The Sun.
London, England, 1845-03-08 00:00:00

life had been passed. Their Lordships were w:11 aware
of that Noble Lord's present position with repaid to the Go-
vernment.—( (tear. ) Was he then, when he saw such conse-
quence; arising from such declarations, to be precluded from
remarking on the speeches of ionic men, because they were de-
livered in other phut., and were conceived to be without
responsibility ? Ile decidedly Mt himself entitled, in his place
in Parliament, to make such observations upon any euch
speech ; and especially when that speech was delivered by a
Minister of the Crown—by a Member of the Cabin, t. He
was ready to allow the utmost limit for the heat of debate, and
the impulse of elcquence. It was not this that he regretted.
What he did regret was, that this speech was not too warm
in its tone, but that it declared a fact, and it was of this fact
that he (the Marquis of Normanby) complained. That Hon.
Gentleman declared, that a punishment had been inflicted
which would never be inflicted again—that Colonel M'Gregor
had suffered that which was not to be inflicted on any other
individual.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke (the Duke of
Wellington), had said that he had found him (the Marquis of
Normantsy) out in some inconsistencies. Ile had received
a letter from Colonel Shaw Kennedy, in which that
officer had expressed his regret that ho had been mis-
apprehended in the particular instance of supposing himself in-
vested with the power of appointing magistrates. But he (the
Marquis of Normanbv) had not felt it his duty to continue
Colonel Shaw Kennedy in the post which he had held. Ile
did not speak in this motion of appointments but of promo-
tions. The Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington)
seemed to think that he (the Marquis of Nor.
manby) conceived that something had been taken from
the inspector-general which he had previously possessed.
Such was not the case. The appointment of head constables
had never been held by the inspector-general, but he had
always possessed the power of appointing men from the lowest
ranks to the several ranks of commissioned officers. The rule
that had been observed ever since the institution of the force
was to give two out of three of the appointments of commis-
sioned officers to the force, and the parties who obtained them
were necessarily recommended by the inspector-general, and,
if the persons recommended were fit men, he thought that it
was not only wise, but right, that those recommendations
should be acted upon. In the case immediately under con-
sideration, he was ready to acknowledge that Major Priestley
was a very good man, but that Mr. Brnwnrigge was a more
proper man for the purpose. The Noble Duke wished to
know where the whole of this matter originated. He said he
could net conceive where it had originated. He (the Marquis
of Normanby) would tell him. It had originated in the
speech of the Prime Minister of the Crown, in the first debate
in the present session. Sir Robert Peel had said, in that
speech, that, as the inspector-general had the direction and
the responsibility of the conduct of the constabulary force upon
his shoulders, he ought to have the power of recommending
the appointment of all the officers of that force. He, there-
fore, should move for a return of the appointment •f the
deputy inspector-general since the decease of the late Major
Galway. of the constabulary force in Ireland, and of any corn-
issenications from the inspector-general respecting the ap-
pointments that had been made, and also a return of the
number of her Majesty's army in Ireland, from the let of
January. 1835, to the Ist of January, 1845, both inclusive.
The -House then divided, when there appeared—
Contents
Non-contents
Majority against the motion —2o
The return for the number of " Her Majesty's Army," &e.,
was subsequently agreed to, with an amendment by the Duke
of WYLLIN6TON, to the effect that a statement should also be
included in the return, of the number of soldiers sent out of
the country during the same period. The Noble Duke thought
this was requisite, in order to show the state of the country
during the years 1840 and 1841.
The House then adjourned._

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, March 7.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the
Weolsack at Five o'clock.
OTAHEITE.
The Earl of MINTO gave notice that, on Monday, he
would move for copies of any correspondence which her
Majesty's Government had received within the lest
twelve months, from the ships Basilisk and Hazard, on
the subject of the proceedings at the island of Otahiete.
HEALTH OF TOWNS.
The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a petition
from a place in Lancashire, praying for the enactment
of sanatory regulations in large towns. The Noble
la+rd, in supporting the prayer, took occasion to remark
that it.'would be a great saving of the public time if
Bills "upon this subject, and others of a municipal charac-
ter, and Railway Bills, were first introduced into that
House, instead of being sent up in a mass at the end of
the session.
The Duke of BUCCLEUGH presented a similar
petition from Bristol.
INTEMPERANCE.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Forfar,
praying for legislative interference to check intem-
perance.
The Marquis of ANGLESEY presented a similar
petition.
DISABILITIES OF THE JEWS.
The LORD CHANCELLOR brought in a Bill to
relieve her Majesty's subjects of the Jewish persuasion
from certain disabilities affecting them in respect to the
holding of municipal offices.—(Cheers.)
The Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read
a second time cn Monday.
CONSTABULARY IN IRELAND.
The Marquis of NORMANBY said, that having
postponed his motion on the subject of promotion in
the constabulary in Ireland until this day, it was with
great unwillingness he had declined to postpone it again.
But he did not think that the presence of either of the
two Lords, on account of whose absence the postpone-
ment had been requested, was necessary to the disous-
sion. Neither of them had any official or departmental
connexion with the subject, and one of them, the late
Secretary for Ireland, was not at present a member of
the Government. It was not certain that either of
those Lords had a wish to take part in the debate
which might arise, and if he postponed it for them, he
might not have an opportunity of bringing it on until
after Easter. A recommendation made to the inspector-
general of constabulary, upon an understanding
between all parties in Parliament, had been lost
sight of in recent promotions. But if he
could have an assurance from the Government that such
would not be the case again—and there was no one
whose assurance he would more readily take than that
of the Noble Duke opposite.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—You won't have it,
then.—(A laugh.)
The Marquis of NORMANBY said it might be very
well for the Noble Duke to state at the commencement
of the debate the course which he meant to take, but
these interruptions should not prevent him (the Mar-
quis of Normanby) from stating the reasons of his motion.
But when he recollected who were the parties to that
engagement—when he recollected that the other House
of Parliament was with that house equally concerned
in preserving the sacredness of that engagement—
and when Ito recollected how necessary the
services from the constabulary forces in Ireland were to
every part of the country, and still more when he looked
at the important position which the inspector-general held,
he was astonished when he heard of the slight which had
been put on that distinguished officer. He (the Marquis
of Normanby) was aware that it had not of late been
the usual course for their Lordships' House to meddle
with Irish affairs in general ; but when he recollected
that the constabulary force of that country was in its cha-
racter so unique, that it was the armed populace under
such regular orders that it amounted almost to a stand-
ing army—that it was dispersed throughout the country
in small divisions—that it had to execute difficult
duties—that not only was the ordinary education
of reading and writing required of its members, but that
also a capacity for making reports to the courts of
justices—he must say that he felt that the position of
the inspector-general of such a force was of such ina-
pertance as to require the utmost consideration at the
hands of Parliament. lie (the Marquis of Normanby)
would beg to remind their Lordships that this force was
disciplined so that they could be dispersed, and yet act
effectively together in different parts of the country, and
still further, that the period to which he referred
was one of considerable agitation in Ireland. Under
these circumstances, he was not surprised at the respect that
was entertained fur the organisation of that force, and for the
position of its chief. At that time the constabulary force of
Ireland was anything but of a popular character, and Colonel
Shaw Kennedy was at that time at the head of the con-
stabulary force of Ireland. But Colonel Shaw Kennedy had
mistaken his own position. He had supposed that he ouget to
have the promotion of the stipendiary magistrates, as well as
the promotion of the parties in his own force ; and, much as he
regretted the circumstance, be (the Marquis of Normanby)
bad been compelled to accept his resignation. To the merits
of that gallant officer he was ready to bear the highest testi-
mony, but under the circumstances he could not act other-
wise. The applications were numerous, as their Lordships
might suppose, but so deeply did he feel the utility of the services
of the gallant officer whom he appointed, that he kept the position
of inspector-general open for three months. He had known
Colonel Macgregor in Jamaica as the only man who was able
to keep his regiment in discipline without flagging. He had
been an officer in his father's regiment, and had served in the
Peninsula under the Noble and Gallant Duke opposite. All
would remember the services of the Gallant Officer at the
burning of the Kent East Indianian, and he had given him the
appointment with a full assurrance that he would fill the office
to the satisfaction of the country, 'and with the understanding
that the appointments in the constabulary force were to he at
the disposal of the Government, but that the promotions were
to be at the disposal of Colonel M‘Gregor. Colonel McGregor
entered upon the duties of his situation upon the understanding
that. he was to have the power of promoting all the subordinate
officers under him, but now the Government stepped in and
wished to interfere with the rights and privileges which
attached to his office. The facts of the case he had
fairly stated to their Lordships from information
which he had himself personally collected, without holding any
communication with his gallant friend Colonel M'Gregor.
Mr. Brownrigge was strongly recommended to the force in
1536 by the Government of that day. It was stated at that
time that he had peculiarly distinguished himself in the ser-
vice of his country, and he had a right to expect to be recom-
mended in his turn with a promotion. lie was perfectly igno-
rant of Mr. Brownrigge's politics at the period of his ap-
pointment ; but on that ground there could be no objection to
the gentleman whatever, for if he were to speculate on Mr.
Brownrigge's politics, he should certainly say his political
views coincided with the present Government. It therefore
did require some explanation why this gentleman had been
passed over. He had nothing to say against Major Priestley,
but still Mr. Brownrigge stood on the list before the gallant ma-
j or,and the appointment ought to have been awarded to him. The
highest as well as the lowest authorities of Parliament had
spoken, in the highest terms of Colonel Shaw Kennedy, and
fully admitted the right he possessed, of promoting his own
officers. Sir Robert Peel said the gallant gentleman
was responsible for the conduct of his officers, and he therefore
had a right to promote them. Mr. Lucas, the present Under-
Secretary of Ireland, spoke in equally plain terms, and added,
that he could see no necessity why this additional privilege
should hang and dangle round the neck of any Chief Secretary.
There was another motion he had on the paper, which he
might as well dispose of, now he was on his legs. Ile wished
to move for a return of the army in Ireland, on the Ist of
January, during the last ten years, and in doing so, he could
not help alluding to a speech of one of the .Members
of the Government, made at the late election for Salisbury.
He could not but regret the absence of the Noble Lord the
Earl of St. Germain', for he would bear him out in what he
said. It did so happen that he (the Marquis of Normanby)
was requested by Sir H. Peel, on his coming into office, to see
Lard Eliot, Lord De Grey, and Sir James Graham. The
state of Ireland might have been his fault or his misfortune. If
it had been his fault, those Gentlemen would have been
anxious to avoid him, and if it had been his misfortune, the
first subject of discussion between them would naturally have
been the unfortunate state of Ireland. During the whole of
his interview with those Noble Lords and Right Hon. Gentle-
men, such a subject was never started. He was as much
against repeal as any of their Lordships, but he could not
but :egret that the Right Hon. Gentleman, the owner of half
Dublin, should have shown so little knowledge of the country
with which he was so benefielally connected. The Right Hon.
Gentleman in the course of his speech had said that without
asking for additional powers, the established law had
been found sufficient, and the heads of that agi-
tation had been punished. He (the Marquis of
Normanby) trusted that this had been inconsiderately
said, for their Lordships must all recollect that they had de-
cided that these individuals had been uejastly punished. He
(the Marquis of Normanby) believed that the return for which
he had moved would come through the department of that
Right lion. Gentleman. He was anxious to have the returns
for the information of their Lordships. He was not in any
haste ; and if they were to come from the department of the
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Sidney Herbert), he 'Limped that
Government would study them well before they were forwarded
to that House, and they would teach him that there was an
anachronism is the time to which he traced the disturbed state
of Ireland.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that he had first to apo-
logise to the Noble Marquis for having been guilty of irregula-
rity in interrupting him by stating that lie was not authorised
to make the declaration which the Noble Marquis expected.
Ile had thought that the Noble Marquis, seeing that all those
were absent whose presence he had expected at the discussion,
would have postponed his motion to a futere time. Ile now
thought the more that the Noble Marquis might have
done so, as he ended by telling the House that
as the Noble Lord, the late Secretary for Ireland,
was absent, he would take another opportunity, at a fature
time, to bring the subject forward in another shape. He (the
Duke of Wellington) confessed that when the Noble Lord con-
sidered that he had not had an opportunity of examining the
papers, and when he had expresses! his entreaty to the Noble
Marquis that he would take into account his (the Duke of
position'at the time, he u ould postpone the motion
until his Noble Friends would be present who had examined
the papers far the purpose of preparing themselves to meet
this %notion. However, he had since last Tuesday endeavoured
to make himself master of the subject, which was comprised
in no less than three folio volumes. He was very sorry that
his Noble Friend—the Noble Earl the late Secretary for Ireland,
and the Noble Earl the late Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland—were
not able to attend this evening, they would he far better able
than he to give explanations • and, in such a discussion, it was
desirable that the Noble Marquis should '
be met by- an antago-
nist acquainted with the subject. When the Noble Marquis
brought forward the question some time ago, he said that he had
no complaint to make as to the qnalitieations of the gentleman in
question (Col. McGregor). He beged the Hoase to bear
that in mind. That gentleman was 'an racer of rank in her
'Majesty's military service, and he had served in the constabu-
lary with the approbation of the c 'entry and the confidence of
the Government. The Lord-Lieutenant had in this appoint-
ment exercised the power vested in him by a nAact v
Act ofeh
Parlia-
ment.
( Here the Noble Duke stoke with
great
anti was much excited. He sent Lord Redesdale to the Li-
brary for the Act of Parliament, notwithstanding repeated cries
of " No, no," " It is not necessary, ' from Lord Normanby and
the Opposition. The Noble Duke proceeded.) But the Noble
Marquis had said that there was some understanding that the
appointment should be made by the inspector-general. He,
however, insisted that the Lord-Lieutenant had h
athe
tpowwaesrhtios
make the appointment as he thought fit, and
duty to exercise that discretion. In fact, the Noble Marquis
himself was the Lord-Lieutenant under whose auspices
that Act was passed.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) By.
this Act all the appointments which had usually been ma-
by the magistrates should for the future be made by the Lord-
Lieutenant Lieutenant of Ireland. The understanding entered into on
that occasion was, that the appointments which had heretofore

been made by the magistrates should hereafter be made by the
inspector-general. This, he believed, was the understanding
then come to. it appeared desirable that he was to become
responsible for the regulation and conduct of the men, should
nominate and select them. This person was the inspector-
general. Such was stated to be the understanding, but what
was the fact, anti how did it appear that these appointments
had been made from the records which had been made of the
appointments in the constabulary force in Ireland? By those re-
cords it was evident that the appointments in that rorce had been
made on the plan of the Metropolitan Police Force Bill ? Well,
what was that plan? Was it that the officers at the head of that
force had the power of appointing the superior officers of that
force, such as Captain May. Certainly not. Those officers were
nominated by the Secretary of State, and the magistrates
made these appointments under this understanding. Was this
the system on which the appointments were made under
Colonel Shaw Kennedy, under the Act of Parliament which
gave some of those appointments to the inspector-general,
and others to the Lord-Lieutenant Did the Noble Marquis
act on the recommendations of Colonel Shaw Kennedy ?
The Marquis of NORNIANBY—He spoke of promotions.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—He spoke of promotions
also—of promotions from the positions of inferior officers to
the positions of superior officers. Did the Noble Marquis act
on this principle—on the principle of the very Act which he
had himself introduced ; and were the recommendations of the
Inspector-General carried into effect ? Why, by the very first
arrangement entered into, with respect to Col. M'Grcgor—
that the appointments, which were, of all appointments, con-
sidered the most valuable, those from the position of ordinary
constables to be head constables, were taken away from him.
The promotions from the rank of sergeant-major to be officers
were also carried on under the same rulow. By this means,
fully two-thirds of the patronage which ought, according
to the representations of the Noble Marquis, to be vested in
the hands of Colonel M'Gregor were taken from his office.
He contended that the Lord Lieutenant had a right, if he
chose, to make all those appointments. All he (the Duke of
Wellington) desired was that he should not be called upon to
consent to this motion to criminate the Lord-Lieutenant,
solely on the ground of an understanding which had never ex-
isted. He said that the Lord-Lieutenant had a right to make
these appointments. Not a word could be said against the
gentleman who had been appointed, and to whom the Noble
Marquis had referred. That gentleman was a man of th
highest character. There was no ground, therefore, for this
motion ; and he called upon their Lordships to resist it. With
regard to the second motion, he confessed that he thought it
extraordiiary that the Noble Lord should found such a motion
in that House on a speech made by a Member of Parliament to
his constituents on his election. The Noble Marquis had al-
luded to the state of Ireland in 1840 and 1841. Were there no
monster meetings in those years ? He thought he could show
him that there were at least a dozen in each year. Were
there no speeches made at those monster meetings, and no
subscriptions by foreigners? He thought there were.—
( Hear, hear.) Those meetings were supposed, by the
law, to be held for the purpose of procuring peti-
tions, but not a word respecti, g petitions was ever uttered
at one of those meetings. At these meetings threats of all
descriptions were held out against the constituted authorities
of the couhtry. And yet they were told that the country at
that time was in a state of tranquillity. If this was tranquil.
lity he had never known what tranquillity was. With respect
to the returns he had not the slightest objection to give to
them ; but he should like at the eame time the Noble Lord to
add a few words to his motion, calling for other returns, show-
ing what number of troops were sent away from Ireland in
the same years. He thought the Noble Lord would find that
the numbers tent to, and takers away, w ar4 nearly equal.
There were few troops either in this country or Ireland that
were not absolutely and essentially necessary to provide for the
forces employed abroad to guard our foreign possessions, and
to preserve the lives of her Majesty's subjects in them. Fre-
quently the forces were not kept at home till the time of
their home services had expired ; and at this moment there
were some about to be sent from this country who had not been
in England a sufficient length of time to admit of their being
fully equipped. The Noble Lord, therefore, would find
nothing in these returns to commit the Government, the Se-
cretary at War, or any other person connected with the army.
Nor would he find anything to support his argument, that any
unlimited force had been kept in Ireland.
The Earl of FORTESCUE said that some observations
having been made by the Noble Duke, implicating his conduct,
as well as that of his Noble Friend who preceded him, with re-
ference to an understanding which was stated to have existed
on this subject, and relating to the power of the constabulary
inspector to nominate persons entitled to promotion in the
force, he trusted their Lordships would allow him to trouble
them with a few observations. He would remind their Lord-
ships of a speech made by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the
head of her Majesty's Government, upon the introduction of
the Irish Constabulary Bill, on the 15th of February, 1836.
The Right Hon. Gentleman, on that occasion, stated that
Colonel Shaw Kennedy should have the appointment of all
officers under him, fur whose conduct he was responsible.
Under that understanding he believed that Colonel Macgregor
succeeded to the appointment of inspector-general of the force.
But the promotions were understood to be of this description.
The gallant colonel was to have the power to promote a
sergeant to the rank of officer, and it was left, he be-
lieved, to the Lord-Lieutenant to promote the officers.
But still the promotion of an officer to a higher rank was uni-
formly left to the recommendation of the inspector-general.
The complaint made by Colonel Macgregor was, that a person
he had recommended to fill the situation of a stipendiary 11111.,,ii-
trate had not been appointed to that situation. Colonel
Macgregor, however, had no right whatever, under the terms
of his understanding, to make say such complaint, the
stipendiary magistracy being a totally distinct body to the
police force. Still, he must confess, that of all the stipen-
diary magistrates appointed in Ireland none performed their
duties more efficiently, or more to the honour of themselves,
than those who were taken from the constabulary force. No
complaint had been made agaiiist the gentleman who had been
appointed in that instance ; and so far as he had had an oppor-
tunity of judging, he believed the gentleman fully capable of
discharging the duties of the office; but he wished it by no
means to be understood that he thought him superior
in this respect to the gentleman recommended by
Colonel Macgregor. The re commendation, however,
of the inspector-general being slighted, they complained that
the force had been injured, and it was upon this ground that he
supported the motion of the Noble Marquis. The Noble Duke
had been pleased to refer to the state of Ireland, and the meet-
ings which had been held in that country in 1840 and 1841,
but he thought the Noble Duke would be fair and just enough
to agree with him that these meetings could not for one moment
be compared with the monster assemblies held in the year
1843, which had since been so frequently discussed in that as
well as the other House of Parliament. If meetings of the
alarming nature described by the Noble Doke bad been allowed
to take place, he (Lord Fortescue) would have been responsi-
ble for the results ; and, certainly, if they had jeopardized the
tranquillity of Ireland, he could never have been able to stand
up in that House and defend his own Administration.
nut be mast remind the Noble Duke that when
the present Government first took office, Sir R. Peel,
in answer to some complimentary observation mode by
his Noble Friend Lord John Russell, admitted that they found
Ireland in a comparatively tranquil and peaceful state. The
Noble Duke bad pointedly alluded to the collection of funds
made at those meetings. Now, during the whole time he had
the honour to be connected with the Irish Government, the
repeal rent was frequently ender 1001. a-week, anti never in
any one week did it, he believed, exceed 2.0C1. Their Lord-
ships were aware that during the years 1843 and 1844 the
amount variedfrom 1,000/. to 2,0001. a-week, and even at the
present time he believed the collections amounted to 500/. or
6001. At all events, he might state the average to be between
300/. and 41t0/., and this was sufficient to indicate the feeling
ill Ireland on the subject of repeal. He was afraid, therefore,
no comparison could be made in the state of Ireland now, with
what it was when he had the honour to hold office. He
would, however, abstain from drawing inferences until
the returns were before them—(Hear)—at the same time
he could not help remarking that the condition of Ireland bad
not improved in latter years. A change, he was glad to see,
was about to dawn upon the country, and if the Govern-
ment would only carry out their present intentions with regard
to Ireland, there could be no question they would soon bring
about a better state of things. He thought the grants they
intended to make to increase the number and powers of Ro-
man Catholic Colleges were likely to secure the future wel-
fare of the people, and create a better feeling in Ireland towards
this country. He had supported the appointment of the Com-
mission to inquire into the relation of landlord and tenant in
Ireland, and he was happy to say the results of that inquiry had
fully borne out his original views on that subject. Certainly
he did not agree in all the suggestions contained in the report ;
but there were some which entirely agreed with what he
thought ought to be done in Ireland, and he only hoped the
Government would carry them into effect. The general tone
and temper in which this report was drawn up was no more
than what he expected from the high moral character of his
Noble Friend who headed the Commission ; and he hoped the
report would receive at the hands of the Government that con-
sideration to which it was so justly entitled.
Lord BROUGHAM said an observation had been made in
the course of the debate upon a speech delivered by a Right
Hon. Friend of his upon the election hustings, which he could
not suffer to pass without a remark. He was perfectly certain
that if anything had been stated in the report of the speech
of his Right Hon. Friend which was not in strict accordance
with the fact, that his Right Hon. Friend had been misrepre-
sented. At all events, if he had made use of the expressions
attributed to him, he must have used them asa figure of speech,
and not meant them as a deliberate statement of fact, because
no man in his senses could have so grossly and diabolically stated
what was not the fact. No doubt the expression was uttered
in the heat of eloquence, and it was on that account excusable.
It appeared then that Colonel Macgregor had been consulted,
but that the individual whom he recommended was not taken,
but another one was taken, one who was allowed to be a fit
man. The course usually taken in the appointment of magis-
trates in this country was for the Lord-Lieutenant of a county
to recommend such persons as he thought fit for the office to
Government, and when the Government were desirous of ap-
pointing an individual, or individuals, to the magistracy, it
was usual to consult the Lord-Lieutenant. That was
the coarse which he (Lord Brougham) had pur-
sued when he held the office now filled by his
Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack. He had
been accustomed to consult the Lord-Lieutenants of counties
when he wished to appoint magistrates, because he naturally
conceived that they
.were most likely to be acquainted with the
characters and positions of the gentlemen in their respective
counties, who were fitted to fulfil the duties of magistrates.
But he had not always followed the recommendation which he
received, and in several instances he had deviated from those
recommendation, and appointed other individuals whom they
had never named. lie (Lord Brougham) therefore thought
that no slight whatever had been put on Colonel Macgregor,
and that he had no real ground of complaint, and he thought
that that House should not interfere with the responsibility of
the Lord-Lieutenant. If the case put before him was a fit case
for attention, the Lord• Lieutenant no doubt would follow the
recommendation ; but if not, he was not in his (Lord Broug-
ham's) opinion bound to attend to it, and if he refrained from
following it ho conceived that his doing so was no slight to
Colonel Macgregor, and that there was consequently no ground
for the present motion.
The Marquis of NORMANDY said he had no disposition to
remark with severity on the speech of the Hon. Member
(Mr. Sidney Howbeit) at Salisbury, but he did exceedingly
regret that his recollection had not been more accurate, when an
Hon. Member chose to make observations respecting any
public proceeding without any expectation of being called to
account for those observations. A time would come when it would
be the duty of Members of either of the Houses of Legislature
to comment upon any observations upon their personal fulfil-
ment of duty. This, he conceived, was an occasion of this
kind. The Hon. Member had made a speech at Salisbury, in
which he had observed very strongly upon proceedings iu Ire-
land ; and he (the Marquis of Normanby ) thought that he
was not at all out of due course in conceiving that there was a
responsibility for these observations.—( Hear, hear.) They
had heard of the responsibility of an Opposition. lie, for one,
felt that there was also a responsibility on the Government ?
( Hear, hear.) What, then, would they say to a man who was
apo violatingnstrno nbe, member
the
enf
adtihsynaettteGttihooanyte rythnheniiewehnat
was, andto
oei a member of the (cabinet,
is;t.het'Jtytn
hearsd of
danoidnog responsibility for
were widely proclaimed tlnlPetceuerTtenadomf rso-ornrthamm aann manifesto,
his
;I in
Lordshipseir neip l of public
conceive mentha
these documents were not fitted for
Their Lordships would recollect one whichrerll remark in
excited
no little House?
attention—he meant the declaration of a Noble Lord not thenseat
n
i
present (Lord Stanley), who had declared in his
another place, in 1e34, that he could never think of joining
with those men in opposition to whom the whole of his public

HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 7.
The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly [before Four
o'clock.

NEW MEMBERS.
Mr. BRINSLEY SHERIDAN was introduced by Lord
Marcus Hill and Mr. Ord, and took the oaths and his
seat for Shaftesbury, in the room of Lord Howard, now
Earl of Effingham.
Mr. DEEDES took the oaths and his seat for East
Kent, in the room of Sir E. Knatchbull.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN, in the absence of the
Hon. Member for Waterford, presented a petition in
favour of the Limerick and Waterford Railway Bill.
PUBLIC- HOUSES.—S A BBATH OBSERVANCE.
Mr. CAREW presented petitions from Llandrossy,
and other places in Wales, praying the House to adopt
measures fur restricting the number of public-houses,
and for preventing the sale of intoxicating liquors on
the Sunday.
Mr. TIIORNELY- presented petitions from places in
Northumberland to the same effect.

Mr. KEMBLE presented petitions from Surrey to the
same elfeet.
• •

Mr. J. S. WORTLEY presented similar petitions.
Lord ASHLEY presented a number of petitions from
places in Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Feotland, to the
same effect. .

Mr. GREENE presented similar petitions.
An IloN. MEMBER presented petitions to the same
effect from places in the West of England.
Mr. HENLEY presented similar petitions.
Mr. FOX MAU fE presented similar petitions.
Mr. LANE FOX presented similar petitions.
AGRICULTURAL PROTECTION.
Mr. E. YORKE presented petitions from landowners,
and occupiers of land, in the county of Cambridge, com-
plaining that the interests of agriculturists had been
overlooked in the past measures of the Government, and
praying that an adequate protection should be afforded
them.

THE LIVERPOOL DOCKS.
An HON. MEMBER presented a petition in favour of
the Liverpool Decks Bill.—Referred to the Committee
on Standing Orders.
AMICABLE ASSURANCE OFFICES.
Sir W. HEATHCOTE brought in this Bill, which
was read a first time.
BI G G LES W ADE AND HERTFORD RAILWAY.
On the motion of Lord MAIION, the Biggleswade
and Hertford Railway Bill was read a second time.
G AM 11 LAWS.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition, signed by
900 persons, inhabitants of the town of Pershore, in
Worcestershire, egainst the gsme-htws.
THE TEN HOURS BILL.
Mr. DUNCOMBE presented petitions in favour of the
Ten Hours Bill.
GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY BRANCH LINES.
Mr. FORBES presented petitions in favour of the
Grand Junction Railway Company's: branch lines.
PAISLEY AND KILMARNOCK RAILWAY.
On the motion of Mr. F. MACKENZIE, the Paisley
and Kilmarnock Railway Bill was read a first time.
EASTERN UNION RAILWAY.
An HON. MEMBER presented a petition from the
Eastern Union Railway Company in favour of the Nor-
wich branch, which was referred to the Select Commit-
tee for Standing Orders.
SOUTILEASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY.
An Hos. MEMBER presented a petition from the
South-Eastern Railway Companies, praying for leave to
withdraw one of their Bills and substitute another in its
place.
Mr. BRIGHT presented petitions against the sale of
in skating liquors from Birdsall, in Cumberland ;
against the game-laws, the window duties, and the in-
crease of the navy.
SEES OF ST. ASAPII AND BANGOR.
Petitions were presented by Lord CLIVE and Mr. W.
MILES, against the union of the stes of St. Asaph and
Bangor.

MALT .TAX.
Mr. W. MILES presented a petition ft orn Harrington
Corney against the malt-tax.
PUBLIC-HOUSES.
Mr. ALDAM presented petitions from several places
in the West Riding of Yt•rkshire, for the diminution of
the number of publie-houses.
NOTICES OF MOTION—CORN LAWS.
Mr. WODEHOUSE gave notice that it was his in-
tention to move an amendment to the motion of the
lion. Member for Stockport which stood first on the
orders of the day for Thursday next. The motion was
for a Select Committee to inquire into the operation of
protective duties upon the interests of tenant-farmers.
To that motion it was his intention to move
as •an amendment the following re solution :
That en inquiry into the operation of pro-
tective duties on imports, as regarded the interest of
tenant-farmers and farm labourers, was objectionable in
principle if the purport of it was to show that they had
a distinct and separate interest from that of their land-
lords, or those on whose property they chose to live ;
that the concliticm of' tenant-farmers and farm labourers
did indeed deserve the most serious attention of Parlia-
ment, and it was the bounden duty of the House so to
shape its deliberation, as to wake known to the occupiers
and tenants of the soil the necessity for their having a
continuance of all protective duties; and that the removal
of all protective duties was averse to the general interests
of all classes of society.
PAROCHIAL SETTLEMENT BILL.
Mr. PUSEY gave notice that, in Committee on the
Parochial Settlement Bill, he would move the omission
of the 33d clause.
ATMOSPHERIC RAILWAY.
Mr. SHAW gave notice that. on Thursday next, he
would move for a Select Committee to inquire into the
merits of the atmospheric, system of railway:
lIONG-KONG.
1)r. BO WRING gave notice that, on Monday, he would
ask the Hon. Member the Under Secretary of State for
the Colonies whether he had any objection to lay upon
the table of the House the correspondence which had
taken place between the Government and the authorities
of Hung-Kong?
AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN gave notice of his in-
tentiou to move, as an amendment to the motion of the
lion. Member for Stockport, which stood for Thursday,
that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the
extent of mortgages on landed property in this country,
and into the cause of agricultural distress.
Mr. COBDEN reminded the Hon. Member that he
had not yet finally decided on the terms of his motion.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said he was aware of it,
but the Hon. Member had previously put upon the paper
a motion similar to his own amendment, and he wished
to bring him back 'to this motion.
GAME-LAWS.
Mr. BRIGHT gave notice that, on Monday, he should
move the appointment of the Select Committee on the
game- laws
CHARGES ON RAILROADS.

Dr. BOW RlNG—begged have, on behalf of the lion.
Member for Greenock, who was unavoidably nh:,ent, to
give notice that he w onld, upon an early day, ask a
question of the Right lion. Gentleman opposite to this
effect—whether it was the intention of the Right Hon.
Gentleman to appoint a competent tribunal for the regu-
lation of the amount of charges to be made for pas-
eenv,ers and goods going by the railways proposed to be
made by the Bills now before Parliament, bearing in
mind the present prices of machinery, materials, and
labour?

SCOTCH BANKING,
Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Provost and
Town Council of Montrose, stating that the banking
system pursued in Scotland for the last century was
most beneficial and advantageous to commerce and agri-
culture, and praying that no alteration might be made
in it.

POOR-LAW UNIONS.
Mr. BARING WALL bagged to ask the Right Hon.

TTIF, SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 8 1845,4

Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment whether the permissive power, given under the 4th
and sth of William IV., to the Poor law Commissioners
to make alterations in unions hail ever been put in f e-ce?
Sir J. GRAIL A M said that though such a power ex-
isted, it had, in fact, never been exercised.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN begged to ask the Right
Hen. Gentlemen at the head of the Government when
it was intended that, the abolition of duty on agricultural
seeds i.hould take effect ? Also, whether the lift would
include clover seed ?
Sir R. PEEL said, the removal of duty would take
place after the present sowing ; probably, in the
of June. Clover seed would not be included.
PURCHASE OF CALIFORNIA.
Mr. S. WORTLEY said he wished to put a question
to tho Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Govern-
ment on the subject of a paragraph which appeared in
the newspapers, and which appeared to receive confir-
mation, in a neighbouring country. It was stated in the
Times newspaper that the English Government had
offered to Santa Anna a sum of 25,000,000 dollars for
the province of California in 1837, and that that beauti-
ful province was on the point of being given up to Great
Britain. The paragraph stated that that was another
proof of the undermining ambition of Great Britain ;
and it also stated that 5,000,000 dollars had been
offered by the American Government. Now, though
that was a paragraph in the newspapers, it professed to
have some foundetion, and considering the avidity with
which-all statements of that kind were laid hold of, both
in France ar.d in the United States, tending to raise
prejudices against the policy of Great Britain, he wished
to ask, first, whether the Right Hon. Gentleman was
aware of any correspondence on this subject having
taken place ; und, secondly, whether there was any
foundation whatever for such statement ?
Sir R. PEEL begged to state in the most distinct and
explicit manner, in answer to the question put by his
Hon. Friend, that he was nut aware of the existence of
any such correspondence, and he believed the report al-
luded to was as utterly without foundation as any report
that ever existed. There were a great many reports re-
specting the undermining ambition of Great Britain,
but he believed such reports were often spread as a pal-
liation for the insertion of others. He was not aware of
any such correspondence being canted on, and he could
find no trace of each a correspondence, so that the report
was utterly destitute of the shadow of a foundation.
Lord PALMERSTON said, on behalf of the late Go-
vernment, that they had never offered in 1537, or any
other year, 37,000,000 of dollars, or any other sum for
any Mexican province.
BUENOS AYRES.
Lord PALMERSON gave notice that be would, on
Monday, put a question to the Right Hon. Baronet on.
the subject of a note presented by Mr. Mandeville, the
representative of Great Britain, on the 16th December,
1842, to the Government of Buenos Ayres, on the subject
of the dispute between that Government and Monte
Video.

CHURCH EXTENSION.
Mr. CHILDERS wished to know from the Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government whether it
was the intention of the Government to grant a Queen's
letter this year ? He was desirous of knowing this,
because the Church Building Society stated that they
would not make any grant to churches which had been
in the gift of trustees—that resolution being in contra-
vention of an Act of Parliament, and also he believed in
opposition to the wishes of the Right llon. Gentleman.
Sir R. PEEL said that the usual practice had been to
issue a Queen's letter in favour of a particular society
triennially. That letter was not usually issued till the
month of August, and he did not suppose the usual
course would be departed from. The subject, he be-
lieved, was now under the consideration of the Etwle-

siastical Commissioners.
FIRE INSURANCES.
Cu!. SIBTHORP gave notice of his intE ration to
move certain returns connected with fire insurances on

Monday next.
COLLEGE OF SURGEONS.
Col. THOMAS WOOD wished to know, from the
Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he
intended to propose uny remedy for the grievances under
which the College of Surgeons laboured ?
Sir JAMES GRAHAM was at a loss to understand
to what
allu grievances the Honourable and Gallant
Member ded. He was himself' not prepared to ad-

The colonies were entitled to protection. Legislative inteur:
ference had given them that claim. He said again that
ttht:
price of sugar in this country was not to be measured by
amount of duty. Some years ago there was a differential du
of 393. against foreign sugar—would liJn. Xlembers hold del
the price of sugar to the con;umer was thereby so rilueb.L.-r,
hanced ? The facts were entirely against such a stlPP°.'"tb
If nineteen or twenty parts of the sugar consumed in tial
country were imported from foreign countries at the difrerer,of
duties mentioned, then the argument might apply, but surelY,l'.
when the case was reversed. We were now near the coaditit,
in which we were in 18'23, when our colonies enabled Lis to

exporters of sugar.
131 v
Sir WILLIAM CLAY said the speech of the HO;
ad,
ronet who had just eat down was entirely beside the questl°hel
tl.e Hon. Member for Stockport. If their colonies farnl4.d,
a supply for exp .rtation above what we required, then hegth,
mitted that there might be some force in the argument °sirs d
Hon. Baronet, and that the differential duty would net rot,
the price of sugar, but that was not the state of things at 1)1°1,0 o
The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Crovernmellthio I
actually calculated upon being obliged to import a conside,fdsv t
quantity of foreign sugar—( Hear, hear)—rnd there coe:101to s
no doubt but the differential duty enhanced the erice, it tsr $
the extent mentioned by the Hon. Member fur Stockeor
least to a very considerable extent. 1
TMr BORHWICK considered the supposition of the grit
Member for Stockport as absurd, and thought he answere
in
Mi own statermire. .)1
r. C. WOOD said the question of the line. Member eel '
Stockport related to the price of all colonial sugar, as coot'
reo
with foreign sugar, and he did not think the slightest pd
hod Set been made towards answering it. He hope" „leo 1
Member of the Government would attempt to give 31,
answer to a plain and practical question. The Govern d
did not deny that the effect of this measure would be t° l'olos 1
a tax on the people of this country, for the benefit of thewo, $
nial producer. The question asked by the lion. Member obis 1
what was the amount of the tax so levied? In that Hon; he )
Member's opinion it amounted to 2,300,0001. He '''i_gt,rerer
wrong in that calculation, but let him be corrected if he
and told what the amount of this taxation really was. snorer
°
Lord SANDON thought it would be impossible to 31.'0 (
the question in the shape new put.—( Laughter, sod F.r.10, °(
" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) But the suell°llJ,night
the Hon. Member for Stockpot t was erroneous, for ".—tsss
with as much justice be contended that we paid !!! this
ation on the 19,000,000 of home-grown corn consumed 10.00 sf
country, the amount of taxation imposed on the 1,00.,,eni0d
quarters of foreign corn imported here. It never was,_"'t the
that protection was intended for the colonies, and °sailors !'
people of this country were taxed in coesequence.—'t,‘„or 1
hear, from the Opposition.) Why, Hon. Members oprthey
were to some extent protectionists themselves---at lee'olo3iX!
recognised the principle. He admitted the c war.
protection ; but what he denied was that they could r°.0,111
amount of taxation in this country, in regard to protect' ,sote 1
the amount of differential duty. The argument of the ;of
Member for Stockport might be very good on the it°,or ties
Covent-garden Theatre, but would not be admitted 1 d to
House, because it was opposed to common sense all I
experience. seen°
Mr. MILNER GIBSON wished to mike only °Tie; fereig°
Last year it was an undoubted fact that the price of
sr eas
auger in bond was 215., while the price of colonial saPtthhe 1
345., and therefore 13s. was squeezed out of the 01
0
by the system of protection.-13s. per cwt. was'
to
average, squeezed out of the public by colonial Pr „ass'
and, therefore, it followed that the British public 0' 2elre°
able to the extent of 13s. Now, they reserve to thee' ryle,
the power of squeezing 10s. 6d. out of the English
s pillere,
By the late law they could squeeze 135., and they otee
tamed the power of squeezing 10s. Gd. more than sogridorer
cost in the markets of the world. They proposed to JO
2,300,000 guineas from the consumers of this counotr2so,to
taxation upon the consumers rather) to the West 1,:;,`,,0001•1,
the colonial proprietors. They gave them, last year, 2ir'retsis!
with a 13s. en every cwt., and they now proposed eter,
power of charging 10s. Gd., and of giving 2,301M7he gigis
to the colonial proprietors, out of the Exchequer. pad
Hon. Gentleman did not say it would not be so. He hollir
heard it stated that his lion. Friend (Mr. Cobtlendetitleooa
proved it would be so given, but the Right Hon,' „v infitedo
did not say it would not be so. it might be MNuset° 3
Hon. Members on that (the Liberal) side of the 14
,t
their utmost to transfer 2,300,00(1 guineas to the We eaetrs,
and to colonial proprietors, out of the Exchequer of ten 0/4
Mr. BROTHERTON said that the case had bee, fors',
stated by His Hon. Friend the Member fur Manchest!ors Pt,
(Mr. Brotherton) found that during the last a", 3 per
average price of British plantation sugar was 199. '.'„ohlel",l
more than for foreign sugar.—t Hear, hear.) The 00 olio
(Lord Sandon) wished tohave the amount of a tail lie (3 5I
Bs. per quarter, supposing that duty to be imposed. est& he
Brotherton) believed that it might be roundlYai/5011' oe
8,000,0001. of a burden on the people. It was ore: he
confessed, to know what proportion of the slatY ; Woe
sugar went into the pockets of the colonial plantersio,o,
remembered that when they were discussing,
(1.. e
' propriety of granting 2.0,000,0001. to the West IL '" otsle:',o)
as some compensation for the emancipation of tqh.other
gentleman from Liverpool called upon him (I‘lr' erset'el i°
and said that he might vote for that, ;elates?'
the country would have the whole 20,000,00°" 041. seel,'"'
its pockets in the course osf a few years. Since `ooerrei
et), ,
ever, they had paid a sum of 19,000,0001. or liu° this
more by this system of taxation. If four millions ° irttoosf
weights of British colonial sugar, therefore, 1,0, of'tirefi
country every year, it was quite clear that 4,00; ,hrs o'loo
wire taken out of the pockets of the people of smef,
Yes, England gave the colonial planters 4,000p0 fact Site
and they took hs exchange 3,000,006/. of their
That was a poor trade, he thought, that Engler ,hoe'Fls°
the colonies 4,000,0001. of money, and that theYhropePtiosi
3,000,0001. of goods. He thought the best an the °
spr,
would be to vote a certain sum of money, zed ¢td
British colonial and foreign sugar then be equalis'
the fact. and lie hoped the House would bear it 1° re for
' during the last five years they had paid 20s. °l° oese,
sugar than they required to do. st thse,gsitit°
Mr. MITCHELL said the Right Hon. Baronet ea 'OP
ber for Stamford had said, that if they took the llrei/g0
plantation sugar it would rise the price of the for s': lul/41
But the Right Hon. Baronet forgot the fact tit 4 oed
sugar were raised 3s. per cwt. in that coutitry, `rodePos:
raised 3s. all over the continent. What theY,OtheireV,
was that they could not compete with foreignerslnbes flips
factures, because they paid in that couritry I°,ll 111,1iliber'
sugar and their other necessaries.—( Hear, hear' er es°.
care whether the price of sugar were low bout tb
si
provided the same price was maintained throne, „po,
tinent. ale1",,111.0
Mr. VILLIERS said that the Right Ifort.that eel
late President of the Board of Trade, had stated with fried)
Member for Stockport had not put his question 1101,,
of eliciting any information. II such were his sietetod
wish, he certainly had been very successful. --e4,100,
er
They had not yet got a specific answer to his tat '4IS it
trusted it would not go forth to the public r losie,!or
ha the Bight Hon. Baronet at the head of hc,clocs" to do
vernmcnt, or the Right Hon. Gentleman the sod ofes,rohior
Exchequer, could tell how much they had her ~1 hose 'by 041
proprietors. Perhaps either of them could tel ries
solos„
country had paid out of its Exchequer to the ciov'eti toOrr.t
sugar duties. There was an additional price the'ehor
planters for their produce. That was done toot be
tial duties. Now surely the Government cout.'a't tee ° 110
was the amount of that sum? 'they knew w' here, °J, sod
in the markets. They knew what it, sold for ores?, ;s0
they would be enabled to purchase it for fro re for
subject had been deeply meditated durinkroghto befiese
they were no doubt prepared, when they
~uorsey t "(Potts
this mea-ure, to say what was the i.rice neet" Ipoess'ble Iroje
on each cwt. of sugar in order to save the We' ti ealuisof rts°
anti a laugh.) He would refer them I°e 1300,0 et
written by a gentleman connected wit,h get'otecl
entitled st The Progress of the Nation• • lied 0 Ile
ooe
Mr. Porter, and his book was now real' oath est rob
authority upon the subject upon which it "'net to 040'1
call the attention of the Right Hon. Bar°,oooll, Ward°
in that work. It said that the
in the year 1841, a sum more than they reriu. isoe,°oool. 001
sugar, of 5,000,000/. Mr. Porter, of till. oftet ,he e se,
stated that the British public paid, in 184 s_alue otiort jos
people in tuts ireato , of
than they needed to do. He said that the :de s pfr 040
trade was 4,000,0001. ; and that if theY,
their trade for that year, and retained the he to ei
tool
given to the growers of sugar, they w°°_, 00°01 tool
ocket.—(llear, hear.) If that had hee%user , se:
Members on that (the Liberal) side of the ~
Pt' ber";
ao tier
I have been charged with extrayrigalloe_eo - hoe
„,, tier
then be said that the question elooie
swered, for if any person wanted to _
of prow hst00,00;
was paid to colonial proprietors in the shape Theibt
might look in that work, and know, hp, jf• bong
that amount every year for sugar, whvlee
burgh or Trieste, would have been fi 0,011: 1
el,rcrtilo
from our colonial possessions cost just as 04 tco,
complained of this loss to the Public' woo 1"0, o°4 if,
enough, asked for whom they were t" ,suistier'srojsell
They asked the Government for their et"ioe ro'
should at
but barely just that the House ._ed IP
amount of loss the British public sustain 11!)%
tent ion. of the biped
Mr. I'. BORTHWICK explainet% thetiel °do
Mr. THORNELY said they had o
tt,iht
parliamentary papers throwing sufficie.nei!kt,,ricetsl` of tt,
both as to the quantity imported and l7:,:1,00 el;ioteers?
foreign sager. He would take the par;
~vd p
errio4o
Hon. Member for Lambeth (Mr. Haw3'), told ti •0•
1, te,or
use of the House on the 2d of 'May, 18 o,olPt° • antler 51
had then by him. Ile found that the c0,,4 ost.,roloo,do,or
sugar in
steel year 1640, was 3,1594,8Ji0,
column w aced the prices of musFay.a!riee of wo, snteto.;,
prices of sugars from the Brazils. Tnezvaies brO:foset_ the!?
1840, was 495. per cwt., and that of BO e, thOirrroil tO 00,
was only 21s. lid.—showing a thfferenacs of 1 refefe'rePoe
the prices of British sugars and the
troj, (hC,, thee rroods
tent of 275. 6d, upon the cwt. It fell, eor,ortb, 41)'
the quantity consumed—namely, 3,s".„eired oitin
difference in price, owing to taxation
lion of those colonies, of 4,957,87a1. A .°ll`°
guineas of five millions of moneys,s,„, E: too tbf
After a few words from Mr. KP-.3ll)ltit, eotr_rece
Mr. P. M. STEWART said there ad !odd el"
ragement for him, after hearing the o1"°_, the c°loolo,o ro 1,,/
Members beside him, to rise in defence
e°,l_restcliri,'et srL.res,l!
But he would remind the House that
..:112,11ur 035: fatteyespo
possessions competing yr ith the slavel sta'a been s
the monstrous legislation to which theyo_ ;wort! the
,• 11:est°00/,
(Hear, hear.) The lion. Membeel r_ voted fe_if eoll'irotifose
a friend from Liverpool said, that if ..,,„ vra,„
tion of the negroes in our colonies, tutor7.l4oy 190,,s yoj
of :Or of
fslr
would be repaid in a few Yea"' ac▪ he
5 r jos or,
in these possessions. But h period ft", the OP '4dl v 4.5
duction ?In 1833, at the _T, tour ooat"rs'icraisirtsi
calculated upon an increase in the fact
,s_icipset 000
slaves, the colonies produced 207,1-Kty
e the the
but since the passing of that measuer.action 0
hi sigeovrso?
duced to 107,000 tong. This d
r en
degree, 01.1 iocrd rd
the vetY t°bro°,-iti di'
powers of the colonies was owinnzne
the Government, owing to the iintp
edi solo 1( it '•l7-41
receive a fair day's wages for a fair !1▪ , bee, ties, ett,
been for those difficulties there wao?l4_,"lo7,oo'cid
(olfegtrheoes'etowhtiolewdiisffiheecullttoiesernthi;;ol. (ro,
Clement of this question. Instee:`they
t:00, lifeeropt;
the exportable quantity at
.preos_f' esarsul'lrieo t,y
sufficient quantity :for their
otherL coo? his
_010.001.'0
enabled also to export to,olo of the iiirhsoroi
" threw °craVe°l 14° tee
tehe seoeohnmeiresthey n the -re -c°
(Fleraieltndswdiethsirectih,
ntages ve the (Or plei,
were labouring under disadv.!
er
_sent 51
_or 5
000
re,
.0,
his lion. Friends. Let the Gov nie r
1 bourere sun eie
better. The unfortunate
sufficiency of free a fond', sc their 11)0
meet to get a
he restric coo thes
ment—let them take off t
colonists hoe ros or
proprietors t wet e 0 e.,,,r04
positive prohibitions—let the
.......
where they liked all, let theiriss t°olretre°el
whence they pleased, and, abort- _ ,tish aynio,
let rooly
off the differential duties between
for' j
- the °°,,°trie"lo''aillf not
imported from the colonies.h
othsr e-,,het toleidl
thrown into competition wtt 0,0,41 do
Atej,
she .41t.`d,
least have a free stage, and they
t, herelle,,,,aellhieer;sseo'ot
themselves. They were at prFseurct he 101.aid5 Ifi "to Jo 0,
ill-advised legislation Let him with
,ite.ool
mean the Emancipation Act—bu tne d
their traset oleo c°lleGi
(Hear, hear).
thrown in the way of extending Baton' 4 jut,.h t A
He would say to the Right Hor.
or otter, „saldritl.,,,
take deleterious drugs or other Totnthe Wale (o°:,s et; 01
tion ; but take up this subject in
of 11t: _ oar:, ree
majority of the intelligent
Perroduce of trootzle
let therd Goo fa,
co
be admitted into England upon
view it ; he would say, let thel terms tha