The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-28 00:00:00

-:-Aztn.

LONDON:
'THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 28, 1842.
'The conduct of the Ministers in yielding several
ameliorations of our fiscal regulations, the enlight-
ened language they have sometimes held, the strange
despondency and yet abusive language of the anti-
free-trade journals, and the assurances recently given
by several Cabinet Ministers, that the public distress
still occupies their consideration, must satisfy every
man that the cause of free trade has made a very
great progress. If to these circumstances we add the
respectful manner in which the Ministers have re-
ceived the members of the Anti-Corn-Law League,
we shall arrive at a strong conviction that the total
abolition of the Corn-laws is a question now favour-
ably entertained, and must ere long be decided in the
affirmative. All parties agree that Corn-law
abolition verges towards its completion. We are
not willing to allow so important a circumstance
to. pass, without reminding our readers that it has not
been brought about by violence. No physical force
has -been used. Facts have been enunciated, and
appeals have been continually made to the good sense
of the public. Other causes having as good a founda-
tion, will be, no doubt, equally successful ; and all
parties, therefore, may be confirmed in moderation by
the example of the advantages of peaceful agitation.
To use violence to obtain such an end, is like smash-
ing an imperfect watch for want of skill to take it to
pieces and repair it.
While we would make this lesson, on the one
hand, as impressive for the people as possible.
we would, on the other, caution Ministers not
to rely on violence never being had recourse
to, however much they may provoke it.
There is always some limit to patience.
They have no right to count on the people being per-
petually discreet. That would be expecting in them
the virtues of angels, while their rulers are very ordi-
nary mortals. Itis idle now to tell mankind they must
obey the law, unless the law be worthy of obedience.
When the subject is discussed in newspapers, the law,
it is plain, has lost its prescriptive power. That un-
defined prejudice which heretofore gathered around it
the accumulated veneration of ages—each genera-
tion having transmitted to its successor its own in-
herited conviction of the duty of obedience,. confirmed
by its own experience of the advantages of obedience
—is everywhere at an end. Sentimentalists, a 4 well
a., utilitarians, testify to this when they complain
that men seek reasons for their creed, and that faith
is limited to what they see. For rulers, therefore,
now to fancy that the people will continue to obey a
law, however absurd and unjust, simply because it is
a law, is to endanger the well-being of society by re-
lying on the existence of a sentiment which time has
destroyed. We rejoice, indeed, that we do not nom
see in Sir R. PEEL, a settled determination to maintain
an obnoxious law at all hazards, for though peaceful
agitation promises success, it is quite possible to pro-
voke a just, determined, and violent resistance.

if ever a law justified a violent resistance, the Corn-
law does. ' How unimportant is the freedom of the
press compared to freedom of trade ? What are the
rights of conscience compared to the right to eat ?
What is the value of a right to property in land com-
pared to the right to have the food which a man can
earn The right of self-preservation is at stake, and
the law which keeps food from the people invokes
ag nn, f it the first law of nature.

without divorcing words and thoughts from actions,
and generating an irremediable moral confusion. The
world would say that the Dissenting ministers and
middle classes who have agitated this question, were
they to stop short of resistance, were not sincere, that
they had some concealed purpose to serve, and did not
believe what they said. But we are assured that such
is not the case that wide-spread plans to resist and
overturn the particular law, are openly discussed, and
will in time, if the law be not abolished by the Le-
gislature, be carried into execution. There is great
danger, then, of provoking resistance ; and while we
impress on our readers, on the one hand, the advan-
tages of peaceful agitation, we must, on the other,
caution the lawmakers to beware of persisting in a line
of calduct which justifies disobedience to the law.

At the Greenwich Police Court yesterday, Mr.
JEREMY, the Magistrate, held Mr. M4DouALL to bail
to keep the peace and be of good behaviour for six
months, himself in 501. and two sureties in 251. each.
Why not for all his life, and why not hold every man
to bail? We see as much reason for one as the other,
Mr. M`DouALL's offence seems, from what the Magis-
trate said, to be two-fold; first, "he went to a meeting
called for a specific purpose, and, nolens volens, at-
tempted to introduce some other subject, and to eject
the chairman from the chair." That was conduct of
all others likely to create a disturbance. Secondly,
he " had been holding an illegal meeting at an illegal
place, and at an unseasonable hour."
With regard to the first offence the evidence
we think completely exonerates Mr. M'DOUALL.
Nobody deposes that he took an active part in the
disturbance in the chapel, or that he went there for
any improper purpose. On the contrary, it was ex-
pressly deposed by Mr. JOHN WADE (one of the
trustees of the chapel) that it was a public meeting at
which all classes were invited to attend ; that he saw
nothing improper in Mr. M'DouALL's conduct, and
walked out with him arm in arm. The Magistrate's
observations, so far as the first charge is concerned, are
wholly unwarranted by the evidence, and seem dic-
tated by a pre-formed resolution that on such grounds
he would hold the first Chartist to bail who insisted
on discussing the Charter at any meeting called for a
different purpose.
With respect to the second charge, we also take a
different view from Mr. JEREMY. Mr. M‘DouALL
followed a crowd to the Broadway, which was directed
thither by a spontaneous movement ; he there spoke
to them, and we cannot believe that such a chance
assemblage is correctly described as " holding an ille-
gal meeting." Suppose the people had been sum-
moned out of the chapel by a report that Greenwich
Hospital was on fire, and that Mr. M'DouALL
had gone thither with the multitude to assist
in putting out the flames; suppose that he had
harangued them as to the method they should observe
in their proceedings, that surely would not have been
an illegal meeting. It was not, therefore, the accom-
panying a multitude from the chapel to the Broadway,
and there speaking to them, that constituted this an
illegal meeting.
Neither was it the hour, for no hour would be un-
seasonable for a multitude, headed by Mr. M‘DouALL,
to save from danger the noble home of our worn-out
sailors. Nor can we think the place illegal. A wide
space used for stalls, a sort of market of a Saturday
night, adjoining a public thoroughfare, but not con-
stituting a part of it, was a legal and proper place
for Mr. M'DotrALL to speak to his friends. What
constituted the illegality of the meeting in the Ma-
gistrate's eyes was, we are afraid, the tenour of
Mr. M`DouALL's language. He spoke, according to
the Police Inspector, of the " tyrant aristocrar:y of
the country, who are trampling on the rights of the
poor man." It was Mr. AI'DouALL's sentiments,
not his speaking to a number of persons spon
taneously collected on a spare piece of ground, which
constituted, we are afraid, the illegality of the meet-
ing in the eyes of the Magistrate. He was held to
hail because he entertains Chartist opinions ; and had
he at the same spot, and at the same hour, delivered a
discourse in favour of the Aristocracy and the State
Church, we believe the Magistrate and the Police
would only have interfered to protect him from the
abuse of the multitude.

We have noticed the conduct of the Magistrate
first, which we must stigmatise as partial and unjust,
because his decision wholly exonerated the Police
Superintendent, and took all the responsibility of his
having locked up Mr. M‘DouALL on himself. Mr.
JEREMY, by his decision, justified Mr. MALLILEU.
It is the law, according to Mr. JEREMY, and accord-
ing, we regret to say, to. other and much higher
authorities, that a conservator of the peace, alias
police, or any other constable, may form an opinion
whether an assembly of people be illegal or
not ; and if he fancies that it may lead to a
disturbance of the peace, it is the law that he may,
without warrant or summons, arrest any of the per-
sons there assembled, drag them down from a-pump
by force, keep them in prison for a night, and the
Magistrate will hold them to bail in the morning.
Mr. M'DoUALL made no riot, he struck no person,
he offered no resistance to the law; but the far and
foreseeing Mr. MALLILEU perceived a breach of the
peace in the denunciation of the aristocracy, and
therefore he forcibly and violently assaulted and ar-
rested Mr. M'DOUALL. Order and peace are ex-
cellent things, but we doubt whether they are not
too dearly purchased when, "to obtain them, the
liberty of every man must ba placed at the mercy of
every police constable. We cannot question the
legality of Mr. JEREMY'S decision, for we believe it
'o be quite legal ; we cannot question the legality of
\Er MALLILEU'S conduct, for it had the sanction of
the Magistrate ; but we can and must say that the
conduct of both was improper and injurious to the
public peace. In truth, the present conduct of the
police, in eternally meddling with all the concerns of
the people, and the conduct of the Magistrates in sup-
porting them, constitute q heavier scourge for the
community than the disorders the police and the
Magistrates may possibly suppress. ,

Mr. ROEBUCK gave an outline last night of the
resolutions he is to move to-night. They aim at
punishing the parties to the corrupt compromises he
has investigated, and at temporarily disfranchising
the boroughs concerning which they were made. He
declares that it would be derogatory to the House to
allow those parties to escape punishment, and he pro-
poses that Mr. SPEAKER do not issue his writ till
more legislative measures have secured the boroughs
rrom the danger of further corruption. We quite agree
with Mr. ROEBUCK thatall the parties to those compro-
misesought to be punished, and we know no punishment
so appropriate as to disable them for ever from taking
It
any part, either as representatives or electors, in that
system of representation they have sought to corrupt
and destroy. We do not, however, see that an equally
strong reason justifies the suspension of the writs.
The eye of the public being now directed to those
places, they will act with comparative honesty and
freedom, and Nottinghamshould have the opportunity
of redeeming its character by electing Mr. STUEGE•
The only arguments which apply to the small bo •
roughs implicated, would apply to all the small
boroughs in the kingdom, and Harwich ought not to
be temporarily disfranchised while Tavistock, Mor-
neth, and a score of small boroughs, send Members to
Parliament. Mr. ROEBUCK is, however, more likely
co carry the latter part of his resolution than the for-
mer, because the House of Commons cherishes class
feelings and disregards justice.

OPENING OF THE FRENCH
CHAMBERS.
The Extraordinary Seision of the French Cham-
bers, convoked to pass a Regency.. Bill, in consequence
of the lamented death of his 'Royal Highness the
Duke of ORLEANS, was opened on Tuesday (yester-
lay) by the KING in person. The concourse of spec-
tators was immense, and the number of Deputies in
attendance, considering the shortness of the summons,
very great. The Princes, the Ministers, and all the
treat officers of state were in attendance upon the
His MAJESTY, who, though deeply affected,
laboured to quiet his mental agitation, opened the
4ession with the following Speech from the Throne :
" Gentlemen, Peers, and Deputies,
" In the grief which overwhelms me, deprived of
that beloved son whom I thought destined to succeed
me on the throne, and who was the glory and the
conservation of my old days, I felt the necessity of
advancing the moment of your assembling round
me. We have a great duty to fulfil together. When
it shall please Goo to call me to him, it is necessary
that France and its constitutional monarchy be not for
a moment exposed to any interruption in the exercise,
of the Royal authority. • • - •
" You have then, to deliberate on the. measures

T - whom, too, is the law passed ? By an ungrateful
ar Ltocracy, who are maintained in idleness and
splendour by the toils of the people they would starve
out of existence. They are not satisfied with their
own wealth, not satisfied with almost fabulous splen-
dour ; they must greedily seek for greater possession„
at the expense of the poor. ..I.igth the nature of the
law,
and the vile conduct of those who make it, pro-
voke resistance.; and were there no signs of repent-
ance and concession we should despair of the public
peace and public welfare.
It is quite impossible, indeed, that those who have
stigmatized the law as an iniquity, and denounced
it as a rolAvry
can fail ..to carry out their doc-
trines to their appropriitt-, conclusion. Men cannot
peacefully submit •to stigmatized.robbery4nd wrong

necessary to obviate, during the minority of my well-
beloved grandson, this immense danger. The blow
that has just struck me does not make me ungrateful
towards PROVIDENCE, which still preserves to me chil-
dren so worthy of my tenderness and of the confidence
of France.

" Gentlemen,—Let us to-day ensure the repose and
the security of our country. I will summon you
later to resume, on affairs .of state, the usual course of

your labours."
This speech is brief, dignified, pathetic, and to the
purpose. The concluding paragraph tells the Depu-
ties that the session is an extraordinary one, and
they are summoned together to settle one question
only in conjunction with the KlNG—that of the
Regency. "We have a great duty to fulfil together,"
is the constitutional, but under such circumstances
parental, and even affectionate language of the KING.
We cannot conceive under such circumstances any
decent ground for that opposition which the
Ministerial journals apprehend from M. TRIERS
and his friends. As only the Regency ques-
tion is to be discussed, and as we have
not heard that M. TRIERS and his friends
mean to call in question the propriety of appointing
the Duke DE NEMOURS Regent of the Kingdom
during the minority of the Count of PARIS, there is
really nothing upon which an opposition can fasten for
attackirg the present Cabinet. The occasion usually
seized is when a resolution is proposed for secret
service money, and which when rejected is tanta-
mount to a want-of-confidence vote in the British
House of Commons. Now the secret service grant will
not be brought forward before the beginning of the
ordinary session of the Chambers in December, so
that the strength of parties can only be tried in the
elections of President,. Vice-Presidents, Questors,
and Reporters of Bureaux. In these instances defeats
do not impose on Ministers the necessity of yielding
to the official pretensions of their opponents, however
strongly they may indicate the near approach of
such an undesired consummation.

But it is on higher than mere party
grounds, as regards the pretensions of rival can-
didates for office, that we regard the opening of the
present session of the' French Chambers with consi-
derable anxiety. 'The strength of the monarchical
principle is now to be tested. We have now to wit-
ness the sentiments awakened in the bosom of
France, by cradled Royalty. If, as the Minis-
terial Journals affirm, the lamented death of the
Duke of ORLEANS has the effect of silenc-
ing the clamours of faction, and of uniting
all parties in support of the institutions of July, then
may we look forward to the continued maintenance
of the repose of Europe, and the improvement, physi-
cal and moral, of the condition of the French people.
But should we, on the contrary, discover that the
voice of faction is only silent for a moment—that
the Regency is accepted as a sort of ear-
nest of approaching political changes far more im-
portant in their consequences—that such unscrupu-
lous leaders as M. TRIERS, and latterly ODILLON BAR..
ROT, assume such a position as to await and profit by
the chapter of accidents, there will be reason to ap-
prehend for France and for Europe very serious cala-
mities. From the unscrupulous and indecent attacks
which are daily made by the Opposition press upon
M. GUIZOT, in the very presence, as it were, of the
unburied remains of the Duke of ORLEANS, we con-
fess we hope little from the moderation of the Oppo-
sition.

affairs. The Druse Sheiks are yet in the prison of Bey-
rout, they obstinately refusing to repair thedamage which
they occasioned the Maroniteo in the late troubles. The
EmirAbdallah,'a few days ago, left the English frigate In-
constant, upon the promise that he should not be molested.
The Albanians are more quiet, but the English have had
satisfaction to demand for an insult offered by these troops
to a Midshipman of their navy. The Turkish troops of
the line, it is said, ate to be recalled to Constantinople to
join the Imperial Guards. A strottz'proof this, notwith-
standing Sir Robert Peel's declarations about the with-
drawal of the Albanians, that there is no intention on the
part of the Porte to do any such thing. With regard
to Omar Pacha, we fiud no particular complaints against
his conduct. The rumour of sending troops from Egypt
to disarm the mountaineers seems completely false. A
detachment of Albanians, being sent against the Ansa-
ries, inhabitants of a portion of the mountains, is, how-
ever, a proof that there is not a voluntary and entire
submission. The news of this corps is favourable to
Government. Upon the whole, we may add, that the
measures of the Porte, however well-intentioned, will
not ultimately succeed. There will be no permanent
rest in the mountains. There is not a word of the Eng-
lish Bishop of Jerusalem."
BOURSE--PARIS, MONDAY, JULY 25.
First Highest Lowest Last

Price. Pilice. Price. Price.
French 5 per Cents.... 117 25... 117 40... 117 25... 117 35
4 per Cents.... 101 30... 101 30... 101 30... 101 30

3 Per Cents 77 25... 77 35... 77 25... 77 35
Batik of France 3190 ...3190 —3185 .. 3187 50
Belgian Fives 1840 1031 ... 1934 ... 103 i ... 103 k
Threes 7O ... 70 ... 70 ... 70
Spanish Active 221 ... 22/ ... 221 ... 22/
Neapolitan
Roman
RAILWAY SHARES.

We have heard that the KING of the FRENCH lays
great stress upon the support which the Regency will
receive from Foreign Powers, and especially from
England, Austria, and Prussia. Whatever support
these Powers can give to a constitutional Government
in France, which shall serve to keep in check the
military extravagance of the Revolutionary faction,
will doubtless not be withheld. But that support it
would be madness to extend beyond the mere influ-
ence of opinion. There is in France no want of the
elements of order, and of the means of repressing all
attempts to disturb the general peace, provided Mi-
nisters know how to avail themselves of them. The
rabble of the wretched Faubourgs of Paris, the dis-
contented workmen of Lyons, and the ferocious
convicts at Brest, have no more right to be
taken as specimens of the chivalrous, gal-
lant French nation, than the inhabitants of
Houndsditch and St. Giles's have to be considered
as samples of the people of England. There is in
France all the materials for the construction and

Versailles, R.B ...... ... 290 ... 290 ... 290 ... 290

LB 95 ... 95 ... 95 ... 95
Rouen
Orleans.

Strasburg to ;Bale 2OO ... 200 ... 198 75... 200

On the Madrid Bourse on the 18th, two bargains in
the Threes for 1,400,000 reals were done at 211 for fifty
and sixty days, and two in the Fours for 3,820,000 reals,
at 18i for fifty-five days ; 31 bargains in the Fives, for
15,758,000 reals, were also transacted, at 291 for cash,
291 at various dates, with the eleven coupons, and
304 31, with 111 premium, for fourteen to sixty days,
with ten coupons.
Exchange upon London, ninety days, 57i ; Paris,
16 libs. 5.

SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES.—The following is an
estimate of the further sum to be voted to defray the
charge of the army, navy, and ordnance, connected with
the forces employed in India and China, for the year
ending Match 31, 1843 :—For Army services, 171,344/.;
Navy services. 78,8551.; and Ordnance services, 22,7221.;
total, 272,9211. There is also a supplementary estimate
of 10,0001. for the purposes of education.

maintenance of a Government capable of giving sta-
bility to the Throne, and protecting with a strong
hand every right which ought to have been enjoyed
by the people who effected the glorious Revolution
of July.

It appears from a meeting of wine merchants, held
on Tuesday, that after several evasive answers on the
part of the CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER, they
have at last ascertained from the Lords of the Tre-
sury that no drawback is to be allowed on stock in
hand, when the reduction on Portuguese wines takes
place. Various excuses for this course of proceeding
have been given by Ministers. Mr. GOULBURN, it
would appear, could not invent any that had a re-
spectable appearance. So, after many vain attempts
in that quarter, they memorialized the Lords of the
Treasury. The first answer to this application
was, that it was not usual to return duty on goods
admitted under the Customs laws ; the next was, that
as there was no Excise survey, fraud would be com-
mitted; and a third was, that by the Board of Cus-
toms they were not bound to make return duties on
stock. The variety and nature of these answers show
that Government have a very bad case, arid are con-
scious of doing an act of injustice. They, in fact,
very much resemble those persons of doubtful cha-
racter, who stretch their ingenuity in inventing
reasons for retaining money to which they
are not entitled. The Treasury has received
large sums of money for wine on hand ; they
have had the use of the money for years, and when
the owners and the public expect to benefit from the
commercial treaty with Portugal, Ministers turn
round and say, " We cannot suffer you to profit by
this treaty, because frauds may be committed."
This, to say the least of the transaction, is a prepos-
terous mode of reasoning, and more or less charac-
terises Governments generally. "In matters of re-
venue and finance," as was stated by one of the
speakers yesterday, " they have a sort of ribbed
stocking, that fitted for any purpose. When a Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer was going to do what was
unjust he pleaded expediency, and when he found
there was an empty treasury, he considered the
readiest way he could lay his hands upon money
the most expedient." It is no justification of a fraud
to urge it as a reason for preventing another. If there
is no Excise survey, the Government are to blame, and
it is contrary to all the rules of law and equity to al-
low them to profit by their own negligence and mis-
conduct. One thing is clear, that if Government per-
severe in this unfair course of proceeding, either a
portion of the public or the wine merchants must be
the sufferers. The latter naturally fear that the
injury will fall upon them, as competition will bring
other wines into the market, reduce the price while
the duty on a large portion of the stock is undimi-
nished, and thereby throw the loss on a few indivi-
duals. The wine merchants, however, are more
powerful than the poor tradesmen and customers, who
were robbed by the light sovereign proclamation, and
have only to persevere to attain their object.

The whole of the French Journals of Monday have
reached us, but their contents are of no political in-
terest. We subjoin some brief extracts from them :
We have received the following letter from Constan-
tinople, dated the 7th inst. :
" M. de Bourqueney, in consequence of a despatch
lately received from M. Guizot, has just turned his at-
tention to the affair of the hospital of which we spoke
some months ago. A conference between the two par-
ties was indispensable, in order that the question might
be settltd, because the piquet of soldiers placed by the
Porte in the hospital could not be withdrawn except on
this condition ; for if the hospital were once vacated,
the two parties would inevitably have come to blows in
order to get possession of it. M. de Bourqueney there-
fore, much against his will, has again brought the ques-
tion forward ; concessions have been made by both par-
ties, especially by one. I believe that the system of col-
lective protection will be reverted to, only all represent-
ations are to be made through the medium of France.
Though M. de Pontois delivered several notes, in which
he declared that he would never agreee to any other
protection than that of France, which was the natural
protection of establishments of this nature, the collec-
tive protection is now accepted. M. de Bourqueney will
not affix his signature to these arrangements. He pre-
tends that the honour of doing so belongs to M. Pon-
tois.—Constitutionnel.

From Beyrout, July 1, we have the following The
mountains have been apparently tranquil for some days,
owing, it is supposed, to the presence of tl a-Albanians.-
Omar Pacha Is actively engaged in the administration of

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 2s, 1842.

" Who runs may read."

SUMMARY OF NEWS

AND
Publtc eptitton.

PORMI ZO N.
There can now be very little doubt, if we may judge
by what is said by some of the French Opposition jour-
nals, that the Opposition Deputies of the Left and Left
Centre will make the ensuing short session of the
Chambers an occasion for trying their strength with the
Ministry. The organs of these parties announce this in
unequivocal terms, although the journals which oppose
Ministers, without ranging themselves under the banners
of M. Thiers, insinuate that he has been induced to
consent to the truce which had been recommended by
the Debats.

Sooner or later, says the Constitutionnel, the system
upon which the Cabinet has acted must be overthrown
by the Chamber, and the display of concord between
M. Guizot and his colleagues will not have the effect of
preventing its dissolution. This journal, alluding to
an assertion that M. Thiers has promised to support the
Regency Bill on condition of his being appointed to the
Presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, declares the as-
sertion to be unfounded, and that M. Thiers has never had
an intention of becoming a candidate for that office.
The Courrier Francais observes that it is quite evi-
dent M. Guizot wishes to carry the Ministerial question
by sleight of hand, and that he sees nothing odious in
taking refuge behind the coffin of the Duke of Orleans,
but on the contrary considers it a commodious mode of
preserving his portfolio. He evinces, says this journal,
the audacity which is confounded by no reprobation,
which is checked by no demonstration of public feeling.
The National continues to deny the constitutional
right of the Chambers to enact what it calls a new law
of sovereignty without a direct and special appeal to the
country. In 1830, observes this journal, the urgency
of the occasion was brought forward in support of the
institution of the Charter; no such urgency exists now.
King Louis Philippe is not dead; he enjoys, we are
assured, an excellent state of health, which resists the
most severe trials, and he bids fair to live a long time,
long enough perhaps to behold the majority of his grand-
son. Why then this haste ? Why not proceed calmly,
legally, and constitutionally ?"
" We learn," says the fouLnnais, " that great changes
are about to be made in the officers of the port of
Toulon. Admiral Baudin is to resign the Maritime
Prefecture to Admiral Hugon, being himself appointed
to the eminent post of Inspeett,r of Colonies. Admiral
Lalande is to succeed to the command of the Mediterra-
nean fleet."

Nearly all the corn in the environs of Paris is got in.
'rho ears are large and full of grain, so that the farmers
consider the harvest to be very abundant. The straw,
hoe ever, is short, and will necessarily be dear.
The Augsburgh Gazette of the 21st announces that the
news of the death of the Duke of Orleans was known in
Vienna on the 18th (five days after the fatal event in
Paris), and had produced the deepest impression in the
Austrian capital. 'rho Duke of Bordeaux arrived on
the 18th at Toplitz. Vienna funds on the 18th, 1084,
1001, 77, 1,595.
Letters from Berlin mention that the news of the
Duke of Orleans' death had produced the greatest im-
pression on that capital. Count Bresson, the French
Ambassador, immediately countermanded a dtplomatie
dinner which he was about to give. The greatest sym:
pathy was evinced by the Prussian ladies for the Duchess
of Orleans. The funds fell 14 per cent on the news.
PARVICAMENTAItit.

The House of Lords did not meet yesterday.
The House of Commons was almost exclusively oc-
cupied with the Bribery at Elections Bill, which, after
Mr. Mackinnon had withdrawn his opposition, was dis-
cussed in Committee at great length. A goal deal of
difference of opinion was evinced at particular clauses.
Some discussion took place, but the Bill went through
a Committee. The House rose at Half-past Two.

Ta..A
• 1 •
I A
Arrook
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