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London, England, 1842-01-12 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNKSDAY, J:4NUARY 12,
.1842.

•
It
TI
Aci
RPEOG
NYTT_
sETCR HE
ENT I C m
oiRNN Li
sT Ua
an-
d
EVENINGS except- SA't URDAY EVENINGS.
A SERIES of entirely NEW DISSOLVING VIEWS, il-
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WATERPROOF WINTER
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the much-admired

PROPOSED CHARTER OF THE
MIDLAND COUNTIES.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE :SUN.
Sir.,—l send you for insertion, agreeably to my former
intimation, my amended, or Midland Counties -Charter.
You will see at Once that the simple principles of this
document are mainly these :—lt recognizes the right of
Universal Suffrage, and only further prorid'es such rea-
sonable. guarantees as are- sanctioned by justice, and
warranted by experience. -
By thus providing increased guarantees for the exer-
cise of the right of Universal Suffrage, it at once makes
the old Charter, as amended, both sound in principle and
at the same time safe in practice—one that might come
into immediate operation to-morrow without an! jeopardy
to life, liberty, or property. I believe the middle classes
may feel perfectly secure in supporting it, as now
amended, and I believe .the. working classes will find
their interests consulted by • adopting it. I wish,
.how-
ever, all parties to read and ponder it well, and I cau-
tion any one against coming to hasty conclusions upon
it, or committing himself against it, before he has thus
well considered it. Having now given it to the public,
I consider that my share, in its introduction, is nearly.
concluded : the moral responsibility of its success or
failure I shall devolve 'upon the Dissenting MiniSters
of the Midland Counties.

NEW SEAL-SKIN BEAVER,
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Also, in lieu of the Mackinto,h, the wel!-known
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PUBLICATIONS.

THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. ITALIAN.

Just published, a New Edition, prico 45., revised, corrected,'
and invoved, by the Daughter of Mr. James Hamilton,
THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN, IN
ITALIAN, wish Interlineal Literal Translation into
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Established 1820.

• As the effort or production of a private individual,
whatever abstract merits it• may have, its -sticcess is at
present a matter of- Speculation. If it is adopted by
the Dissenting 3liniSters; in Convention asSerublcsl, it
will then have the sanction Of, a public body of influen-
tial men, whoso integrity anti motives are aliae sus-
picion, and by whose countenance or Indifference.it must
stand or. 11111: :From the part,they have all taken hitherto,
I cannot- supptiCe them to be indifferint,- to'the f)rogre.ss
Of civil and religious liberty. What they and I and
all " Movement " Reformers want, I apprehend, -is. a
practical plan, which, while it is based upon first princi--
pies, might come into immediate operation:. The middle
classes have long felt this to be a desideratum, Which the
Charter, - however. correct in many of its principles, did
not entirely supply.
, From all I can hear and learn, the middle classes have
been repelled from the Charter infinitely more by the
abuse and violence, and in some cases political profli-
gacl, of some of the Chartist leaders, than from any
dislike of the "equal rights of man," or any disinclina-
tion to apply these principles, when adapted by satisfac-
tory guarantees to the present state of English society.
When. the political arena in this country ik cleared!of
all those by whom the. right of public assemblies has so
long been desecrated, democracy will again have a chance
of progression, but not .before.
After announcing my intention, a few weeks ago, 'of
introducing the Midland. Counties. Charter, I was in-
duced to waive it, till the publication of Mr. Sturge's
programme. That :document is now before the public ;
and with every possible respect and deference for Mr.
Sturge's opinions, I am compelled to say,-that the as-
sertion and subscription alone of the abstract • truth
contained in his declaration, will not produce the result
intended and anticipated by him, of combining all
shades of Reformers in one united movement for prac-
tical Reform.

IYHEATLY ON TFIE COMMON PRAYER.
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ARATIONAL ILLUSTRATION of the
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"~• To be had also of all Booksellers.

Just published, the Seventh Edition, price 3s. , and scnt free,
on receipt of a Post-office Order, for 3s. 6d.

MANHOOD: the CAUSES of its PRE-
MATURE DECLINE, with. Plain Directions for
ITS PERFECT RESTORATION; addressed to those suf-
fering from the destructive effects of Excessive Indulgence,
Solitary Habit:, or Infection ; followed by Observations on the
Treatment of Syphilis, Gonorrheal, Gleet, &c. Illustratel
with Cases, &c.

By J. L. CURTIS and COMPANY,
Consulting Surgeons, London.
Published by the Authors, and sold by Bailiere, Medical
Bookseller to the Royal College of Surgeons, 219, Regent-
street; Strange, 21, Paternoster-row, London; Guest, Bir-
mingham ; Sowler, 4, St. Ann's-square, Manchester ; Philip,
South Castle-street, Liverpool; Fannin and Co., 41, Grafton-
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be had of all Booksellers.
This Work, a Seventh Edition of which is now presented to
the public, ten thousand copies have been exhausted since its
Arst appearance, has been fiery much improved and enlarges
by the addition of a more extended and clear detail if general
principles, as also by the insertion of several new and highly in-
teresting cases. The book, as has been already stated, is the
result of very ample and daily increasing experience in a class
of diseases, which, for some unaccountable reason, have been
either altogether overlooked, or treated almost with indiffer-
ence, by the ordinary medical practitioner. The proverbial
and well known rapacity sf unqualified practitioners, who
traffic on the health and credulity of patients, has been en-
couraged and aroused by this supineness, on the part of the
regular surgeon. In order to obviate the pernicious effects
sure to result from the practices of such pretenders, the
authors have for a considerable time devoted themselves ex-
clusively to a certain class of diseases; of the necessity if se
doing, they were further convinced by feeling that tact in in-
vestigating the latent sources of many diseases, which arise
.from certain secret praetices, can only be acquired by an ex-
clusive and undivided attention to this department of medical
practice. The numberless instances daily occurring, whersin
affections of the lungs, putting on all the outer appearances of
consumption, which, however, when traced to their source,
are found is result from certain baneful practices, fully proves
that the principle of the division of Jabot*, is nowhere more
applicable than in medical practice. We feel ne hesitation in
saying that there is no member of society by whom the book
will not be found useful, whether such person hold the relation
of a Parent, a Preceptor, or a Clergyman.
The PARENT, who beholds his beloved child pinin'
away, and fast approaching to a preinature grave, in conse-
quence of seine disease, which, for want of careful investiga-
flea' of its real cause, has been set down to the score of con-
sumption, will, on perusing this work, be astonished to find,
that in nine-tenths of the cases of young persons of both
sexes, who perish of what is called pulmonary consumption,
heart disease, tapes, &c., the sole and exclusive origin has
been the indulgence in certain destructive habits practised by
youth much more frequently than it is at all suspected.
The PRECEPTOR, also, who holds (temporarily' at
least), the relation and responsibility of a parent, will,
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cealed practiceiso often introduced into schools, whereby the
health and ultimately the lives of his pupils are sure to bo com-
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delicacy of health should appear to attack any of his young
charges, what the real causes of such attack may be, and thus
he will be enabled to check the evil in its incipient state.
The CLERGYMAN, in whose sacred character is at once
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hero be directed as to the nature of those habits to which
youth . is -ddicted •he will also he enabled to point out the dis-
astrousrelinqis
uchoend.
consequences which are sure to follow from them if not
Messrs. CURTIS and CO. are to be consulted daily at their
residence, No. 7, Frith-street, Soho-square, London.
Country Patients aro requested to be as rainnte as possible in
the detail of their cases—as to the duration of the complaint,
the symptoms, age, general habits of living, and occupation in
life of the party ; the communication must be accompanied by
the usual Consultation Fee of IL, without which• no notice
whatever can be taken of their application ; and in all eases. the
most inviolable secrecy may he relied on.

sth yr.

6th yr.

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Nobody can have a higher opinion of, or respect for,
Mr. Joseph Sturge than I have : I consider him essen-
tially a good man—the very incarnation of the spirit of
benevolence : still, the Charter —which I understand he
now supports without qualification--will not, in my
humb/r opinion, unite the middle and working classes in
oar day and generation. If there is not some slight mo-
dification of it, KO as to increase its guarantees, and meet
the honest fears of the middle classes, it will be for ever
a bone of contention, rather than a source of union.
The few thousand signatures that may be obtained to
Mr. Sturge's plan, will amount to nothing. The next
national democratic movement will require, not only,
in the first place, an indissoluble union of all classes,
but, on the part of its leaders, clear heads, stout hearts,
untiring energy, disinterested sacrifices, personal risk,
and popular talents, a happy choice of means and ex-
ertions, well directed and well timed, to have any chance
of success at all ; and even then I fear the prospect is
remote.

Mr. Sturge says, that before his recent visit to Ame-
rica, he had supposed a readily, and writing qualification,
as recommended by Bentham, was the best ; but that
he has become convinced, from what he witnessed there,
that not only would there be no clanger in the adoption
of complete Stfffrage, but that Sere was no other effec-
tual means to secure the country from the mischiefs of
class legislation. I have been twice in America, have
there made extensive inquiries and observations, and
have arrived at very different conclusions. If America
has anything to fear, it is from the inexperience, rash-
ness, and intemperance of its young men.
Had Mr. Sturge been on the American frontier
during the troubles in Canada, he would have seen the
weakness of the Executive, and the impotency of the
laws. If he had publicly propounded hiS benevolent
schemes in regard to the negroes in the Southern States,
he would have been tarred and feathered at the least—
perhaps shot or lynched, it may be, without cere-
mony or scruple ; while neither the police, military, nor
the magistracy, would have afforded him the slightest
protection—the Executive being not only disinclined, but
utterly inadequate to guard him, if he ventured (upon
such a subject) to assume the privilege of a freeman, or
to speak his mind. If he had gone still further South—
to the Texas—he would have found himself in the midst
of a community of outlaws and desperadoes, such as
were never collected together since the days of Cataline.
The best men of America, at the period of the Revo-
lution, -considered Universal Suffrage as a tremendous
experiment, but they were obliged to adopt it as the
lesser evil of the two, in order to enlist the sympathies
and support of the masses, in their united resistance to
the British Government. A large proportion of the
educated, philosophical, and reflectinc, minds in America,
at the present day, deprecate their Universal Suffrage as
a national calamity.

From observation and reflection, I am.compelled to
bolieve, that if Parliaments there were:of I?nger duration
—if electors were required to be of a more mature age,
and to have resided longer im the district for which they
vote—their national liberties would be -more secure, and
they would be saved those incessant scenes of faction
and cabal which . sooner or later disgust every moderate
man, and predispose him far a partial surrender of his
present liberties, and the ultimate establighment of a
stronger Government.

Fei;ling thus in reference to Mr. Sturge's declaration,
I think I am justified in giving my programme to the
public, and in soliciting an attentive and impartial perusal
of its facts, its principles, and its arguments.
I shall be gratified by any 'correspondence, through
the post, from Reformers who may read it, provided they
will append their names to their communications. In
the meantime, I shall hold myself very much at the ser-
vice of the Dissenting Ministers of Leicester, if it should
so happen that they resolve to take part in the projected
Convention.

The following address is supposed to be submitted
by ine to them, in Convention assembled, and to be signed
by them, as approving of the proposed alterations, and
as indicating an intention on their part of giving it their
effective and influential support.
I remain, Sir, your very obedient servant,

WILLIAM BIGGS.

MIDLAND COUNTIES CHARTER.

We, the undersigned Ministers of Religion, Members
of Reform Societies, and other deputies, from the towns
of Nottingham, Derby, and Leicester, in public Conven-
tion assembled, having met for the purpose of taking
into consideration the document called the "People's
Charter,"—with the view of seeing how for we Can agree
with its principles and details, and having arrived at an
unanimous decision upon the subject, have resolved
upon publishing the following address to the people of the
Unitel Kingdom, as our Political Confession of Faith:—

PRICE 5d

rated patriotism, and the highest energies and virtues 01
the human chilraeter, -they at the same time frequently
foster into vigorous activity the most reckless and profli-
gatepretenders.*.

_
We, . however, are disposed to forget all the political
aberrations to which we have referred, to make a propel
distinction between the few who haue wrecked and com-
promised a valuable cause, and the mass of the workin,
classes who demand and who deserve- immediate political
enfranchisement.
We meet as the legitimate representatives of the
Movement. Party among the middle classes, as ardent
friends of progressive liberty, but at the same time a:
advocates of social order ; as men who arc conscious of
the existence of wide-spread wrong and suffering, which
we believe to be the consequence of class legislation ;
as men who are anxious for a. wide and equitable ex-
. tension of popular rights; without wishing to jeopardize
the security of property, or the safety of valuable in-
stitutions ; as men who while they will resist an arbi-
tr.try and selfish Oligarchy on the one hand, will not, on
the other, be passiive or consenting tools to hand over our
country to the horrors of a French resolution.
All that the middle.classes require, and which they.
-evidently must have, -before they lend their resoltite and
undivided energies to the furtherance of another grand
democratic movement, are satisfactory and reasonable.
guarantees that their assistance, when afforded,.will not
be abused; and that generous and general exertions for
the enfranchisement of the millions, will not be the-pre-
lude to the licentiousness and anarchy of. revolutionary
France, where, after massacres in her streets, and civil
war in her provinces, their revolution in favour of liberty
ended in the establishment of one of the- most gigantic
military despotisms that ever existed since the downfal
of the Roman Empire. These views are thus also for-
ciblystated in a -recent number of thelVoncovfonUist
4 The labouring--ftssew.are- destitute of any stake in
the country. They have nothing to lose in a general
convulsion -of society. Discontented with the stalon
assigned to them by-Providence, they yy-ant nothing but
the power, to put forth -their hands against every right
which Government secures to us. With the franchise in
their hands, and, by consequence, legislation under their
controul, property Would no longer be safe. Should we
invest them with political power, we must prepare our-
selves for a general scramble. The dignity- of law would
ire violated—confidence in its protection would be speedily
sapped—a carnival of the worst
.passions of our nature!
would be proclaimed—an indiscriminate crusade against
all our institutions would be undertaken—a reign of
tern r would forthwith commence—and universal anarchy
would terminate, as it always has done, and always will
do, in the establishment of a military despotism."
Such unquestionably, are the fears of a large and hi-
fluential proportion of the middle classes, whether well
or ill founded we pretend not to decide. All that human
wisdoin can divine upon the subject, is or ought to be
drawn from the experience of the past:—Political power,
moral independence, and mental culture, should go together !
Wherever the first has existed independently of the last,
the results have been disastrous, whether it has been
wielded by the monarch or the multitude.
One of our objects is, to propound a practical scheme of
political reform, which, while it is based upon first prin-
ciples, may in our honest and conscientious conviction,
come into immediate operation to-morrow, without the
slightest insecurity to life, liberty, or property; this we
take to be a desideratum. For this purpose we shall
alter the "Charter" where we deem it requisite, but in no
one instance, except where such may be the case.
We now enter upon its consideration. It purports to
be " An Act to provide for the just representation of the
people of Great Britain and Ireland- in the Commons
House of Parliament." It provides that there should be
1. Annual Parliaments.
2. Universal Suffrage.
3. Equal Voting Districts.
4. No Property Qualification.
5. Voting by hallot, and

6. Paymeneof Members.
We will, in the first place, see to how many of these pro-
positions we can agree, before we state our objections to
what remain.

We commence, then, with " Equal Voting Districts."
We have no objection whatever to this contemplated
arrangement. The present voting districts are so un-
equal and unfair, that almost any change in their ar-
rangement must be for the better.
" Voting by Ballot." To this we of course make no
objection, but will upon every practicable occasion -give
it our zealous and effective support-
"No Property Qualification." Though we do not as
practical men entirely agree as to the expediency of this
proposition, vet, acting upon the principle with which
we set out, of agreeing in all cases where we can without
a compromise of our integrity, or honest convictions, we
shall not insist upon any particular property qualification,
as a sine qua. non. We should however iusist that a
Member of Parliament (and a Peer also, if we could)
should be at least twenty-fire years qf age ' • so as to fur-
nish us with reasonable guarantees of his discretion and
capacity for his important public trust ; and in this re-
quisition we are borne out by the example of America,
as well as by the old republic 3-4 Greece and RoitiO: As
a matter of choice, we would nnquestionably 'rather that
legislators should be men of some fortune, and at least of
middle age—as the first of these accidents would secure
a strong personal interest in the security of property,
and the second a maturity of judgment as far as age
could confer it. But as we apprehend that "in this old
European world of ours," and particularly in our day and
generation (other considerations being equal), men of
property would always be preferred, we leave this clause
of the Oharter untouched ; and pass on to the
" Payment of Members."-t We agree at once to this
proposed arrangement, upon the principle that any one
who devotes the whole of his time and energies to the
public service, deserves a proper remuneration for his
exertions. The 500/. per annum as proposed in the
Charter, is an equivalent to which we make no:demur ;
at the same time it must be understood, that we agree to
this proposition on account of its abstract fairness, and'
not with the design of tempting into the Legislature the
political adventurer, or the demagogue ; ne furthermore
have less objection to this contemplated arrangement in-
asmuch as it is merely reverting in principle and practice •
to the ancient usages of the Constitution.
It may not be improper, or out of place here, to quote
Sir W. Blackstone, by way of showing that the payment
of Members is an old Constitutional custom, coeval with
the House of Commons itself
At page 174, Book I, c. 2, he says—" As for the elec-
tors of citizens and burgesses these are supposed to be
the mercantile part or •trading interest of this kingdom.
But as trade is of a fluctuating nature, and, seldom long
fixed in a place, it vas formerly left to the Crown to
summon, pro re nata' the most thinrishing towns, to send
representatives to Parliament ; so that as towns in-
creased in trade, and grew populous, they were admitted
to a share in the Legislature. But the misfortune is, that
the deserted boroughs continued to be summoned, as
well as those to whom their trade and inhabitants were
transferred ; except a few which petitioned to be eased
of the expense, then usual, of maintaining their Members,
four shillings a day being allowed for a Knight of a
Shire, and two shillings for a citizen or burgess ; which
was the rate of wages established in the reign of Edward
the Third."

The next proposition of the Charter is that of " An-
nual Parliaments." We consider that Triennial Parlia-
ments would be infinitely better, inasmuch as they would
secure a perfect popular controul without the perpetually
recurring annoyance and excitement of annual elections.
As, however, this proposed change as it respects the
duration of Parliament, and indeed all the other conteml
plated alterations in the Charter, are partially based
upon, and constantly refer to the institutions of America,
we will here quote the first-rate authority of an eminent
political philosopher, M. de Tocqueville, as well as the
opinions of two of the Fathers of the Revolution, Hamil-
ton and Jefferson :

"The frequent (i.e. annual) elections in America,"
says M. de Toequeville, "introduce an inevitable mum-
b4ity and instability into the laws. Hamilton, and:Ter-
i-cr.:ion himself, admit and regret the fret. Hamilton
• the facility and excess of lalir.making seem to be
says,
es to which our Governments are most liable ; the
mischievous effects of the mutability in the public coun-
cils arising from a rapid succession of • new Members,
would fill a volume. Every new election in the States is
fond to change one-half of the representatives. From
this change of men must proceed a change of opinions
and of measures, which forfeits the respect and confidence
of other nations, poisons the blessings of liberty itself, and
diminishes the attachment and reverence of the people to-
wards a political system which betrays so many marks of
infirmity. Jefferson himself (a democrat among demo-
crats) says in a letter to Madison, the instability of our
laws is really a very serious inconvenience.'"
Thus it seems that the master spirits of America, early
discovered, from practical experience, that annual Par-
liatnents were fraught with infinitely more inconveniences
than advantages, and were, in fact, a "custom more ho-
noured in the breach than in the observance."

EVENING SUN

s be and to do every year,_ or oftener if need be. Not that
is, or ever was, obliged by these statntes to call a new
'ai lament every year; but only to permit a ParliaMent
0 t annually for the redress of grievances, and disprttCh
of business, if need be. These last words are so loose
and vague, that such of our Monarchs as were inclined to
govern without Parliaments, neglected convoking them
sometimes for. a very considerable period, under. pretence
that there was no need of them; but to remedy this, by
the statute 16 Car. 2d, c. 1, it is enacted, that the sitting
and holding of Parliaments shall not be intermitted above
three years, at the most ; and by the statute '1 W. and
M., st; 2, c. 2, it is declared to be one of the rights 'oFthe
people, that for redress of all grievances,_ and for the
amending, strengthening, and preserving the laws, Par-
liaments ought to be held frequently-. And this indefi-
, site frequency. is again reduced to -a certainty, by. Ist
6 W. and M., c. 2, which enacts, as the statute of Charles
241 had done before, that a new Parliament shall be called
within three years after the determination c.dissolu.
riori of the former."

• And again, ' •
I age 189 (Book 1. c. 2), " The utmost extent of time
that the same Parliament was allowed to sit, by the Sta-
:me 6, W. and M. c. 2, was three years ; after the -ex.-
piration of which, reckoning from the returns of the first
summons the Parliament was to have no longer con-
lifilance. But by the:statute 1 Geo. 1., statute 2, c. 38 (in
order, professedly, to prevent the great and continued
expenses of frequent elections, and the violent heats and
animosities consequent thereupon, and for the peace and
security •of the Government then just recovering from
the late rebellion) this term was prolonged to seven years;
and, what alone is an instance of the vast authority of
Parliament, the very same house that was chosen for
three years, enacted its own continuance for sew% 1 So
that, as our Constitution now stands, the Parliament must
expire, or die a natural death, at the end of every seventh
year ; if not sooner dissolved by the Royal prerogative.
It thus appears that at one time annual, at a subse-
quent period triennial, and still more recently septennial,
Parliaments, were equally the custom of the age and the
usage of the Constitution. -To argue, therefore, that
Parliament should be again annual, because they have
been once annual, is evidently begging the question, tw
precedent might as readily be pleaded for triennial,
-septennial, as for annual Parliaments. The duration
Parliament is evidently a matter of expediency, no
question of principle; and must be ultimately settled
public opinion, guided it is to be hoped by the experienct,
of the past—equally avoiding the present great length of
the British, and the ephemeral duration of the American
Parliaments. The advantage of a knowledge of the past
1; to teach us what to adopt, and what to avoid. History
ought to be the text-book of the politician ; it isphiloso-
'• phy teaching by example. -
As it is impossible, in consideration of this subject, to
escape from frequent and almost perpetual references' to
country whose institutions are of a more demociatio•
character than our own, and where the greatest politiCal
experiment is now trying that ever was attempted Mace
the world was, we will here briefly quote the recently
published opinions of two eminent men, one of Edin-
burgh, the other of Boston, Unites} States, as to the con-
duct of the young democracy of America, and the future
prospect of the Republic. We will not extract from
Hall, Hamilton, or Trollope, or any writer known to be
hostile to American institutions ; but from men whose
liberality of sentiment and literary reputation entitle
their opinions to consideration and respect.
Mr. Combe says, in the -course of a valedictory Ad-
dress to the people of the United States, " I met with
few British subjects who, however much they might
have advocated Universal Sul jrage at home, continued to
admire it after experiencing its effects in the United States."
Again, " Here you Executive is feeble, and when a
general excitement seizes yrour people, your laws are as
cobwebs in restraining them. You have established
Universal Suffrage, placed supreme authority in the
hands. of your majorities, and no human means short of
military conquest can deprive that majority of its sway.
You have chosen public opinion t'or your chief reg,ndating
influence, and it is impossible for you to substitute for it
any other. An ignorant public opinion is to the wise
and good a revolting tyranny.
" In nocountry which I have visited has such an array
of delinquencies, committed by men in confidential pub-
lic situations, been exhibited, as has met my eye since I
came to the United States.

" As you do not wait until your voters, who wield the
destinies of your country-1010 make peace or war—who
make and unmake baliks—who make and unmake tariffs
affecting industry to the cont---and who make and un-
make even your schools, colleges, and churches—l say,
as
,vow do not wait. until are has given them wisdom and
experience, but place the helm at once in their hands, and
allow them to act, while they are still full of young
Wood, and all the energy, confidence, and rashness"that
atte id it—you are called on by every consideration t 4)
perfect your schools so as to communicate to them the
dic'Ates of a wisdom which cannot be dispensed with; atd
which will not otherwise be attained.

" Doe: your education enable your people to under-
stand and decide upon them ? [r. e., questions of bank-
ing and currency, hard specie and sub-treasury schemes,
&c.] No ! Yet your people act whether they under-
ilicm or not : they vote the supporters of paper into
pmver,.and paper flourishes. If evil ensue they vote the
adl ()caws of specie into rower ; and paper and credit
go to the Wall. They try the expel-hunt But what an
awful experiment ITow nmy thousands of indi‘iduals
and families are ruined by the violence of every change.
" Here you commit power to the hands of nearly every
man who has attained his majority. Your population
doubles every twenty-three or twenty -five years. The
actual majority .1 your voters is pro'iahly ander Wily-fire
or this r ge.zzrs (If_age.,._ _There is no, other country in
the w,,eld which is rnlcd by men so young and so irtexin-
rienced."

De Tocqueville says further, that " In Pennsylvania
the AmericanS, after the War of Independence tried to
do without a Senate, or Second House,. and endeavoured
to-carry on with only one House, and Franklin concurred
in its propriety ; but (in- consequence of the incessant
'changes of members and measures induced by Annual
Elections), they were soon obliged to alter their plan and
to create two Houses. Thus the theory of the expedi-
ency of having two Houses, introduced originally by acci-
dent, like many other important truths, is now admitted
and finally established." Again he remarks—" America
continues free far more from its geographical position
than from its institutions." Again—" A democracy can
only obtain truth as the result of experience and many
nations may forfeit their existence whilst they are await-
ing the consequences of their errors." And still further
—" Agitation and mutability are inherent in the nature
of democratic Republics."
The duration of our English 'Parliaments appears to
have been various, and the circumstance of their being
summoned or dissolved to have depended very much upon
state exigency, caprice, or accident. 'Blackstone says,
page 152, Book 1, c. 2 :—" The King only can convoke
a Parliament, and by the ancient statutes of the realm lie

Dr. Charming, of 113ston, an eminent writer, whose
name belongs alike to the literature and hiitory of his
country, in a letter written to Henry Clay, of Ken-
tucky, in 1837, on the subject of the Annexation of
Texas, says . .

* These remarks are not intended to apply to the Chartists
as a body, whose sufferings and privations have our deepeq
sympathy and commiseration, but only to some of their un-
principled leaders.
t No property qualification is requited at the present time
for the Members of Parliament elected by the two Universities,
Cambridge or Oxford, or for Members of Parliument Tor Scot-
land. It will, therefore be nothing more then extending the
same regulation to Engitind.

" In one respect our institutions have disappointed as
all. They have not •wrought out for us that elevation of
character which is the most precious, and in truth, the
only substantial blessing of liberty. '
" A spirit -of lawlessness pervades the community,
which, if not repressed, threatens the dissolution of our
present forms of society. . Even in the old States mobs
are taking the law into their hands, and a profligate
newspaper finds little difficulty in stirring up multitudes
to violence. Men take under their own protection the
rights which it is the very office ofGovernment to secure.
The citizen, wearing arms as means of defence, carries
with him perpetual proofs of the weakness of the autho- .
rities under which he lives. The substitution of self-
constituted tribunals for the regular course of justice,
and the infliction of immediate punishment in the moment
of popular frenzy, are symptoms of a people half re-
claimed from barbarism. Add to this, the invasions of
the rights of speech and of the Press by lawless force, the
extent and toleration of which oblige us to believe,' that
a considerable portion of our citizens have no compre-
hension of the first principles of liberty.
":It is an undeniable fact, that in consequence of these
and other symptoms, the confidence of Many reflecting
men in our free institutions is very much impaired. Some
despair. That main pillar of public liberty, mutual trust
amongst citizens, is shaken. That we must seek security
for property and life in a stronger Government, is a
spreading conviction. Men who talk in public of the
stability of our institutions, whisper their doubts (per-
haps their scorn) in private. So common are these ap-
prehensions, that the knowledge of them has reached
Eitrope.
" When you (Henry Clay) and I grew up, what a deep
interest pervaded this country in the success of free in-
, stitutions abroad ! With what throbbing hearts did we
'follow the struggles of the oppressed! How teeny
1 among us were ready to lay down our lives for the rause
of liberty on the earth ! And now who cares for frea
institutions abroad ? How seldom does the topic pass
men's lips ! Multitudes,-discouraged by the licentious-
ness at home, doubt the value of popular institutions,
especially in less enlightened countries ; whilst greater
number, locked up in gain, can spare no thought on the
struggles of liberty, and provided they can drive a pros-
perous trade with them, care little whether they are bond
or free. --
~" That the cans.' of Republicanism is suffering abroad
through the defects and crimes of our countrymen, is as
trite as that it is regarded with increased scepticism
ainofie• ourselves. Abroad, Republicanism is- identifle(, •
rni.ei
ntlni* tilii.einUenliitLd.S:ntoattcos,f alt:tie itrisismcl•eriit.ilitnheth:tortlhe
d. ,Ittines(-)
happens that-Whilst writing, I have received a newspaper
from' England, in which Lynch law is as familiarly asso-
ciated with our country as if it were one of our esta-
blishments. Wlyn I visited England fifteen years; ago,
Republican sentiments were freely expressed to me ; I
should probably hear none- now. Men's minds seem to
be returning to severer principles of government ; and
this. country is rtSponSible for a part of this change."
We quote these extracts by way of showing that this'
lawlessness and recklessness, existing in connection with
annually recurring elections, and the youth and inex-
perience of the electoral body, (and, in our opinion, as
well as that of American writers, partially induced by
both,) impresses reflecting men with a very natural fear
that, similar results might accompany similar political
institutions in the old world ; and napes them, therefore
anxious, while they contend for Universal Suffrage, to
provide such reasonable guarantees, as may secure all the
advantages and blessings of liberty ; without the fear of
adarchy or the evils-of licentiousness. -
The next proposition in the Charter that we propose
to consider is, "Universal Suffrage." To this we tnako
no objection, only requiring, greater guarantees than
those set forth in the Charter. As, however, this is
a most important feature in the whole Charter—being
• a question of principle, while all the other conditions are
merely modes of applying it, or carrying it into practionl
operation—we will 'here state our views with accuracy
, and precision, in order that we may not be liable to fit-
tare misconception or misconstruction.
The Charter sets forth in that part of it where it
begins to assume the definite shape and form of an Act
of Parliament,—

" That " whereas to ensure as far as it is possible by
human forethought and wisdom the just Government, of
the people, it is necessary to subject those who have the
power of making the laws to a wholesome and, strict
responsibility to those whose duty it is to obey them

when made: . ..
" And whereas this responsibility is best enforced
through the instrumentality of a body which emanates
directly from, and is itself immediately
subject to the
whole people, and which completely represents their
feelings and their interests.
" And whereas as the Commons House of Parliament
now exercises in the name and On the supposed behalf
of the people, the power of making- the laws, it ought
in order to fulfil with wisdom and with honesty the
great duties imposed on it, to be made the faithful and
accurate representation of the people's wishes, feelings,

and interests."'
Be it therefore enacted, <<That from and after the
passing of this Act, every male inhabitant of these
realms be entitled to vote for the election of a Member