The Sun.
London, England, 1829-03-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.

Our City article presents us with a singular and
provoking instance of stupidity—the knavish stu-
pidity, we will call it—of certain persons on the
Stock Exchange. The price of the funds had ad-
vanced a little, when a rumour, no doubt got up for
the purpose, that the Emancipation Bills (for we
shall club them) had experienced a check, suddenly
threw them bark. What ignorance ! The Bills
ran experi'ence no change : their course is fixed and
unalterable. In truth, the very circumstance of the
grtatest enemy of these Bills (who might so easily
be removed) having free access " in a certain quar-
ter," is the strongest proof that all is fixed and firm
there ; that there is nothing to fear : whether silence
on the szibject be enjoined, or an indulgence to
speak be granted, when it is known that nothing
which the speaker is capable of saying can move
the mind of the hearer, out of a state of easy and
smiling indifference, the result is the same. Be-
sides, it is certain that his Majesty knows too well
the value of the Royal pledge once given, to recede
one inch. But he perceives already, and feels also,
the utility of the measure in making him the King
of all his subjects. If his Ministers were endued
with souls capable of flinching, he would himself
urge them on with reproaches. His classical taste,
no leei that). his sound judgment, reminds him that
" Justum et tenacem propositi virum
" Non civium ardor prays jubentiuui
• • • •

" Alente quatit solidi."

(Times.)

An important conversation took place in the
Lords last night on the coal-trade. The enormous
disproportion between the price of coal at the pit's
mouth an,l in London, is a subject well worthy of
investigation. It seemspretty clear that the amount
of the duty cannot alone account for the extraordi-
nary difference. Whenever a committee shall be
appointed, we trust its powers will be ample, and
that the question will be examined in all its bear-
t specially we would invite attention to the
tcorrthict of all the persons concerned in any way
\'vith this great necessary of life, from the time it is
brought into the pool till it reaches the cellar of the
consumer. The only other topic discussed in the
Lords was the petition of certain under-graduates of
Cambridge. We perfectly concur in the sentiment
expressed by Lord Lansdowne and the Bishop of
Lincoln, that these students might be much more
advantageously employed in pursuing their usual and
appointed studies, than in interposing their crude
opinions on matters of state policy.—We really
think—not withstanding the declaration of the Bishop
of Bath and Wells—that it savours as much of con-
ceit as of " ingenuousness" to suppose that the
two Houses of Parliament stand in need of such
arguments and such knowledge as pupils between
eighteen and twenty can supply. Lord Eldon,
indeed, is, we see, disposed to attach consider-
able importance to the suggestions of these " in-
fant" politicians; but his Lordship's judgment is
doubtless biased by the side of the question
e'poused by his young supporters. We suspect he
would ascribe little weight to the petition of any
pro-Catholic in his teens. It appears from the re-
port of the proceedings in the Commons, that the
Catholic Relief Bill is steadily advancing : it has
now passed through the Committee, and has but
two stages more to travel. It will most probably
be ready for the Lords by Tuesday next. The only
important alteration last night, was the one sug-
gested by Mr. Peel; the object of which is to com-
mit the church patronage to the Archbishop of
Canterbury for the time being, if ever the Prime
Minister—or, to speak more technically, the Mi-
nister invested by virtue of his office with this
power—should be a Catholic : the original inten-
tion, as expressed in the Bill, was to give this pa-
tronage to a Commissioner appointed to the Crown.
The alteration has this advantage, that it constitutes
not only a definite and certain commissioner, but
one who cannot be possibly suspected of entertain.
ing any feeling or principle hostile to the Estab-
lished Church.—lbid.

The Bishop of Bath and Wells presented a peti-
tion last night from 600 under-graduates of the
University of Cambridge, " praying that their Lord-
ships would preserve entire the liberties of their
country and the altars of their God. The petition
came (he said) from the Members of the Univer-
si;y, who, under the Spica: Academics, studied the
writings of Greece and Rome, and learned from
them the probable consequences of political actions,
and found reason from their studies to implore their
Lordships not to grant political power to the Ro-
man Catholics." To the opponents of the measure
now before Parliament may well be applied the
adage, that " every road leads to Rome." What
is it that does not form a qualification for deciding
against the Catholic. Claims ? Every age, every
sex, the studied, the unstudied, those who can
read and those who can hardly speak, are equally
qualified to decide against the Catholics. Some
men, when it suits their purposes, can find " Ser-
mons in stones, and good its every thing." The
writings of Greece and Rome most throw a prodi-
gious light on the religious disputes of modern
times, and still more on the peculiar diseases of the
social system of Ireland, and the manner in which
they may be best remedied.—ilforning Chronicle.
The Marquis of Londonderry deserves the best
thanks of the inhabitants of the Metropolitan District
for drawing attention last night to a subject of im-
mense consequence to them—the state of the Coal
Trade. We often hear of the immense advantage
which England possesses in her inexhaustible mines
of coal. The only advantage, however, which the
inhabitants of the metropolis derive from this source
of national wealth is confined to their sympathy with
the good fortune of those who can profit by the
abundance, for the people of the remotest corners
of Europe can obtain English coal cheaper than the
people of London. Lord Londonderry stated, that
" On the Tyne and Wear the coals were put on
board the ships at the price of from sixteen shillings
to eighteen shillings the chaldron. The expence of
carrying them to London might be 10s. more,
making the price at which they might be had in
London at 265. or 28s. the chaldron ; but their
Lordships never did, in fact, put a single chaldron
of coals into their cellars under 505.; so that from
225. to 245. the chaldron were levied in the port of
London as port duties, meterage, and other things,
God knew what, but composing altogether a list too
long for him to state to their Lordships." The
Duke of Wellington said that " the inquiries lie
made when in the North had excited in him,
though he was not then in office, great astonish-
ment at the difference between the price paid at the
mouth of the pit and the price in the city; and he
was astonished to find the difference so large.
. . . . The result of the inquiries he had made
into the subject during the recess had convinced
him that the duty imposed by the Government was
not the cause of the great difference between the
price of coals at the pit and in this metropolis, and
'the high price at the latter. The difference was,
he believed, even larger than that stated by his
Noble Friend. When lie was in Durham, he had
understood that the difference was as great as that
between 11 and 41. His Noble Friend stated that
the difference was between 16 and 36; but he un-
derstood that the difference was between 11 and
41, and the price paid for coals here was between
fifty and sixty shillings. The duty levied by the
Government, which was six shillings the chaldron,
would not cause this difference. The duty levied
by the City of London was 6d. and 4d., and this
did not cause the difference. His Noble Friend
also, when Chancellor of the Exchequer (Lord
Bexley), had reduced the duty one-third, or from
9s. to 65., but it had made no difference in the
prlce; which shewed that there was some abuse
existing in the trade itself, and attaching to it,which
was the cause of the high price." The abuse to
which his Grace alludes is one which is by no
means confined to the Coal Trade, but extends to
almost every thing in London—monopoly. The
privileges of the City of London are the subject of
many an eulogy in the Court of Common Council,
and not without reason; but these privileges mean

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By order of the Commissioners,
Custom-house, March 23. T. WHITMORE, Sec.

A Board of the Lords of the Treasury was
held yesterday at the Treasury Chambers.