The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

unnecessary provisions in ts
thought, quite so bed e.s seem
Ireland. lie trusted, theren
ment, in bringing measures fi
tion of the Roman Catholic
the danger to which they
supporting the principle of de
the people of Ireland bad to
the Commission consisted of
Hon. Baronet had the power
them. Now, no man in that House believed that such
would be the case, but what had occurred during the
trial of Mr. O'Connell, would fully justify the doubts
and apprehensions of the Irish people. When they re-
collected the early promotion of Mr. Sergeant
Jackson, Mr. Sergeant Lefroy, and Mr. O'Brien,
when they recollected the Arms' Bill and the
spy system among the police—when they recol-
lected the dismissal of the repeal magistracy—when
they recollected all these things, they could not be sur-
prised that there was a great want of confidence in the
legislation of the Right Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.)
But still it might be said, that a great change was about
to take place with regard to Ireland, and he most sin-
cerely hoped that such would be the case. He believed
that the Right Hon. Baronet for the last two years had
been hampered in his operations by the views of his
colleague*, but now that he was assisted with the co-
operations of an able Lord-Lieutenant and a talented
Secretary, much might justly be anticipated. With re-
gard to the grant to Maynooth, he must say the mode
and manner of that grant had tended greatly to enhance
the reputation of the Government, and he should think
must be a source of no small satisfaction to the people of
Ireland. He, however, regretted that the Right Hon.
Baronet did not intend, in any respect, to interfere with
Trinity College, but still there was much for congratu-
lation in what the Right Hon. Baronet had promised to
do, and he should look upon it as the first step to an im-
portant and extensive improvement in the condition of
her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects.—(Cheers.)
The Hon. C. P. Villiers and Mr. Shell rose toge-
ther to address the House, but there being loud calls
for Mr. C. P. Villiers, the latter gave way.
Mr. C. P. VILLIERS thought the House was unwil-
ling to prolong the discussion, and he should therefore
tak up but a small portion of their time. When he
considered the calmness and good humour in which the
House had met on that occasion ; when he reflected
upon the question which had produced that agreeable
feeling, he could not help making one or two observa-
tions upon it. It was stated that great prosperity existed
in the country, and this circumstance had been fully ad-
mitted by the Hon. Member who seconded the address.
The Hon. Member went fully through the great change,
the great improvement, which had taken place in the
circumstances of this country, remarking at the same
time up n the genial improvement in the commerce and
manufactures of the country. The Hon. Gentleman
not only admitted this improvement but proceeded
to speculate upon the causes which had produced it.
Now he mult say that, considering the divided opinion
in that House, it was improper to begin the session with
the discussion of such a question. A more important
question to raise than that which had brought about a
change from great distress to flourishing improvement—
from great deterioration of labour to a more than ordi-
nary increased value-.-from a great depression of com-
merce to one of prosperity and improvement--could not
be mooted on such an occasion. There had hitherto
been two parties in that House who entertained decided
opinions upon this subject. Each had enforced their
views and supported them with peculiar energy in that
House. The Hon. Gentleman who seconded the address
belonged to one party, and he had the honour to be con-
nected with the other. The Hon. Member was dis-
posed to impose restrictions upon commerce, but he held
an opposite doctrine. One of those doctrines had pro-
duced the change, and it now became important for the
House to decide and determine which of those views
were correct. He believed he might now state that
every promise which the protective system held out to
the country had been defeated, and that every object
of protection had been disappointed. The protec-
tive system which composed the important party
opposite had fortunately been relaxed, and the result of
that relaxation Lad been fully stated by the Hon. Gen-
tleman who seconded the address. The object of this
protective system was to maintain high prices, and every
one must be convinced this c mid not produce the change.
Had their combination succeeded, the change could
never have been felt ; but to what, then, was the change
to be attributed ? Why, it was to the blessings of Pro-
vidence, and to no other circumstance. He could not,
therefore, congratulate the party opposite with having
any credit for it. By the intervention of Providence,
the purposes of protection had been defeated—abun-
dance had been created, and prices had been reduced.
The Government congratulated themselves upon those
results. They admitted that it increased commerce, be-
nefited the people, and made the revenue flourishing ;
and yet they were allied to the protectionists. He
thought it was most important to coneider this question,
because an Hon. Member connected with the protective
system had risen that night and expressed his
alarm lest the Government should relax further this
system. The Hon. Member who thus rose was unfor-
tunately one of a prevailing party in that House, and it,
therefore, became more important for the country and
the House to come to a correct opinion as to what was
the real effect of this protective system—whether it was
for good or evil—whether it had been beneficial or not,
and he did trust that the Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of her Majesty's Government would be guided in
his movements by no other influence but that which con-
tinued the present state of the country. 'the settlement of
this question must determine their after prosperity as to
whether to uphold this protective system was wise or
not. It was quite clear that the Hon. Gentlemen who
formed the majority of that House were disappointed
that the whole country was prosperous, and e the
labouring classes comfortable and contented. There
was every indication of a continued improvement, but
still Hon. Gentlemen who represented the majority of
that House were disappointed, and they were complain-
ing.—(Hear, hear.) But it was most important that it
should be made clear to the country whether they—the
protectionists—were right or wrong. For his part he
had no hesitation in say ing they had got nothing to
show in support of their system. He, on the other band,
showed that the country was prosperous. He asked the
country gentlemen opposite what they had to point out in
support of their system? Did they not complain them-
' selves? Were not the tenants of their land complaining?
Were not their labourers in a miserable condition?
They could not point out any thing or any class that
had prospered under it. He asked them, then, what ex-
cuse there was for confidence in this protective system?
He had heard with great satisfaction the
Noble Lord, the Member for the City of
London, express himself against this system.
The Noble Lord had proved it to be bad, and the Hon.
Gentlemen opposite were clearly not entitled to its pro-
tection. The Noble Lord had watched its effects, and
now very properly came forward to expose its evils.
Protection was baneful, it was unjust, and ought to be
abolished. He said, then, they must watch the mea-
sures that would be proposed this session, and unless
they could be assured that they were calculated to abo-
lish this protective system, he said the Government could
not expect to receive their support. He looked forward
to the measures the Right Hon. Baronet was about to
propose with some hope, because be believed the Right
lion. Baronet must be satisfied that, so far as he had as
yet proceeded, he had good reason to be satisfied
of his declaration in favour of freedom of trade. The
Right Hon. Baronet had reason, he said, to congratulate
himself upon what had followed from it, and he had neve
an excellent opportunity for still further pursuing this
principle. He had little or no opposition—he had the
whole country placing confidence in him if he would only
merit it--(Laughter)—and he (Mr. Villiers) must say
he would well deserve all the responsibility—all the
blame, if he neglected to act up to this principle, now he
was so fully satisfied of its efficacy.—(Cheers.)
Mr. SIIEIL apologised for having rose to address the
House with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat
down. The Honourable Gentleman occupying one
of the back scats, he was not aware that he had
risen first, or lie should have given way immediately.
Being an Irish Member, and being still of opinion that
it was possible to induce Englishmen to take considerate
and sympathetic views of the evils of Ireland, he might,
perhaps, be permitted to say a few words and advert to
some of the opinions which had been expressed that
evening. The late President of the Board of Trade,
who had placed himself lower down the House, or more
properly speaking, in juxta position with his former
seat, had deprived her Majesty of a valuable servant,
in retiring from office.—( Laughter.) He could not help
thinking that it was unfortunate that the Hon. Gentle-
man should have sacrificed the statesman to the author.
The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government
had good reason to exclaim, " Oh, that my friend had
not written a book!" He had read the book of the Right
t1.(1) ohnaovuer a
rbel
ae
di
twithoutGentleman,
raenind it
bwa
o-riso
gi mp t h oast spi bolre for hi
m
to of it
that bore upon Ireland. It distinctly treated upon the
gt rhatcll. hon.
e said Gentlemanth the n
Icroish-
oqouievset(iioint owfa.Nsfaayq-nuovostthi
0.
nTohf ecßoni
Parliament contracted for the permanent maintenance of
Maynooth, it ought to be maintained in a manner be-
fitting the dignity of the nation, and the great task the
institution bad to perform. If such a contract had not
been made, then the maintenance of Maynooth must
depend upon the vote of the British Parliament. Now,
he contended that it was a matter of contract at the
time of the Union. Care was taken to provide for this
contract, and it had been satisfied by subsequent grants,
extending over a long series of years ; and upon the
Right Hon. Gentleman's own showing, it ought to be
maintained according to the dignity of the country and
the magnitude of the task it had to perform. In other
words, the Right Hon. Gentleman said the grant ought
to be large and liberal. Now, he would ask, was 8,000/.
per annum a large and liberal grant to provide religious
education for three millions of persons?—he meant,
three millions was the number at the time of
the Union, but now it had increased to the
extent of eight millions. Having said thus much,
he could not help expressing some regret that the
Right Hon. Baronet in his speech had not more fully
expressed himself with respect to the question of acade-
mical education. He had been liberal in his statements
with respect to his intentions relative to Maynooth, but
he was very brief when speaking upon academical
education. He would tell the Right Hon. Baronet that
he would have many difficulties to contend against in
Ireland, unless he made some alteration in the academi-
cal education of Roman Catholics. The Roman Catholic
population of Ireland were bound in honour to use every
exertion to throw open Trinity College, and, until this
were obtained, other concessions would be far from favour-
ably received.
Mr. SHAW said Trinity College was already open to
the Roman Catholics.
Hon, Member for
Mr. SHELL in continuation.
sh the
already University
open. o f /let bdliisns
atteitmdeafvrteeorsTmhtftheehislli tosr;T,
shipr.Di iidtyt hCollege
iwas open
Gentleman mean to say
rth
inlN
fearoet: the pyrofessorships open to
were Roman Catholics a;
ntooßnlnacnatChaotliiicosli?cs

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