The Sun.
London, England, 1829-08-13 00:00:00

ina their conviction that the more enlightened
portion of the English manufacturing and com-
mercial interests were at bottom much less tena-
cious of the present practice, than the corres
ponding classes in France ; and that in the latter
country, somethirig more of energy in the Ad-
ministration must be an indispensable prelimi-
nary to any change in the ititernational commer-
cial regulations likely to be permanently and mu-
tually advantageous. Now this infusion of ad-
ditional vigour is precisely what is insisted upon
as the natural and inevitable result of the late

fundamental change of Ministry. It is unneces-
sary to waste many words to establish an almost
self-evident proposition, but if any proof is re-
quired of the prodigious disadvantage of the
existing order of things, it will be found in the
Official Parliamentary Returns of the two Coun-
tries, which show that the commercial intercourse
of France and England is inferior in extent and
value to that which exists between England and
a second-rate German State—Saxony, for in-
stance, or Bavaria. This fact, uncontradicted
and incontrovertible, should, we would think,
be sufficiently decisive. We do not affect to
know the exact nature of the measures in con-
templation on this important subject ; but we
have heard—and from such a quarter as leaves
no doubt of the authenticity of our information
—that some great and effectual change is confi-
dently looked for, and that there is little appre-
hension, on the part of the British Cabinet, of
experiencing the same inexpugnable opposition
they have hitherto encountered from the pre-
judice or timidity of the men to whom the in-
terests of France were confided.—Thid.

It would appear from the examination of Sir
A. B. King, the King's stationer of Dublin,
that he supplies the different offices in Ireland
with paper of English, not Irish manufacture.
We should hope that the Government will order
the supply in future to be of Irish manufacture,
it being, according to Sir Abraham's account,
cheaper. A curious secret has come out on
this inquiry into the Dublin Stationery affair,
that the Lord Lieutenants, cooks, Sze., have the
privilege of so much paper being allowed them.

It is evident that the cooks, &c. have little or no
use for the paper, and for this reason, they do
not receive the paper, but its value in money
from Sir Abraham. Mr. Hume, at the next
meeting of Parliament, we hope will take up this
paper affair, as well as other matters of a similar
nature in Ireland. The grants (as they are
called) for Ireland have been tolerably plentiful
for a great number of years past. But we hope
that they will be more narrowly looked to than
they have been. Our belief is that one• half of"
the grants for Ireland might be saved to the
people. For our part, we are sick of this word
"grant'' being used in the way it is toogenerally,
for as it respects Ireland especially, the word
" grant" too often means throwing away money
among a parcel of people who do nothing for it.
—Morning Herald.
It seems to be deemed necessary to caution
the world against the belief that the recent change

the French Administr4tion has had its source

in anti-Russian principles, and promises to lead
to:consequences adverse to the interests and de-
signs of Russia. If this admonition were neces-
sary, it would be prudent and beneficial ; for it
would be both discreditable and disadvantageous
to the new Ministers of France to suppose that
their accession to-office is the signal, or is likely
to prove the cause, of any violent and abrupt
change in the foreign policy of their country.
We are anxious to believe that the principles
which will actuate the Statesmen who have just
been called to preside over the destinies of

France are the most remote that can be imagined
from sudden and violent transitions of any kind;
and we must do their predecessors the justice to
acknowledge our conviction that they have left
the foreign relatioms of that country in a state in
which no such transition can be necessary. With
respect to the affairs of the East of Europe, the
interests of France and England were so plainly
the same, and the interests of both so evidently

adverse to any project of aggrandizement on the
part of Russia, that little doubt could be enter-
tained as to the course which France would pur-

sue under any Administration whatever. To
maintain the balance of power in Europe as it
now exists, was and is an object of French policy
which no Statesman could misunderstand, under-

value, or neglect,unlessby renouncing the name and
character of a French Statesman, and aspiring
to that Cosmopolitan reputation and influence
which is the day-dream of Liberalism—which,
in attempting to grasp the whole universe, takes
firm and secure hold of nothing—which pursues
a vain shadow, and neglects whatever is real and
substantial. If the professions of Russia turn
out to be sincere, that she meditates nothing
inimical to the present settlement of Europe, in
this case the principles of the present Adminis-

tration of France will not be anti-Russian. If those
professions are hollow, the principles of the late Ad-
ministration would probably have proved anti-It us-
sian. What, it may then be asked, is gained or lost
on either hand by the change ? The answer is
easy, and we think sufficient—the former Ad-
ministration was in some degree connected with
and dependent upon the support of a party,
many of the it lividuals of which take a pride in
acknowledging their indifference, while some of
them do not disguise their hostility to the pre-
sent settlement of Europe. It was therefore
within the reach of a disturbing and paralyzing

. .
influence with respect to its foreign policy, which
impaired its claim to confidence. From this in •
fluence the new Administration is entirely free,
the party by whom it would be exercised standing
towards them in the relation of a vowed and
open enmity. This is much, but it is not all.
The character and pi-gbable conduct of the
French Government, in any conceivable emer-
gency, must be an important element in the gal•
culations of any Power that is balancing between
the risks and the advantages of an encroaching
.rl ambitious policy. It is now more certain
than it was a week ago, that the names of Phil-
hellenisin 4.a philanthropy, by which we have
seen nations and goyernments led astray, will
possess no power in the Frciu-.:1; Councils that is
incompatible with the solid and perrucnent in-
terests of France. And is there any man who
can believe this
.cert4nly will be without its effect
iip.OP the deliberations of st. etersburgh, or
the militsry IrAoyemerits between the Pantibo and
Adrianople ?—itigillir.ig Post.
Mr. Peel's new Police Regulations are, we
fear, wore likely to disappoint than to gratify'
those who
,atitiizipate from their operation a
material improvement Fr the protection of the
persons r*.ni.) property of the public. His division
of districts, and his allotment of them to super,
intendants, inspectors, se6cants, and police con-
stables, may '440 as wise as it appears Methodical ;
but it seems to us that there is one radical defect
at ihe i/ottom of time whole, and that that defect
will vitiate the whole system. We allude to the
inadequate pay wilich it has been thought proper
to bestow on the new guardians of the public.