The Sun.
London, England, 1829-05-05 00:00:00

to which I wrote an answer on the 1 1 th, which
the Doctor thought proper to publish. I know it is
said that the letter, to which. mini is called the
reply, was never written. My answer is, that I
shall not follow the example of the Doctor in making
that letter public—publish it I will not; but if any
Noble Lord wishes to inspect that letter, here it is
off the table for his perip.al. On the Ist of January
appeared the hirer of the Noble Marquis to Dr.
Curtis, being, as it seemed, a running comment
upon that letter, which I had addressed to the tame
person on the 11th December. The Noble Marquis
says that his letter was written on the 23d, and
that it was on the morning of that day my letter was
first shown to him in his official capacity as Lord
Lieutenant. It seems, however, a most extraordi-
nary circumstance, that on the very morning when
the letter was thus shown to the Lord Lieutenant in
his official capacity; it was also published in all the
Dublin Papers. This is certainly a most extraordi-
nary circumstance; arid the first thing I must ob-
serve upon it, with respect to myself, is, that the
Noble Lord there asserts that he did not know
what I thought on the Catholic question : an-
other remarkable circumstance in that letter is,
that the Noble Duke observes en my feeling of
the necessity of tranquillity in Ireland previous to
any further Parliamentary discussion of the question.
In answer to this observation, I beg leave to refer
your Lordships to a letter written by the Noble
Lord in the month of July previous, and which I
wish he had read over attentively before he made
the observation contained in his letter to Dr. Curtis.
That letter goes to show that the Noble Lord did
not at that time object to that part of the subject;
for in the letter of July he says, "If I should for-
tunately be enabled to keep this country in a quiet
state, and if the Association should cease, I sincerely
conjure. you to suggest that it is the interest of the
country to take the state of Ireland into considera-
tion in the first week of the next Session of Parlia-
ment. I hold it my duty thus to explain myself."
From this extract your Lordships will perceive that
it is quite clear that this opinion as to the necessity
of tranquillity is not mine, but that of the Noble
Lord himself. It was he that at that:period thought
it was necessary that tranquillity should come be-
fore the concession of the Catholic Claims. But
this is not the only point of view to which I beg
leave to call your Lordships' attention. The Noble
Lord has told the House that he wrote the letter to
Dr. Curtis confidentially, and that it was published
afterwards with a view of petting the country in a
state of tranquillity. But, let me ask, was it calcu-
lated to produce any such tranquillity ? I will tell
your Lordships what Mr. O'Connell said on the
subject. Your Lordships shall hear what he thought
about this letter ; the words of Mr. O'Connell
were, " The Marquis of Anglesea recommends that
all constitutional, in contradistinction to merely legal
means, should be resorted to to forward the cause:
—that is the only part of his letter which we are
inclined to disobey; for though the measure may be
unconstitutional, if they are against the law, we
ought not to adopt them."—(Hear.)—So that it
appears that the Noble:Lord, by way of tranquilliz-
ing Ireland, publishes advice to these agitators,
which even they will notf ollow, because they think
it too strong a measure to adopt. But the Noble
Lord says that the tenor of this letter is misun-
derstood, and that, although there is the word
" agitate" in it, it does not mean agitation.—
(Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of ANGLESEA—I do not think
that there is the word " agitate" in the letter at all.
Read it, read it.")

The Duke of WELLINGTON—The word
" agitate certainly appears here :—" I fear that ad-
vantages might be taken of the pause, by represent-
ing it as a panic achieved by the late violent reac-
tion ; and by proclaiming, that if the Government
at once peremptorily decided against concession, the
Catholics would cease to agitate, and then all the
miseries of the last years of Ireland will be to be
re-acted." Now with respect to agitation, it cer-
tainly does appear that the letter contains not
only advice to persevere in that course, but even
goes on to shew by what means agitation may
be made most effectual ; for the word is aot
only mentioned incidentally in the letter, but the
Noble Lord refers back to the past history
of Ireland. And what is it that we under-
stand by agitation ? Why, if I may at all judge of
its meaning by experience, it means something jut
short of rebellion, and that is all—(hear, hear,)—it
means a state of thingsi in which the Government of
the country becomes absolutely impracticable, and
where every thing is bordering close upon irreme-
diable confusion.—(Hear.)—Let me ask whether
that is the condition in which the Noble Lord con-
templated leaving the people of Ireland ? Let me
also beg your Lordships to remember that when the
Noble Lord wrote thus he was still in his Majesty's
service : let me beg the Noble Lord himself to look
at the instructions he received when he assumed
those functions—to look also at the sense of duty
which he entertained during the whole period of his
continuing in office. The Noble Lord began his
Government of Ireland by entering into dis-
cussion with the King's servants here, respect-
ing the point of whether or not he should follow
up the step he had taken by an application to
Parliament to revise the laws that had reference
to the disabilities of the Roman Catholics. After
this the Noble Lord received directions to consider
(in conjunction with the Law Officers of the Crown)
of the practicability of putting down the Catholic
Association by means of the law, either through the
medium of the common law or of a specific Act of
Parliament. The Noble Lord did consider that
point, and I need not tell your Lordships that it was
with a view to putting an end to agitatien that the
direction was given. Now let me ask whether the
Noble Lord's letter to Dr. Curtis corresponded in
spirit with these previous steps? The next step
adopted by his Majesty's Government was, to give
directions for the Proclamation of the first of Octo-
ber in consequence of the representations made to
the Ministry. Again, I ask the Noble Lord whe-
ther agitation was consistent with the spirit of that
Proclamation ? I ask whether agitation was really
consistent with his previous efforts ? After that the
Noble Lord gave directions for the arrest of Mr. Law.
less. These circumstances will serve to show your
Lordships the whole tenour of the Noble Lord's
correspondence, from which I might read much
more copious extracts, but that I feel that I have
already occupied too much of the time of the
House. Those extracts, should I read them, would
all go to shew that the Noble Lord at the com-
mencement of his Government of Ireland was fully
sensible that the evil of that country was the agita-
tion carried into effect by the Catholic Association.
It was evidently impossible, after the letter which
the Noble Lord addressed to Dr. Curtis, not to
withdraw him from the Government of Ireland; and
I must say that however painful—and certainly I
never felt more pain at any thing than at the adop-
tion of this measure—however painful it was to me to
form such a resolution, I should not have dose my
duty by his Majesty or by the country if I had op-
posed myself to the withdrawal of the Noble Lord
from the Government of Ireland.

The Marquis of ANGLESEA—With respect
to the declaration of the Noble Duke, by which. he
seems to doubt my having received the permission
of the King to read the correspondence which 1
have this evening laid before your Lordships, I beg
to assert, most unequivocally, that 1 had his Ma-
jesty's permission to read any papers that I might
deem necessary for the vindication of my administra-
tion in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)—ln consequence of
this permission, I have produced the papers now
before your Lordships; and if the Noble Duke can
discover that I have asserted what is false, I shall
find no fault with him if he advises his Majesty to
take away all those honours which I have received
at his hands. The Noble Duke seems also to think
that I have kept back part of the correspondence that
has taken place—and a part, too, that would have
told against me.—(" No, no," from the Duke of
Wellington.)—The Noble Duke certainly did
utter words to that effect, or I am much mis-
taken. The Noble Duke has also quoted a