The Sun.
London, England, 1827-05-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THZ PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The fate of the motion brought forwari by
General Gascoyne on Monday last, with refer-
,nce to the condition of the shipping it Lerest,
-night to be a lesson to other clamourers, `iesides
the builders and owners of ships, how they frame
case for the Legislature on unfair an 1 unte-
nable grounds. By the fate of the moron—we
do not mean its rejection by the House of Corn-
tnons—many a good motion has, in thet respect,
given cause for concern and for censure ; but we
do mean its utter failure in point of argi .nent—its
entire overthrow as an emanation fia ill hollow
principles and perverted facts—a discomfiture so
complete and striking, that we doubt whether, if
such a view of the subject as that taken by Ge-
neral Gascoyne and the shipbuilders had been
countenanced by i.he,Ministry, instead of being
condemned by them, ilny majority could have
been found to support the Gallant General, al-
ways excepting that immortal band who voted
the fallen bank-note and the unimpaired guinea
to be the same. Mr. Huskisson, on Mon-
day, went the right way to work. He
knocked the foundation of the whole edifice
of clamour to pieces by a single shot, and
every thing else fell with it. Say the ship' ~
owners to Mr. Huskisson, " The foreign
" shipping has increased, and British ship-
" ping decreased : therefore we have proved
" our affirmative—therefore change your policy."
" I beg pardon, gentlemen," quoth the Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade, " instead of prove
" ing your case, you have only opened it you
" have alleged a fact which I proceed to de,
molish ; therefore, if you please, we will ad-
" here to our present policy :" and demolish it
he did. There never was an attack upon gra-
tuitous assumption and foolish admonition more
triumphant than that of Mr. Huskisson, who
proved distinctly and unanswerably, that to re-
sort to the old system of the 'navigation laws
would have thrown the trade of England into
the hands of rivals, and consummated the ruin
of her commerce by that of her shipping inte-
rest itself. The speech of the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman we recommend as a subject of useful
and satisfactory study to every man who feels the
importance of determining by evidence the policy
which befits this nation. The declarations of se-
veral respectable members of the Whig party,
made by them on the same evening, in announce-
!tient of their accession to the genc:al support
)f Mr. Canning's Ministry, were of value, not merely
:or the weight attached, and attached most justly,
to such names as Althorp and Milton, but for tTie
iiope and index they afforded of a clos.-r and more
tangible connection between the head_ of that great
party and Mr. Canning. This is a curious subject,
and one of whoPe delicacy we are well aware. Lord
Lansdown's sensitiveness as to taking office, is, 'we
would submit respectfully to the Noble Marquis, cal-
culated for benefit to no cause or party but that of
the Westmorland' and Eldon,. It hints on one
hand a distrust of Mr. Canning; on the other, it
must infallibly tend to generate a corresponding dis-
trust in his mind towards those who hang back from
a perfect incorporation with hie Cabinet. What can
be Lord Lansdown's scruples ? We confess our-
ielves far from being fully satisfied on that point.
If there should be some isolated and secondary
questions, on which the Noble Lord still differs
with the Minister, and desires to see settled before
he formally joins him, we have no hesitation in
saying that his Lordship would be justifiable to
every honest man, for sinking the dissent on minor
subjects, and securing, by his immediate co-opera-
Lion, the existence of a Cabinet which is the bar and
the only bar, to a return of the now excluded fac-
tion. The Noble Marquis may, by a continuance of
his present reserve, compromise the power of Mr.
Canning; and if he should not—if Mr. Canning
should in a short time feel himself strong enough to
naintain his ground alone,—we ask the Noble Mar-
quis and his Whig friends, are they prepared for all
he possible consequences of such an experiment ?
We congratulate Sir Henry Hardinge, tin the gal
-
Km and charitable attempt resorted-to by him in
,he course of his speech on Monday, for re-openime
the healed-up quarrel-=now four years old—between
Messrs. Brougham and Canning How worthy
ilia an effort of a generous and manly 'oldie,. !
limes.

'she speech of Lord Londonderry on Monday
ilight, is remarkable for that faculty whith his
Lordship is pleased to call " sense, ' bu', which
every reader will be disposed to designate by a
somewhat different appellation. The Noble
Marquis has, with a gallantry worthy of the least
thinking age of chivalry, determined ti sacrifice
himself to that which appears to the Lest of Ni
understanding the good of his country. He is
content to exhibit almost daily to the world cer-
tain qualities of mind by no means essential to
the grave duties of a legislator. He i ; not afraid
to expose in entire nakedness such habits of
thinking and acting as make 'us stare when we re-
flect that to him was intrusted the important
embassy of Vienna. He has even made a sacri-
fice, which to many persons will appear still
more heroic : he has relinquished the post of
Lord of the Bedchamber, and braves the dread-
ful privations incident to such a pittance as
50,0001. a-year, for the mere object of upset-
ting a Minister, who, doubtless, is not so pro-
foundly acquainted with the arts of governing
a great nation as the Noble Marquis himself.
It is impossible not to respect the patriotic • motives
which actuate this high-minded Nobleman; the
most careless observer must be convinced that he
is not actuated by personal or factious feelings. But
we would humbly appeal to that faculty in his Lord-
ship's mind which his Lordship is pleased to call
sense," and ask him whether he is not both ex-
erting and sacrificing himself with a generous aban-
donment of which the country is by no means wor-
thy. We at once pity and admire the " honest po-
verty" to whisk he has consigned himself; but feel-
ing, as we do, that all his efforts must be unsuccess-
ful to achieve the great end which he has in view,
we lament to see him lose so much strenuous and
persevering labour; though we shall ever be grate-
ful for the unbounded entertainment which we have
derived from his extraordinary displays of statesman-
like tact and senatorial dignity.--Ibid.
Last night exhibited, comparatively, little
virulence in either House, on the part of the
Opposition. Are we to infer from this, that
their rage has in a great measure exhausted
itself? It is of the nature of violence to be
short-lived. Men cannot be always living . in
the tempest of passion. The Administration
could not fail to gain greatly by the intemper-
ance of the Opposition. When the public see
men actuated by mere private pique in their op-
position, and having made up their minds to
give trouble, looking around for matter of accu-
sation, they nattrally throw their sympathy into
the scale of the objects of this malevolence. If
Mr. Canning had had the chalking out a
course for an Opposition, he could not have hit
on any which so effectually serves his purpose as
that which has been adopted. Several of the
speeches seem to have been made expressly for
the purpose of effect on the King. But could
they possibly think that their threatening and
big language—the contempt affected to be shown
by them towards the men whom the King
had chosen---would excite any other feeling
in the Royal mind than that of indignation
—No King possessed of any judgment (and

the judgment of his Maesty has never been
questioned) could evisr think of weakening his
authority, by allowing himself to be drawn from
his course by big language. This would carry
with it all the appearance of acting under the in-
fluence of intimidation ; and the commonest pru-
dence dictates, that every thing which has the appear-
ance of an attempt to intimidate should be resisted
to the utmost. From the moment a parcel of fire-
brands in both Houses began to threaten they would
show up Ministers—that they would destroy them
—that they would worry them with a succession of
factious motions, and impede the wheels of Go-
' vernment, the Royal honour became inseparably
bound up with the existence of the Ministry. We
have never thought highly of the late Lord Chan-
cellor. As a politician he has always appeared to
us ignorant and narrow-minded; and besides, the
disposition he has always manifested has never ap-
peared to us in a favourable light. But when one
sees an old xnan, the moment he quits an Adminis-
tration, betake himself to the devising factious mo-
tions for settling (as he calls it) the Catholic Ques-
tion, the only feeling excited is that of disgust.
But the idea involves an absurdity. How can a
question be settled for ever in a country in which
men are at liberty to express their grievances, and
to remonstrate ? If we were to enact a law that no
Catholic should be allowed to complain of his situa-
non, under severe penalties ; in short, if we were to
create a Protestant inquisition in Ireland, the ques-
tion might be settled. It would then be a question
whether such a state of things would plunge the
Catholics into despair, or agitate them to madness.
But, without extreme measures of this kind be
adopted, the question cannot be settled. Parliament
cannot tie up its own hands.. The people cannot be
prevented from complaining and approaching Par-
liament. The object of the old Chancellor, how-
ever, is merely one of embarrassment. But we are
glad he has shown the cloven foot.-31orning
Chronicle.

We have seldom seen so complete a demoli-
tion, as that of the case of the Shipowners last
night by Mr. Huskisson. They were driven
from eves y position which they occupied, by a
plain unvarnished statement of facts. He did
not leave'a single point, on which they rested, un-
explained. The circulation of the speech threugh-
out the country will be of great benefit ; for
though people may be deluded for a time by
partial statements, they cannot resist the truth
when it is placed before them in a way that all
can understand. Of no man can it with more
-truth be said than of Mr. Huskisson, that he is
distinguished for candour and fairness. You
never discover in him any artifice, any disposi-
tipn to triumph over an opponent, by means
'shich display the speaker's cleverness, rather
than his own decided conviction of the truth of
what he utters. There is in him no arguing for
victory, and it is this character of his own honest
mind imprinted on all he says, that renders the
effect of it almost irresistible. After perusing
the speech on the Shipping Interest, how con-
temptible do all those individuals appear, who,
during his absence from his post on account
of sickness, made him the object of their con-'
stint attacks ! Good Lord, that such whip-
sters as Mr. W. Yates Peel and Lord Castle-
reagh should dare to open their mouths even
against such a man. We are no great admirers
of the introduction of the wisdom of our ances-
tors, as a plea for refusing to profit by the expe-
rience of our own times; but there was one part of
the wisdom of our ancestors, which still might be
imitated—that of frowning down ignorant strip-
lings, when they dare to speak contemptuously
of men who have prescribed to themselves a life
of labour for the good of their countrymen ; and
who to great talents and sagacity add the posses-
sion of the knowledge derived from an. extensive
experience. We were particularly pleased with
the concluding part of Mr, Huskisson's speech,
in which he alludes to the folly of the attempt to
impede the progress of improvement in a coun-
try like England. "It was not (he said) in the
power of any set of men whatever to stop the
course of civil and commercial improvement.—
England could not stand still while any other
country in the civilized world *as advancing in
improvement, in industry and civilization, and in
the possession of all those means which in-
create the prosperity of a country, and mul-
tip!v the enjoyments ofthe human kind. While
other nations were advancing, England could
not stand still, especially so long as a Free
Press, and -free discussion of all questions in
Parliament, should embody the weight and influ-
ence of public opinion." It was happily observed
by Mr. Canning, in the eulogy which he pronoun-
ced on his Right Hon. Friend, " Is not the doctrine
and spirit of those who persecute my Right Hon.
Friend, the same which in former time: stirred up
persecution against the best benefactors of mankind
Is it cot the same doctrine and spirit which embit-
tered the life of Turgot ? Is it not a doctrine and
spirit such as these which consigned Galileo to the
dungeons of the Inquisition ?" It is curious, by the
by, that both Galileo and his great contemporary,
Lord Bacon, have expressly combated the attempt
to preclude inquiry by an allegation of holding the
wisdom of our ancestors in reverence. Galileo says
(vol. 10, p. 371, Milan edit.). " To maintain that
the ancient and inveterate opinions are the
best is absurd ; because, as we say of a
particular man, that it appears his last de-
terminations are the most prudent, and that his
judgment increases with years, in the same manner
it appears reasonable, in speaking of the universality
of men, that their last determinations are the truest."
The remark of Bacon on the subject is more point-
ed than that of Galileo, but it is so well known, that
we will not trouble our readers with it. We are
not advocating changes or innovations without an
object. Of course the proof of their necessity and
expediency should always be rigorously exacted from
him who proiposes them. We complain only of that
brutal outcry against change, however expedient, on
the mere ground that that is hest which is esta-
blished--a principle which would arrest -society in
its progress, and have kept man from emerging from
the savage state.—lbitl.

The recent explanations, by the Members of
the late GovemMent, of the transactions which
led to the existing anomalous Administration,
lava had, we must confess, the effect of much
atiightening the minds of the public in regard to
the real sentiments and conduct of the seceding
party, cnneerning which a good deal of unjust
clamour arineare in the outset to have been care-
fully raised. We were ourselves somewhat in-
censed against them, while we thought that they
had been engaged in a conspiracy to dictate to
the King in the choice of his Minister, and to
controul, by aristocratic influence, the exercise of
his just prerogative. But it now seems pretty
clear that nothing of this kind took place, or was
ever attempted or even thought of—and, as cir-
cumstances daily transpire, we shrewdly snspect
that whatever intrigue and manoeuvring (lid take
place, was all the other way. At any rate the
Protestant Ministers appear to have acted indi-
vidually irpon a fair and honest principle, and a
laudable feeling of personal honour, without
cabal of any description, and simply to have
resigned their situations when they thought they
could not continue to hold them with honour to
'themselves, or to the advancement of those
principles which they had always professed.—
Assuming this to be their opinion, we are at a
Loss to discover what there is in their case to se-

parate it so widely from that of other persons
0.1-to have declined to act under particular indivi-
duals, whose tenets and political chara.er they
differed from or mistrusted,—or to participate in
Governments of a strong particular tendency. --7
It is no answer to their objections to say that
they had already acted with Mr. Canning as a
colleague, and might therefore continue to act
under him as a head ; since it must be obvious

to the least reflecting, that there is a wide differ-
ence between the power and influence of a man
who is merely at the head of a particular depart-
ment, controulled, probably, by equal counter-
acting influence, habits of personal regard, and
all those fetters of hope and fear which keep
aspiring men in order while they are in a se-'
condary situation, and the power and influence
of the same man, possessed of the favourable ear
of his Sovereign, presiding over the spirit of the
Cabinet, and dispensing the patronage of Govern-
ment—and this distinction has constantly been
drawn by Statesmen upon occasions of forming
Administrations. The resolution of Lord Li-
verpool and his Colleagues in 1812, " not to
become part of any Administration formed by
Lord Wellesley," as communicated to Lord
Wellesley in Lord Liverpool's letter of the 23d
of May, was never reproached to them as a con-
spiracy. What was there in the recent resolu-
tion of the Duke of Wellington and others not
to become part of an Administration formed by
Mr. Canning, to distinguish it from the former
occasion ? Lord Wellesley himself was at that
time professedly in favour of a mixed Cabinet ;
yet his refusal to form a junction with the Ad-
ministration was expressly founded on the fact
of the opinions of the Head of that Administra-
tion respecting the Roman Catholic concessions
remaining unchanged ; and Lord Wellesley's
expression of his sentiments upon that sub-
ject is said to " comprise a sufficient reply
to the communication received through Lord Liver-
pool." Does not the same reason which withheld
some Catholic advocates from serving in an Admi-
stration of which Lord Liverpool was the head,
apply, a fortiori, as a reason for preventing Pro-
testants from joining one of which Mr. Canning is
the head ? For it is never to be forgotten, that
Mr. Canning has gone much further on the Catho-
lic side than ever did Lord Liverpool on the Pro-
testant, towards an infringement of neutrality—
having recorded his decided conviction that " to
become a part of an Administration, with the pre-
vious knowledge of the unaltered opinions of the
head of it, as to the policy of resisting all considera-
tion of the state of the laws affecting his Ma-
jesty's Roman Catholic subjects, would, it was felt,
be to lend himself to the defeating of his own decla-
red opinions on that important question, opiniuus
which rest on the conviction that it is the duty
of the advisers of the Crown, with a view to the
peace, tranquillity, and strength of the empire, to
take that ouestion into their early and serious consi-
deration, and earnestly to bring it to a final and sa-
tisfactory settlement." How could a Protestant
party act with confidence and security under a leader
of this description ?—more especially when it is
remembered that that leader had been, from the mo-
ment of his becoming their colleague, engaged in
the most obvious political coquetry and Parliamen-
tary dalliance with their avowed adversaries, whom,
after the proper proportion of
" Bashful coy submission, modest pride,
And sweet reluctant amorous delay,"

he seems to have fairly received into his wanton
arms, and with whom we wish him all the
charms that constant affection and unblemished pu-
rity of principle can bestow in the wedded state!
—Morning Post.

The straight-forward hitting of the Marquis
of Londonderry, in the House of Lords, does
not at all seem to please his political adversaries.
Lord Goderich having set the example of adopt-
ing a figure of speech from the classic ground
of Moulsey Hurst, in saying, that all he asked
was " a clear stage and no favour," we may be
pardoned for folloup the metaphor, and
observing, that the challenge was no sooner given
than it was b 7 17 the Noble Marquis, who
A stepped
At once within " the ring," ready to
commence vigorous operations. But, after,
this expression about a " clear stage" appears
to have been a mere flourish. - Lord Goderich
hid gone beyond his instructions—the Premier
is a great tactician, and tactics, not regular John
Bull fighting, is to be the order of the day. It
was by superior tactics that Mr. Canning got in
advance of all his late colleagues—his brother
pupils of the Pitt school ; and, as management
has done so much for him already, he deems it
best .to put confidence in it for the future. It is
true, that the celestial aid which is reported to
favour his natural genius, might make a man very
bold without the imputation of temerity ; but
Mr. Canning is a man of classical recollections,
and his poetic studies must teach him not to
place too implicit a reliance even upon a deified
patroness, if he should look up to any such, even
with the devotion of a good believer. He must
remember that when Paris, whose intrigues kin-
dled the Trojan war, encountered Menelaus in
single combat, he nearly forfeited his life, and it cost
the Queen of Beauty,who had become his stead-
fast guardian:angel, on account of the golden ap-
ple which he had given her, a very extraordinary
effort to rescue him out of the hands of his enraged
assailant. We are quite sure, from his readiness at
classical quotation, that such instructive fictions are
not lost upon him. He therefore rather evades all
invitations at present to take the field, than pro-
vokes them. In vain does the Marquis of London-
derry endeavour to bring some of his Provisional
Government to close quarters. He even made
statements on Monday night seriously implicating
Mr. Canning in the charge of cabal with certain
other persons, previously to breaking with his late
colleagues, but no one appeared as Champion for
the Premier in the House of Lords, to vindicate him
from the imputation. He also stated that the Pre-
mier had taken good care of himself, whatever
might become of the country, by securing a pension
of 3,0001. a year, as a very solid consolation to his
feelings In the evert of a check to his ambition.
Truly, in these days, patriotism, like charity, begins
at home. The constellation of virtues, which almost
the whole of the Daily Press has lately discovered
in Mr. Canning, must be greatly improved in this
instance of crowning wisdom, It must be exceed-
ingly gratifying to those papers that did all in their
power to set afloat the golden bubbles of the Joint
Stock schemers, to find that the Premiership must
at all events, turn out a lucrative speculation.
Some portion of the Press has lost all temper and
decency in alluding to the speech of the Marquis of
Londonderry, but we were always of opinion that it
is better to answer a statement than to abuse its
author.—Herald..

The circumstances connected with the disso-
lution GI the late Administration, which have
been disclosed in the course of the last week,
have come out so much in piece-meal—have
been se much varied, by corrections of the ori-
ginal statements—and have been so separated
from each other, and so lost in angry comment
and disquisition—that we think we shall do a
service to truth, if we give a simple, connected,
narrative of facts, so far as they have been
hitherto admitted Dr ascertained. The illness
of Lord Liverpool having made it necessary to
re-construct the Ministry, the first point consi-
dered seems to have been, whether a Ministry
could be formed, which would avowedly exert
its influence against concession to the Catholics.

Mr. Canning appears to have advised his Ma-
jesty (advice which, he tells us, was not what he
would have offered, if he had been guided by
his own opinion), to form such a Government,
if there were materials for it. This counsel, he
tells us, necessarily involved his own retirement
from office, and that result he did not conceal ;
neither did he disguise the difficulty of forming
such an Administration, though he did not pro-
nounce it to be a work of impracticability.
Thus, Mr. Canning's first act (to use his own
words), after Lord Liverpool's illness, " was an
expression of his wish to withdraw from the Ad-
ministration." Ultimately, it was deemed im-
practicable to form an exclusive Administration.
In other words, the members of the Cabinet
would not venture to go on without Mr. Can-
ning's aid. The next proposal was, to re-con-
struct the Government, all the old members re-
taining their offices, by placing at its head some
Peer, who was known to entertain Anti-Catho-
lic sentiments. To this plan Mr. Canning re-
fused to accede ; and he refused upon this prin-
ciple—that to have acted under an Anti-Catho-
lic Peer as Premier, would have been to sanction
the principle, that his own opinions on that
question were a disqualification fir holding the
highest office in the State. Mr. Canning, how-
ever, seems to have been far from insisting on
being himself Premier : for early in April, he
stated to the Duke of Wellington, that one of
the schemes which had occurred to him, in case
the King should desire him to re-construct the G-
overnment, was, to make the present Lord Goderich
First Lord of the Treasury. In the meantime,
Mr. Peel had expressed a fixed purpose of re-
tiring, if any change took place favourable to the
Catholics. This purpose he had long enter-
tained ; and, when the Catholic Question was
last discussed, it had been his intention to resign
immediately, if he had, on that occasion, been,
(as was his anticipation) in a minority in the
House of Commons. His resolution to resign
was communicated, on the 29th of March, to
Mr. Canning, who endeavoured, but in vain, to
persuade him to depart from it. On the 10th of
April, Mr. Canning, having been commanded by
the King to form a plan of a Ministry, in which
the' preponderating influence should be against the
Catholics, wrote to the Duke of Wellington, re-
questing him to continue his services in the
new Cabinet. That led to the correspondence
between his Grace and Mr. Canning, on the 10th
and 11th of April, which is already before the
public, and in which (notwithstanding the com-
ments that have been made upon it) we can dis-
cover nothing which an impartial judge could
find fault with, or which either party can impute
as matter of blame to the !other. The grounds
of the separation of Mr. Canning and the Duke
of Wellington must be sought for elsewhere than
in that correspondence. On the evening of the
10th of April, a meeting seems to have taken
place, at which, at least, Lord Eldon, Mr. Can-
ning, and Mr. Peel, were present ; and, at that
meeting, (as Mr. Peel states), Lord Eldon an-
nounced his determination to resign. Mr.
Canning, however, did not understand his
resolution to have been finally and irre-
vocably made. On, the 11th of April, Lord
Bathurst and Lord Westmoreland deter-
mined to resign ; because they thought that
a Cabinet, from which the Duke of Wel-
lington, Lord Eldon, and Mr. Peel, had with-
drawn, could not carry on the Government in a
manner of which these Noble Lords could approve.
Mr. Canning received the formal resignations of
Mr. Peel and of Lord Westmoreland on the I Ith
of April : those of the Duke of Wellington and of
Lord Bexley (who had, also, from different motives
founded in mistake, determined to resign) were re-
ceived by him on the following morning, about half-
past ten. Mr. Canning had left the Foreign Office on
that forenoon, before the resignations of Lord Eldon
and Lord Bathurst arrived, but he gave directions
that they should be sent after him, in case of their ar-
rival. They were forwarded to him to St. James's.
There Mr. Canning informed his Sovereign of these
resignations, which rendered it impossible for him
to construct the Cabinet as he had originally in-
tended. He could no longer form a Ministry with
a preponderating, Anti-Catholic interest; and the
only alternative left him was, either to declare him-
self unable to frame a Ministry, or to form it of in-
dividuals who, though entertaining opinions favour-
able to the Catholics, were willing not to make that
question a Cabinet measure. His Majesty was
pleased to think, that the circumstances which had
occurred afforded no sufficient reason for withdraw-
ing from Mr. Canning the confidence previously re-
posed in him. He, therefore, commanded him to
proceed with the formation of a Ministry. Mr. Can-
ning accepted, the office of First Lord of the
Treasury ; and, on the same day, this event was an-
nounced to Parliament by the motion for a new
writ. Such is an accurate outline of the facts which
have excited so general an interest throughout
Europe, and the details and connection of which are
often lost sight of in the angry discussions to which
they have given rise. The only observation we shall
make upon them, at present, is, that they exculpate
both Mr. Canning and the Ex-Ministers from every
suspicion of cabal and intrigue.—New Times.

It may be within the recollection of our readers,
that when petitions were first presented to the
House of Commons, representingthe Reciprocity
laws as injurious to the interests of the Ship-
owners, we placed before them a statement which
went very far to disprove such assertion ; and
we confess that it was with much satisfaction we
found the President of the Board of Trade on
Monday evening, so completely confirming the
opinions we had advanced. But, say the Ship-
owners, it cannot be denied that distress does exist,
even at the present moment, and if it may not be
ascribed to these laws, where are we to look for
its source ?" In reply to this, we have only to
bring forward another fact, which, however much
to be regretted, in one point of view, satisfac-
torily refutes the charges brought against these
enactments. In the quarter, ending the sth of
April, 1827, the quantity of coals brought into
the port of London, was less by about 100,000
chaldrons, than in the corresponding period of
1826. This, at a moderate computation, must
have thrown, in a period of three months, about
100,000 tons of shipping out of the Coasting
Trade, the owners of which have been neces-
sarily compelled to seek employment in the Fo-
reign Trade, thus creating a supply more than
adequate to the demand. Let it be remem-
bered, also, that during the last year, the
supplies of some descriptions of Corn, for
the London Market, instead of being drawn
from the various outports, and conveyed exclusively
in British vessels, have been, to a great extent, re-
ceived from foreign countries, the carrying trade of
which has always been shared in large proportions,
by vessels belonging to the States from whence the
importation was made, In proof of this we may
mention further, that a number of vessels hitherto
employed in the coasting trade, have, within
a very recent period, left this country in bal-
last, to proceed to the Baltic for cargoes; thus
affording strong evidence, that the carrying trade
is by no means likely to be engrossed by the
northern nations. The Right lion, Gentltman,
in the course of his speech, while deprecating the
clamour with which this question has been assailed,
alluded to a similar outcry that was raised when the
Silk Acts passed into a law; and it may not be

wholly uninteresting, if we place the result of that
measure before our readers, by stating that in the
first four months of 1826, the quantity of the raw
material taken home for consumption did not exceed
320,0001b5., while, in the present year, the duty has
been pz.ri on 1,240,0001b5. during the same period.
—lbid.