The Sun.
London, England, 1842-04-20 00:00:00

APPLES IMPORTED.

Earl RADNOR moved for a return of the quantity of
apples imported into this country, and said that he would
also move for a repeal of the duty.
On the motion being put,
Earl WINCHILSEA said he would take that oppor-
tunity of stating that he considered any alteration in the
duty would be injurious.
Earl RADNOR said that when the prohibitory duties
existed, the price of apples fell from 12s. 6d. to 2s. 4d.,
and when the duty was lowered the price rose:
The return, as we understood, was then agreed to.
Earl RADNOR presented a petition from Sydenham
against the Corn-laws.

—Lord KINNAIRD presented several petitions to the
same effect.

Earl FITZWILLIAM presented petitions to the same
effect.

DUTY ON MAHOGANY.

In answer to a question from Lord KINNAIRD,
Earl RIPON said, that instead of there being no re-
duction, there was a considerable reduction made, and
for the obvious reason that it would benefit the manufac-
turers of furniture.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the
Dissenters of Sligo, praying for an alteration in the
marriage duty.

CORN-LAWS.

Lord BROUGHAM said, that in order to give
their Lordships an opportunity of pronouncing their
opinion on the entire merits of this question, he would
give notice, that when the resolution of his
Noble Friend (Viscount Melbourne) was disposed of
he would propose the following resolutions, which referred
to the absolute question of the merits of duties upon
importation altogether. It appeared to him that those
three resolutions, taken one after another, would give
their Lordships an opportunity of expressing their
opinions clearly upon the whole merits of that most im-
portant branch of the question, namely, whether or not
there ought to be any duties imposed on the importation
of corn. The first resolution was—" That no duty ought to
be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn for the
purpose of protecting the agriculturist by taxing: the
introduction of food." Second: That no duty ought to
be imposed on the importation of foreign corn
for the purpose of regulating the trade, by taxing the
introduction of food." Third : " That no duty ougt to
be imposed on the importation 'of foreign corn, for the
purpose of raising the revenue, by taxing the introduce
tion of food."
Lord MELBOURNE presented a petition from a num-
ber of farmers in the county of Norfolk, against a gradu-
ated scale of duty on the importation of corn and flour, and
in favour of a fixed duty. The Noble Lord then said that
in submitting to their Lordships the resolution of which
he had given notice, and which if adopted as a substan-
tive motion, would have the same effect as if adopted•
as an amendment, he, considering that the subject of
the Corn-laws had been so recently discussed in every
possible shape, thought it would be unpardonable
in him, in pressing his own views on their Lordships, if
he were to state more than would be necessary to explain
his own conduct, or than wouid be likely to affect the
ultimate deeision of theif Lordships. He declared that in
bringing forward his measure he meant to be as calm and
impartial as he could be, avoiding all party allusions and
criminatory observations.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble
Lord. who followed his Noble Friend in his speech of
last night, divided the subject into two parts ; the first
was whether it was absolutely necessary that there should
be a duty on the importation of foreign corn, and if it
were, secondly, how this regulation should be imposed.
Strictly speaking, it was only with the second
part he should have to deal. To this his resolution was
confined. At the same time he would make a few obser-
vations for his own vindication on the general question.
His Noble Friend's resolutions would lay open the whole
question, so deeply interesting to all classes of the commu-
nity, whether it was necessary to impose a duty on foreign
corn or whether it should be left entirely free for impor-
tation for consumption from all parts of the world. He had
not always been so much as many others favourable to an
immediate and decided application of this latter principle
in the present circumstances of the world. He thought
that it would have been a far more desirable arrangement
for the human race if every nation employed itself upon
those productions, for which the soil and climate of
the land in which it was settled were best fitted,
and received its supply of other productions
from the countries to which they were natural. But
whilst all reason and the interests of mankind
were on that side, all usage, all custom, all pre-
judices, all feelings, with few exceptions, were
on the other—(Hear, hear)—and thus it happened, that
although the principles of free trade were generally ad-
mitted, the opposite principles had a strong hold upon
the public mind. Although many were to be found willing
enough to sign petitions on the general principle,
yet if you carne to speak to any person about taking
off a duty, you would find that they considered the
question only with regard to the interest of the producer.
--(Hear, hear,) So strong was the feeling upon that
subject, that he certainly was not prepared to adopt
the resolutions proposed by his Noble and Learned
Friend.—(Hear, hear.) Yet he did not think that the
ground of exclusive burdens, said to be borne by the
agriculturists, had great solidity. He did not say
whether those burdens existed or not, but he said, if
they existed, they ought to be remedied in a direct
manner, and not by maintaining a system of Corn-laws
which was said to inflict so much suffering
and privation on the rest of the community.
Ho owned he did not think that that was a ground of
any great weight or force. It would not, perhaps, be in-
applicable to go back to ancient history ; if they looked
to Athens and Rome they would find that they depended
on foreign corn. And it had been said by a great orator
in Athens, " Of all mankind, we the most rely on foreign
corn." He mentioned this to show that all the greatness
of these countries was to be ascribed to their dependence on
foreign corn. But, supposing that the great wants of
this country, its greatly increasing population, its grow-
ing wants, should occasion a much larger importation of
foreign corn necessary than they had hitherto required,
that would be more truly described as rendering foreign
nations dependent on us, than we upon them.—
(Hear, hear.) The tradesman was a good deal
more dependent on the customer than the
customer on the tradesman, provided he could pay.—
(Hear.) He should say that nothing could tend in a
greater degree than a commercial dependence, as of
buyer and seller, to prevent war in the first instance, to
protect them whilst engaged in it, and to bring it to a
speedy conclusion. They had been asked why they were
not for this Bill—why, he should be for it at once if he
could place any confidence in what his Noble Friend
said last night.—(Hear, hear.) He should be for it
if he could agree with his Noble Friend, that the supply
would be so inconsiderable as to be of no use to the
consumer.—(Hear.) His Noble Friend said, that a small
quantity would destroy home agriculture, and then our
farmers would not be able to supply the people. He (Lord
M.) owned his fears to be not that they should send in toe
little, but a great deal too much.. He had read a good
deal on this subject. He had perused many pamphlets
and documents, and had heard many arguments.
He could not find any sufficient foundation for that opi-
nion. The Noble Lord had. delivered le very able
argument to show that the poorer lands in this
country would be thrown out of cultivation ; but
the question was, how much corn could foreign countries
send, and at what price could they send it ? and he be-
liewd that that could be only ascertained by experi-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) They could not remove all pro-
tection without giving a shock to public opinion,
and he was therefore against such a mea-
sure. The question, then, was to regulate
that protection. And he had no question whatever in
his mind that the best course to adopt on the subject was
to impose a fixed duty, which would give certainty to
trade, and remove the restrictions that impede it :
it would avoid all the frauds in the taking of the ave-
rages. Great discontent prevailed on the subject. If
frauds existed, a fixed duty would put an end to them ;
and if they did not exist it would do what was equally
advantageous, for it would put an end to the injurious
opinions and suspicions that prevailed on the subject.
It would give that stability and certainty, which
could not exist under the present law. But it wets
said that a fixed duty could not be maintained.
He knew very well that great efforts might be made
to inflame the public mind on the question ; biut
he believed that there would be no difficulty in
maintaining the system which had been so lo:ng, ,
maintained. In his resolution he had not stated any
amount of duty. All that he called on their Lordships
to do was to a affirm a principle. He recommended the
proposition because he thought it would prevent fraud.
He made his motion with reference to the past, with
application to the present, and with respect to the
future. With reference to the past, in justification of
the Government which brought the proposition—with
respect to the present, because he conceived it the
best course to be adopted, though he had little hope of
being able to induce their Lordships to adopt it—and
with respect to the future, in the perfect confidence that
it would one day be adopted, and become the law of this
country.
The Earl of RIPON said that from the manner in
which the Noble Lord had introduced his measure, than
which nothing could be more fair or candid, it would not
be necessary for him (the Noble Earl) to address their
Lordships at any length; but he ilium, elide:a-our to im-
press it on the House that it would be most unwise in