammour of those who say that there ought
prohibition or restriction on the importation of er',,,alSJE-e,'s
still of opinion, that if we act with regard to catelk,,oll•9-
tiee, we should adopt that measure which will gt-e 27010"
share of satisfaction to all, and create no new seersldtise, %es
faction.—( Hear, hear.) It was in this spirit, -sit, t.t"; lift",a-
vernment brought forward the measurewhieh "tt'es el °` ,ile
fore the House in opposition to those who are adv°ejtilietts-
entirely free trade.—( Hear, hear. ) Ido bellev.O. did gest+
to be a great improvement upon the existing systems's:N:l,oo
hear.) It is one which the agriculturist can accept .-rioo
danger, and which will at the same time admit
immense
more advantageously to other classes than it is admitted?)')t
sent. The Noble Lord speaks of the imense atit
of his plan as promoting our intercourse with the;,3oo
• obo
States, and of putting them upon the same footing a, v
countries. The Noble Lord told us what an
tags it would be to be able to carry on at. all times ale"
trade with them.— (Opposition cheers.) But' the 17h
said at the same time that corn from the United Stall,,Otfl
furnish us with corn at 475. a quarter, exclusive Of" it f
yet the Noble Lord fixed the duty at Bs. the quartets ,etr
would amount' to no less a prohibition upon American ci>01:1
that which I propose. But Ido not lay a stress up:Ml.os"
rarisan. I only say that it would be a istohnrii"lSpte;
the constant importation of corn from the Unitri..;oO,
—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It may be less a prohiu" Or
less objectionable than the present, but it is api ohibitio; ets;
as regards the United States.—( Hear, hear.) heiat‹,
posed the duty, not because 1 desire to promote the, to
of a particular class, but because I thought it necessadoos
the farmer such protection as would be sufficient to ea,oto A
him to pursue a system of improvement.—( Hear,
has been shown that the average production of corn is 45" efeS,
of quarters, and I thought it right to give the farmer arit,ri,
ragement to go on in that course of production scitheigsoelt
sauteeing to him a continuance of the same P
every season.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Ho°'
eloy
then went into a comparative statement of the avetTe;
of corn at the ports, which he said e ere chosen by
Lord (J. Russell) as illustrations of his principle, a 5,1140,10
he (Sir Robert Peel) contended would give for 100-Tdi
average of 41s. 2d. per quarter. Well now, what ltao
Meek say with respect to this ? says, that during„,.ele
twenty-five years the average price of wheat has been
per quarter. The average price of barley 14i. Per;itrAcTli
and the average price of oats 10s. 6d. Mr. Meek Vela°
of a regular demand in England fur foreign corn the I;Ps
grown in Denmark would be considerably inereasesHeli.rr
that in passing a law for the importation of ,forleorof
I must consider in coming to that determinations to.strfS
tent I shall affect the agricultural interests by thy`" cs
legislation. I must not consider what may be the Piiietod
at the present moments but what may be the future.cds
operated upon by increased improvement in railt,olol los
,04
other systems of transit. I take all these cOnsidet":tobj
account, when I am trying to legislate upon this eariigtord:
I hope and trust that my steps are legitimate. Now Mr.
that the rate of freight from Elsinore varies from 35', „sags,
a quarter. He says the prices paid for a number 0' .',ol,bst
pears not to have exceeded for wheat 3s. 6d., for batletltatioo
ls. 6d. to ls. 4d. (ar we understood). I think I haversejgb,ti
if w heat at Elsinore is 28s. 10d. the quarter, and the Jr oar Pt
not exceed 4s. the quarter, that Denmark corn 6J's"
introduced here when the price was much lower tba°o,o4ol
625. But then you will, perhaps, the quantitY f&pe,ooo
mark is not material.-Hear, hear, from the 10'0
benches.) But Mr. Meek has calculated that fr°l"drat„ li
to 300,000 quarters—and he says he should suPPteeetetis;t.'slol,
would be the smallest quantity which might be eat':-,raiee
shipped to Great Britain in years of scarcity here--s•-seste es'
when the prices were high, from one country aloo_dht.
to the testimony of Mr. Meek 300,000 quarters tileast!re
t
petted—would be brought in in years of common' Vbe 00‘
say, then, seeing that this quantity of corn v/0,.41;1/0,'
from Denmark, do not discourage the home proshnisesttee.
tamper with their interests, by permitting the oarstiatelt 0$
mark totally to disturb your market by throwitl.o4.g ,
excess. On that ground I vindicate my duty of jet'
protection personally intended for the farmer, Ism loiropli
prevent our being totally dependent upon. foreiesiiesste
f hat hope is sincere. What I contend for is, that
from abroad shall be supplemental, and that it'shsjhatia),t
substantial that our main hop i,
e shall be upon 060 rA
that as contrasted with the supply of wheat ,c-
get from foreign markets, to the extent of smile 7-fil.f.,, 0
'25,000,000 of quarters, and if again you tell illej"elssiiiltroo":,
look for the introduction of those 22,000,00 ":.
corn, you only convince me that my 'proposition, is
cs for
and that by it we should not be exposed t° A. elaeiVeciee
or to the caprice of foreign markets; for dePe° " ettliroa
time may come when deficient harvests may be I°o4 sehel, 0
tries as well as in this—the time may come, kge'ele,oll.tbe°
will regret you had not taken advantage of slte' „,ea sOfreetie
I now propose to protect your interests, and '''seatioher, yoo'
find you have relied too much upon the suPPliellsostile- I,lo°ll
tries, each of which, in turn, might be 7 stit'
and in times of scarcity impose art enornm° kno", will;
duty upon their productions ; .t is to the,ebir
too that, in a question of this sort, exposed as _ theie
thins of seasons to such great fluctuations as p'of fr
ee
must naturally have the effect of rendering mir`eciple"4,4 001
lions variable, depend upon it that the striae'?as doss ibst t_
trade in an article of national subsistence, sac rtbelieLis!to, the
not be settled without danger ; and my fin" Of 0(4 00
you rely so much on other countsies for a suPrroideee the lr,
hostility or scarcity of those countries might Ich prises (0'
fatal results. Ido believe that the scale svniidetiert
tween 545. and 60s. will admit of the hear.)
aq..ijot
quantity of corn, and that it will not induce
Hear, 'bearOtake the
as will be injurious to the country.—(ne, Let or,s,
tb
ntsp-apnetrtpoa
rstecoufremthose
al tfenriests
instance,.—( Ch eearnsas_ieo nos iaclter th
pva_ersleofpo„;
Take, suPP7ld,eate se ;en it b't
with those hitherto proposed.
scale between 645. and 725. times whieh,sliek even °' oug
sore. When corn is 625. a quarter, 1 t'he „easuii then
to predominate.—( Hear, hear.) I th d thathei'llst
abose 60s. a quarter, the interests oifikstheir,t,esesote,ifes
ulep
the grower ought to be overlooked, a° ssb rs. ) . men .4
meeodu'lletner
ceehneecrso.%)P.4_;ll( fitheu7r;:let
the consumer ought to predominate.--(l'sseesee,"Cenott 1.0
questionably a fair proteCtion. But how. the the pren 01%;
say that my scale is no improvement
really a delusion.—( Cheers,
proPre%i 65,, to dia
confess, surprised how Hon. Gentlemen th_ed the' toe
hear,scales ,
amida n d
isranyn thereioal
cihseneorat.l r cwe I
Pr' *
th the 66s* of duty which I have liewforreathe ailopseot
of thin House, as compareheat
is trot° whereas
4:4 w shoald be 7s"
quarter,seale. W When e np
propose
averagese
that
thepriceduty