The Sun.
London, England, 1829-11-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PIItII.TC JOURNALS.

It is odd enough, that certain documents in
the German Papers, relative to something which
has takep place, and to which we have before
alluded, between the National Congress of Greece
and Its President, the Russian Count Capo
cristria, should have wrought in us emotions
akin to a sense of the ridiculous, instead-
of filling our minds with admiration, the latter
being the effect which the documents in question
were intended, and prepared with much diligence,
rto produce on all who read them. But when
tee see a long decree professing to come from
the "%timer Congress of the Greeks, offering
the Count President a handsome income of
Spanish piastres, in
fortune has de ttheet largee . privateic eof
the country,''w
re-Arming that " We have deposited the re,
ittctf;e4residemit,i in reply,
maindet of our small fortune on the altar t>l the
country," but declaring that he will not take ePe.
oftheiepiastres; so long as his " private property,"
(that is; the test of the remainder) shall be
sufficient fuf his *ants—if we have been sur-
prised to find ourselete smiling instead a
" how munificent ! how heroic l< what
an illustrious citizen of a free repliblie is tile ex-
Minister of the Czar !" we trust to be fotgiveot
by all who despise affectation. We know' all
that eau be said about " irreverence for sacred
things," and disbelief in the tendency of the
" duly Alliance" to purify or elevate the heart
of one of its own chosen priesthood ; we pro.
fess not to believe a single word of what the
slanderers of the age are circulating—to wit,
that the " National" Congress 0; Greeks iepo
more than a packed posse of M. Capo d'lstreie
own tools and creatures—nomineted by him--
selected for their insignificante and almitee
servility—drilled into their daily exertist=--tte--
Cored by him what decrees to pass—enjointql y
him what powers and piastres they are to otter
!limn as indemnification for the small remains of
fortune which he has " laid upon the altar of the
country"—and, in short, dressed tip by him as
puppets in the show which he has got up Cot floe
edification of Europe. But while we aesttre tiff
readers that we do not credit one syllable of etsch
calumnies on the exalted and romantic generottiii,
of M. de Capo d'lstria, we cannot help feeling
that there is something in this melodrama to make
it look very lilted burlesque although it is quite
indisputable that if Count Mastucewitz were
asked for an explanation, that ei.tnele•;mintled
man would protest at once that he knew nothing
at all about time matter. The mention of thso
simple minded gentleman compels us to eed as
we began, with an involuntary smile.—Times.
In consequence of the prevalence of sinister
rumours, asserting the interruption of the diplo-
matic intercourse between Lord Cowley, our
Ambassador at Vienna, and Prince Metternich,
the Austrian Prime Minister, we have made
inquiry in the proper quarter ; and we learn that
the intercourse, as far as concerns Lord Cowley,
has been interrupted ; but in a different Way, and
for a purpose very different from that stated
so much confidence on the Stock Exchange.==
Lord Cowley has left Vienna on leave of absence
for purposes connected with his own private
affairs. His Lordship is, probably, at this mo-
ment in London ; at all events, his presence is
hourly' expected. Lady Cowley (erroneously
called Lady Wellesley in some of the Daily
Papers) arrived yesterday. We are infaitikil
that the interval between the two arrivals is to be
accounted for by the Ambassador having taken
the route of Paris. Our readers may test satis-
fied that we have above stated the real motive of
this journey, which will certainly give rise to
innumerable Stock-jobbing reports. From what
we have said it is almost superfluous to add,
that the political and personal altercation between
the British Ambassador and the AuStrian Pritne
Minister is from first to last pure fiction. The
intercourse between the two countries is per-
fectly, and even unusually, amicable ; and the
views and objects of the two Cabinets do now,
and have fora considerable time (we might say
from the period when the Duke of Wellington
became Prime Minister), harmonized on the im-
portant subject of Oriental Policy. We might
go farther, and add, that even before the Duke
of Wellington occupied any ostensible situation
in the Cabinet, an active correspondence was
carried on between him and Prince Metternicli
on this very point, and that their views and pre-
dictions as to the probable result of the measures
at that time in incipient progress were identical,
and have been borne out to the letter by the
event. Up to the last moment of Lord Cow,
ley's stay at Vienna, his intercourse with all the
Members of the Austrian Cabinet, and 'with the
Prime Minister in particular, was frequent, un-
interrupted, and highly amicable, and nothing
whatever had occurred to indicate the slightest
probability of an interruption of this very desir-
able state of things.—Morning Chronicle.
The Dublin Morning Register of Monday
last observes, with reference to the trials at Cork
- The most important discovery was reserved
for the last day, and was made by Baron Pennc-
father, whose conduct throughout the entire
proceedings was above all praise. It was this
—that the famous tent scene, the chief machinery
employed to involve the old man Learye•
whose case we have so often alluded, was nc
mentioned in the original depositions of Daly,
and was, therefore, manifestly the fruit of an
after-thought. To find out this was an immea-
surably greater importance than to ascertain that
he had detailed in the beginning pretended facts
which were not afterwards adduced in his evi-
dence in open Court. It was infinitely less
daring and perilous to the lives of the parties
inculpated to exaggerate in the first instance,
than to foist new fictions on the attention of the
Authorities afterwards. To make such a dis-
covery was, indeed, a work of magnitude 'and
moment. But it was reserved for the research
of the Judge at nearly the twelfth hour. How
was this ? There was surely leisure enough to
sift and explore the intricacies of this extraordi-
nary business. There were the plot-unravellers
at Cork and in Dublin—the Police Authorities
—the Magistrates—the astute and sagacious.
Crown Lawyers. By what miracle, we ask,
could it have happened, that not one of them
observed that the tent scene was not introduced
into the drama, as at first arranged by the inven-
oc,y! is'
inven-
tor, and that the fact was at length brought to
light by means of a glance at the w.i:ten deposi-
tions taken cursorily and casually by the Learned
Judge, after four -men were convicted and four
iiineeoarerneceLladAA
primauagainst
nut
in nearlygfaai
ale l
the
thosesrCtnroaart Cork trials.
time
made no
oflf
they knew that the witness,
the
:however, r jeoepvaerrl
who have
hadn.
(,oelni tmitoohnoe
his
informationangleni
tlieln management
in
who was in constant
the Tent Scene—the traneacei9rt: JVhich/impli-
cated Leary in a regularbigannee'd-lcotisPiracy7-e-
-,

AX:t

Lev knew that the Teti, Seene was an invention!
because it was iii possible that the witness cot it
have forgeaten such a remarkable circumstances
'his is the grand support of the conspiracy
,and ettie should think the artists, whose credit
-was re. stake, would be anxious to know as much
as possible about so singular a circumstance as a
conspiracy hatched in an open 'tent, in a fair—
a ctrctnnstance to which, as an anomaly in con-
Spiracias, the Solicitor-General, in his °Deming
speech, deemed himself bound to dedicate a
considerable portion of eloquence. But then
again, when we reflect that a previous knowledge
of the absence tel the teat scene in the informa-
tion sworn at the time supposes a resolution to
obtain a capital conviction on evidence known to
themselves to be worthless, we cannot bring
ourselves to think so ill of human nature as to
charge a number of men in a respectable station
with so horrible a purpose. Yet, if we take
the other alternative, we impute to professioeal
men gross negligence, great want of discern-
ment, and altogether a most unjustifiable mode
of conducting the business entrusted to them,
and for which they were highly paid. These
who know the Gentlemen will be able to au-
sever whether they Would be best pleased to be
chased with a disposition to hang men on evi•
tense known to themselves to be bad, or wi:h
incapacity and mismanagement. Being unwil-
ling to inflict unafecessary injury on any man,
we leave the matter as we found it. It certainly
affords serious matter for reflection that if the
proceedings had closed with the conviction of
the first four, the worthlessness of the evidence
would never have come to light.—Eid.
The. Times, and some other Papers which
are yoked with it in the harness of Liberalism,
expressed a just and unmitigated abhorrence of
the crimes of the " Doneraile conspirators" on
the conviction of Leary and his associates. That
appears now to have been only a jesuitical
adaptation of sentiment to circumstances—for no
sooner was it known that the Jury were dis-
t:barged without coming to a decision in one of
the cases subsequently tried, and in another re-
turned a verdict of acquittal, than those Journals
trimmed their opinions _according to this new
state of things, and endeavoured to cast doubts
on the propriety• of the conviction of the first
four criminals. Putting aside that they are
estoned by their own previous acquiescence in
Ova justness of the condemnation of those men
'fom now questioning the validity of the verdict
which has handed them over to the sword of the
law, we will inquire upon what grounds they at-
tempt to retract -Jim original opinion. It is
because no more of the conspirators than the
first four have been convicted ? Do they forget
that but one Juryman held out against his eleven
i',llows with regard to the guilt of three others of
the prisoners ? That was, no doubt, a fortunate
thing for the prisoners; and, although it has
unly the effect, in law, of postponing their trial,
it has also a moral influence favourable to their
ultimate escape—but does it at all tend to dis-
prove the existence of this most foul and atro-
cious conspiracy ? Not in the least. We leave
tout of the question that the dissentient Juror was
a Roman Catholic, because we understand that
some
.of his fellow-jurymen, who had no doubt
about the guilt of the three prisoners, were also
Rolnan.Catholive. We give him credit for con-
•scientious motives, although Mr. Justice Tor-
rens observed that his mind seemed to be dif-
h,revaly constituted from that of other men. Still
it is possible that the men tried on the second
indictment, and, indeed, every other prisoner
but the first four, might be innocent, and yet
these four be as deserving of the fate which the
law awarded them as if all their alleeed asso-
ciates had been found guilty. vOf the
'persons charged with being engaged in
the Cato street conspiracy, so:ne were guilty
and others not. Who doubted the guilt of
Thistlemood or lags because some other per-
eons fimed in their company were not believed
to be participators in their criminal designs !
" But, then," says the " Liberal" Journals," the
ittincipal witnesses to support the conspiracy are
nroved to be so infamous that no credit cen be
teivett to their testimony." We say, that if in
famv of character were to disqualify witnesses
1:om giving evidence, or if, having given evidence,
it was hot to be taken into the consideration of
a Jurv,—the highest and most dangerous crimesl
against society could never he proved at all. We '
say, as we have said before, that the infamy of
conspirators would constitute their protection.
Conspiracy is a dark and secret crime, and the
deeper the guilt—the more atrocious the object
ofthe conspirators is—the more secret and dark
are their confederate machinations. That Pro-
vidence who, in his unsearchable wisdom, can
make even the vices of men conducive to the
\indication of the moral goverinneut of the
world, has decreed that men who secretly com-
bine for a guilty purpose, more especially for the
shedding of human blood, shall be detected by
that treachery of their own nature which is the
effective agent of retributive justice. Hence
such criminality is almost always brought to pu-
nishment by the evidence of accomplices. It is
true, that such testimony should be corroborated
by unimpeached witnesses in some particulars, or
by the coincident testimony of circumstances.
In the case of Leary and his convicted associates
we -hare the overt acts of the conspiracy placed
beyond all doubt by the repeated attacks, by
numbers of armed men, on the life of Mr. Bond
Low, the firing into the carriage of Dr.
Noreot, mistaking it for that of Mr. Croagh.
Ti;ese circumstances, and others, which are mat-
ters, of public notoriety, put the fact of the exist-
ence of this most nefarious confederacy ite
murder beyend the possibility of the shadow
of a doubt. And, as to the infamy of
the wit nesses, it was just as clear on
the first trial as on the subsequent ones—
the aoorovers conic forward in the character of
men tainted with the same crime as the prisoners
the dock ? No cross-examination could make
them appear worse than their own acknowledg-
ment did. Men who could enter into a combi-
nation to assassinate, and, hieing thwarted in car-
ryieg their guilty- designs into execution, then
turn King's evidence against their associates in
enormous crime, would be capable of any atro-
ciiv which they might have the power and the
opirorttinity to effect. It is constantly said by
English Judges to prisoners' Counsel, in cases
"here the characters of approvers are put under
rigid. investigation, Wily occupy the time of
the Court In showing the infamy of the wit-
ness's character ? Can you make it appear
blacker than it is by his own admission of being
an accomplice ?" So it is with such men as
Nowlan and others. Their admission of hav-
ing conspired-to- murder Mr. Low, because be
was an active -Magistrate e-Mr. Creagh, because
they 'disliked him as it' landlord ; and- Admiral
Evens, because he' voted 'against -the Catholic
Gait-es—places them under the taint of a moral
ttli pitude, yrhich. it would be difficult for any
cross-examination to deepen with a darker shade

of guilt. All this appeared as manifestly on tl►c
first trial as on any of the others ; and if the
Liberal" papers doubt now because the wit-
nesses are so infamous, they had equal reason
to express doubts originally about the accuracy
of the first verdict. But they did not ; on the
'contrary, they expressed their assent to the just
conviction of Leary in the most unequivocal
terms. But the apostles of modern Liberalism,
like certain class of persons whom it is impo-
lite expressly to name, are equally remarkable
for short memories and vast effiontery.—Mortz-
ing
An extraordinary pamphlet has just issued
from the press, the subject of which is the Fo-
reign Pulicy of England, and its form that of a
letter frOm Mr. liimry Gally Knight to the Earl
of Aberdeen. This production, which aspires
to guide the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs
in the course most conducive to the honour and
prosperity of this country, is just what might
hare been expected from an English Radical,
whose f.. )11y has been ripened and exalted by ha-
bitual association with the Liberals and Illumi-
nati of the Continent. The following proposi-
tions, presenting, in statement and reasoning, a
curious climax of fhlsehood and absurdity, con-

vey a faithful and accurate abstract of the work
before us. The first is, that since the death of
Mr. Cannicg, the Government of England has
lost the respect and confidence of the conti-
nental nations. This the author attests with
great confidence, upon the authority of his own
personal observation. The second proposi-
tion is, that this declension in the charac-
ter and calamity to the fortunes of Eng-
land, are the natural consequences of the
deception and treachery practised by her
Government towards the Constitutionalists of
Portugal, and of the abatement of zeal and
vigour in the cause of Grecian independence,
which was perceptible in her counsels imme-
diately on the accession to power of the Welling-
ton Administration. The third and concluding
proposition of this author is, that the Govern-
ment of England can only recover the character
and station it has lost, by encouraging and as-
sisting Russia to assume, without delay or
disguise, the immediate sovereignty of Greece
and European Turkey, requiring from that
Power, in exchange for this aid and sanction, a
public and formal declaration that the Thrones of
St. Petersburgh and Constantinople I shall cease
to be occupied by the same individual—in the
course of two or three generations. These pro-
positions are entirely worthy of each other and
of their author, of whose pretensions to the cha-
racter of a political reasoner they are so perfectly
decisive, that we might well be excused
from replying to him, were is not that
sonic of his assertions and opinions are
occasionally advanced by others who neglect
to accompany them by the same efficacious
antidote. To the assertion of this gentleman,
that England has lost her character and influence
upon the Continent since the overthrow of the
Canning Administration, we arc happy to be
able to reply without impeaching in the slightest
degree his veracity. In the continental societies
in which he has evidently been chiefly in the
habit of mixing, we hope, and believe that the
present Government of England is not held in
high esteem, because we know that precisely in
proportion: to their esteem would be the suspi-
cion, aversion, and contempt of every continental
Government, and of every man in Europe who
deserves the character of a faithful and loyal sub-
ject to his own Sovereign, or of a friend and
supporter of general order and tranquillity. Had
the author been content to assert the fact that
mutual sympathy and reciprocal confidence no
longer exist between the British Government
and the unquiet and dissatisfied spirits of the
Continent, we should have re-echoed his ob-
servations with cheerfulness and pride ; but
when he says that this change has been
brought about by a failure on the part of
England to realize expectations which her
previous conduct or any language ever em-
ployed by a person filling the high and
responsible situation of a I3raish Minister, had
fairly and reasonably excited, lie utters what we
are bound to pronounce a direct and manifest
falsehood. England never announced by words,
or intimated by deeds, an intention to support
the constitutional party in Portugal. Her Mi-
nister, on the contrary, expressly, and in the
strongest language of which he was master, dis•
claimed any such intention, when by virtue of
subsisting treaties, and on the direct application
of the Government then existing in Portugal, she
found herself compelled to employ her military
force in defence not of tide or that Constitution
—not of the rights of one Monarch or another,
but of the national independence when threat-
ened by foreign invasion. How then were the
Constitutionalists of Portugal deceived, or how
can it have happened that the continental
Liberals were disappointed ? Does this zeal-
ous advocate of Mr. Canning's policy and
character mean to say, that his solemn decla-
ration to the Parliament of England was dis-
credited by these parties ? Would he have us
understand this Minister to have enjoyed the fa-
vour and confidence of the Liberals of Europe in
virtue of their persuasion that he was a juggler
with the interests of mankind—that he intended
to cajole and deceive the British Senate and
people—that his words were intended to convey
one meaning to England and another to Portu-
gal—that they locked up an occult and mys-
terious enigma, to which those only who were
fully initiated in the arts of Liberalism possessed
a key ? Be it so. We desire nothing more
anxiously than that the Ministers of England
may never again be the objects of an affection
and confidence to be obtained by such means,
or held upon such conditions. England, bound
by the Treaty of London, has up to the present
moment scrupulously fulfilled every :obligation it
imposed upon her ; and without regard to the
opinions of this author, or of the continental
Liberals, of whom he is the fit representative,
she will continue to do so until its objects
shall be fully accomplished. Let the States-
men then, to whose hands the honour and
interests . of the country are now confided, be
the objects of suspicion, dislike, and reproach,
to our author and his continental friends, for
having convinced the world that their zeal and
vigour in the cause of Greece would never have
lea to the battle of Navarin. Let the word
" untoward" endure for ever, an indelible record
that their policy is riot the policy of their prede-
cessors in office. These become new and une-
quivocal titles to the esteem and confidence of
the British people, when they are presented to
us as the marks which distinguish Ministers
from politicians, who, like our author, pronounce
the acquisition of Greece and Turkey by Rus-
sia to be a consummation not merely harmless,
but of all others the most advantageous to the
.general interests of Europe.— Morning Post.
A sensible and a very able letter will be found
in another part of our paper on the much de-

bAteti SAW.of tie turrenev, 10 Which tkPe iteg
to call the attention of our readers. Whatever
may be thought of the relative merits of paper
and gold, there can be no question with aity ra-
tional inihd on t*d points first, that Govern-
ment being a protective body, instituted for the
benefit of all, has no right to adopt measures
which tend to enrich one party, or class, at the
expellee of another ; and, secondly, that eVery
unnecessary exertion of controttl on its part
over the afFairs of the community, must inevitably
injure its best interests, by preventing that
freedom of trade, and facility of exchange,
which are necessary to their prosperity.—
In the repeated interference of the Go-
vernment,
however, with the currency of the
country, it has not only overstepped the due
limits of its authority, but, on the one hand, a
very considerable class of society has been robbed
for the benefit of another ; and on the other, the
trade of the country has been reduced to an al-
most unparalleled state of stagnation. In proof
of the former point we shall mention a can
which was brought under the consideration of
Parliament last session,.and which, if it is not
well known, ought to be made known, to
every one who doubts the mischievous ope-
ration of changes in the value of the
currency—it is that of Mr. Charles Andrew
"Fhompson, late of Chiswick, in the county of Mid-
dlesex, who previous to 1793, was possessed of
300,0001. in Consols, besides personal property to
a large amount, and who is now left without a
shilling, and obliged " to earn," as he himself
states, " a precarious bread, by means and
sacrifices to which the habits of fifty years have

but ill accommodated his mind."' This is a
startling fact, and to those who have not studied, '
and do not understand, the operation of a change
of value in the currency, almost incredible ; but
it is nevertheless a fact, and the matter came
about in this wise :—" In the first instance,
nearly a fourth of his whole property was swept i
away by the measures of the Government, in de-
clarin4 war in 1793, which reduced his
300,0001. Consols from their selling price of
921. to the selling price of 601. In the second
instance, his remaining 180,000/. were rendered,
in fffeci, worth only 90,0001., by the de-
preciation ofthe currency consequent upon the
Banking Restriction Act. After submitting to
these heavy losses with patience for nearly 20
years, another sum of 60,0001. was confiscated
by the depression of his stock of wine, consequent
upon tile restoration of the currenc 11, which was
attempted on the return of peace. And now by
the legislative act for restoring the value of mo-
ney to a level with the ancient standard, or
beyond it, the whole of his remaining property
is seized with a remorseless hand." These are facts

which have been amply proved before com-
petent tribunals ; and what a picture do they
exhibit of the mischief resulting from the in-
terference of Government in affairs with which
it might never to meddle ! First, the currency
is depreciated in order to enable the Govern-
ment to carry on an expensive war, and a large
portion of the community is mined by the ope-
ration—and then it is attempted to be restored
to its former just standard, and those who have
been formerly benefited by the change are next
hurled into the abyss of poverty! There is no
class, in fact, but the fundowners and the loan-
mongers who have been benefited by such mis,
chievous tampering ; but they indeed have been
enriched, and are wallowing in the wealth of
which others have so iniquitously, and without
any fault of their own, been deprived. In the
meantime the last alteration in the value of the
currency is carrying its devastating effects far
and wide. More dockets have been struck
within the last ten days, and more business done
in the Bankrupts' Office, than at any period
since 1825 and 1826 ; while it would be seen
from a paragraph which we copied, the other
day, from a Manchester paper, that although
the one pound notes of bankers have been sup-
pressed by Act of Parliament, one pound notes
of a new character, and destitute of the security
afforded by the former, have begun to be issued
as a matter of necessary accommodation by
mercantile firms. We always thought that it
would come to this, and that the attempt of
the Legislature to compel the country to
use what medium of circulation the former
pleased in its commercial dealings, would
issue in a return to a worse currency than that
which it proscribed ;—and our anticipations
are on the eve of fulfilment. Is it not time,
then, for the Legislature to interfere—to retrace
its steps, and to permit the circulation of that
currency which is best adapted to the wants of
the country ? Report says, that the Duke of
Wellington is inclined, but that Mr. Peel ob-
jects ; and what may be the result, it is impos-
sible at present to state ; but one,thing is clear
either the taxes must be reduced, or the people
must be allowed to pay them in the depreciated
currency in which they were imposed, or meant
to be paid. Between these two there is no al-
ternative ; and though we care not much
which, a reduction of taxes to an amount cor-
responding to the increased value of the cur-
rency, would probably be the most advantageous
to the public in the ,long run, though it would
not affbrd that immediate relief which the other
is calculated to effect.—Morning Advertiser.