The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-03 00:00:00

TILE S 14: o*, FR 1 D kIY7 E JAN Y 3. 1345.

of these black delenus were fellow-citizens of such a
man as Mr. Secretary WEIISTER, and are, therefore,
reclaimed by their native State of Massachusetts.
The Legislature of that State, having nominated a
Commissioner to proceed on its behalf to South
Carolina, in order to ascertain the precise state of the
facts, the gentleman nominated, immediately on his
arrival, notified to the Governor of the slave-holding
State the character of his mission, and apprised his
Excellency that its object was to "try the constitu-
tionality of the Carolina law in the Supreme Courts
of the Unitel States."
There may be even among Englishman, though
we doubt the fact, about as many individuals as there
are Southern States in the Federal Union, who will
attempt to justify the conduct of members of the
" model Republic"—the palladium, as it has been
called, of human freedom—the strongholsl of consti-
tutional liberty—the refuge, from tyranny and law-
lessness, of the oppressed of all The world—in fostering,
within their own bosom, openly and unblushingly,
that foulest opprobrium of human institutions--negro
slavery. These very individuals will be the first to
echo the confident, unhesitating boast of every white
citizen of those Southern States, that, whatever be
the merits of this slavery question, their political con-
dition is faultless. They will tell you that, above all
things, unlimited freedom of discussion is permitted
by their Legislature. This sounds well in theory.
Its practical truth is thus damaged by the New York
letters :—" The Legislature of South Carolina
being in session, the Governor transmitted
to that body the communication of Mr. HOAX
Upon its receipt a Bill was introduced and
Passed, in a few hours, through all the forms
of a law, authorising the instantaneous expul-
sion of Mr. HOAR from the State ; and he was,
without delay, expelled as an incendiary." To say
that we were absolutely unprepared, at the hands of
a State upholding the enormous crime of slavery, in
the midst of its own free national institutions, for
such an outrage as this, upon all international law,
upon the honour and dignity of an independent Con-
federate State, upon the inviolable character of its
diplomatic service—would be to allow the zeal of our
indignation to exceed the limits of truth. For, it
seems to us, but the natural sequence of so ill-omened
an anomaly as a free society's tolerating the perpetual
slavery of a certain class of their fellow-creatures,
that they should be guilty of any excess of
unprincipled resentment, or insolent violence,
t• which the first impulses of their pas-
sions or their prejudices may prompt them. The
sames licentious arrogance which assumes, and in de-
fiance of the remonstrances and example of all free
civilisation, retains its chattel property in a slave po-
pulation, will prompt it, whenever the opportunity
seems favourable, to domineer over and insult even
the representatives of States equally free and inde-
pendent as itself. But we shall be surprised, indeed,
it; in this instance, the slave-trading infatuation has
not sealed its own fate. The whole federation of
the Union is bound to resent this flagrant outrage
on their authority and honour. The slave question
can no longer be blinked on secondary grounds,
such as those of temporary expediency, because
the outrage itself—the authority by which it
was sanctioned—and the circumstances under
which it was perpetrated—have all arisen
out of, and exclusively resulted from, the legal tolera

Lion o f s?avery in South Carolina. In reference to
the contemplated appeal to Massachusetts to the
Supreme Court of the United States, a New York
correspondent thus writes :—" Suppase the decision
to be against South Carolina, what then ? Why—
nothing." Not so! We cannot, and will not believe
it. There are men enough in the Supreme Tribunal
in question to dare to be just to the rightful demands
of a Confederate State for justice. There is a citizen
of Massachusetts—a patriot and a statesman—who

will not be slow tolvindicate, in those capacities, the
suggestions of his religious convictions as u Christian;
—of his social duties as a freeman. That man is Mr
WmusTEtt. He cannot evade his responsibility for his
past career and his avowed opinioni, if he would ;
and our unfeigned regard for him firmly assures us
that he would not do so, if he could.

The Paris papers are chiefly occupied with com-
ments on the Budget of M. LACAVE LAPLAGNE, the
Minister of Finance, and the state of the Ministry.
The latter, however, is the subject of real interest.
The financial statement adds little to previous know-
ledge respecting the resources, trade, and credit of
the country. The loan all knew had been contracted
under much more favourable circumstances than
were anticipated•; the imports, on the whole, had
improved ; the expenses of the war in Africa had been
a little increased by the expedition to Morocco; and
taking these points, with a few others known to the
public, into account, the main features of the Minis-
ter's speech could present nothing new. Looking at
the vaat outlay of money for erecting the Paris forti-
fications, maintaining an army of 400,000 men, a large
fleet, and carrying on expensive operations in Algeria,
and taking into account at the same time the small
amount of commercial transactions, it cannot be de.
pied that the present state of the finances shows, be-
yond all doubt, the vast internal resources of France.
The Journal des Debats gives the following summary
cif this document :—" The financial situation of France

is this year presented under a more favourable aspect
than last. The budget of 1845 demanded for
the • ordinary service credits to the amount
of 1,276,106,797 f., the receipts of the same year being
1,276,925,2:31f., which gave a surplus of nearly a
million. The ordinary Budget of 1846 sets down the
receipts at 1,306,027,832 f., and the expenditure at
1,302,508,836 f. There is, therefore, a surplus of
3,512,446 f. These figures prove in an incontestable
manner the increasing prosperity of the country, and
the benefits arising from the policy of order which
the Cabinet has carried out in the midst of such diffi-
cult circumstances. Twenty days back we announced
with satisfaction the result of the loan just effected
by the Minister of ,Finance with a success beyond
all anticpation. The explanations of M. Lacava
LAPLAGNE prove that he conducted this delicate busi-
ness with as much prudence as tact. The extraordi-
nary Budget is not less satisfactory, and it is evident
that every day we are drawing close to budgets in equili-
bria No obstacle is to be brought to the execution off

the railroads and other extraordinary works voted by
the Chambers. The credits opened by the Bill of
June, 1841, and which amounted to 450,000,000 f.,
are nearly expended. The Minister demands only
the sum of 36,000,000 r. from these credits. We per-
ceive that the Minister, in conformity with the deci-
sion of the Chamber last year, has joined to the

iieneral Budget the special one of Algeria. The re-
ceipts of this colony for the year 1846 amount to
6,500,000 f. One of the principal savings set down in
the Budget of Algeria will be obtained by a new
organisation of the corps of Spahis ; it amounts to
2,000,000 f. The Minister's statement gives most
satisfactory intelligence respecting the increase of our
receipts, which loudly bear testimony to the
gent administration of public affairs. The evaluation
of all the produce of the public revenues is calculated
with precision and moderation, and there is room to
hope, that the deficiencies which, since 1840, have so
much disturbed our Budgets,
will be speedily and
complefely effaced."
The Constitutionnel, of course takes a very dif-
ferent view of the affair. " The Budget," it says,
has been presented, with an excess of receipts to
the amount of more than 3,000,000 f., which inti-
mates, in the language. of finance, which has been
lately created, that the accounts will be closed with
an uncovered balance of 30,000,000 f. or 40,000,000 f.
The Chamber is perfectly well acquainted with the
phantasmagoria in which the provisions of the Budget
are annually enveloped. The reports on the Finance
Bill as well as those on the Account Bill prove this.
Yet the Chamber tolerates these irregularities, and
continues to vote credits, which are always exceeded.
As long as the country remains tranquil, as long as
commerce and manufactures find regular aliment, so
long will the perils of this mode of proceeding re-
main unveiled. But should any crisis, and conflict
of any nature arise, then will all the vices of this im-
provident management be disclosed, and then it will
be too late to prevent the consequences. The National,
however, is less gloomy, it admits that the resources
of France are immense, but are terribly mismanaged
by her rulers.

The Opposition journals still reckon with certainty
on the speedy downfal of M. GuizoT, but from all

accounts, should their prophecies turn out true, he
will die hard, and display in a light neither comfort •
able to MOLE nor THIERB the conduct of parties who,
forgetting their own political antipathies and differ-
ences, have combined to" Oust the mast able Fren