The Sun.
London, England, 1845-11-29 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY. NOVEMBER 29, 1845.

It is a great relief, amidst the noise and bluster, the
'insolent pretensions, and the vain threats of a certifin
Portion of the American people, to turn to such a speech
as that made by that able statesman and upright citizen,
Daaree WEBSTER, at a great meeting held in Fanueil
nail, in the city of Boston. It will be remembered that,
in the same hall, Lord ASEIBURTON, after concluding
'the Boundary treaty with Mr. WEBSTER, was welcomed
with the most friendly and enthusiastic reception, and
returned the compliment+ by an able and conciliatory
, ap‘ech, doing eau justice to the old friends of American
• AibertY. praising, at the same time, the patriotic and
lienourable conduct displayed by his opponent throughout
the Whole of thedifficult negotiations, and inculcating, as
ki minister of peace, friendship, and good-will between
the two most commercial States in the world. Mr. WEB-
wrzu has imitated the good example, and in a speech
of great length, though neither tedious nor one word
too long, has taken a general view of the Oregon affair
and the paramount importance of settling that question
amicably and honourably for both nations. Like a man
of a clear head, of true patriotic feelings, and of that
skill and tact a hich experience in settling difficult points
had enabled him to acquire, he sees no serious obstacles
to the attainment of the objects which the honourable
and good men of both countries have in view,
if we except, perhaps, the wild passions excited by the
outrageous pretensions of TYLER and PoLK, and the
mad bravadoes of the men in the Western States, who
shout "war and annexation" with ceaseless fury, because
they are secufe in their recesses from foreign attacks.
" There are man," said he, " who think that they can
talk of a war with England or any other nation, and
get credit for their patriotism and lofty love of country,
bat keep the game in their own hands. That may not
happen." This allusion to the dangerous effect of the
policy pursued by the last and the present President,
though he dies not mention their names, is marked by
strong sense of the awful calamitiea which such reek- i

lessitribunes of the people may entail upon the United
States and the whole civilised world. On that point he
rises to a strain of eloquence which proves the sincerity
of his feeling, and which completely tarried with him
the sympathies of the assembled multitude. " The
man who shall incautiously," exclaimed the orator, " or,
led on by false ambition, or party pride, kindle those fires
of war over the globe on this question must look out for
it—must expect to be himself consumed in a burning
conflagration of general reproach. There will be a pub-
lic indignation before which no popularity, public or
private, can stand—it will melt down every monument
of the dead, it will destroy all respect for the living, it
will burn up every vestige of respect for individual
worth, if unnecessarily, if recklessly, if ambitiously
it has plunged the subjects and citizens of two civilised
Christian states of the world into war—a war which
shall cause the loss of millions of wealth—shall turn ci-
ties to smoke—shall cost thousands and hundreds of

thousands of lives ; and those smoking cities, and that
destruction of property, and that sacrifice of life, shall be
found over the whole globe, in every latitude and longi-
tude, surrounding the ball on which we lire." In adverting
to the well-known remarks made by Sir ROBERT PEEL
in the House of Commons, announcing his determina-
tion to maintain, at all hazards, the rights of England,
he displayed the most friendly disp-osition and the
strictest impartiality. The words of the English Mi-
nister that offended the pride of Mr. Pouc. so grievously
are praised by this clear-sighted statesman, and re-
garded only as those which it became the representative
of a great nation to utter. These remarks, as well as
the conclusion to which he comes, we have great plea-
sure in quoting :
" I read, with interest of course, the discussion upon this
subject in the House of Commons three months ago, result-
ing in an expression of opinion from the British Premier,
which received the sanction of that House ; and I am willing
to avail myself of the language of that Minister upon this
subject, and apply it to one side of the question, as he did
to his. I have nothing to complain of as to the temper of
that language. lam free to say that it was a temper be-
coming a large-minded, liberal, and just statesman. But
what the British Minister said in the House of Commons—

in its sum and substance—was, that England had rights in
regard to this question that must be, and would be, respected.
I adopt the same language on our aide, and say that we also
have rights that ought to be, and must be, and will be, re-
spected. Now, Ido not propose to express to you au opinion
upon this subject. I have no better opinion than any one of
you as to the manner in which this adjustment ought to be
made, but I have full confidence, the utmost confidence, that
it can be made; that it can be made by wise and moderate
measures in a manner perfectly consistent with the honour
and with all the rights of all parties."
We may venture to affirm that the sentiments ex-
pressed in the last paragraph will be re-echoed by every
good citizen in both countries, and that in a very brief
period the extravagant pretensions of the TYLERS and
' the PoLics, and the men of the " far west," will be esti-
mated according to their real value. We need not refer
further to the speech on these topics. We have given
enough to show the spirit of justice and peace which
pervades it, and which we are confident will entitle it

to general attention. We must, however, give one ex-
tract more, because it relates to a subject of the highest
interest to the people of this country—the state of
slavery in the United States. Deeply does Mr. WEI3STER
deplore the annexation of Texas, and, with an ardour
which does him the highest honour, upbraids the Friends
of Pennsylvania for their mischievous apathy on that
deplorable event. His words produced the desired
effect, for the people of Boston seemed heartily ashamed
of their conduct :
" But 'you had the means of preventing the annexation
of Texas ; you knew your own power. By joining those,
as anxious as you are, or as you profess to be, to prevent it,
you could prevent it. If you did not join them, it would
take place. You did not join them, and it did take place.
Gentlemen, this is a subject on which I have deep feeling—
very deep feeling; and I think it must stand on the pages of
history as the recorded judgment ofmankind that those among
us who asserted themselves to be in a peculiar and marked
degree friends to universal liberty, have by their own delibe-
rate act fastened the chains of slavery on a great portion of the
black race over a vast extent of this continent. It is to me
the most mournful and most awful reflection. I know that
thousands of gentlemen who took such a course say that
they meant well They meant well. I am not to scrutinise
their motives; they must answer for those elsewhere; but I
beseech them now not to fall into another such mistake. It
is thought (it is an idea I do not say how well founded), that
there may be yet a hope for resistance to the consummation
of the annexation of Texas. I can only say, for one, that if it
should fall to my lot to have a vote on such a question, and
I vote for the admission into this Union of any State with
a constitution which prohibits even the Legislature from ever
setting the bondsman free, I shall never show my head again,
depend upon it, in Fanueil Hall."

Mr. ACLAND, one of the Members for West Somerset-
shire, so cruelly gibbeted the other day, has gone to a
meeting of his constituents in another part of the county,
to show cause why he should not have been " blown
up." " The blowing up," said the Hon. Member,
" which he had received elsewhere had induced him to
come there to see if his friends in this part had changed
their opinions of him." Mr. ACLAND appeals not from
Paul drunk to Paul sober, but from Paul sober to Paul
drunk. The Yeovil and Wincanton Society judged him
dispassionately in his absence and condemned him. Mr.
ACLAND appeals to Dunster, flattered and intoxicated
with his condescending presence, to reverse the judg-
ment. Mr. ACLAND, at Dunster, makes some re•
markable and valuable admissions. " This, he would
say, that no man had heard him at the election make
overpowering promises of being the farmer's friend.
He did not think it good policy, nor was it for the good
of the constituency or the country to do so. . . .
He did not agree with the Anti-Corn-law League, for
the course which it had taken was an ex-
ceedingly improper one; but the tone taken by those who
pretended to be the farmer's friends had done more harm
to the farmers than anything else. He did not know if
all who then heard him were of that opinion, but look-
ing to wiser men than himself in the House of Commons
—men who did not distinguish themselves by going about
the country professing to be farmer's friends—sensible in-
telligent men—he felt that he had the support of their
judgment, which he valued a good deal more than the
opinions of those who spoke against him."

There, take that, Mr. MILES, and my Lord Duke of
RICHMOND. There is something much more effective
in Mr. ACLAND'S great let down of the farmer's friends
than in Mr. ESCOTT'S strong thrusts.

It will not be supposed that we sympathise at all in
the views of Mr. ACLAND'S decriers. For Mr. ACLAND
himself we think that his speech at Dunster does him
great credit ; it is manly, sensible, and temperate;
and a quiet unaapiring member of the Con-
servative party is not necessarily responsible
for 0.1 the inconsistencies and deceptions of his leader.
ACLAND'S views have been in favour of protection ;
he says they arc so still. It was natural for him then,
in the general election of 1841, to place himself under
the PEEL banner, and oppose the then Whig policy.
He is not to blaine that his leader has turned out
a rogue. His case is the more deserving of pity,
that his leader is such a successful rogue. When
PEEL gives up protection, there is an end of protec-
tion. The Bond-street re-union, the Duke of RICH-
MOND, MILES can do nothing ; it is well, indeed, if PEEL
does not lead all the farmers' friends captive, as he does
the Duke of RICHMOND, with places for the LENNOXES.
Mr. ACLAND then says to himself, " What can / do ?'
What indeed ? We think the following remarks of Mr.
ACLAND very sensible and proper :
" If people had any notion that he was opposed to protec-
tion, it was entirely and completely a wrong notion. At the
same time he held himself free to act according to circuit].
stances. He did not want to increase the alarm which pre-
vailed, and he had kept back from these meetings because a
great deal of alarm had been created by interested parties.
His great wish had been, so far as his small influence went,
to do nothing that might make the matter worse."

That is, Mr. ACLAND says about protection, as the
Times might have said about railway schemes, " We see
what is much to be deplored and disapproved of, but
where large interests will be affected by unneces-
sary increase of alarm, we will do nothing to make the
matter worse." But the Times has not acted in this way;
and we know the result, and can judge of the motive.
Mr. ACLAND, too, dooms the corn-laws, but it is
needless to give more extracts from his speech. Like
most of the reflecting and experienced men of his party,
he sees the game is up, and all they can do is to submit
patiently to their fate.

We have received Madrid journals of the 21st instant,
but they bring no news. A good deal of business was
done in the Funds on the 21st. The Three per Cents.
closed at 351 cash, and 36 at 60 days: 34 millions done.
Five per Cents., 24i at 60 days: one talion done. Ex-
change on London, 37.

The absorbing topic of interest at Paris en Thursday
was the alarming state of the Stock and Share-market.
At the opening of the Bourse the greatest depression
prevailed, the panic was evidently on the increase, and
for the first hour everything indiscriminately went
down. The Three per Cents. fell to 81f. 40c.; shares in
the Northern to 6151., in the Orleans to 1,0501., and
Rouen to 8551. The gamblers, who probably had con-
tributed to this universal panic, took advantage of the
occasion, rushed into the market as buyers, and the
prices by half-past two had risen in consequence enor-
mously. Orleans rose 701., Rouen, 751., Northern, 45f.,
Bordeaux 35f., Boulogne 25f., and Fampoux 20f. Oc•
casional depression took place during the brief period
up to the close of the market, when most of the lines
were considerably higher than on the preceding day. A
general belief prevails that Government will adopt some
legislative measures for counteracting the dangerous
effects of such panics and placing a greater check on
gambling speculators. The National, that has uniformly
warned the public against the coming catastrophe, says,
" Our anticipatisms have been realised, and their effects
even exceed what we previously announced, We fre.

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