The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-24 00:00:00

Gentleman alluded to the brilliant career of Laid Wel-

lesley, and the great success of his Indian administra-
tion. But in the midst of his career the policy of his
conduct with respect to the Mahratta war was commented
upon by Lord Castlereagh in 1804. The Right Hon.
Gentleman then went on to quote from various papers
to show that if the policy which was recommended by
Parliament in relation to their Indian territory were

carried out, that empire would never hare arrived at its
present power and extent, and all, he trusted was that
he would have the honour of assisting in a vote of thanks
to some future warrior—as was the case on former occa-
sims, for having retrieved their melancholy, but he
hoped partial disasters.—(Hear, hear.) He had now
performed his duty, and he had to thank the House for
the patience with which they heard him—(Hear, hear)—
and he would sit down, as he before said, impressed with
the most thorough conviction that Lord Auckland was
was not only justified in the course he pursued, but that
if he acted otherwise he would have rendered himself
amenable to the just censure of Parliament and the

country.—(Cheers.)
Lord JOCELYN wished to state a few facts, which
he collected from sources which were deserving of credit.
He was rejoiced at the vigorous measures taken by the
Government, but he hoped the House would pause be-
fore they took measures to reconquer Affghanistan.—
(Hear, hear.) The arguments for the Affghanistan war,
were the necessity for a strong barrier for their Indian
empire and the necessity of making men believe in the
strength of their Indian empire. But was not the best
barrier for that empire to be found in public opinion, and
the bravery of their troops ? He did not see the object
of invading Affghanistan, the people of which country
were remarkable for their bravery and love of independ-
ence, and in which the foot of the invader had never
found a resting place ' • a country, moreover, the most
friendly of all Central Asia to this country ; and, at
the same time, they professed the most friendly inten-
tions, just as Catherine the Second did, when she was
about to invade the Crimea. No one felt more respect

for Captain Burnes than he did ; but previous to his in-
terference no one heard much of Russian intrigue.—

(Hear.) If all that had been alleged against Russia was
true, this country had fallen into their trap with a ven-
geance. For the purpose of raising Shah Soojah to the
thr•me, the late Government had stopped at nothing.
He would ask whether England had a right to enter into
such a war as had taken place in Affghanistan? Hun-
dreds of thousands had fallen in a war which he consi-

dered not only unrighteous but un•English. He
thought that a proper and just line ought to be drawn as
to how far this country should go on the bank; of the
Indus. He deprecated the policy of those who had ad-
vocated the war in India, and contended that the policy
that had been adopted was petty and selfish. He thought
such a policy could not be deprecated too much. The
flag of England had waved and would wave for thou-
sands of years in a just cause ; but in a cause like the
present it would be covered with disgrace.
Mr. HOGG said, that as his opinion had been directly
alluded to, and as his Right Hon. Friend, the late Presi-
dent of the Board of Control, had so much, although no
doubt unintentionally, misconstrued his statements on a
former occasion, he trusted he would be allowed to tres-
pass for a time upon the attention of the House. He had
formerly contended that the pension to Lord Keane
should be paid out of the Exchequer of this country; and
he should then be ready to maintain that 1). large portion,
at least, of the expenses of the Affghan war should be
borne by the people of England. His Right Hon. Friend
had also alluded to a resolution of the Court of Directors.

He (Mr. Hogg) well remembered that, when that resolu-
tion was put, he had objected to the word " sagacity;"
but the Chairman assured him on that occasion, that the
employment of the word did not convey an approval of
the specific course taken by the Government of India.
He could further assure the Right Hon. Baronet that
the Court of Directors would be a very unfavourable
body for him to appeal to. The motion of that evening
placed him in some embarrassment, for he could not ap-
prove of any course which would paralyse the energies
of the country at a period when action and union were
called fur on the part of our Government.—(Hear,
hear.) He did not think that the disasters which had
befallen our arms in the East, should prevent that
House from taking any course which could embarrass
the Government, now that the national honour was to
be vindicated, and that the perfidious murder of our
troops in the East was to be visited with the punish-
ment which it deserved. He had further to observe
that a motion of censure of the Eastern policy of the
late Government could not properly originate at present
in that House, which had never expressed an opinion
respecting that policy, at a time when its remonstrances
could be attended with effect. The Indian Government,

previous to the war, had been placed in a position of
great difficulty. The papers which had been produced
had, it appeared to him, made out a satisfactory case of
Russian aggression and intrigue. There was besides, at
the time, a vague apprehension—a growing suspicion
—in the East, that English power in that part of the
world was about to be shaken, and shaken by the in-
trigues of Russia. He believed that the object of the
late Government, under those circumstances, was to
show the world that we were not afraid boldly to en-
counter the dangers which threatened us. He ad-
mitted that the case was one in which the wisest
might err, and where none should be condemned.
But he differed widely from the policy that had been
adopted ; with regard to their own interests it was most
unwise. With regard to Affghanistan, it was most un-
just. The Right Hon. Baronet had spoken of the ad-
vantages that had resulted ; as far as he could, he had
admitted them ; but the cost of the war had amounted,
he believed, to eight millions. Now, had he contended
for the principle of non-interference, he zould have under-
stood it. But all he said was, that we had interfered at
the wrong time, with the wrong chief, in the wrong
place. Now he was opposed to interference altogether.
His Right Hon. Friend said, if we did not interfere,
Russia and Persia would ; but, in that case, they would
have met with the disaster, the defeat, the expense, that
we have done, and we should have been safe within our
own frontier. If it was necessary to oppose Russian in-
fluence, why not have done it openly by a fleet in the
Baltic, instead of an army on the Indus ? Why should
they shrink from the responsibility of their own acts ?
After what had passed, he wished to state that the Court
of Directors never knew, or heard, or were consulted,
on that war ; the first they heard of it was from the in-
telligence that an army had been assembled on the Indus,
with the exception of the Members of the Secret Committee
One statement had fallen from his Hon. Friend as to the
reception of the Ambassadors from the Raja of Sattara ;
nothing could be more void of foundation. The dethrone-
ment of the Raja of Sattara was approved of by three
successive Governors of Bombay. With respect to the
statement with regard to the finances of India, he thought
the Hon. Member for Guildford had indulged in some
rash assertions. He could not admit their truth ; but,
on the other hand, he could not allow it to go forth that
they were in a state of bankruptcy. At the present mo-
ment the balance in the East Indian Treasury was
1,600,0001. It was unfair to charge the horrors of the
war upon the Indian Government. The Right Hon.
Baronet would remember that on the occasion when the
vote of thanks was given to Lord Keane, he particularly
guarded himself against expressing any approval of the
policy of the war. He said that every consideration of the
policy of, the war ought to be excluded. Nothing could be
more marked or guarded than the Right Hon. Baronet on
that occasion, and his opinion was coincided with by
every one in the House. It was also the opinion of
the Court of Directors ; they ,only demanded that they
should be exempted from pledging themselves to the
policy of the war. As far as he had any communica-
tion with India, it was difficult to find any one who ap-
proved of the policy of the War ; the general opinion
was, from the very first, that it was must erroneous in
policy, and towards Affghanistan that it was unjust.
The Right Hon. Baronet said that Lord Auckland might
have .made out. a better case than he had done in his
manifesto ; not a single reason had been alleged, except
that the chiefs of Affghanistan had thought proper
to enter into friendly relations with Persia, instead of
ourselves ; he said that he wanted to establish commer-
cial relations with them, and to introduce English ma-
nufactures among them. But what was the nature of
the territory, with respect to invading it ? They might
lament the state of Affghanistan, moral, physical, and
political, but these very evils made them an impassable
frontier between them and the powers of the West. The
climate was subjected to alternations of extreme heat
and cold ; its soil was barren and unprofitable,
and intersected with mountains that were quite
impervious, except by passes and defiles, which
roust subject an invading army to destruction. The
people of the country, in spite of all the compli-
ments that had been passed on them, were proverbially
base ; they were divided among a number of petty
chiefs, all with conflicting interests. An invasion might
be possible, if they established a despotic Sovereign, with
whom an agreement might be made for the mainten-
ance of an army. As long as the authority was di-
vided they were safe ; but put a despot on the throne
with unlimited power and danger was to be apprehended
—and that was precisely the absurd policy which they
had pursued. If it had not been for the position
which he held in the East India Company, and the
manner in which he had been alluded to, he would not
have trespassed upon the attention of the House.
Mr. HUTT said he believed no one could have read
the papers presented by the Noble Lord and the Right
Hon. Baronet without coming to the conclusion that
Russia had been engaged in intrigues which were dan-
gerous to British power. It was the opinion of almost
every individual conversant with Indian affairs, that the
time had arrived when some new policy must be pursued.
The Hon. Gentleman said that, in order to counteract
the designs of Russia, they should have sent a fleet into
the Baltic. He appeared to forget that he was recom-
mending a European war, the disasters of which it was
impossible to foresee. With respect to the expense of
the war, he believed that it was justified by the necessity.
On that occasion they were not discussing the good Go-
vernment of India, but whether they should have India
at all.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL said the question which the House was
called upon to consider was whether, under the
present circumstances of the country, and in the present
state of our relations with Affghanistan and India, it was
desirable that the particular papers for which the Hon.
Gentleman had moved should be produced. He formed
his judgment upon no other consideration than this, what
was best for the public interest under Oey present circum-
stances; he forgot
singlefor point whichgotallpiailtryad weighed with him was,as, all political dif-
ferences; the
what in the present position of Indian affairs was the
best course for that House to pursue ; and forming his
judgment upon those considerations alone, he came to the
conclusion that it would not promote any public interest
to present the papers for which the-Hon. Gentleman had
overnment
Now it
moved. Now, to illustrate his meaning lie would
refer to our present relations with that great
power, the conduct of which appeared to have raised
ar.)
the apprehensions of her Majesty's lafiteeG
He alluded to the conduct of Russia•—(
would be perceived that after many transactions on the
part of the agents and the Qovernreent of Russia, full
explanations were demanded by the Noble Lord, and