Star.
London, England, 1830-08-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE JOURNALS.

CH aox icLE—We are glad to see that a Requisition is in a course
of signature for a Meeting of the Inhabitants of Westminster to tes-
tify their admiration of the brave people of France. and subscribe for
the relief of the wounded, and widows and children of those who
have fallen in the sacred cause.—The victory of Paris is the victory
of the people, and it is not surprising that the sympathy of the people
of England should mimes a little that of the higher ranks. The latter,
too, are at present chiefly in the country. We could have wished that
the merchants and bankers of London had not been so afraid of hurting
the fecelings of the French on this occasion. However, when they learn
what the body of the people of this country never thought of learn-
ing, that the French will not be offended with any tribute from
them, we have no doubt that they will cheerfully join their fellow.
citizens. Why is not the city of London stirring ? The more we
hear of the struggle in Paris, the more we are astonished. We are
afraid to name the number of persona reported to he in the hospitals
of Paris, it is so great. The military were completely out-mamma-
vred. We understand that they were allowed to carry everything
before them in the wide streets at first, that after they had taken
their positions they might be separated by the entrenchment*
thrown up. They were thus completely separated, and unable to
join. Must of the soldiers were literally almost starved during the
two days fighting.

HERALD—Though there may be some few persons in this coun-
try who continue to condemn the proceedings of the French nation,
and look upon them as calculated, if not intended, to subvert the
whole fabric of society, yet we feel satisfied that they will, in the
end, meet with the approval of every enlightened friend of liberty
and human happinesa in every qin uarter of the whi. After die full
accounts of those proceedings which we have laid before our readers,
it will be unnecessary to show which party was the aggressor in this
case, or from what quarter proceeded the violation and infringement
of established rights. To show now that the establishment of a
republic is not the object of the people of France, would be equally
superfluous,as the present state of Paris—the sacred inviolability of
property during a period of apparent anarchy, confusion, and
excitement almost unparalleled—the immediate appointment of a
governor to supply the place of him who has so basely forfeited all
title to the respect or even protection of his fellow-countrymen—
are facts which speak sufficiently strongly for themselves, and show
more plainly than words can do that these proceedings have been
taken under the guidance of men who have proved themselves the
staunch and zealous supporters of constitutional monarchy and of
regular government ; and who have only exercised that power which
must exist in every free state, viz. to defend itself not only
against force from without, but against violence, or any thing else
destructive, from within ; for the condition of all subjects would be
alike, whether under a limited or absolute monarchy—were it not
lawful to maintain and preserve those limitations, and defend their
liberties and privileges from encroachment; a duty no less binding
on a people united in society, than is that of self-preservation univer-
sally upon man. It is curious, however, to observe that some of the
very persons who are loudest in their denunciations against the men
whom they chose to stigmatise as a set of revolutionists and con-
vuls;onists, are those who, in this country, are continually speaking
with such admiration of our glorious Revolution of 1688. What
material difference they could point out between that and the pre-
sent proceeding we are at a loss to conceive. lf, as we have lately
attempted to show, there exists a very great similarity between the
situations of the two countries at the periods alluded to, with what
justice can they complain of the French nation from merely follow-
ing in our footsteps? If our example is alone proposed as the object
of imitation, with what consistency can we declare such designs to be
criminal ? But the truth is, that these self-styled friends of trans
quality and good order—these professed admirers of all established
things--perrnit of innovations solely for the enlargement of despotic
and arbitrary power. They rest their pretensions, however, upon
false and tottering foundations, which have been long since deserted
by the better informed, as positions dangerous and utterly untenable.
But we trust that it is needless, at the present day, to insist that the
salsa populi should be the supreme lex of every society, or that
laws are equally binding on the governors and the governed. The
age of despotism is passed, and the progress of information is daily
revealing to the rest of Europe those truths on which Englishmen so
long have acted ; and it is impossible that Europe can much
looger remain in ignorance of, or be prevented from endeavouring to
obtain, those advantages which we have for such a length of time
- ed
Wiry .

Terris.—lt cannot be denied that the internal situation of France
is a very critical one. We shall augur nothing of the future, but
only praise the past. The revocation of the charter,—the annul.
ling the elections,—and the extinction of a free press by Royal ordi-
nance, were unbearable acts, and have justly hurled the vile aea-
lure who was guilty of them from hip throne, and subjected his re-
sponsible ministers to legal process. The Duke of Orleans has been
chosen Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom,—a provisional title,
and situation which may be compatible with any form of govern.
went hereafter There is, it appears, a party headed by M. Chateau.
briand and Hyde de Neuville, who profess to support the Duke de
Bordeaux in preference to the Duke of Orleans. If we may judge of
the probable success of a cause by the character of its advocates,
we should say, that the able but injudicious men whose names we
have quoted, are more likely to be admired for their zeal, than fol-
lowed for their suggestions. They have, in feet, no party. Even
the Journal des Debate, the friendly organ for many years of the
romantic author of Attila, disclaims the views of its former friend
and colleague. We will not, as we have repeatedly stated, attempt'
to predict results which must depend on facts imperfectly known in
this country; but if we may judge from the general spirit evinced in
the late elections,—from the simultaneous burst of sympathy with
the people of Paris which has broken out front every considerable
town—hom the resolute but temperate tone which characterises those
powerful instruments of political agency, the Parisian journals,__
we should say, that the probability is not merely (for of that
there can be no,doubt) that a freer system of law and government
than has ever yet existed will prevail in France, but that in the
cordial wish to attain so desirable an object, the republican party (a
small though active one) will surrender its favourite scheme for the
sake of securing a constitutional Oovernusent, though under a mo.
narchical form, and will quietly submit Itself to the liberal adminie.
kation of the Duke of Orleans. It does not become any foreign
nation to intrude its advice on such an occasion. But we may
infer, from the deep admiration and close imitation of the Eng-
lish constitutional precedents which the leaders of the Liberal
party in France have now for some time manifested, that the pe-
ndent of 1688 will be very earnestly appealed to, if not followed.
The cases are not altogether parallel, but the leading features are
similar. The immediate heir to the crown was in 1888 set aside,
and the proximate heir to him adopted. James 11. ran away with.
out attempting to make a condition : in the present case the ex-
King makes an express stipulation in favour of his grandson. But
though the circumstances are different, the principle may perhaps
be thought to be the same. A king, who by his crimes has forfeited
his right, cannot have the power to transfer that right conditionally
to another. A king in the plenitude of his power—like Charles
V. resigning his sceptre to his son Philp may have the right, as well
as the power, of a conditional abdication; but if a King, after forfeit-
ing
his right by an open violation of the constitution, is completely de.
feated in his appeal to arms, is it not clear that, in such a case, be
loses both right and power ? The condition of his abdication may be
good or bad in itself ; but is it a question to which be fairly be a
party ? Is it not a question which the legislature alone hes the right
as well as the means of deciding ? on what ground. will the IaIa•
glslatute decide ? Will they adhere to the claims of strict tide, or
will they, in the peculiar circumstances of the case, conceive the
point of right to be subservient to that of political expo-
dieney or necessity ? This is the question which the French
Chambers have to decide, and with which no other persons
ought to interfere. We again say that we, as foreigners, have
no right to quarrel with that decision, whether it be for the
Duke of Orleans or the Duke of Bordeaux. Should It be in favour
of the former, the English people at least cannot quarrel with the
adoption of a principle which their own revolution has consecrated;
and even the Austrian Government,whkit has sanctioned the placing
a Marshal of France ow the throne of Sweden, cannot Insist that
the principle of hereditary legitimacy is essential to the repose of
Europe. But whether the decision be for the Duke of Odeon
or the Duke of Bordeaux we trust, and indeed have no doubt,
that the old jacobin faction will be peremptorily and effectively
kept under. That the oM brood of that party are in life still,
begin to move in the hopes of massacre and plunder, is obvious hens
some of the accounts and expressions in the last French ; the
bridges, and places, or squares. re-thair their names, trePArmitheen
is re-converted into a heathen temp amidst the old cries of
" Vine la Merle I" " Vim Is Mafiosi !" the son of a defunct
conventionalist, a dramatist, and an advocate, having wee.
tablished the inscription " To the great men, the enntry

grateful ;" and the Marseillois hymn is called for and sung at
the theatres ! This rhodomontade, however, is probably a
mtre ebullition of the moment. It seems, indeed, evident
that the National Guard, the members of which have pro-
perties, and families, and households, to defend, will check at 11
restrain every tendency to popular riot, to devastation, and blood-
shed. Indeed, we have great hopes that the speedy establishment
of a legal and constitutional government under a monarchial head,
which is eagerly demanded by the respectable men of all parties,
will drive the enemies of all government to their miserable obscu-
rity,—will realize the expectations of all the enlightened friends of
freedom.—and will acquire for the French nation, in addition to its
already ju3tly earned praises for courage, patriotism, and humanity,
the perhaps still caret prase of sound judgment and disinterested
wisdom.