The Sun.
London, England, 1842-05-23 00:00:00

l*1>•"4 I LONDON•
)TO.NDA LNG, MAY 23, 1842.

Amonvst the votes for the Navy, agreed to on
Friday night, was one for the sum of 407,549/. for the
Contract Packet Service, for the Post-office Depart-
ment. It exceeds the sum voted last year by 178,1421.
The principal portion of the increase is 160,0001., for
steam vessels to and from Liverpool and the West
Indies; a service, of yyhieh hitherto there has been
more complaint than approbation. The whole amount
toted for that service this year is 240,000/.

The several mails between Hamburgh and London,
and Rotterdam, Fahnauth, Vigo, Oporto, and Gib-
raltar, Liverpool and Halifax, Bermuda and St.
John's, cast collectively 135,219/. The bulk of
that expense is incurred almost exclusively for the
adVantage of the wealthy mercantile classes, and the
promotion:of commerce. We do not object to the ex-
penditure ; we think money employed in increasing
the communication between distant countries is
well laid out ; we only wish to make mercantile
claises and the public :aware of the money which
is now expended for the promotion of commerce. It
is not above three years, we believe, since the first
vote was passed for Cunard's line of packets, and the
whole of this vote is nearly of modern origin. If by
this mode of expending the public money, the national
greatness be augmented, it is of such great advan-
tage to merchants that by it the wealth of many indi-
viduals must be increased.

A small part of this money Is recovered on post-
age for letters, but the bulk of it is taken from the
public funds to promote trade. If to this expense of
packets, we add the expense of consuls, ships of war.
and various public establishments only necessary for
the production of commerce, we may conjecture that
not less than a 1,000,0001. a-year of the public money
is employed to protect and promote foreign trade.
In our judgment that is a liberal and wise policy ;
but what can be said at the same time in favour of
those` restrictive laws which prevent foreign trade, or
cut it up by the roots ? On the one hand, the Legis-
lature gives the `public money to promote trade, on
the other, it. continually passes laws to impede, curb,
and stifle trade. Is not this a picture of a house di-
vided against itself ?—of a man. struggling to win a
race, and yet chaining his* own legs Let the House
of Commons either spare the public purse, or set trade
free, so that it may yield baCk to the state the taxes
laid out to prQinoto it.

The "landowners seem determined to worry Sir 11,
pEra, about the importation of cattle. On Friday
Mr. PCSEY gave notice, "-in the event of Mr. MILES'
motion," to take the day on cattle by weight being
negatived, "that he will move the following series of
resolutions on going into Committee on the Customs'
Bill, the reasoning of which the double-faced Premier
will find it, we apprehend, inconvenient to answer.
1. That a,Bill had pAed in the present session pro-
tecting the growth, not of wheat only, but also of other
grains, usually called spring, corn, barley, oats, beans,
and pease, more or less . employed in the fattening of
cattle. • • -
2. That the price of such grain forming a large part
of the cost of meat, and ea:nerience further showing that
corn and meat rise or fall together in value, the protect-
ing duty on foreign meat and cattle ought to bear a
proportion to the protecting diity on foreign sprint; corn.
3. That, although the average duties at which foreign
spring corn will be entered for home consumption, can-
not 1;e precisely calcul4ted beforehand, it appears suf-
fkiently that the duty of Ss. per cwt. prOposed in the
taritf. will not give an amount of protection equal to that
w hiuh the Corn-bill wilt afford upon spring corn, and
that the two measures la* therein at variance with each

ofi,tr

I. That in the tariff the duty of Bs. per cwt. on
fureign "'vat is also inconsistent with the duty of 14s.
per cn t. upon bayou, 'the 4!,'St of producing the two
art_ieles not differing in the proportion of 8 and 14,
eouiequently, that, if a duty of 14s. on bacon he an
equitable amount of protection, the duty of Bs. on meat
must he deo* iitadeiluote
5. That even if the duty of Bs. per cwt. on meat were
suttle'eat protection, that. protection would be rendered
null -by the duty proposed to be levied upon fat cattle,
since an ox of 8 cwt., if slaughtered and imported as
meat, would pay Bs. per cwt., nearly Id, per pound, or
645, but might come in as IiVA stock for 20s'.. being
2s. 6d. per cwt,-or-44-d. per lb., the tallow-and hide enter-
Yn deity free ; V.nd " a hog of 3 would be
lial4 to titiTtt 'Onflicting rntel of duty ; namely, its.
Del, te ~wt; mem: bacon and ham, as„ percwt. on fresh
. .
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4

meat, but, thirdly, would pay as, live stock only 20d. per
cwt., or one sixth of a penny per pound.
6. That the admission of live stock upon these terms
would be a virtual repeal of the Corn-law, since foreign
corn would thus come in at a nominal duty, the foreign
grower also saving carriage on the bulky article corn, by
introducing it into this country in the more portable form
of fat stock.

7. That such an enactment would contradict the whole
course of our commercial policy, and the avowed prin-
ciple of the tariff, by repelhng the importation of the raw
material (spring corn), which affords employment to
labour in the feeding of cattle, in favour of the finished
article, fat stock, which it would admit almost duty free. ,
8. That cattle being now fattened extensively upon arable I
land, with food often purchased by enterprising farmers
at the expense of many hundred pounds in a year, not
with a view to profit on the price of the animals, but
simply to the production of dung, the improvement of
agriculture would be greatly hindered, if encouragement
were given to the constant importation of fat stock, in
preference to the occasional introduction of those grains
on which cattle are fed.
9. That the levy of an equal fixed duty per head upon
lean and fat cattle would also tend to discourage, com-
paratively, the entrance of the unfinished product or lean
animal, which affords employment to the farm labourer,
and to impede the production of manure, according to the
improved method of husbandry.
10. That the proposed duties, so far as they apply to
lean stock, would not afford to the, occupies of farms in
exposed and inferior situationsf whose chief dependence
is placed in the breeding and sale of store cattle, protec-
tection commensurate to that which is held out to the
grower of grain by the Corn-bill.
11. That if a small supply of foreign cattle and meat
be expected to arrive, it is still inexpedient to impose in
the tariff conflicting rates of duty upon meat, and upon
cattle fit for immediate consumption as meat, but that if
such a supply be looked forward to as would materially
reduce the value of live stock at home, it would be highly
unjust to rake away indirectly, by means of the tariff,
that protection which the Corn Bill has recently given.
12. That further inquiry be, therefore, instituted
into a proposal which deeply involves the property of
farmers, and has alarmed them the more, because in the
Corn Bill they have 'only exchanged one scheme of to-
fied protection for another ; but in the tariff are unex-
pectedly calted upon to pass at once from absolute pro-
hibition to virtual free trade.

We and all free-traders could at once get rid of
Mr. PUSEY'S statements, but we do not see how Sir
R. PEEL, who has just induced the House of Com-
mons to pass a law to secure, as it is called, a certain
degree of protection to the landowner can now pass
another law, which diminishes that or takes it away.
There are various other amendments to be proposed
in the tariff which depend, like that of Mr. FUMY'S,
on the-relative cost of different articles, like spring
corn and fatted cattle. To ascertain that, and to be
able to adjust accurately all the different shades of pro-
tection proportionate to prices, our legislators ought to
be intimately conversant with all the details of every
trade in the country, otherwise they will give, ac-
cording to Mr. PUSEY'S statement, an inadequate
amount of protection to one article or another. But
no.legislators can be acquainted with all these details.
Neither the cost of spring corn, nor the cost of fatten-
ing:cattle, is a certain and definite sum; it varies with
the seasons and with places, and the protection which
would be ample for the fat vale of Evesham would be
wholly insufficient for the stony hills of Berkshire.
Even farmers or traders can scarcely be acquainted
with all these particulars ; and if they were, nobody
else would say that they should be suffered to make
or dictate the laws by which other people are to buy
their produce. The difficulty of adjusting a scale of
protection between cattle and corn, and between them
and all other commodities, is not an argument for
adopting Mr. PUSEY'S scale, but for scouting alto-
gether such pettyfogging halfpenny, farthing legisla-
tion ; and at the same time as Sir ROBERT PEEL
adopts, and acts on the principle of adjusting protect-
ing duties, we hope that Mr. PUSEY may persevere
with his amendment, that he may be supported by all
the landlords in Parliament, and that he may annoy
and perplex the self-sufficient Premier.

The title of the Louis PHILIPPE of our system,
which we assigned to Sir ROPERT PEEL, somewhat
more than a month ago, is so appropriate, that other
Journals have given him the same name. His mea-
sures have accorded with no man's expectations—they
fulfil the wishes of no class—they are not compre-
hensively just—they are not even temporarily expe-
dient—they neither mitigate present distress, nor pro-
mise much for the future. One of them is a great
addition to the public burdens—yet they are all car-
ried, or certain to be carried, and what he ordains
is sure to become law. He has thwarted and opposed
the landowners and monopolists, who brought him
in ; he has not courted the assistance of the free-traders,
who strove to keep him out ; but there he stands in
Parliament, superior to them all—one party ready to
do his bidding, when the other party declines. • These
are all plain and palpable facts, observed and recog •
nised by almost, every journalist.

There is another fact, however, deducible from
these circumstances, worthy of consideration. If
both countries have their Louis PHILIPPE, in both
countries there must be some corresponding frame of
the public mind, which makes in both a Louis
PHILIPPE the necessity of the moment, The career
of these men forbids us to assign to either of them a
higher character than that of a clever and a fortunate
trickster. WELLINGTON, BONAPARTE, PITT, were men
of genius, who created eminence for themselves ; the two
others have watched and waited, have taken advantage
of this tide and that tide of public sentiment, have
sided with Revolutionists or Conservatives, with rigid
bigotted Tories or Emancipationists, as a man was
wanting to d. 9 their bidding, till they have made them-
selves the indispensible organ or instrument of some
prevailing sentiment.
In France, LOUIS PHILIPPE reigns by virtue of
the dread of Revolution and change which pervades
the middle classes there, which he nourished till he
acquired the throne, and became for the bourgeoise
the means of preventing further revolution. To that
dread they sacrifice present liberty. Our Louis
PHILIPPE holds place by a similar fear. Men of pro-
perty, with the Middle classes, dread the unpropertied,
or despoi!ed multitudes. In
,office and out of office;
Sir R. PEEL has augmented that fear. He has con-
tinually sided against all attempts to extend the suf-
frage, because an extension of the constituency
would endanger property. To that fear he has made
himself indispensible to support him ; therefore the
middle classes accept an Income-tax, and the land-
lords submit tochanges in their protecting laws which
they would take from no other hands. The
dread of change, the fear of the multitude, is the si-
milar frame of mind amongst the politically influen-
tial classes in France and England, which makes a
Louis PHILIPPE now essential to both.

If a man may make what laws he pleases he is
very little short of a despot, though he may use
his power, as both these' men use it, with modera-
tion' and discretion. No man who has an idea
of justice affirms, we believe, that Sir ROBERT
PEEL'S arrangements can be lasting, or that they will
put an end to public distress and discontent. Neither
the wretched monopolies which he has instituted here,
nor the suppression of public discussion in France
can be the law of either nation a very few years
hence. Tamed as both these quasi despots are by that
subserviency to some prejudices and bad passions
which they have noted and watched to gain their
ends, neither of them* is ever likely to be very
tyrannical, and neither will be able to transmit his
power and his system to any successor. In truth
both depend on an unworthy 'apprehension, which
cannot last. More continual misery is produced by
by the means employed to relieve it than could possibly
ensue were it realized.

Lord ELIOT on Friday night, in briefly adverting to the
disturbanc es which have prevailed for some time in the
county of Tipperary, admitted that they had slightly
increased lately, that the district was in a very unsatis-
factory state, and required the prompt attention of the
Government. The only remedies, for the outrages daily
committed, he seemed to think, were increased reinforce-
ments of police, and more stringent laws to prevent the pea-
sentry from procuring tire-arms. These are the old Tory
cures fur Irish grievances. The Lord-Lieutenant and his
Secretary call out for more _ troops and more laws
people, but do not inquire into
to keep down the
the causes which drive them to such madness. The
Irish, when well treated, conduct themselves, in
general, as «ell as the inhabitants of the ,
other parts of the empire ; and if any proof
were wanting, we have only to refer their
calumniators to the remarkable change produced
by the just, mild, and conciliatory Government
of Lord NORMANBY. The number of troops WAS greatly
diminished, outrages were every day becoming less fre-
quent, and Ireland, some twelve months ago, was more
tranquil than. England. There must be some cause for
these disturbances, and would be well, therefore, to
inquire whether they arise from the harsh treatment of
the landlords or the middlemen, or from a want of that
impartial and merciful administration of justice which
peculiarly marked the Government of that Noble Lord
and his successor. If force, therefore; be resorted to for

the protection of life and property, let an inquiry
also, take place at the same time, in order to convince
the people that their complaints will be heard. They
are the'greatest sufferers froni this anomalous state of
society; and can have no object in view but to get rid of
some more insupportable evils. It will be grati-
fying to all the friends of the Irish clergy, to know that
Lord ELIOT paid them .the highest compliments for
their praise-worthy conduct in denouncing illegal so-
cieties, and exhorting their flocks to respect and obey
the law. These are the men who, when the Tories
were out of power, were described by their organs as
traitors and surpliced ruffians.

A curious discussion took place in the French Cham-
ber of Deputies on Thursday, upon the order of the
day being moved for voting the expenses of religious
worship throughout France. M. CARNE complained of
the interference of the clergy in political affairs, as un-
befitting the sanctity of their character. He dwelt
particularly upon the conduct of the Bishops in circulating
the Papal Bull respecting Spain, and in alluding
to the relations, political and religious, of thatt, country
in their pastoral letters and sermons. He also con-
demned the conduct of the Archbishop of PARIS in
praying the KING to adopt measures tor the better ob-
servance of the Sabbath. M. DUPIN said he was obliged
to confess that the clergy allowed their zeal to carry them
too far. He protested against their conduct with respect
to Spain. That was an fildependent kingdom, and
oughtao be allowed to judge for itself in every matter.
Their pastoral letters and sermons were an irregular
and offensive interference with the independence of a
neighbouring natibu, with which France was at peace.
We give the Minister of PubEc Worship's defence of
the promulgation of the Papal Bull, as we find it re-
ported in the Journals :
The Minister, of Public Worship disavowed completely, in
the name of the Government, the violent attacks of certain
Journals in favour of religion, and declared that all the clergy
to whom he had spoken on the subject were opposed to such
attacks. As to the Pope's letter, it simply recommended the
prelates of other countries to do what he had ordered his own
to do at Rome—namely, to put up prayers for the unity of the
Church. The mandate of the Archbishop of Paris had fol-
lowed, and it had excited the solicitude of the Government,
lest some violation of the law, xhich orders that no bull should
be promulgated in France without the consent of the Govern-
ment, should take plane. A correspondence followed with the
Archbishop of Paris on the subject, in the course of which he
showed that there was no violation of the law, the mandate
simply requiring prayers for the unity of the Church.
Now while we entirely disapprove of the conduct of
the French Hierarchy in promulgating the Brief relative
to Spain, we can discover nothing whatever unbecoming
the sacred functions of the Archbishop of PARIS in
praying the KING to have the Sabbath better observed.
On the contrary, we think the Archbishop did but his
duty, and that the thanks of the poor of France are due
to him for it. The Sabbath is the LORD'S day, and he
has mercifully and bountifully given it for a day of rest
for the over-toiled members of the human family. The
rich man may make a Sabbath for himself of every
day of the week, but it is only on the seventh
that the hard-working artisan, and field-labourer,
can claim a cessation from drudgery. We are
as opposed to the hypocritical observance of the
Sabbath, recommended by Sir ANDREW AGNEW, as
M. CARNE himself ; but it does not follow from that
that we should desire to see the ordinary business of life
gone through on that 'day. Now this is what
is done to a very great extent in France.
The poor there, under the pretext of not being
compelled to observe the Sabbath, are actuallyi, robbed
of that day. They are made to labour without receiving
a fraction of more wages than they would get did they
only toil six days in the week. Thus they have no time
for self-culture—none for that calm and wholesome re-
flection to which a day of rest must give rise in the
bosom of an honest hard-toiling man. The Sabbath is
the peculiar gift of GOD to the toiling children of mea.
Do not deprive them of it, neither compel them to observe
it after your fashion. It is their own, as much as any-
thing else that GOD has given them, and is intended for
their happiness. To compel them to labour upon it is
to rob them of this precious inheritance. France ought,
therefore, to feel grateful for the solicitude of the clergy
for the observance of the Sabbath.

The Right of Search question was again debated in
the Chambers of Peers and Deputies on Thursday. The
speakers against the treaty were more violent in their
condemnation of it than on the preceding day. M.
BILLOUT, in the Chamber, of Deputies, and Viscount
DUBOUCHAGE, in the House of Peers, denounced the
treaty as a scheme of England to obtain the sovereignty
of the seas. M. GUIZOT replied to both at great length.
He showed the inconsistency of his opponents, and
proved that France had quite as much to do with form-
ing the treaty as England. He would not, however,
ratify the treaty, although he could not pledge himself
for the conduct of future tit erninents. If our space
will allow it, we shall on Moiday give an outline of the
speech of the French Minister-
-We can only repent wly.t. we have again and again
stated in treating this question. Our wisest, safest, and
most humane course, will be to abandon the treaty al-
together. We can make nothing of it but evil, with
France and the United States opposed to us. We cannot
enforce the treaty without war, and that is an evil greater
than that which we would remedy.
We find the following in the Pr esse :—" The nomination of
a Special Commission at Naples, for the purpose of concluding
a treaty of commerce between Great Britain and the two Si-
cilies, has been already mentioned. We now learn from good
authority that the two contracting parties will take as the basis
cif their negotiations the draft of a commercial treaty drawn up
three years ago by Mr. Macgre;;or, who was sent to Naples for the
purpose. The difficulties which arose respecting the sulphur
question, on that occasion, suspended the negotiations when tole-
rably far advanced. On the solicitations of Sir K. Peel, who seeks
for new openings for the languising industry of his country,
they are now to be resumed.. Should, Mr. Maegregor's plan
be acceded to by the Neapolitan Government, the commerce
of France would immediately suffer from it severely, for that
gentleman proposed nothing less than to grant to the English
flag in the ports of the Two Sicilies a reduction of 10 per cent.
on the import duties paid by other nations. This preference
in favour of English commerce, which possesses the island of
Malta, a few leagues from Sicily, would entirely destroy the
commerce of Marseilles with the Two Sicilies. It is to be
hoped that the French Government will not rest inactive in
face of the danger which threatens so immediately our principal
town in the Mediterranean." _ _

Subscriptions in favour of the sufferers by the fire at Ham-
burgh have been opened at Bordeaux.
A letter from Philippeville, dated 6th inst., says :—" A
courier has just arrived from Constantine with the following
news :—General Negrier marched. out on the preceding day,
with 3,000 men and 1,000 horses, towards the south-west, with
the purpose, it is believed, of visiting the tribe of the Hakactas.
He is expected to remain 40 or 50 days in the field col-
lecting the taxes. Colonel Brice, commandant of the upper
circle of Philipperille, having learnt that the Kabyles, ex-
cited by a fanatical Marabout, had assembled in great num-
bers, and threatened our convoys, set out on the Ist inst.
in all haste, determined to disperse them, but taking with
him only 1,200 foot and 200 horse. On the 3d he was
attacked, in a narrow defile, by several thousands of Kabyles ;
but our troops at the first stood firm, and soon afterwards be-
came the assailants. From eleven in the morning till nine at
night, they disputed the ground foot by foot, till at last they
put the enemy to flight. In this close fighting our men dis-
played prodigies of valour, and killed a great number of the
Kabyles. .We,' however, have to regret the loss of two officers,
and, ten non-commissioned officers and soldiers killed, and have
fifty-seven wounded. M. Lepelletier, surgeon-major of the
19th Light Infantry, was killed while dressing the Wound of
one of the men within the line of fire.' The column returned
in the evening of the 4th."
BO L USE—PARIS, THURSDAY, MAT 19.

Fast Highest Lowest Last
Price Price. Pric... Prier.
r'serteh t per rents ll9 60 ... 119 60 ...
.119 50 ... 119 50

4per Cents. ... 101 70 ... 101170 ... 101 70 ... 101 70
s per Cants.... - Bl 90 _. 81 90 ... 81 9J ... 81 9,1
lank os France ....... ........ 3355 ....1160 ...3355 ...3360
leteian Sans
Belgian S per Cent 5......„ W3% ... 1.33 ... 103% .. 1031(s
5 per Cents., 1840 10534 ... 105% ... 10 % ... 105%
3 per Cents 7S 45 ... 73 45.... 73 45:... 73 45
;palish Active.........
Paid./ 4% ... 43, ... 4% ... 4%
Portuguese 5 per Cents. 31% ... 31% ... 3;% ... 31%
Neapolitan lOB ... 1,8 ' ... 11/7 90 ... ill 90
Roman
__
_.,.2.... 8.15%...... J 0534 ...135J44 ... 105%

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