The Sun.
London, England, 1829-10-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The supplementary and separate articles of
that treaty, which has fixed the expectation and
attention of Europe for some weeks past, as it
may affect her repose directly or indirectly for a
much longer period, throw a lurid colouring
over the policy of the Government by which they
were dictated. We do not now attempt to raise,
much less to pronounce upon, the question,
whether the virtual transfer of Turkey in Europe
to Russia be a sufficient cause of alarm for the
rnt of Europe, to justify measures of combined
hostility against that all-grasping Government ;
but this we assert without fear of contradiction,
that by the articles of the treaty, original and
other,
ter,Turkey supplemental,riey in En
explaining
rop no longer and enforcingr
exists,
bu
eacht
as both in form aml essence a province, or mass
of provinces, under the immediate gripe and
sway of Russia. Above a year ago, when the
manifesto of the Emperor Nicholas war first
published, we took the liberty of remarking, that
it was easy to exhibit that cheap moderation of
which the only evidence was composed and tem-
perate language—that it was true the Russian
Emperor abjured all design to make a conquest
of the dominions of Turkey,—but (and this we
stated emphatically at the time) that it was pos-
sible for him, notwithstanding his disclaimer of
conquest as a formal and ostensible object of the
war, to demand such enormous pecuniary indem-
nities from Turkey as the latter power would. be
unable to pay, and such as would therefore afford
his Imperial Majesty the twofold advantage of
renouncing conquest in words, and securing it
in substance, by making the military occupation
of Turkey the " alternatite'' for an unpaid pe-
cuniary fine which no extortion could enable the
Sultan to wring from his beggared people. The
event would seem to have verified our predic-
tion, to the letter. A sum of more timil
5,250,0001. is, on the face of it, unless the whole
world be deceived as to the financial means of
the Turkish Government, far beyond the power
of Turkey, whoever may be Sultan, to liquidate
' within ten years. That the amount has been
raised, deliberately, to a level which the resources
of the Sultan could never be supposed to reach,
there seems, we apprehend, some reason for con.
jecturing, from certain other stipulations of the
same treaty. It was yesterday observed in this
journal, that the only sovereignty left throughout
Turkey, if Russian subjects were to enjoy in the
full extent the immunities provided for them by
the 7th article, would be that of the Russian
Minister and Consuls. There may have been
cases, as that of Romish priests during the times
of Papal grandeur, and that of Spanish subjects
resident at Rome, which an evening contempo-
rary has alluded to, where a separate jurisdiction
was created in the heart of countries calling them,
selves independent, for the withdrawal of certain
parties from the ordinary tribunals of justice ;
but arc such concessions of distant ages, granted
by superstition to spiritual tyranny, or by special
favour of an ecclesiastical superior to his confiden-
tial instrument and ally,—arc they to be adduced
as examples for the imitation of the 19th cen-
tury, and for the tolerance of Europe, whose in-
terests and quiet a similar sacrifice of the rights
of sovereignty by a weak power to a strong one
would now tend conspicuously to embroil ? Such
privileges, enjoyed by foreign sovereigns with-
in territories which do not own their for-
mal sway, have ever been regarded as badges
of the worst kind of servitude ; why else
was it, that throughout the whole of civilized
Europe, the claim of the Popish Clergy to he,
tried by Papal tribunals distinct from those of
the temporal Governments under which they
profess to live, was gradually, and is now abso-
lutely, abolished ? No, this new fetter, imposed
by Russia on the Porte, is in itself a usurpation
of the Sovereign power in Turkey. Suppose a
Russian subject should behave with provoking
insolence and turbulence to the Turkish author
cities, —abs sbettli
oeps
)ep
cgorsetdeit, (since such things are at least,
layut ,p forscene
instigated
n e
o politicalfb by Russian
a d
exam purposes,pf ue
to ict
.
tscihooonnucaelrdii
the Turks, and dangerous to the influence of
the native magistrates,—is Turkey to have no
means of dealing at once with the offender, ex-
cept through the medium of his associates or
tutors in guilt ? Would the Emperor Nicholas
permit French, or British,—least of all, would
he suffer Turkish subjects to enjoy within the
Russian territory an entire exemption from the
penalties of Russian law ? So, with respect to
Russian shipping, a merchantman under that
flag may be loaded with merchandise contraband
of peace or war, and within the Turkish waters
she is to brave the authorities of Turkey, and
outrage every principle of the law of nations
with impunity ! Then comes another and highly
illustrative condition of this treaty ; which,
taken in conjunction with the military occupancy
of the empire, and with the extraordinary rights
conferred on Russian subjects, affords what the
lawyers call " cumulative evidence" of the design
to engraft a Russian sovereignty upon—or ra-
ther, indeed, to incorporate it with—the whole
frame and existence of Turkey. After the close
of the 11th article are these words :—" Until the
complete evacuation of the territories occupied
by the Russian troops, the administration and
the order of things there established at the pre-
sent time, under the influence of the Imperial
Court of Russia, shall be maintained, and the
Sublime Ottoman Porte shall not intetfere
with then: in any manner." Here, then, is not
only a military occupation, but a direct and com-
plete administration of the Civil Government by
Russia. Her Commander-in. Chief, it is known,
has put arms into the hands of all the most dis-
affected Turks ; he has fostered the faction of
the broken Janissaries,—the irreconcileable ene-
mies of Mahmoud ; he has given that faction
the administrative power throughout the whole
country which his troops have overrun and con-
quered. Coupling, therefore, this system with
the arrangements made for keeping military pos-
session of the Turkish soil, is it too much to
say that the manifest policy has been to over-
throw all those associations and institutions
which led the inhabitants of Turkey in Europe
to consider the Sultan as their lawful ruler, and
to instil the notion of Muscovite supremacy as
the habit and principle of the national mind of
Turkey ? The revenues, moreover, collected
according " to the present order of things, and
under the influence of the Imperial Court of
Russia," must go indubitably into the pocket of
that Imperial Court. • So that by this singular
adjunct of Fiscal and Civil Government to mili-
crt aicrimy
ofeo ct
hcbueoptialt
dexterousi o n
must, th ebi s et
stille
raui efounfrt
tt
ee f
ri Sultanow impaired tl o get
unli-
mited and
exlitistpedro,
loanngdattliioenm. iliNtaorywtweieludreo willnot tshauys.
.that
this Russian Imperiun: in Imperio may not be
a benefit to the Turks : on the contrary, we are
sure that their condition will be much happier, and
the progress of their civilization more sensible,
by virtue of their transfer to the dominion of

tLe Czar, We beg mo:,t distinctly to deny,—
and we do so because of the grOS misrepresent-
ations which our sentiments have often been ex-
posed to on this subject,—we do most gisavelt,
an 1 in terms, disclaim every wish for the pre-
servation of the Turkish Government in any
part of Europe. Its religion is a fraud, its es-
sence is ferocious tyranny, its scentre is the axe,
its psople are barbarians. No Christian or civi-
lized being can desire the continuance of such a
monarchy, as a thing to be valurtl for itself.
Our only subject of regret or apprehension, or
both, is that the downfA of such a brutal power
should be qualified by the establishment of ano-
ther species of monster in the place of it. We
do not mean to use the word " monster" r,rren-
sively in its application to ItitssiA '', we would
signify merely an unnatural and, hi&ilsi fern-li-
d:hie power. It is raid, that ',nerd exists no
danger of another universal monarchy am! tln't
we believe. It is. said, that tlwido kftl,ts no
chance t,f thq rsvivai sof aify 1%-,ver which shall
thrP-steu seriously to cif: turi) the equilibtium of
uropc. Doubtless, that proposition likewise
we believe, with the proviso titat fit means are
taken to arrest the :growth of such a power. The
chance- does hot, or did not exist, because there
is, or miss, a greater chance that such an event
woulA be seasonably and effectually ft ustrated.
If boating in the shape of resistance to the over-
growth of an immoderate power be attempted,
the maxim is a silly one which denies the possi-
bility of such a power. Upon the whole, we
consider the state of affairs consequent upon the
signature of the treaty in question, as one which
may be termed critical in the extreme. Wis-
dom and firmness are - mighty defensive agents
against calamities which threaten the genera! wel-
fare ; but they must animate the councils of more
states than one, or those who betray the common
interest will, unfortunately, not suffer alone.—
Times.

The terms impo.eed on the Turks by their vic-
tvrioue- opponents are sufficiently moderate, Less
could not have been exacted from them than an
imlemnification for the tepenca:_of the war, and
free navigation of the
_Bosphorus and the
Dardauelite to the merchant vessels of Russia,
or Pow-ere not at war with Turkey trading with
IZusein. The cessions in Asia, however »u-
-rn-tent they may be to Russia with a view to the
eonsolidation of her Caucasian possessions, are
Cl comparatively trifling magnitude. The space
which the Turks continue to occupy in Europe,
and Asia Minor, is not in one eenee a matter of
which our times arc entitled to boast. It were
certainly to be wished that the regions in which
the first important advances in civilization were
made by onr epecies could be once more the
abodes of security, and its offspring, industry and
enjoyment. But, in another sense, the moilera-
tion of the Russians is important as a striking
homage paid by the power last admitted into the
pele cf civilization to the principles of interna-
tional law, ned as a proof of the influence of
European opinion over governments. We, for-
our parts, hail in this moderation, this deference
to the views of the rest of the European Govern-
ments, this anxiety to show that war has been
undertaken not with a view to extend dominion
but to secure the development of the industry of
the dominions already possessed (by far the most
important of all conquests), as a :Baled improve-
ment in the history of our species, that
strengthens the belief which, in all ages, men
have been found to entertain, of an endless pro-
gression in social improvement. The idea of a
balance tit power, which occupied our States-
'Len so much during the last century, and
which, till within these few years, formed the sub-
ject of so many a weary oration in Parliament,
however absurd in itself, was yet, as is well re-
marked by Hume, an important advance on an-
tiquity and the middle ages, when there existed
no community of feeling among nations. The
conquests of the French arose out of the neces-
eity imposed on the partizans of the Democracy
to destroy the European Aristocracy leagued
against the new order of things, rather than a
desire of territorial aggrandisement. Since the
compromise between the old and the new, at
the last European peace, it is impossible not to
Nee that the various Governments have attained
to a conviction of the folly of conquests. We
firmly believe that the Governments in the pre-
sent day arc rather beyond than behind their re-
spective subjects in the soberness of their views
on this matter, if we may take the aspirations
from time to time manifested in the French
Liberal Journals as a criterion of a not unex-
t;nguished hankering of the French for an ex-
tension of territory to the Rhine, and the re-
occupation of Belgium. However this may be,
it is of infinite importance to inculcate the idea
that time people never can be interested in ex-
tension of territory, because it is the same thing
to the individuals constituting a nation, except
as far as security against aggression is concerned,
whether they amount to one or to twenty mil-
Pons. The abandonment of views of aggran-
disement on the part of the great Governments
puts an cud to the jealousy and apprehension of
the smaller States, and has a tendency to produce
the same confidence among the various members of
the commonwealth of nations, however different
in strength, which is observable among the
possessors of property in any one country,
however different the shares held by each. This
confidence among the possessors of property in
any one country, though it appears so natural to
us, is vet itself of comparatively recent orgin. In
Turkey, in the present day, that security is not
yet possessed, and as is observed by Burkhardt,
the Turk dares not to invest his gains in the
purchase of land, the possession of which is ut-
terly insecure, while he can at least hide his
money. But even in this island, security and
confidence are but of very recent date. We have
little doubt that the looking to national security
from increase of national power, will appear as
extravagant as the looking to individual security
from amount of property, and not to the opi-
nion of society. There is an article, under the
head " German Papers," from the Allgenwine
Zeitung, in which inferences are drawn from the
opinions entertained by a party in this country,
not very creditable to the nation in general. it
was observed by Lord Byron, that the Turks
arc the Orangemen of the East ; and it is cu-
rious to observe the feeling which the Orange-
men contrive to throw into their conversations
on the recent prostration of Turkey :—" Though
certainly (says our contemporary, the Standard)
no friends of the present Administration in this
country, we cannot join in accusing the Duke of
of Wellington of having precipitated the fall of
the Ottoman empire ; that empire fell by tire
disease which threatens greater and more re-
spectable nations, and not by any extemnal errors.
It fell by ,hypocrisy and pedantry, and the love
of clap-trap praise. It fell because the Emperor
was neither iVlussulman nor Christian ; .because,
while he affected surface reform, while he pushed
his zeal for innovation to the extent of whole-
sale murder, . he .would not abate one iota

of his preacriptive personal pretensions. Had
Mahmoud been a true Mussialman he would not
have murdered eighty thousand janiasttri'es ),olely
'on account of their 'obtinale adherence to the
institution'a of aaahomet ; had he been a Chris-
.iali, he would have taught his people the duty
of humility and obedience—the first element of
military discipline. He was indeed a fool, who
aubinitted to the drill serjeant's cane nien whose
faith was their b4ii iideer'elq invincibility, whose
very rebaefi.oti Was unteachabie arrogance. Had
. hat been a mere barbarian, he would not h? 'e '.l-1.
tangled himself in the n'astlialions• that ruined
him-. By I..v.i',Ag-: something of all, Christian in
i yetitles, Mahometan in - religion, murderer and
reformer, barbarian in diplomacy, Martinet in
tactics—by being,; in alaOrt, e'v'ery thing out of
place)
:he ttaaL'-lt't nis people to despise and dis-
troat hitt), and and they have fallen in conse-
quence ; and whatever the English Cabinet had
done, they must have falfem" TiVase comments
might Inos titan headed (slightly altering the
title of a well-known pamphlet of Arthur
Young's), " The Example of Turkey a Warn-
ing to Britain." Mahmoud fell because be de-
stroyed the Janissaries ; and the corollary is, that
Britain will be int licetithe time Irish Orangemen
have been Net aside. Mahmoud, being a Ma-
hornedan and a barbarian, should have been con-
tent with la's lot, and not attempted improve-
ment. If the Czar Peter hail been conquered
by Charles the Trelilli, we should have heald
lamentations in the spirit on account of his at-
tempt to emancipate himself from the Strelitz.
Mahmood has been unfoitunate in his reforms,
not because they were unnecessary, but because he
was unfortunate in his time. But the disease of the
Turkish Einpirt lay somewhat deeper than
"hypocrisy and pedantry, and the love of claptrap
praise." The Turkish Empire fell because
violence and oppression every where supplied the
place of justice—because the people were every-
where ancrificed to an ascendancy. The Turkish
Empire had been flilling during the sway of the
Janissaries, who were not destroyed on account
of their obstinate adherence to the institutions
of Mahoinet (for the ascendancy of the Janis-
saries is of comparatively recent crigin), but be-
cause their existence was incompatible with a
vigorous government and the prosperity of the •
people. government
Mahmoud is a barbarian, may
he true ; but he would have been still more a •
barbarian, if he had been more averse to reform,
and not more able to withstand the enemy to
which he was opposed. It has been sometimes
insinuated that his reforms filled his enemy akin
apprehension, and precipitated the war ; but the
insinuation is at all events a tribute to the cha-
racter of the reforms, whatever the issue.—
Tu-key has fallen, but the wonder is not that it
has fallen, but that it has existed so long. This
however is, we believe, the first time of its being
gravely mainta=ined that a resistance to innova-
-1 lion would have averted the fate of Tumkey.—
While the nations of Europe have been con-
, stantly advancing in social and political improve
merit, and the power of Governments has been
incalculably increased by the increased means
placed at their disposal by all manner of inven-
tions, the Turks have remained what they were
centuries ago. Little more than 100 years have
elapsed since time Turks still filled Europe with
alarm ; and no small part of the fame of a great
General, who died in the memory of men still
living, Piince Eugene, was derived from his
discovering a mode of engaging them suc-
cessfully. But the smallest of the influential
Powers of Europe, Piussia, is now, from the
changes to which we have alluded, far more
powerful thao the great Ottoman empire was
before its late invasion. Time secret of European
' power is the free scope Abided to the develop-
ment of all time faculties of man, which insure
to him such a mastery over the material world.—
Morning Chronicle.
It was stated by a Correspondent, in a letter
addressed to us the other day, that some regular
members of time thieves and burglars' associations
of the metropolis had got into the new police,
for the purpose of carrying on time work of de-
predation with more facility. Now, although
enough has happened to convince us that the
scrutiny respecting the characters of the candi-
dates for admission ioto this new semi-military
corps was not sufficiently severe to exclude per-
sons of drunken habits and indiscreet temper,
yet we did not think it possible that any " pro-
fessional thieves" could have obtained the uni-
form and truncheon which place the lives and
properties of the King's subjects under their
protection." We believed this to be a slander
on the new system, as gross as it was improbable,
nor should we now advert to the subject, or think
it at all worthy of notice, but for time facts de-
tailed in a pollee report which will be found in
another part of our columns this day. Accord-
ing to that report, it appears that a man named
Jones was charged at Hatton-garden Police
Office yesterday with the commission of a felony,
in having stolen a loin of mutton from a butcher's
stall. He was taken, as the lawyers say, with
the inainour on him, and was committed to New-
gate
for trial. The constable, who apple-
hended him fagrante delicto, subsequently
searched his lodgings, and there found the
dress of a new police constable, including the
great coat and truncheon—in fact, every thing
belonging to the office but the hat and
rattle. The constable, on inquiring at the house
about the prisoner, was told that he belonged to
the new police, and that he expected to be pro-
moted next week. If this statemeat be correct,
and the prisoner really belong to the new po-
lice, it is not a very pleasant thing for the citi-
zens of London to reflect that any of the persons
who are appointed to guard their property, and
to exercise surveillance over themselves and fa-
milks, may be men, like the prisoner, who only
watch that then may devour. If the dogs em-
ployed to protect the sheep should happen to
have the appetites and habits of wolves, they
could do much more mischief, in consequence of
tile trust reposed in them, than the ravenous
animals, that never come forth from their dens
but with those warning manifestations of violence.
which alarm in their natural prey tile instinct of
self-preservation. The treacherous policeman,
like the wolfish shepherd-dog, made free with the
mutton which it was his duty to 'protect—that
is, supposing the delinquent in question was
really a policeman ; we trust, however, it will
turn out that he had by some means or other
possessed himself of the uniform of the new po-
lice, as a cloak for depredation, without hay-
ilia. received ally appointment in thatacoys. We
observe that one of the Magistrates asked
if he could have bought the clothes army where ?
We do not know how that may be. There have !
been, it is true, some of the members dismissed,
and others have resigned, but we presume they
were not allowed to retain for a moment, after
they ceased to be members of the body, time
clothes and appendages of the office. Neither -
is it likely that those persons who are employed
by Goverlunent to supply the clothing would

furnish the uniform to any hod-;, without Itteer-
tainitig from authority that was really a mem,
bet of the police. 'v'hetli2: the thieves have
opened a clothing establisb:cut of their own,
from which uniforms are supplied on the pattern
of those of the new " regime," remains to be
ascertained ; but, whatever the truth of the case
ma'y turn but to he, it demands inquiry. The
fact itself is calculated to make a tery unpleasant
impression bn the piiblie anti the sooner
it iseleared op the better. the prisoner do
not belong to the new police, it well be well to
relieve the public feeling from the apprehensions
which the facts unexplained be likely to
produce. Jf he tinfortunatcly had obtained an
appointment under the new syst,m, it ought to
be shown what mode of itnpot,ition he practistd
upon those whose duty it is to inquire into the
character and qualifications of applicatits.-:-.
Minting Herald.

We gave in our Paper of yesterday, a brief
summary of the treaty entered into on the 14th
ult., at Adrianople, hetween the Russian Ge-
neral and the Turkish PlAjpoten-iaries, a►►d also
some observations on the natural and inevitable
consequences of the compact ; and nothing that
we have since seen—nothing that has been since
stated—has altered our opinion of the treaty. It
is, we hesitate not to affirm, on a second consi-
deration, a virtual exti!iction of Turkish au-
thority in the Turkish 'lnpire—the establish-
ment of an imperium in imperio wholly incon-
sistent with any suprethe authority or good
government on the part of the reigning Sultan of
Turkey, and an usurpation of power in the do-
minions of an independent State, for which no
precedent can be found in the histocy of ancient
or modern times. We stated yesterday that the
seventh article of the treaty deserved to be
read at length, and that it was incapable of
abridgement. We may now add, with the voice
of almost all our conte,qoraries to second
us, that it is incapable of comprehension,
except on the ground that Turkey is, in ail time
to come, to hold of Russia as the sovereign
power, and to be at her will and beck, in matters
of internal and external administration. " Rus-
sian subjects," says it, " shall live under the ex-
elusive jurisdiction and police of the Ministers
and Consuls of Russia ;" and, in another part,
that " Russian subjects shall enjoy throughout
the whole extent of the Ottoman Empire, as
well by land as by sea, the full entire liberty of
commerce, secured to them by the former treaties,
concluded between the two high contracting
powers ; and that no infringement of that liberty
of commerce shall be committed, neither shah
it be permitted to be checked, in any case nor
under any pretence, by a prohibition or any re-
striction whatever, nor in consequence of any
regulation or measure, whether it be one
of internal administration or one of ex-
ternal legislation." In other words, Rus-
sian subjects, or natives of Russia, are to
do what they please in Turk;; without being
amenable to the law of the lar,c, as they are in
all other countries ; and Russian commerce to
be perfectly independent of Turkish authority.
Such is the vaunted moderation of Russia !
such her tenderness for the independence of the
Turkish Empire—such I►er affection for the
reigning Sultan !—such her desire for peace !
But the result could not be other than it is.
The natural allies and friends of Turkey held
back—those in whom her chief reposed confi-
dence, betrayed him—the enemy advanced even
to the gates of the capital without any one to
oppose hiin—the prize was in view—nay, almost
within grasp, but could not be seized lest Eng-
land should go to war to demand the fultilme►nt
of the promises made by the Emperor Nicholas;
and an indirect mode, tl►ereibre, of obtaining the
same object had to be adopted, which, while it
warded off any direct charge of breach of faith,
made ample provision for the accomplishment of
the same end.

" The treaty," as it is ju observed by our
cotemporary (The Sun), " :,:ars the stamp of
hypocrisy in every article, but if any proof were
wanting, it may be found in the simple circum-
stance of withholding the collateral parts, by far
the most important, from public view. It the
stipulations in the absent treaties were of an
honest character, they would be forthcoming at
the same time with the pre,: ; but the terms
in them would not square the Emperor's
professions of moderation, and it would be in-
judicious to provoke the pt ; indignation of
Europe before the Russians are sufficiently pre-
pared Ibr the consequences. The Emperor
Nicholas set out in the war with a man;festo,
disclaiming all ambitious views—all territorial
aggrandisement, and he puts up the sword, by
saying to the Sultan, I give you up ali my
conquests in Europe, upon condition that you
pay me a consideration in money for the expenses
of the war, but IN hich consideration I well know
you cannot pay at once, and I shall keep posses-
sion of my conquests till you are able to pay for
it, some ten or twelve years hence : in fact I am
in no hurry—the longer time you take the better.'
Such, if not the words the Emperor would
use, is the real English of Russian policy. Ni-
cholas knows that the Turks have been impo-
verished by the war, and a he cannot consistently
with his professions approiate the conquests at
preaent, he makes the terms of peace such that
he can keep possession of them till a more fitting
opportunity presents itself for the development
of his perfidy, by adding them permanently to his
empire."

This is the real truth of the matter, and no.
thing but the truth. What the Emperor Ni-
cholas cannot do directly and immediately he
is determined to accompli:,h indirectly, furtively,
and as time and fitting opportunity may enable
him. He has not the courage to say to the
Sultan and to Europe, " Turkey is mine and
shall be mine ;" but he imposes such stipulations
as he knows cannot be fulfilled, and must render
it his sooner or later. To conclude, we do not
remember to have ever read a treaty of ancient
or modern times which was conceived in a spirit
of so much insolence as that of Adrianople. The
conqueror is :not satisfied with exacting onerous
conditions as the price of peace, but he must ne-
cessarily make the Porte feel that he is the con-
queror—lie is not content with merely dictating
to the Porte what he will himself accept, but he
must, at the same tune, proviL for the wants of
others ; he wil! not rest with merely acting on his
own behalf, but he must, at the same time,
usurp the place of France and England, and ar-
bitrate between IlLssia and Greece as if he only
had a voice in the matter 1 It remains to be seen
what is to come of all this. Peaceful and tame
as our Government is, such insults cannot be
brooked ; and when we look at the blow which
is aimed by the treaty at Engtish commerce, and
English naval supremacy, we cannot help join.
ing a French cotemporary in aiLiing that the die
is cast, and that now is the time for England
either to yield, or to maintain the dominion of
the sea.—Morning Advertiser.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

M 4 NSION-iIOUST.

Yesterday the street-keeper of Cheapfije
to the LORD MAYOR for his Lordship's Oldtr to the
police to assist in compaing the hackney-coachmen
who had the stand for their coaches in Chcapside to
leave that situation.

It has been a complaint for some years amongst
the shopkeepers in Cheap-:de, that the greatest iic-
con?:eiiienee and hiss were sustained in consequence
of the hackney coach-stand being in that neighbour-
hood, and the Ward oftieets had taken the opportu-
nity during the repair of that great thoroughfare; to
Make arrangements try which they hoped to be able
to exclude the haeknek•coaches froM the old place
of standing. As soon however as the repairs welie
finished, the coaches returned in a string to the well-
known quarters, and began to sc.t at defiance the
authority of the officers, upon the strength of the
More important claims of the public. This resist-
ance on the Part cf. the haeltney.coachmen led to
great confusion, and as they can, almost. with jrn,
puoity, jaw a person on the pavement, they have
not hesitated to assert their rights in such a man-
ner as secures to them a crowd of listeners.

The street-keeper stated that he had received
instructions from Deputies Brooke and Daw to re-
move the hackney-coachmen. Same of them drove
off upon being expostulated with, but several re•
fused to move, and said "they would see the de-
puties -heroic they'd starve." The disputes
which arose in consequence of the order, were a
much greater nuisance to the inhabitants of Cheap.
side than the stand of coaches, and produced the
most terrible confusion.

The LORD MAYOR did not know that the depu-
ties had the power to prevent the hackney-coach-
men from standing in Cheap side. He believed the
Act of Parliament protected the latter in the pri-
vilege to stand where they had been accustomed to
take up.
The street-keeper said he did not know what to
to do under such circumstances. Ordered by the
deputies on the one side, and resisted by the hack-
ney-coachmen on the other, he was quite at a loss
what course to putsue.

The LORD MAYOR said he should advise the de-
puties to consult the City Solicitor as to the best
course to be adopted. It would, be said, be a most
desirable thing to the shopkeepers in Cheapside to
be free from the annoyance of the hackney-coach-
stand, and if the power to remove it lay with the
Court of Aldermen, the best plan would be to peti-
tion the Court upon the subject.
The hackney-coachmen ask very naturally where
they are to have a stand if not in a wide street, and
whether the accommodation of the public is not of
more importance than that of a few shopkeepers,
who took up their abode in Cheapside with the
knowledge of the established hackney-coach-stand
opposite to them. In other parts of the city, it is
said, similar attempts will be made to drive away
the hackney-coaches.
A mean looking man, named James Carman, was
charged with forging the acceptance, or, rather, the
exceptance, of James Ellis, Esq., of Banning, near
Maidstone, for the sum of 471.

There was another charge of forgery against the
prisoner, but it was not entered into. He was fully
committed for trial.

GUILDHALL

Hcnry ilPeaftcy, who was charged with assault-
ing a deaf and dumb girl, whom he had entrapped
into a house of ill-fame, was again brought up.
Buckle, the constable, reported that be had de-
lirered the girl to the vestry clerk of Fulham, to
whom he found she was an articled servant for five
years, and who had promised to attend to prose-
cute, but he had not arrived.

The prisoner was put back till the other business
had been disposed of, when he was again brought up.
The prioner said he was very sorry for his mis-
conduct, lie had a wife and two children depend-.
ing on him, and he had served the King (in the
army) in the four quarters of the globe, and had
never been taken before a Magistrate in his I,(e till
this affair happened.
Sir PETER slid he should have thought of his wife
when he was about to ruin this poor girl. It was a
very fora:Hate circumstance for him that no person
had attended to complain.—The prisoner was dis•
charged.