The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-04 00:00:00

ROLLS' COURT.-(THIS DAY)

RICHARDSON' V. HORTON.
This cause came on upon exceptions taken to the Master's
report by the plaintiffs, the creditors of Sir Walter Horton,
deceased. The report found that large sums were due from
the testator, Sir W. Horton, to Sir Thomas Horton at the time
nf the testator's decease, which the plaintiffs stated was not the
case, and had taken exceptions accordingly. The arguments
in the case engaged the Court the entire day, and were not
concluded when Lord Langdale rose..

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY

GLOBE.—It is impossible to imagine anything more
opposite than the statement which Sir Robert Peel made
last night, of the principle of his tariff, to the vote which
he and his party imposed on the House against the re-
duction of the sugar duties. The principle of the tariff,
as Sir Robert Peel last night stated it, was to effect
a great saving on the whole, by the multiplication of small
savings in the cost of living. It must be obvious that
these small savings are most important on the first
necessaries of life. It must be obvious that, where
the dearness of those necessaries results from their
scarcity (or, in other words, is the consequence of
monopoly, which is the mother of scarcity), the case is
strongest of all for applying the alleged principle of the
Tariff. For, in those cases, a hardship is endured be-
yond that of mere dearness relative to the cheapest
rate at which the article could be obtained. In those
cases an artificial scarcity is created, which is ex-
pressed by a price too high for the means of the
people at large. Prices necessarily rise above the
means of the many, because there is not enough of the
article brought into the market to supply the many.
In those cases, too, the principle of the Tariff may be
applied with most safety to the necessary object of
revenue, and with most certainty of its ultimate improve-
ment. The revenue from any article must be curtailed,
while the people are stinted of that article. Thus,
there is a double evil in duties intended to stilt monopo-
' lies, and a double advantage, with a view to the public
relief, in reducing them. The public get more of the
article ; the treasury in the end gets more revenue from
it ; and the Government are eventually enabled to take off
other taxes. The only compensations offered for the In-
come-tax are those reductions of duties, the foremost of
which, for the reasons above stated, should have been made
upon those necessaries, of which the supply is notoriously
and confessedly inadequate to the demand. It was
stated by Mr. Laboucliere, from a commercial circular
issued on the Ist inst., that the stock of sugar at this
moment in England is less than it was at the correspond-
ing period of last year by 12,000 tons. The whole
amount imported from the West and East Indies, and
foreign parts, has considerably decreased during that
period, and we have been drawing on our stock in hand.
Is it possible to imagine a stronger case for the applica-
tion of the principle of the tariff ? That principle, how-
ever, is not to be applied this year. "Thou art neither
fish nor flesh ; a man knows not where to have thee."
The Premier seems to reply somewhat like hostess
Quickly, " Thou art an unjust man in saying so ; thou,
or any man knows where to have me." Mr. Wakley
thought fit to nickname the late Ministry squeezable; but
we have pretty plain hints from this one that squeezing,
and nothing else, will extract cheap sugar from them—
next year.
STANDARD.—The colonies of the empire ought to
be treated as integral and inseparable parts of the
United Kingdom, or their counection with it will be of
no long duration. That the colonies, founded by our
ancestors and ourselves, or long possessed—and they
make up the great mass—have the right to be so consi-
dered, admits of no dispute. They have this right an-
tecedent to all engagements, whether express or implied,
because the colonists are the sons of Englishmen, or
themselves Englishmen, and can be divested of
all or any of the rights of Englishmen by no act
which the laws of his country do not forbid ; and one
of the most important of these rights is to be placed
' upon a footing of perfect equality with all of one's fellow-
subjects, whether dwelling within the same seas or be-
yond them. We have got into a habit of calling
our colonies dependencies, as if dependence neces-
sarily implied inferiority and subjection. This is,
however, impertinent and false ; in one sense, all the
parts of the empire are dependencies each upon the
rest ; because each part is dependent upon the
whole for protection, and for the encouragement
of its industry. Thus, Middlesex is a dependency of the
empire ; and so are Surrey and Kent ; but in no other
sense than this can Canada or Jamaica be called a de-
pendency. The Englishmen of Canada and Jamaica are
in all respects our equals. Let this indisputable propo-
sition be once conceded, and it follows that we are as
much bound to protect the industry of Canada and Ja-
maica, as we are to protect, the industry 'of Lancashire,
Yorkshire, and Warwickshire. But it will be objected,
that the colonies in question may be left to protect their
own industry. The reply to this objection is, that you
do not permit them—you reserve in your own hands the
direction of the commerce of the empire ; 'and if any of
these over-sea Englishmen, of whom we are speaking,
resists your arrangements, you call him a rebel, and
treat him as such. This, then, is the state of the case.
The whole body of the British empire—the whole Eng-
lish nation— dispersed as it and they are, through all
climates have an equal and a common right to the
utmost protection of its and their industry, and
other interests, that is consistent with the common
good. From necessity, the chief direction must
reside in some one of the parts of the empire, but it
naturally fixes itself in the most powerful, the richest,
and the parent State. With that State it rests to
do equal justice, putting on one side all selfish views ;
and it it faithfully discharge this duty the empire must
grow, and prosper, and improve in union.as well as in-
telligence. We are not of the number of those who
think with 'Montesquieu, that as Rome has fallen Great
Britain too must fall—still less do we think with
others that we approach the limits of national greatness.
We miss the first symptom, of such calamity—the de-
terioration of morals. On the other hand, we witness
with joy and gratitude a vast moral and religious ina-