The Sun.
London, England, 1829-04-03 00:00:00

.alien o'clock to move the !second reading of the Catholic
Belief Bill, and addr•seea :lea fleeee as ftellows
My Lords—lt is now 'le 'hut) so move rite reading of
this Bill a second thee, end to esplain to yon the anninde
on which I recommend-el this measure to his Majesty.
In doing so, I may he wider the necessity of occupying a
Larger portion of your time and attention upon this occa-
sion than I have been in the habit of doing. But I assure
you, my Lords, that it is not at all my intention to
take up one instant of your valuable time with respect
to myself or my own conduct in this transaction, any
further than to express my regret that I should differ in
opinion on this subject with so many of those for
whom I entertain the highest personal respect and
regard. My Lords, however, I must say that I have
considered the part which I have taken upon this subject
as the performance of a public duty incumbent upon me,
and I must say that no private regard, no respect for the ,
opinions of any Noble Lords, could have induced me to
depart from that course which I have considered it my
duty to follow upon this occasion.—(Hear, hear, hear. )-
1 must say likewise, that comparing my own opinion with
that of Others upon this subject, I have had, during
the period I have been in office, opportunities of
forming a judgment upon this subject which others
have not had,—(Hear, hear, hear. )—and I must
claim some confidence from them that I should not have
given the opinion I have, if I had not been decidedly per-
suaded that those opinions were just.—(Hear, and clieers.)
My Lords, the point which I shall first bring under your
consideration is the state of Ireland. I know that by some
it is considered that the state of Ireland has nothing to do
with this question, that it is a subject which ought to he
left entirely out of the consideration of it. My Lords,
it is thus that Ireland has been disturbed for the last thirty
years, and to these disturbances we have-been accustomed,
and that it does not at all alter the circumstances of the
caseas they have hitherto appeared to the House. My Lords,
it is perfectly true that Ireland has been disturbed dur-
ing the long period I have stated, but, my Lords,
there have been circumstances of considerable ag-
gravation, during the last one or two. years that
have passed. Political circumstances have caused
in a considerable degree that aggravation ; but besides
that, my Lords, I must say, that although I have no poi-
tire legal proof of the fact, I have every reason to believe
there has been an organization, a considerable organiza-
tion of the people, for the purposes of mischief. My
Lords, this organization seems to me to be proved not
only by the declarations of those who formed and managed
it, but likewise by the effect which it has produced
in the election of churchwardens throughout the
country, and the circumstances attending the election of
the county of Clare in the last year, and the circumstances
which foliowed that election, and the proceedings of a
gentleman who went at the head of a body of men to the
North of Ireland, an 1 the simultaneous proceedings of a
variety of bodies of men at Templernore, Clare, Clon-
mel, end other places, and the proceedings of another
gentleman in the King's County, and in all by the Catholic
Association. In all these circumstances it is quite
obvious to me there was an organization, and a
direction from some superior authority. My Lords,
tide organization has certainly produced a state of
society in Ireland which we hate not heretofore
witnessed, and an aggravation of all the evils which
before afflicted that unfortunate country. My Lords,
later in the year, a considerable town was attacked
in the middle of the night by a body of people
who came from a neighbouring Barony, the town of
Ore. It was attacked with arms, and the persons who
attacked it were thriven out with arms by the inhabitants
of the town. This is a state of things which I believe
your Lordships will admit can hardly exist in a
country. And, later in the year still, a similar
event occurred in another town. The Catholic Associa-
tion deliberated on the means to be adopted, and the pro-
priety of adopting sonic course to allay the feeling
between, Catholic and Protestsnt. Is it possible, I would
ask, that we can believe those feelings exist ? That sup-
posing those measures had been carried into execution,
which X believe it was in their power to do, is it possible
to believe that those who could cease those feelings,
would likewise cease to carry into execution the contracts
they had entered into ? Will any snan say that a people in
this situation are not verging towards that state in
which it would he impossible to expect from them
the duty of jurymen, and to decide upon cases for the pro-
tection of his Majesty's subjects. My Lords, this is the state
of society to which I wish to draw your attention,
and for which it is necessary that Parliament should pro-
vide a remedy. My Lords, before I proceed to consider
what these remedies should he, I wish just to show
you what the effect of this state of society was
on the King's prerogative. My Lords, his Majesty could
not create a peer, and the reason he could not was this—
his Majesty's servants could not venture to recommend
to him to incur the risk of an election in another part of
the country, the risk which might attend any accident
which might have occasioned bloodshed. My Lords, much a
disaster might have produced an immediate civil war in the
country. Not only so, but I confess, I had the strongest ob-
jection to give another triumph to the Catholic Association.
Well, we are told, why don't you carry into execution the
law? The law of Ireland as it is in England. Why, in all I
have said there was no resistance of the law. The troops
did not happen to be immediately on the spot, and there
was no resistance of the law, because there was no
order given for the populace to disperse. There were
no troops, I believe, except in the case of the processions
into towns. There was no opposition to the King's troops.
and there was no instance in which the law could be
carried into execution. When we hear of gentlemen re-
proaching the Government for not carrying into execu-
tion the law in Ireland as it was carried into exe-
cution in England, the observation of itself shows
that the state of things in Ireland is not well known.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers. )--The truth of the matter is, my
Lords, that in Ireland, when the law was carried
into execution in 1819, a large body of persons as-
sembled for an illegal purpose. They resisted the
order of the Magistrates to disperse, and having resisted
that order, the Magistrates gave directions to the
troops to disperse them. But in these cases there is no in-
stance of the kind. There was no order given to disperse,
nor could any order be given. No Magistrate appeared,
and if there had been one there were no troops to dis-
perse the people. This is the state of Ireland, and it is
impossible to have Magistrates at every spot and in
every corner, in order to prevent these outrages, which
are a disgrace to the country and to the Administra-
tion. My Lords, it appears clearly that neither the
law nor the means of Government could enable
them to put an end to this state of things. It was
necessary, therefore, to come to Parliament. Now, my
Lords, let us see for a moment what chance there was of
providing a remedy for this state of things by coming to
Parliament. We most certainly all know very well
that the opinion of the majority in another place is that
the remedy for this state of things in Ireland is a re-
moval of the disabilities7-(Loud eheers)—affecting his
Majesty's Catholic subjects.—(hear, hear.)—We might
have gone and asked Parliament to have enabled us
to put down the Catholic Question, but what probable
chance had we of prevailing upon Parliament to pass
such a Bill without being prepared to come forward
and state, that we are ready to consider the
whole condition of Ireland,—(Hear, hear, hear,)—with
a view to apply a remedy to that which
Parliament stated to he the cause of the disease. My
Lords, suppesing that Parliament had given us the Bill
to put down the Catholic Association, I ask your
Lordship.. would such a law under such a law as
we passed last year be a remedy for the state of Ire-
land—( hear, hear)—and in the state of things which I
have already described to you as existing in Ireland ? Would
it do any one thing towards putting an end to that
organization which I have stated to your Lordship., exists?
Would it do any thing towards putting an end to the
mischiefs which are the consequences of thet organization ?
or towards giving you the means of making the state of
things as they exist now in Ireland better without some
permanent measure being adopted to put an end
to what exists in Ireland ? But, my Lords, it is said, if
that would not do, let us proceed to blows. Why, my
Lords, what is meant by proceeding to blows is civil
war—clearly civil war. Now, I believe that a free
Government must be prepared to carry into execution
the laws of the country by the force placed at
its disposal, in case that it should be found neces-
sary, and above all to oppose resistance to the law
in case the disaffected or ill-disposed are inclined to resist
the sentence of the law or its authority. But in this
case, MN' Lords, you will hear in mind, I have already
stated to your Lordships that there was no resistance
of the law.—(Hear, hear.)—l go further, and will say
lam certain that this state of things bordering upon
civil war, being attended by nearly all its evils, that
the state of things existing in Ireland for the last
year end a half,must have endured much longsrto the great
injury of the country. If such be the ease, is it not the
duty of those who are at the head of the state of things
to take care and prevent any measure which would enable
that state of things to gain ground? Those parties know,
as well as tdo,-they are not strong enough to wrestle with the
King's Government, protected as it is by the las,-.

lit 118.4 nsglected to present them when the time of tl,e
louse was unoccupied, he hoped that they would with-
mold them to some more convenient opportunity, which
could ariee for their consideration before the passing of the
Bin•—(Hear.)—He also hoped that they would not he
leterred by artifices of this nature from proceeding to the
discussion which was fixed for that evening, and which
was most anxiously expected by the public.—(Hear).
The Earl of ELDON hoped that what he was then
"Rt., say would have the effect of putting en end, both
bathe Noble Earl's desire to finish the I. tter which he
d cominenced to read, and to the Noble Baron's motion
to adjourn the House. He begged to inform the Noble
,i.,,.. 1, that he ba•l a petition to present from that part of
the country in which the gentleman lived who considered
biTtvelf to have been injuriously treated, and that it would
Competent for the Noble Earl upon that occasion to
:"let %ipso the explanation which was now objected to.
I
le Noble Earl might, however, be pardoned for his
irv7tilarity, as the House had of late permitted such irre-
V'mariir much too frequently;- and if his two Noble
ods from Cornwall—one the steady opponent of eman-
cipeo
ton, the other the ctithusiastic advocate of it—would
excuse him for saying it, it would have been as well if
they had read elsewhere the letters which they had re-
ceived from the Land's-End.—(A laugh.)—The Noble
Earl who had spoken last knew him well enough to be
aware that he was not likely to disgrace himself or his
character, by endeavouring to produce any unnecessary de-
la,' in the discussion of an important measure like the pre-
"'it. He was sure that the Noble Earl, notwithstanding
what: had occurred yesterday, would not conceive that lie
1114 cleaved to create any unnecessary delay by delivering
in 00 mans) petitions te-day. The fact was, that the last
'l'm/ heereas in the House, he had brought down the
‘earty petition.; which he hid just presented. Petitions, it
W'
__.
4:swell known, must be presented at the sitting of the
)!Se. The Order of the Day was moved at an early
lour. yesterday, and he would vow state why he did not
present those petieioni after it was read. Ile had these
petitions with him, and he did not present them because
there were only firer Peers in the House. He never would
act such a pert to those of his fellow-subjects who in-
trusted him with their petitions, as to read them to the
House when there were only four Peers present, and when
he could not make those four Peers listen to what he
might say. He certainly had delayed the presentation of
them till t ' ' ' *
to-night: : but if he had wished to present them
for the purpose of creating delay, he should have taken a
very different course—lie should have brought down three
ti,nes the number of petitions, and he could assure. the
House that he now had that number safe at home. He
could assure the House that lie never would disgrace him-
so far as to read his petitions to four Lords only. If
any petitioners expected him to do so, he would tell them
to take their petitions from him, and to find eonielioily
el." to present them in that manner. Ile begged pardon
l
,ear trespassing so long upon the House ; but be trusted
Chet, alter what he had said, the Noble Lord would with-
"raw his motion for adjournment, and the Noble Earl
would not persist in reading his letter at present, as there
1"5 no reason for pressing the matter to-night, and as he
should have a petition to present, procured from the same
part of the country, under the same auspices, which would
bring the whole matter fairly under the consideration of
the House..
Lord LYTTLEToN, Lord REDESDALE, and the Earl of
MaLetesecar, rose together, amid the calls of their re-
spective friends.
• Lord LYTTLETON apprehended that he was entitled
to he heard first. He could assure their Lordships that he
did not intend to detain them long. He perfectly agreed
With his Noble Friend near him as to the propriety of
going forthwith to the order of the day. That Was not,
however, the object for which he rose. He rose to affirm
the correctness of what he bad formerly asserted on thin
"übieet.—(Loud cries of " Order.")—Well, lie would
°lily say that he was willing to meet any inquiry into the
truth of the avermea:s which lie bad made, and that he
'cc, confident that he could make every tittle of them good
Ie their Lordships.—(Order. )
Lord REDESDALE said, that though he had several
r 3- titiens to present, he had not brought them with him to-
, , lie should present them on some future occasion.
He merely said this to show that he was not desirous of
snaring any factious or vexatious delay for the purpoer of
deferring the d:scussion upon this Bill.—(Hear.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY was most anxious
.to
learn whether the observations of the Noble Earl (Gxey)
aPon the motives which had led to the different proposals
for delay, were intended to apply to the motion which he
had made the other night for the postponement of the ee-
%rid reading of the Roman Catholic Relief Bill.
Earl GREY—No, no.
The Earl of MALMESBURY—That declaration re-
,:„
'loved his mind from considerable anxiety, for it appeared
to 'aim that the Noble Earl had accused him of seeking de-
' lly for other objects than those which lie had professed.
Non', he had the deepest respect for the petitions of the
People, but he would not, for the sake of procuring them,
condeecend to appeal to their passions.—(Hear, hear.)—
He had made his motion for the further postponement of
the second reading of the Catholic Relief Bill from a regard
, to the dignity and character of their Lordships' proceed-
ings. D:ci not their Lordships see the inconvenience to
which they had exposed themselves by their extraorsiinary
precipitancy?—(Hear, hear.) Only one day had elapsed
since the first reading of that Bill ; and what was that
day? One of those days on which, by courtesy and the
wholesome practice of Parliament, Ministers were allowed
and expected to be absent from their places in both Houses.
He had moved for certain returns yesterday, because he
knew that no objection could he made to them ; but it
was generally supposed, and be thought the regul ition a
most wise and excellent one, that no business should be
transacted OR Wednesday.—(hear, hear.) He begged
pardon for thus addressing them, but the expressions of the
‘ . Noble Earl were strong. He would never flinch from
avowing the objects which lie sought to attain by his public
' • eonduct.—( Hear, bear.) If he bad entertained such in-
tentions as the Noble Earl imputed to some persons, he
e • would not have hesitated to say so.—( Hear, bear.) He
Was convinced, however, that the Noble Earl applied his
observations to others, and not to him.—(Hear.)
Earl GREY wished to be heard in explanation—" I can
assure the Noble Earl," he said, " with the utmost truth
and sincerity, that no man is less disposed than I am to
cast aspersions on the purity of his motives.—(Hear.)—I
have had too long a knowledge of his character, too long
as experience of his conduct, to doubt the truth of his as-
Isertion, that he is actuated by nothing but a sense of duty
and a regard to the dignity of our proceedings.—(llear,
hear.) I therefore disclaim, and I feel hound to do it, any
design to throw the slightest imputation on the conduct of
the Noble Earl.—(Hear, hear.)—l declared myself to he
against delay, because I knew that it would be used, not
by the Noble Earl, or by any of your Lordships, but by
Persona out of doors, to inflame and irritate the public
In 'rids I said so distinctly.—(Cries of " No.")—I think
I
said 55; hut if any of your Lordships misunderstood me,
" eat glad to have this opportunity to set myself right.—
(Hear.)—•l hope that no Peer will join in any such at-
tempts as I denounced ; but that such attempts have been
made, and are still making, to excite the passions of the
people to a degree which, if successful, will be most dis-
ailerons, I did maintain, and to whatever imputations it
may expose nee, I will still continue to maintain.—(Hear.)
At the same time, I must again repeat, that I had not
any intention to impute the slightest blame to the Noble
Earl."—(Hear.)
Lord ROLLE was ready to withdraw his motion for
adjournment, if the House should prefer that line of conduct.
Lord FARNHAM had severed petitions to present and
should have presented them yesterday, hut he understood
from the highest authority in that House that petitions
would be received this day. He had ten petitions to pre-
tent, and seven times that number waiting in the robing-
room, He had heard it said that the better way was to
divide upon the question, and debate it after, but he
thought the sentiments of the people should be heard be..
fore the House decided on the principle of the Bill.
Lord BEAUCHAMP then presented several petitions
in favour of concession.
The Bishop of BRISTOL presented petitions from the
county of Hereford, against the measure.
Lord lIOWE presented petitions from Plynipton,
Appleby, and other parts of the county of Leicester, in
favour of the measure.
Lord REDESDALE had a petition to present from
toddington, signed by a lady, who opposed further con-
cessions to the Catholics. She hid signed it herself,
having refused is permit any of her servants to add their
llatiles to it.
• Lord ROSEBERY presented several petitions in fa.
tour of the meesure.
Lord FARNHAM presented several petitions against
concession from the county of Cork.
The Marquis of CONYNGHAM presented a petition
front the Catholics of Ennis, for the removal of civil dis-
abilities,-
The Duke of NEWCASTLE presented a number of
petitions; aeainst further coneessien, and-produced a letter
by which it appeared that an order had been issued by the
Government forbidding persona holding situations unc et.
the Crown to sign petitions. ,
Several other Noble Lords presented petitions, both for,'
and ageing the Catholic claineesefeetawi . _
THE ROMAN CATHOLIC:RELIEF BILL.
The Doke of WELLINGTON rote at s quarter before

(Hen, hear.)—They knew wen flo•s. would have bsen
the first victims of that resits, sure ; but knowing theta
and knowing as I do. that they sac seneiblee
men, perfectly sensible of the me ter;als with which they
were working, I have not the sligliteet doubt this
state of things mieht have existed for years; and
no opportunity weidd bare been afferded of putting
down that which reek to snob disastrous consequenese.
--( Hear. )—Day t. osls, I am one Of those stain probably have
passed a larger period of their lives in war than most men,
and probably in civil war, and I must say, if I could
avoid, by any sacrifices whatever, even one month of civil
war—(hear)—in that country to which I was attached,
I would sacrifice my life to do it—(cheers),—because
I say that there is nothing that destroys and prevents
prosperity so much as civil war. The hand of man is
raised against his brother, against his neighbour—the son
against his father—the servant against his master—
and that home which was once his delight, be-
comes confusion and destitution. Yet these means, my
Lords, are the resources to which we must look, this re-
sistance is the best thing which we could have looked
to, to have put an end to this state of things in Ire-
land, if we had not taken the opportunity of bringing
forward the measures for which I say I am responsib'e.
But my Lords, let us look a little further at this. If
civil war is so bad when occasioned by resist-
ance to the Government, if it is so bad as I have
stated it, and so much to be avoided, how much more
is it to he avoided when we are to arm the people in
order that one part may concur with one thing, and
be the means of exciting others against them. I
am sure that there is not a man that hears me
whose blood would not shudder at the proposition if made
to him. At the same time this is the course which would
have had to have been adopted, if we had continued as we
were last year. But I entreat your Lordships not only to
look at it in that view, hot let us revert to what passed on a
former occasion. I am old enough to recollect the rebels
of 1798, I was not employed in Ireland then, but in another
part at a distance ; but if I am not mistaken, the Parliament
went up to the Lord Lieutenant with an unanimous
address. I believe they walked up to him, beseeehing
his Excellency to take every means in his power to put
down that internal rebellion, and promising support—their
full support, to carry the measure into execution. My
Lord Lieutenant did take those measures, awl suc-
ceeded in putting down the rebellion. Well, my
Lords, what happened in the very next Session ? The
Government proposed to put an end to the Parliament—
(Hear, hear,)—to unite the two kingdoms, to form
a legislative onion between them, for the pur-
pose of proposing this veiy measure—(Hear, hear.)—
and in point of fact the very first measures proposed after
this legislative union, after those successful measures to put
down this rebellion, was this very measure which I am now
putting to your Lordships. Why then is it possible that
Noble Lords could believe that supposing there was such
a contest as that which I have anticipated, is it possible
that Noble Lords could believe that such a contest
could be carried on, much less be brought to a conclusion
without these measures being insisted upon by one at least,
if not by both Houses? My Lords, I am certain when you
look at the division of opinion that prevails in both
Houses, when you look at the division of opinion which
prevails in every family both here and in Ireland, in every
family, I say, of the highest eminence, down to the lowest
in this country, the division of opiuion which pre-
vails among Protestants of Ireland on this important
subject, I am convinced you will see that there
will be a vast difference between a contest carried on
now, and that which was carried on on the former
occasion.—(hear, hear, hear.)—l beg you will re-
collect that on a recent occasion there was a Protesaint
declaration of the sentiments of Ireland. As I said be-
fore, the Parliament of 1798 was unanimous, I believe,
with the exception of one or two Gentlemen in the
House of Commons. ltirpon a recent occasian, there
were seven Marquises, 27 Earls, a vast number of
Peers of other ranks, and 2,000 Protestant Gentlemen of
property in the country, who signed the delaration stating
that it was absolutely necessary to Ireland that measures
such as I have proposed should be carried into effect.
Under these circumstances this contest would be carried
on in a manner totally different to what it was
before. But is it possible that we can believe
that Parliament would allow such a contest? Is it possi-
ble to believe that Parliament, having this state of
things before it that this House seeing what the
opinion of the other House of Parliament was,
seeing what the opinion of this large number of Protestants
to Ireland was, seeing what the opinion of nearly every
statesman who for the last 40 years had spoken on the
subject was on the question, that this House would continue
to oppose itself to the measure calculated to settle the question.
My Lords, it is absolutely impossible that this could go on
any longer without some increasing difficulty brought upon
the country. But, my Lords, we should look a little to
what the benefit is to be derived to any cue class
of society by continuing those disabilities—(hear, hear,
hear,)—and adopting that worst of courses which
is to be attended with all the evils I have alluded to. We
are told that it is to preserve the principle of the Consti-
tution of 1668—(Hear, hear)---that the Act of 1688
permanently excluded Roman Catholics front Parliament ;
and that they having been then permanently excluded from
Parliament, it is necessary to incur all those evils in order to
keep up the bond which was then entered into. New I
wish very much that Noble Lords would take the trouble
I have taken, to look for themselves how that matter
stands—( Hear,)—with respect to this permanent exclu-
sion of Roman Catholics from Parliament. My Lords, in
the Bill of Rights there are some things permanently
enacted, and which I sincerely hope will be permanent—
those are the liberties of the people—(Hear, hear)—for
the better security of Protestantism that the person on
the throne of this kingdom shall be a Protestant—and
that he shall not be married to a Papist.—( Hear,
hear, hear.)—Then there is an oath of allegiance
to be taken from all those front whom it shall be required,
which is permanent ; there is also the oath of obedience
and the oath of supremacy, but there is no declaration
against transubstantiation ; and it is an oath of allegiance
different from that which is to he taken according
to any existing Act of Parliament. Now when it is said
that that Act is to be permanent, this, I think, shows
what it is. With respect to the oaths to be taken by
Members of Parliament, I beg your Lordships to observe
that those oaths—that the declaration against transub-
stantiation, is not at all the act of William the Third,
hut that it is the act of the 30th of Charles the Second.
During the reign of Charles the Second there were certain
oaths imposed, first upon the Dissenters from the Church
of England, and next to exclude Roman Catholics
by the 25th and 30th of Charley the Second.—
At the period of the Revolution, when King William
came, he thought proper to extend the basis of his
Government, and he repealed the oaths affecting the
Dissenters from the Church of England, imposed by the
30th of Charles the Second, and likewise the affirmative
part of the Oath of Supremacy, which the Dissenters from
the Church of England could not take. My Lords, that is
the mystery of the alteration of those oaths by William the
Third from the time of Charles the Second ; hut the re-
mainder of the oath could be taken by Dissenters
though it could not be taken by Roman Catholics.
The danger in respect to the Roman Catholics
originated in the time of Charles the Second ; and
the bond still existed in the time of William the
Third ; but the oath was altered, because one of the
great principles of the Revolution was to limit the ex-
clusions, and to extend the Constitution as far as pos-
sible. Therefore we have that principle of the Revo-
lution, as well as the principle I have before stated, re-
cognized by the Bill of Rights, and the permanent li-
berty of the people amply secured and provided for.—
Now Noble Lords state that what they call the prin-
ciple of 168 S—that is to say, that those oaths excluding
the Roman Catholics, are equally permanent with the Bill of
Rights by which the Protestantism of time Crown is secured.
Why, if any Noble Lords will read the words of the Act,
and I have them here should they wish to see them, they
will find that the difference between that and the real fact
is just the difference between that which is per-
manent, and that which is not permenent. It is
stated that the Protestantism of the Crown should
last for ever—that those liberties are secured for ever,
and as far as the oaths are concerned they are en-
acted at the conclusion, but there is not one word said
about how long they are to exist.—(Hear, hear.)
—Well, what follows? The next Act we have is
the Act of Union with Scotland ; and what does that
Act of Parliament say ? Why, that the oaths to
be taken by Members of Parliament are to be the same
as laid down by the first of William and Mary until Par-
liasoent shall otherwise direct.—(Near.)—Now, this is
what is called a permanent Act of Parliament—a per-
naanent provision for all future periods to exclude
Roman Catholics from all political power.—(Hear. )e--
aly Lords, I would beg to observe, that if the Act which
excludes Boman Catholics from seats in Parliament is per-
manent, there is another clause, I think it is the Sth
section of the 10th chapter of the Act of the Ist of William
and Marv, which requires Officers of the Army and Navy
to take the Oaths—those very Oaths—previous to their
aeceptance of office. Now I would ask, this clause being
made in the first of William and Mary, if the act which
exclude! Ilernan Catholics from nets in Parliament—if
that be permanent, I should like to know whether the other
wile not meant to be penDaimt
r I should like to ask

the Noble and Learned Lords both on the woolsack and on
the cross benches if the one act is permanent why the
Ot not so ? Lords, the truth of the matter is,
that the Parliament of Queen Anne, by the Act of Veion,
tceograised the first relating to seats in Parliament, and the
Noble Lord was quite right when he conceded that the
-Ace of 1700 would pat an end to the 10th clause of
the Bth chapter of the first of Williert and Mary. Then
my Lords, if this exclusion, if tide principle of 1683, as it
it; called, is not permanent, if it is recognized not to be
permanent, not only by the Act of Union with Scotland,
but likewise by tile Act of Union with Ireland, I would
ask your Lordships whether you are ndt dt Pherty now
to • consider the expediency of repealing it altogether, in
order to relieve the country from the inconveniences to
which I have already adverted—whether yon are not called
upon to renew the state of the representation of Ireland—
whether ou are not called upon to see whether, even sup-
posing it. were permanent, it is fit for Parliament to remain
as it has been for some period, groaning under a
Popish influence exercised by the Priests over elcetions,
and whether it is not right to make an arrangement which
shall hare for its objects not only to settle this question but
to relieve the country from the influences and the inconve-
niences' to which I have adverted. My Lords, I have
already stated the manner in which this arrangement
works upon all the people of this country, but I wish
particularly to attend to the manner in which it works on
the Church ieself.—(Hear.)—My Lords, that part of the
Church of England which is in Ireland, is in a very peculiar
situation ; it is the church of the minority of the people,
and at the came time, I believe, a more exemplary—a more
pious, and at the Caine tinw a more learned set of men do
not exist.—(Hear.)—My Lords, this Church certainly
enjoys the affections of those whom it has sought to in-
struct in the same degree as their brethren in England
merit, and I have no doubt they would shed the
last drop of their blood in defence of their doctrine.
—(Hear.)—But, my Lords, it is violence that its
apprehended as likely to affect the interests of this Church.
Now, I request the House to consider whether the Church
can be better protected from violence by a Government—
united inyarliament—united in sentiment with the people—
or by a Government disunited in Parliament, and having
the two Houses of Parliament distinctly divided amongst
themselves? My Lords, every individual under the Go-
vernment is involved in the settlement of a question which
will bring with it strengthto tile Government—strength and
defence to every part of the country !—(Loud cheering.)
—My Lords, having now gone through the general
principles which have induced me to consider it
desirable to bring forward this measure, I shall trouble
you a short time longer, while I explain to your Lordships
the provisions of the Bill. My Lords, the Bill is in itselt
very simple. It concedes to the Roman Catholics the
power of holding every office in the State unconnected with
the administration of the affairs of the Church, and
also conceding to them seats in Parliament. I
beli'eve that it goes further, with respect to the conceesion
of holding office, than the former measures which have
been introduced to your House ; and I confess, my Lords,
that the reason for which I have considered it my duty
to make this larger provision is, that I have seen the con-
sequence of the Acts of 1782 and 1793-1 have seen
that any restrictions upon concessions have only the effect
of increasing evil, and of giving fresh power of mischief.
I have therefore considered it my duty in making this
concession, to make it as large—(Loud cries of heal )—as
any reasonable man could expect, seeing clearly, that any
thing which could have the effect of restriction, would only
give fresh grounds of complaint—would afford no security
to the state—and would tend to any thing but the peace
and tranquillity of the country.—(Great cheering.)—
In respect to seats in Parliament, my Lords, I have
already stated to your Lordships what I think
upon that subject. Ido not conceive, my Lords,
that the concession of seats in Parliament to Roman Ca-
tholics can in any manner affect the interests of, or incon-
,yenience the Church of England.—( Hear, hear.)—ln
the first place, my Lords, I beg your Lordships to
recollect, that when those Acts of the thirtieth of
Charles the Second, and at the period of the Revolution,
were enacted, it was not the Church that was is danger—
it was the State.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)—The State
was in danger not because the Church was threatened—
no, but because the Sovereign upon the throne was sue -
pacted of Popery, and the successor to the throne was
actually a Papist.—(Loud and continued cheering.)—
My Lords, this system was adopted, because that was the
danger that threatened the State, and not because the
Church was in danger at all.—(Hear, hear.)—On the
contrary, at that period, danger to the Church was ap-
prehended, not from the Roman Catholics, but from the
IDissenters from the Church of England. I want
to know when we read in the history of these times, of
danger to the- Church, whether it was from the Roman
Catholics the danger was apprehended? No, my Lords, I
say it was from the Dissenters, and from the privileges
granted to the Dissenters under the Acts of Parliament
passed at the period of the Revolution.—(Hear, hear.)—
Then I think it is not necessary for me to justify myself
for having adopted this measure on account of any danger
it causes to the Church from Roman Catholics coming
into Parliament, as they were in Parliament previously
to the 30th of Charles 11. Peers sat in Parliament up
to that period, and were not obliged to take the oath
of supremacy. We now require they should take the oath
of allegiance, in which a great part of the oath of supre-
macy is included ; at least that part which refers to re-
strictions, and I must say, so far as that goes, instead of the
Church being in danger, it is in better seeurity than as it
was previous to the Act of the 30th of Charles the Second.
But, I sly, what I contend for is, that for the last forty
years, since it was probable the House of Stuart would
become extinct—and above all, since the extinction of the
House of Stuart, it has been the opinion of every
considerate man in this country, that it is now time
those laws should be repealed, and the necessity of which
has been growing gradually from that time to this—and
most certainly the period has now come when it is quite
clear they can no longer exist.—(lmmense cheering.)—
But I know there are are are many in this House, and in
the country, and I confess I was of that opinion
myeelf, who think that the State ought to have some teen-
rity for the Church against the Romau Catholic Clergy,
besides the oaths imposed by those Acts of Parliament.
But I now confess upon examining the question, and upon
looking more than I had before done at the various
Acts of Parliament by which the Church of England
has been constituted, and upon the foundation on which
it rests, I see that the State can have no security of a de-
scription which would at all increase the safety of the
Church, or, moreover, that of the Crown of England.
Now, in a few words I will explain myself upon that sub-
ject. I beg your Lordships to attend to me for a moment
while I explain the situation, for instance, of the King of
Prussia. The King of Prussia exercises the power he
does over the Catholic Church in his various dominions,
under different Concordats, entered into with the Pope. In
Silesia, by a Concordat made with the House of Austria ; on
the territories of the left side of the Rhine under a con-
cordat made with Buonaparte; and on the right banks of the
Rhine under a concordat settled by the former Sovereigns
of those countries. My Lords, each of those con-
cordate supposes that the Pope possesses that power
which enables him at all times to command the sovereignty
of those countries to eater into those treaties, but that is
a point which we can never fear.—(Cheers.)—There is
no person who has any power to compel such an arrange.
roent from the King of this country.—(Cheers.)—My
Lords, we must continue to keep our Sovereign clear of
any such transactions—(tremendous cheering)—that
has been accomplished hitherto, and yet we have had
no security of the description required, not even a veto
of one of the Bishops, as they are called, without re-
linquishing some part of the authority and dignity of
the Sovereign ; and admitting that the Pope has some-
thing to compel.—(Loud cheers.)—Now, my Lords, we
will suppose for a moment that the King should name the
Bishop ; why if he named the Bishop he must give him a
diocese. Now I should like to know in what part of
Ireland or England the King could obtain a spot
in which consistently with his oath be could name a
Bishop, or give that Bishop a diocese.—(Hear, hear. )
The King has sworn to preserve the Church, and the
Bishops and the Clergy committed to their charge, with
their privileges, their churches, their people, and every
thing belonging to them.—( Hear, hear, hear. )--Now,
consistently with that oath, how could he appoint a
Bishop of the Roman Catholic persuasion ? even if he were
to appoint could there not boa greater loss to the State than
there could he gained by such a step on the part of his
Majesty? Then there is another security which has been
thought of as desirable to have—namely, that of obtaining a
~knowledge of the correspondence with Rome, and of super-
vising that correspondence with a view to prevent any com-
munication which should be inconsistent with the securityof
the Crown of this country. Upon that point also, I must
ipy that I feel the greatest objection to involving this
Government in such terms. That correspondence
we are told told turns upon spiritual affairs ; but I will
'suppose that it turns for instance upon the question of
excommunication—why, my Lords, has the Pope and
hie Majesty, or the Secretary of State acting tinder
the direction of his Majesty, any power to Make any such
law ? What then would be the result of it ? To hue
pose any such security would go, I apprehend, to a hi-oriel):
of time Constitution of this country, and render it quite
impossible for your Lordships to consent to it. —(Hear. )
• —lf lt were cfLeted, it would do illorOlinjury to

the constitution of the Chttab titan titre thing that tan the serious attention Of the then Government. ..These°.
be done by Roman Catholieeliaing admitted in the manner amnia that these Aeti'wcre necessary, and.that they were ..•
now proposed. My Lords, ielommunicatiens with Roma proper for thet prOtetion of the Monarch on the fhronct
are sufficiently provided lot already by the laws of this By the prineslarkte Revolution of
.1699 no person
eoontry. Time liewe reoardifi that ere suffieiett ; but if who profeesed Itreakan Catholic religion could be King
thaV hh ohne-eh—if she coat:net of the etersens of these retard's, nor could the King marry a Roman Ca-
whose conduct thaie btottoraat intended to replete ehould tholie QoWatt. The King was bound by the Corona-
be
euch as to render nctiataami‘ alies irtteeference of. Govern- tion Olen on taking which he swears that he
trill
, , ,
trent, this very mee4
snre which your nenatemptt nave be- are the laws of the country executed with justice.
fore yott .teteeld enable your Lordship to interiette in tech and mercy, and he furtlaer swears that he will maintain
a way and in such a ralatitter, as not only fully to ineuto the Laws of God to the utmost of his power, and the
the objects of the meastire, but to gitti the fortner Acts Proteraont religion as established by law. How, said the
the full effect of thei: :provisions. My Letatle, another Bee. Prelate was he to do this—was it by hie persona I
paiot Of severity proposed- is against the eetabliehmeni of actions? No; but by his councils, and .by his Minie-
Jtsuits. My LOrd#, if Toner Lordships atiOnlOole to the tern, who were respensible for the course Which
Act of 1'790, your Lordship will ortoboblrlaae that at that they might think proper to advise him to adopt. He wonla
time, as well as this, it WAS not possible to ra.fate laws which put to their Lordships a ease, and he would put an - -
any other man might not drive a coach and four through. treme case, as it was for the purpose of illustrating. lie
My Noble and Learned Friend (Eldon) will excuse me for woohl suppose that the King were to be surrounded
saying, that, notwithstanding the pains he took to form that by none btit Roman Catholics. --(Cries of hear, hear,
law, yet it has been proved that, since the Act of 1791, there hear.)—lle hegg,ed their Lordships to remember that
is net the slightest doubt that large establishments of Jesuits he was putting an extreme ease. If the King!
have been formed, not only in Ireland, but in this country.—. were thus surrounded, he would be placed in a situation
ire
(Hear, hear.)—The measeres new proposed to be adapted which he would be incapable of fulfilling time obligations of
under this Act, we may hope will preserve the country his oath. Now then, how could any advisers, who could
from the establialunent of other houses of that deseription not enter into his views of the true profession of the Gospel,
without oppression.--without injury to any body, but by and who did not believe in the Protestant religion as by law
degrees to put an end to that elms of people. tMy Lords, established, assist the King in that capacity ?—(Hear.)--
there is no man living more sensible thati lam of the The King governed the country by means of his Ministers
absolute necessity of carrying into execution that pert —by means of his officers in the army and navy—and by
of the measure. I entertain no doubt whatever that if I:means of the civil authorities. They were the parties
that part of the measure were nut carried into execution, through whom he wee to maintain the Protestant Church
we should very soon see this part of the country thickly inviolate. • The King also as Sovereign transacted the eon-
inhabited by Jesuits, and regular Clergy sent out by them cerne of the country through the State Secretary, and how
hot,l:,e
I%easnt remoteittllat
to other parts of Europe, and to form their establishments could he act with foreign Protestant Governmenti,. if the
partsiN o b eof Lordsl' his
ate Majesty's
right rn
toni dominions.—
ask
when I submit this measure to their consideration, sequence would be if ttetholic were to be made Secretaryfor
iSicee?reitimmetybetgegeeo(tit whom: he communicated were a Catho-
what reason I have for believing. that the measure the Colonial Department:no_
will be successful ? My Lords, I believe it will answer, that the power of the King was through his agency
for a moment to coneiderwhat the con-
not only from the example of all Europe, but from Colonies,
and if he ruse a Catholic thoea' Colonies might
the example of a part of this kingdom. In me former be deprived of his instruction, as far as regtaOled the Pro-
period,
made anown in the
period, and if lam nut mistaken, it was before the Union testant religion. In the Home Department also; Kiug
of England with Scotland, the state of society in was tetwerented by his Secretary of State. The Reia•i"..aa°
Scotland was as bad as the state of society of Ire- late here spoke in so low a tone, that he
.was for a few
land is at present. Abroad, we know, that the minutes inaudible. When we again caught his Yoked he
exclusion to all civil privileges- is unknown, and proceeded as follows m—lt is, may Lords, of vast imnpoito •
that tl:e words Protestantism and Catholicism are ance that the Secretary for the Colonies should be well •
never heard of. lam certain that I can state what 1 affected towards the Protestant Church. I may.speak . •
can prove, when I unsure your Lordships what from experience of a Noble Lord whom I now see Ili .his
was the state of society in Scotland previous lace, and who presided for many years over that depart. '
to the concession of civil privileges to the Episco- ment to the benefit of his country, and with credit and
;ethane; and if your Lordships will give me leave honour to himself—of whom, indeed, I Ivey say, that
I \yid read to you a petition sent to me this day, that was while filling this arduous office he maintained a charactre
sent to Parliament when those concessions were about to which has never been exceeded. I had the honour of, be-
lie made, and which, your Lordships, will find is almost ing in the confidence of that Metric Lord, and of being
the model of many 'of the petitions your Lordships have often consulted by him with reference to the concerns of his
heard presented to this House on the present occaeion• department, and I speak from what I know. when I say
I tin in hopes, therefore, that after this Bill shall have that he discharged hie duties with temperance and zeal,
passed, and when there is no longer occasion for these coo- with a firm desire for the nnaintenaece of religion, with
plaints, that the altered state of things which we have the most considerate kindness towards the Clergy, and
seen to exist now for more than a century will also with the most scrupulous care to prevent elissensions in the.
prevail in Ireland. The purport of the petition which Colonies of this kingdom over whose interests it -was his
the Noble Duke read was to this effect—that to destiny to preside. His conduct was, in fact, such as 'to.
grant toleration to that part of the com•nunity, under the pm oduce towards him in my mind a deep and sincere revs`' •
existing circumstances of the Church and nation, would spect, which I shall preserve to my dying day. Now,
1.
unavoidably shake the foundation of our Protest ant happy will ask this Noble Earl if he be ;not fully and entirely '
Constitution, overthrow those laws upon which it was aware that no Roman Catholic Secretary for the Colonies
settled, needlessly disturb the tranquillity which the nation could have done for the clentrches of these colonies that
had enjoyed since the late revelution —disquiet the main- which the Noble Earl was upon so many occasions enabled
tenance of his Majesty's best eubjects--inerease ani- to do? Nay, I will go further, and contend that, if a
mosity—confirm discords and tumults—weaken ammo Roman Catholic. Secretary were desirous to do as much
enervate society—and open the door to uucurbed vice fur the Colonial Church as the Noble Earl had ever' done,
and Popery, as well as other evils. That Popery would he would not have the power to carry his wishes into
get into the Government; and all the nation feel the in- effect—that he could nonin short, be as effective a Minieter
conyeeience of the worst of measures from which they had as one who was Protestant—and that he could not effectually
heretofore been liberated. The petitioners prayed, there- discharge his duty as the repretentetive of the King. With
fore, in the name of the Lord, that no such toleration he respect, then, to the power lodged in the hands of the Cola-
granted, being aware that in the present state of the question vial Secretary, it is sufficient for my argument to State that
it would be nett'ulishing iniquity by law, and would be he has at his disposal extensive eccletiastical patronage—
bringing upon the promoters thereof the dreadful weight that he must have great influence over the appointments of
f all those sins consequent thereon.—(The reading of this bishops, archdeacons, arid chaplains—and that, if all such
petition created considerable merriment in the House.)— appointments be not at his disposal, a great portion of sueri
Now, my Lords, I sincerely hope that the prophecies held patronage must, unquestionably, remain in his hande.
out with respect to this measure may be just as true as But, my Lords, this is not all. The Colonial Secretary
those with respect to Scotland made many years ago. I possesses absolute power over the comforts of the colonial
have grounds to hope this measure will he attended by the clergy. It has often happened that in consequence of dit-
happiest effects. There is no doubt when this measure shall pensions arising in our colonies, although the clergy have
have been adopted, that the Catholics will have no separate been iu no way to blame for such dissensions, that they
interests in the state. There is no doubt the causes which have been under the necessity of applying to the mother
excite different interests will cease, and that there will be country to protect their interests and to preserre their rights.
but one feeling between the people of England, Ireland; I assert, then, my Lords, that those interests and those
and Scotland. Parliament, my Lords, will be induceTto rights would not be safe in the hands of a Roman Catholic
look at Ireland with the saute eye which looks at Scotland. Colonial Secretary of State, and I contend that, if the Cite
—(llear, hear, hear.)—lf I ant deceived in the hope lonial Secretary of State be not actuated by a Protestant
of conciliation arising from this measure, and I should feel spirit, he may possess influence to discourage almost to cx-
any scruples in the continuation of it, I will not fail to lay tinguish the Church of England in many of the colonies of
those scruples before Parliament, and call on your Lord- Great Britain. My Lords, it is impossible, I conceive,
ships to support me es I have done in the present in- for any person of a religious mind to look to England with.
stance.—(Hear, hoar. )—Having now explained to your out considering her to be, and to have long been, a chosen
Lordships the ground on which I bring forward this instrument in the hands of Providence for carrying religion
measure, I will only remind yon again of the state of Ire- to the uttermost ends of the earth, and for spreading its in-
land. The inconveniences attending the question, the fluence over all parts of the habitable globe. Under the
difficulties which oceur, and the almost impossibility of sanction and by the aid of the Protestant established
finding any remedy—the situation of the public die church there large missionary societies have been formed,
vided by sentiments on this question—the pretences and their efforts have been successful in many distant re-
which I may call them to evade all concession.— gions, and the effects of their exertions hove been felt and
(Hear)—the opposition on the ground of religious appreciated to a very wide extent ; but, if such societies do
opinions—all these matters will no doubt press upon your not receive the countenance, the actual support, of the
minds, and having explained what we consider a remedy Colonial Secretary, I affirm that their objects, if carried
for these inconveniences, can your Lordship refuse to on at all, can produce but very little beneficiel result. I
adopt it ? I will trouble your Lordships no further, but contend, then, my Lords, that the King of Great Britain
implore you, iu the consideration of this question, to follow cannot be fairly represented by any Colonial Secretary of
the recommendation in the speech from time Throne. I State who is not Protestant. Now, my Louie, with re-
entreat your Lordships to consider it with temper and ference also to the Secretary of State for the Home De-
moderation. The Noble Duke sat down amidst loud partment, I should have much to say but that Ido not
cheering. desire to trespass at much greater length on the attention
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY—During the of your Lordship.. But I must observe that the Home
time I have had the honour of holding a seat in Secretary possesses great power with regard to the Este-
this House, I have always opposed the grant- Wished Church, and that a considerable portion of church
ing of political power to the Roman Catholics. I patronage is placed in his hands and at his disposal. I
must allow, my Lords, I have opposed concessions on some must also add, that his influence is almost unbounded
occasions with a feeling of regret; and never was that over many of the institutions connected with time church.
regret so strong as at present, when the measure is brought I may say so much with respect to the church of Eng.
forward by his Majesty's Government, and supported by land, I will ask your Lordship to consider for a few mo-
so many distinguished characters. But, my Lords, means the situation in which a Protestant Lord Lieutenant
I have a duty to perform paramount to the feeling of re- of that country would be placed with a Roman Catholic
spect for individuals. I owe a duty to the Church to Secretary of State and a Boman Catholic Secretary for
which I belong, and that Protestant Constitution Ireland. I trust I shall not be considered as pressing my
of which the Church forms a part.—(Hear, hear. own views too fair in contending that the church of Eng-
-I have always thought, and I think so still, land will risk the loss of its Pretestant character if this
that the interests of that church would be injured by the measure be passed at all ; hut to this observation I must
concession proposed in this Bill. If political power also add, that Ido not consider it absolutely necessary
be conceded to the Roman Catholics, the Protes.ent that, even if we have a change in the Constitution of
Church must, in my opinion, be seriously injured.—(ll er, the country, there should be a change in the feature of the
hear.)—l have heard it said, at different times, in this materials out of which the Government of that country is
House that the principles of the Roman Catholic religion composed. If, then, this measure be carried I will say that
are changed. It is said these principles have undergone a the heads of the present Administration intuit feel the heavy
material change. Surely that assertion will be no longer responsibility under which they labour by the consequences
insisted upon when we hear those who stand high in ec- that may ensue; and, while I hope that they will look at
clesiastical situation—the Roman Catholic clergy—declare every part of the measure now before the Hansa as Pro-
that they will never depart from the principles on which testant Statesmen ought to do, I hope their most earnest
they hold their church to be founded. I have also heard attention will be given to those features of it tvhich cannot
it said they will no longer abuse their spiritual power ; but materially affect the Church of Ireland. My Lords,
but have we not lately seen that power made a most dun- that branch of our Established Church demands the most
gerous engine? It has been said, if the Roman Catholics deliberate consideration, and I say that you will not act
receive all their political rights, they will give security for fairly towards that country if you de not adopt every
the preservation of peace and tranquillity. lam sorry to means consistent with justice to deliver the mass of its
say, my Lords, I believe that will not be the case.— people from the tyranny exercised over them by their
(Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to the repeal of the priests, to prevent them from being any longer kept by
laws which this Bill is to repeal, I am also induced violence from scriptural instruction—that scriptural in-
to believe it would be impolitic to make such repeal. struction which would in the end lead to a reformation
When I tee Roman Cmtholics act in defiance of Govern- there as well as here. There is another topic which I
ment, and excite the passions of the people by harangues would press upon your Lordship. Lis this—that tie
of a seditious character, and levying taxes on the people for village in Ireland, that no spot throughout that country,
the purpose of promoting faction, I must confess I shall be suffered to remain without its affordiog to Protes-
can not see any ground to entertain sanguine hopes of a tants the means of worshipping God According to the die-
better feeling in Ireland. I can not expect a better tates of their conscience. With respect, nay Lords, to
state of things in Ireland. I certainly can not securities, I must, in justice to his Majesty's :Ministers, say
take on myself to answer for facts, not having that I should not have been satisfied with the securities
information on the affairs of Ireland, but if I which they have, I think, very wisely rejected—l mean
give credit to the existence of a better spirit and the payment of the Roman Catholic priesthood, which
bow to the necessity, I ant bound to consider the very would form something like a Roman Catholic Church
great sacrifices we are called upon to make for temporary Establishment under the protection of the State. I consider,
tranquillity—l cannot contemplate without terror the then, that the Government has been more than justified in
change which is nosy proposed in the Constitution 1 refusing to listen to such a protmeition. My Lords, it
of this country. I can never forget that our Constitution • afforded me much pleasure to hear the Noble Duke at the
is essentially Protestant, and this measure will entirely de- head of his Majesty's Government declare hie intention
prive it of that character. I hope your Lordships will in- to do all in his power for the cerryino into effect the lases
bulge me in chewing the grounds on which I form my opi- for preventing the admission of Jesuit's into this country,
nion. It cannot be unknown to your Lordships, who are well because I laid apprehended that throes laws would not only
acquainted with the history of the country, that disputes be evaded, butt would rereain as little else than et, dead
between the Sovereigns of England and the Pope were of letter upon the statute-hook. Thus, my Lordselfwe
very' long continuance. 1 believe the disputes began raised my voice against the minor detaiis and against time
before the reign of Henry the Second. I may call I general principle of the Bill now lying upon the taale of this
your attention to the claims of the Pope in the House, and w hick your Lordships have been called upon imv
reign of King John, and prior to the reign of Edward the head of his 3lejestyas Goiternment to read for a second
,
the Third. I say nothing of the character and motives of time. To that Bill I ant fixedly and decidgdly opposed.
Henry the Eighth, whether it was time violence of his pas- 1 Intrust that, in the opposition I give it, I am actuated by
siens, or dislike of the Roman swat-, but Henry the no spirit unbecoming- a Christian Bishop, and that the
Eighth certainly broke the political and spiritual bond of centre,: I have taken has been pursued without any undue
Rome, and from that reign they might .fate the reforma- I warmth, without any uncharitable feeling, but solely and
tion. The attachment of the people of England to exclusively out of regard to a deep sense of duty to the
the Reformation had continued, and notwithstanding interests committed to my charge. I evil now trouble
&feign of the House of Stuart, during which attempts , your Lordships no farther, but move as au amendment to
.-restore Popery, the refereed Religion kept the motion of the Noble Duke that this Bill be read .t
'its ground. At the patting of these Acts, which they second time this day six menthe. (The Right Rev. Pre•
were called upon to repeal, there might have been a feeling late re:fumed his seat amid continued cheers.) •
oecieelomel by the disclosures of Titus Oates, but The Archbishop of ARMAGH said, that I.e 1,,,1 a
certainly at the- Revolution of MB, *vie Acts mxupied sacred dot,/ tv perfnal, wiaich IA 11'910 Aft deterred