The Sun.
London, England, 1842-11-17 00:00:00

DEDUCTION WHATEVER.

Direct for the few Bonds which are still on sale, WITHOUT
DELAY, to
HEINE BROTHERS at HAAIBURGII.

Bonds are on sale NOW at £l3. Against the end of this
Month the price will rise to £l5, and the Sale will close before
the end of this Month.
Those who remit £l5 BEFORE the 15th instant, will re-
ceive an order for £2 upon our London Bankers, together with
the Bond.
To those ordering too late for being attended to, their re-
mittances will be returned by first post.
HEINE BROTHERS.
HAMBURGH, Norember 1, 18.42.

THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN.
THIS EVENING. NOV. 17,

Will be repeated the English Version of Rossini's Grand
Opera of SEMIRAMIDE.—The Character of Semiramide
by Miss Adelaide Kemble ; Arsace, Mrs. Alfred Shaw (from
the principal Theatres in Italy) ; Assur, Mr. Giubilei ; Oroe,
Mr. Leffler ; Idreno, Mr. Travers ; Shade bf Ninus, Mr. J.
Bland.
After which will be repeated a New, Original, Comic
Drama, written by Mr. Mark Lemon, Author of " The
Ladies' Club," &c., entitled THE TURF. Captain Flatooker,
Mr. Walter Lacy; Clovis Culpepper, Mr. Bartley; Gallop,
Mr. Meadows ; Aaron Tret, Mr. Harley ; Mrs. Culpepper,
Mrs. Humby ; Miss Warren, Miss Lee.
Doors open at Half-past Six, and the Performances com-
mence at Seven.—Dress Boxes 75., Second Price :is. ad. ;
First and Second Circles 55., Second Price 2s. 6d. ; Pit 3s;
Second Price 2s. ; Gallery is.
Tickets and Places for the Boxes to be taken of Mr. Whit-
low, at the Box-effice, from Ten till Four, where Season
Tickets may be had.
Private Boxes to be had at the Box-office ; of Messrs. An-
drews, 167, New Bond-street ; Mr. Mitchell, Old Bond-street ;
and of Mr. Sams, Pall Mall.

THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI.
THIS EVENING, NOV. 17,

Will be repeated THE MISER'S DAUGHTER. Prin-
cipal Characters by Messrs. 0. Smith, Lyon, H. Beverly,
Wright, Sterling, Wilkinson, Maynard, Craven, Mrs. H. P.
Grattan, Miss Faucit, Miss Murray, Mrs. H. Beverly, &c.
After which, a New Comic Burletta, called ANTONY and
CLEOPATRA. Antony, Mr. Wright•; Cleopatra, Miss
Murray.
To be followed by a Grand Burletta Spectacle, entitled
ALMA. Principal Characters by Messrs. Paul Bedford,
Wieland, Frampton, Mrs. H. P. Grattan, and Madame Proche
Ginbilei.
To conclude with THE SECRET. Thomas, Mr. H. Beverly.
Boxes, 4s. ; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, Is. Doors open at half-past
six, commence at seven o'clock.

DAVIDGE'S ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
Immense success of the new Nautical Drama. Mr. T. P.
Cooke as Union Jack is highly cheered by crowded audiences—
the novel effects surpass everything hitherto attempted, and
the ship on fire creates a complete hurricane of applause.
THIS EVENING, NOV. 17,
Will be repeated an entirely New Nautical Drama, en-
titled THE UNION JACK; or, the SAILOR and the
SETTLER'S DAUGHTER, written expressly for Mr. T. P.
Cooke, who will be supported by Messrs. Hicks, Neville,
Smith, Heslop, Mrs. R. Honner, and the entire Company.
New scenery and splendid nautical effects never before attempted.
After which will be produced an entirely new Drama, en-
titled THE BLACK LAW OF MARTINIQUE; or, the
FUGITIVE SLAVE. Zamba, the Slave, by Mrs. H. Vining.
The other Characters by Messrs. Hughes, Hicks, Neville, W.
Smith, Mrs. Hughes, and Miss E. Terry, who will sing Miss
Eliza Cook's Song of the " Red Indian," composed by Mr. G.
Stansbury.
To conclude with THE PLEDGE OF LOVE ; or, a SIS-
TER'S SACRIFICE. _

Places and private Boxes to be had of Mr. J. Kerschner, at
the Box-office, from eleven to four.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Morning 0 minutes after 1 I Evening 17 minutes after

LONDON:
THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 17, 1842.

Mercantile letters from the Mauritius, brought
by the later arrivals, state that the labourers
there, under what the writers call the restrictive
system, had been saving money for some time,
and were growing rich. Such a circumstance
seems to rouse the envy of the former masters of
the slaves, and they appear quite spiteful at the
successful and happy lives of the labourers.
They speak harshly of the system which has
prevented them from continuing to import Hill
Coolies from Hindostan, and look forward with
hope to the new legislation of Lord STANLEY.
They expect that the Noble Lord will enable
them to revive a mild and modified slave-trade,
and their expectations will not be disappointed.
Lord STANLEY, like other statesmen, has no ob-
jection to a slave trade, or to slavery, or to any
other similar contrivance, either at home
or abroad, for debasing and degrading
one portion of the species for the pre-
sumed advantage of another, provided only
that he has the ordering of it. Statesmen like to
reconcile contradictions, to controvert nature, to
overcome impossibilities, and they are the men
to make a slave trade decent and dignified, and
slavery itself a condition of happiness for all
classes. They abhor it enough when it has its
root in private enterprise, and is carried on for '
private advantage, but when it comes within the
scope of a Parliamentary regulation, and the
question is to reconcile a slave trade and slavery
with the dictates of humanity and the rights of
man, Lord STANLEY is the law-maker who will
not boggle at the undertaking, or find a difficulty
in achieving it.
In 1335—we copy and abridge Lord STANLEY'S
own speech in the House of Commons on July •
26—sunie merchants of the Mauritius enlisted in
their service by private agents a number of the
natives of India, whom they imported into the
Mauritius as labourers. Great abuses ensued,
and inlB3S it was fbund necessary to prohibit the
exportation of labourers from India to the Mau-
ritius. In 1840, on the representation of the
planters and others in the Mauritius, Lord JOHN
RUSSELL proposed to rescind the prohibitory
law, and again permit the importation of labourers
from India into the Mauritius. Lord STANLEY
being then in opposition, voted against such a
revival of a semi-slave trade, and the measure was
quashed. But in 1842, the very Same Lord
STANLEY being then, as he is now, in office, was
prepared to overcome all the difficulties which
before had appeared insurmountable, and he
brought in a measure to legalise and regu-
late the importation of labourers from Hindostan
to the Mauritius. The instant he proposed to
regulate the process, all its enormity disap-
peared from his view. He flattered himself that

he had achieved wonders, and his scheme to
give effect to this new species of slave trade, so
eagerly desired by the Mauritius planters, is
now the law of the land. We beg the abolition-
ists who have employed so much time and ex-
pense to promote their object, to be on their
guard, or Lord STANLEY will certainly succeed,
as he proposes, and the Trinidad and Demerara
planters earnestly desire, in re-establishing under
his regulations for harmonising freedom and
slavery, a slave trade between the western coast
of Africa and our western colonies.

Lord STANLEY supposes that his system will
work well, because it is deprived of all
that recommends slavery to any person. His
system is founded, " on giving no benefit to any
individual, by the introduction of any exclusive
labourers." It is all to be done by and for the
Government. All iniquity ceases, in this case,
as in so many others, the instant law-makers, like
Lord STANLEY, make a law to regulate it. "In-
dividuals are not to collect labourers," but that
abstract being, the " COLONY, IS EMPOW-
ERED TO VOTE A SUM OF MONEY TO
PAY THE EXPENSES OF THE EMIGRATION OF THE
LABOURERS, and when these emigrants arrive,
they are to be free to choose masters, and go
where they please." Hill Coolies transported to
the Mauritius, speaking no word of the lan-
guage there spoken, destitute of funds, as much
inclosed in the island as if they were in a prison,
" free to choose and go where they please !"
What an abuse of language. " They may
then," added the Noble Lord—which, for the
planter, is the gist of the whole matter—
" compete for wages with the freest man there."
" The whole system," he said, " was 'altered
from the root the moment they substituted a
public grant ;" and Lord STANLEY made regula-
lations for the trade " for individual speculation.''
Said we not right? Even the horrid iniquities
of a slave trade cease to be vices when Lord
STANLEY can regulate them, instead of having
their root :in private enterprise.
But suppose we can show that Lord STANLEY'S
scheme has a whole batch of iniquities more
than the private speculation ? Individual
planters, looking after their own interest, have a
right, if they like, to import labourers who go
freely and voluntarily from other countries,
without the least regard to the interest of the
labourers already existing in the Mauritius.
But the Government of which Lord STANLEY is
the organ is bound to protect the labourers of
the Mauritius as well as the planters, and to
hold the balance impartially betwixt both.
When it sets about importing labourers, there-
fore, to compete for wages with the existing
labourers, it turns the power of Government
against one class of men whom it is bound to pro-
tect. It acts unfairly and unjustly. But mark,
reader, the colony is to vote a sum of money.
The abstract colony, however, has no funds except
those it levies on the inhabitants. The money
will be voted out of the taxes. The taxes are
paid by all the people, including the labourers,
who may be said to pay the largest share of
them there, as in all other countries. Thus Lord
STANLEY'S improved scheme actually makes the
labourers of the Mauritius pay for the free pas-
sage of the labourers from Indio, who are to be
imported into the Mauritius expressly to beat
down their wages, and prevent them saving
money. The planters, when they undertook the
work, did it at their own expense. Lord STAN-
LEY, by his law, generously relieves them from
all the odium of their selfish undertaking, pays
its expenses out of the public purse, and actually
condemns the free labourers of the Mauritius
to pay for their own degradation and the revival
of a slave-trade begun, instigated, ordered, and
regulated by Lord STANLEY. This is the very
climax of injustice; it is all the iniquity of the
system that was abolished in 1837, with the
superadded iniquity of being perpetrated by
authority, levying a tax on those who are to be
the victims of the scheme, to carry it into effect.
The whole matter from beginning to end, the
patriotic and humane opposition of Lord
STANLEY when the law was not his own, his
readiness to enact such a law when he was in
power, his fancy that by a few regulations he
can overcome the inherent vices of a slave
trade and of slavery, and the eagerness with
which he perpetrates, by means of a solemn
enactment, a gross injustice, which he bitterly
stigmatises when perpetrated by an individual, is a
pregnant illustration of the character of such
law-makers as Lord STANLEY, and of the rise,
progress, and nature of their enactments.

A n advertisement inthrms us that " a Great
Metropolitan Public Meeting of the Friends to
Justice and Humanity, irrespective of Class and
Party," will be held to-day at the Crown and
Anchor," to consider of the proceedings connected
with the recent lamentable disturbances in the
Northern and Midland Counties." What may
be the specific object of the meeting we are not
aware, but we conceive that it may be most be-
neficial. It is to be a meeting of the friends of
justice and humanity, belonging to all parties
and all ranks. It may be intended, therefore,
and may accomplish the intention of giving a
tone to similar public meetings to be held
throughout the country, for the purpose of unit-
ing the people, by sympathies and principles, in
which all participate. All love, or profess to love,
justice and humanity. To make those great princi -
ples the means of union, no strong party opinions,
no extreme political principles, should be suffered
to show themselves. :Neither the Five Points, nor
Complete Suffrage, nor that Ultra-Toryism
which preaches the suppression by force of all
liberal opinions, should seek to be conspicuous.
The mass of the public do not recognise them as
just, and will not go along with those who do.
if these extreme opinions can be kept in abey-
ance, and the meeting be brought to pass reso-
lutions in conformity to justice and humanity, it
may do an immense deal of good.
It is called in reference to the Special Com-
mission, and there is no doubt that both justice
and humanity were violated, and law set at de-
fiance,by '1
Lord ABINGER'S charge. On thatsubject
there are not two opinions. So far as his influence
went, he procured, by operating on the minds of
juries, improper convictions, and subjected per-
sons to unnecessary punishments. If the meet-
ing shall be called on to express temperately,
but firmly, disapprobation of Lord ABINGER'S
injustice and his want of humanity, it will find
an echo in every part of the country.
Unfortunately, and of this there can 'be .as
little doubt as of Lord ABINGER'S want of huma-
nity, the prisoners Drought to trial at the Special
Sessions, had grossly violated the laws. Their
conduct was, in fact, and it is looked on as, an
attack on the middle classes. It injured their
property. It stopped their works and put an end
to their profits. If the meeting, therefore, shall
be called on to express approbation of that con-
duct, it will not carry with it the sympathy of the
middle classes in any part of the country. They
will now, we believe, cordially unite in expres-
sing compassion for the sufferers; they may pos-
sibly be brought to concur in measures to address
her MAJESTY to remit their sentences ; they may
even- contribute to relieve the distress of their
families; but the meeting will never obtain a
general concurrence in any expressions of ap-
proval of the conduct of the convicted.

If those who summon the meeting possess
notions of justice and humanity of this sort, and
they propose to interest the public in behalf of
the sufferers, not because they did right, but
because they were exposed to great hardships
and were easily misled, and because they had a
Judge who appeared vindictive, they may bring
a large body of public sentiment in concurrence
with them, and may lay the foundation of an ex-
tensive and cordial union of all classes in prin-
ciples of justice and humanity, to be worked
hereafter for more extensive purposes. Sup-
posing some objects of this kind to be contem-
plated, we wish the meeting success, but we can
assure those who call it that it cannot succeed in
obtaining any influence in the country unless it be
concocted and conducted in a spirit of perfect
fairness and moderation.

Tie Whig and Tory journals are very busy
writingi against one another. There is in this,
for their respective parties, an instinctive good
policy. They will raise a great dust, in which

both may perchance escape, but each hopes to
turn the rising indignation of the public on their
opponents. One says, " You Whigs began the
war in Affghanistan ;" and the other retorts,
" You Tories mismanaged it, and deserve im-
peachment for your vacillation, and the discredit
you have brought on the national councils." " It
was the Whigs," say the Tories, " who inter-
rupted the peace and the trade with China ;"
" It is the Tories," say the Whigs, " who have
neglected to exert themselves, and bring the
EMPEROR to terms." " It was the Whigs,"
say the Tories, " who caused the defalcation
of the revenue ;" "It was the Tories," say the
Whigs, " who would not allow us to set trade
free and increase the country's resources." "It
was the Whigs," say the Tories, " who brought
the country into its present terrible condition, for
distress was prevalent before we came into
power ;" "It was the Tories," say the Whigs,
"who would not allow us to cure the distress,
who undertook to cure it themselves, and who
have only increased the disease, and perhaps
rendered it incurable." The clear purpose of all
these critninations and recriminations, is to
make out a case for the Tories on the one
hand, and the Whigs on the other, by
proving merely that their opponents are
far worse than themselves. Both are con-
scious of great demerits"; neither party can say.
or ventures to say, " We have conferred great
benefit on the country, we have made the people
happy at home, and we have made the nation
respected and honoured abroad ;" but both do
say, and say loudly, " We have not done as
much mischief as our opponents—we have con-
tributed less than they have to bring on intense
distress at home, and cause discredit abroad."

That kind of crimination and recrimination
which can scarcely be very pleasant to the gentle-
men concerned, must not be permitted to blind
the public to the faults and the errors of both.
Both are answerable for the condition of Eng-
land. Both have undertaken conjointly in Par-
liament, and one after another, in office, to govern
the country. Both have said, in fact, and even in
words, " Our measures will promote the public
welfare. Give us power, place us in office, and
we will make the nation happy and honoured.'
Both have frequently united in Parliament to
pass the very laws which now cut up prosperity
by the roots ; and both have promoted
those measures abroad which have compro-
mised the reputation, if they do not affect
the safety, of the empire. Both being sections
of the aristocracy, having their power based on
monopoly, have promoted restrictions on traffic,
and have silently carried on a continual legisla-
tive war against the democracy; that is, against
the interests, the freedom, and the hap-
piness of the bulk of the people, whose
present condition attests their fatal suc-
cess. For the moral degradation of the
masses—manifest in the increase of pauperism,
workhoUses, and gaols—as well as for their
physical privations, both Whigs and Tories are
deeply, nay, awfully responsible ; and we, at
least, will not allow their mutual conflicts, as to
which of the two has incurred the heaviest re-
sponsibility, to turn from either the severe con-
demnation which the present condition of the
empire emphatically pronounces on both.

Certain of our readers, with whom we gene-
rally
concur on political and commercial topics,
blame the present Government as well as the last
for keeping up so many military establishments
in different parts of the world, and waging war
on distant nations at an enormous expense, and
without any probable chance of beneficial results.
Mr. GISBORNE last week, in a speech delivered
at Derby, denounced both Whigs and Tories for
the Affghan war, and implied that, like most
other disputes with foreign nations, it had been
entered into rather for the purpose of benefiting
the aristocracy and higher classes, than for pro-
moting the power of the country or the wel-
fare of the people. We neither justify nor blame
Lord AUCKLAND for his Indian policy. We give
no opinion on the subject, because till all the
circumstances which led to this expedition are
laid before the world, it would be ..!xtreniely un-
fair, as well as preposterous, to give any decision;
but looking at the motives which generally actuate
mankind, and the mild and amiable character of
that nobleman, we may confidently assume that
a war so expensive, so hazardous, and so distant
from the seat of Government, would not have
been undertaken without some great and im-
perious necessity. It is for his Lordship to settle
his account with the country on these points,
and till that is done, till he is fully heard in his
01511 defence, we must, as in all other cases
where persons lie under serious charges
of which absolutely nothing is known,
refrain from coming to an unfavourable conclu-
sion. The remarks made by Mr. GISBORNE on
this question, certainly are not at all strengthened
by his denunciations against a system to which
England chiefly owes her commercial and colo-
nial prosperity. Why should England) he said,
keep up an army at Gibraltar, another at Malta,
and go on erecting forts in almost every quarter
of the globe ? He might as well ask, Why
should not the English confine themselves to
their own little island ? Could we have ships,
and colonies, and commerce, without providing
means for their protection ? If his argument is
worth anything, we should dismantle Gibraltar
and Malta, and all the fortresses that secure us
the command of the sea) and leave unprotected
every harbour and bay that now serve as shelter
to our vast commercial navy. What would be
the result? The Mediterranean would in six
months be a French lake, and England in as
many years might be a French province. It is
natural enough for French writers to upbraid the
English for occupying these numerous stations,
and using every exertion to establish corn-
rnunications with distant countries; but we can-
not at all see the policy of an Englishman imi-
tating
the example, and running down a system
which is absolutely necessary to our existence as
a nation. Our friend STURGE, in similar strains,
lamented the war with China. M. THIERS'
journal, the other day, took up the burden of
the song, and, in a weeping mood, asks—
" What answer can be given to this honest
EMPEROR, who, faithful to the traditions of his
fathers, will not suffer his subjects to be poi-
soned? Who does not compassionate the suffer-
ings of this poor man, who blames and curses
himself for not having yet freed his subjects
from the miseries of war ?" We lament the war
with. China as much as Mr. STURGE, but for
er
guiltye r eoaf s onnos
crime, ‘clament
r ha
d
British
nt
cruelly
u el
Is'uebrjyecdtisff,t
imprisoned and threatened with death ; that the
Queen of ENGLAND had been insulted in the
person of her representative ; and that pro-
perty which had been admitted into
the Chinese rivers with the open sanc-
tion of this " poor ". man's officers, had been
faithlessly confiscated, to the amount of several
millions sterling. Had the British authorities
submitted to these insults and robberies, the
French, who cry out against this war—who de-
throned the Dey of ALGIERS, seized some mil-
lions of hard cash in his treasury, and finally
()vcaclui pn
ad
ft
ahne country,inthe o
Fr
efnrc
ht h g
Consul's
nnrsinelv,so grievous offence
face—would
of
have described us as a nation of miserable ped-
lars, ready to sacrifice honour, and even life, for
permission to carry on trade with the insolent
aggressors. War is a great evil, but it is said by
high authority, that it is a necessary evil in the
present state of society ; and any attempt to
escape from it by submissions degrading to the
national character, would only involve us in
greater difficulties and calamities.

The Paris papers of Monday state that, ac-
cording to accounts from Alexandria and Bey-
rout, no doubt remained that the Syrians had
defeated the Turks, and were preparing to attack
Betedden, the residence of OMER PACHA. The
following is an extract from a letter on the sub-
ject, dated Alexandria, October 24, which ap-
pears in the Messager :
The Syrians of Bechara, near Tripoli, rose on the
12th instant ; 400 Turks who had penetrated into the
mountain were defeated. Symptoms of revolt have
been shown at different points. The caravan from
Damascus to Beyrout, which was escorted by Alba-
nians, was stopped and plundered by the Druses on
the 17th. The most perfect calm reigns in Egypt.
The Viceroy is at Cairo.
The vapers are generally destitute of news.

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