The Sun.
London, England, 1829-04-15 00:00:00

tion involving the domestic piece or the country,
might, in the actual state of the world, have been the
difference between instant security and 40 years of
peril. The providential accession of one firm hand to
the Government has favored, and sensibly hastened,
this blessed consummation-. TO the Duke of Welling-
ton belongs the glory of having forced—throtigh
difficulties previously supposed insarmountable—
fumed, we say, into immediate action the torpid
or repugnant convictions of men, and of having
turned to a profit altogether inestimable, even to the
preservation of the Brit'sh empire, those truths
which lay hoarded up and unproductive in the in-
tellectual magazines of the realm. The fame of him
who has accomplished this matchless work required
no such addition to raise him far above the level of
ordinary citizens. To a reputation for sagacity,
courage, and steadiness, which it would have been
puerile to withhold from the Duke of Wellington
for services long since before the world, he has '
now united the more substantial and ennobling
renown of benevolent anxiety for the happiness of
his fellow•subjects. He who fears nothing for
himself has not been ashamed to tremble for his
country. From a long course of splendid triumphs,
he has brought home the most precious gift that con-
queror ever laid upon the altar,—an abhorrence of
civil war. But we stand too near the foundation of
this statesman's monument to measure its full emi-
nence or proportions. Posterity will judge it right.
No widow, nor orphan,—no slave, nor captive, will
curse the civic crown upon his temples; or stain,
with their tears, the record of his peaceful victory.
These praises are due to the friend of civil liberty,
" and they will wear well, for they have been dearly
earned." Whether the Duke of Wellington has
been cordially—nay, more, successfully—supported
by the independent press of England in this great
contes., we shall not presume to affirm ; nor do we
know whether he is sensible of that succour. But
at least he shall find that there is an independent
press, as independent of his Grace as of his enemies.
rhe Duke of Wellington has entailed very deep ob-
ligations upon hi 4 country ; and let him fully under-
stand, that if he has entailed obligations, in the same
degree has he incurred them. The Duke cannot,
from this hour, afford to be any thing but a great
Minister. His own immortal deeds will follow him
like furies, and destroy him when he deviates but an
inch from the path of honour. " He who has
achieved such greatness, can find no safety in little-
ness." There are still vast public interests to be
guarded—mighty principles to be vindicated—
grievous wrongs to be redressed—powerful repara-
tions to be enforced against powerful offendets ;
rights of commerce—rights of jurisprudence—rights
of representation—rights of humanity—all to be
brought under speedy and frequent deliberation.—
Let the Duke of Wellington therefore look to it
well. Does he plead want of acuteness ?—the Ca-
tholic Bill ! Want of influence ?—the Catholic Bill!
Want of resolution ? again, and for ever, the Catho-
lic Bill !—carried against odds incomparably more
fearful, and through difficulties more besetting than
any one, or than all together, of those ameliora-
tions in our internal policy, which the foes of
mercantile monopoly, or of ruinous litigation, or of
bribed boroughs, or of perverted poor laws, or of
barbarous corn laws, demand—and will insist upon,
please God—from whomsoever may happen to be
our rulers. We say that the Duke of Wellingron
cannot henceforth pretend a want of penetration to
appreciate, or of power to execute, any scheme of
salutary policy which the public good may require
of a Government to adopt. With want of integrity
we, at least, shall be slow to charge him ; but it is
fair and frank to apprise his Grace, that the British
nation is a discerning mistress—and that she can
flout the unfaithful suitor as well as caress the true.
Had ;sir. Canning lived until now, the Duke of Wel-
lington might indeed have reckoned on an auxiliary
in every elevated.and comprehensive purpose of na-
tional aggrandizement ; such as, we fear, he may
vainly seek among even the best intentioned of
lose who still surround him.—Times.

The good effects of the Catholic Relief Bill are
already felt in the decided tone and attitude re-
cently assumed in our diplomatic relations. A spe-
cific outline of the English policy with reference to
the affairs of the East of Europe, has been commu-
nicated to the Russian Government, with an intima-

tion that it is to be considered as final. It is also
asserted and believed, that Mr. Gordon carries out
corresponding instructions for his guidance in the ne-
gociations with the Ottoman Porte. The unhappy
affair in which the Russian Resident at the Court
of Persia lost his life, is supposed to have been the
result of a premeditated plan, and is likely to lead
to impottaut results. Government are understood
to have received information on the subject through
the medium of a Special Messenger, but the precise
nature of his intelligence is unknown. The report
of the early retirement of Sir Anthony Hart from
the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and the
consequent accession of Lord Plunkett to that h;gli
station, is revived, and generally credited; among
the members of the Irish Blur, it is looked upon as
a settled affair. Few, if any, of the legal changes
contemplated—and they are numerous and impor-
tant beyond most former precedents—will be carried
into effect until after the prorogation. The efferves-
cence inseparable from the agitation of a great
national question, is the reason assigned (and a
most sufficient one it is) for the delay.—ilioriting
Chronicle.

The discussion of two nights on the subject o.
the Silk Trade must have the effect of satisfying
the country, that the sufferings of those engagei4 in
the trade cannot be alleviated by the measures so-
licited by them. Nothing, in fact, has been stated
by those who called for a Committee, excepting the
mere fact of distress, which in all branches of trade
must be of periodical occurrence, because it is im-
possible that numbers of men acting without con-
cert, can always produce a particular commodity to
the extent which the wants of buyers require; and
when once the due measure of supply has been
passed there must be a stagnation, till fresh wants
exhibit themselves in an increasing demand. The
less Government interferes with the industry of the
country, the sooner will an existing distress remedy
itself, for the interference of Government can only
lead to hopes and expectations, and speculations
founded on them, which must end in disappoint-
ment, and consequently aggravate the evil. Much
evil has already beau done by the indecision of
Government last year. Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald ob-
served, on Monday night, " I will venture, how-
ever, to submit the reasons why I deprecate the
endeavours of the lion. Member for Coventry to
defer this subject to a Committee of In-
quiry. The lion. Gentleman knows that
nothing has been so fatal to the. Silk Trade
for the last two months as the opinion—the
unjust, the unfounded opinion—that there was rea-
son to expect a change in the principles on which
the silk-trade has been conducted. I know not
why or by whom that opinion was so studiously cir-
culated, but I am anxious for an opportunity to dis-
abuse those who have been so deceived." This
may be true with respect to the last two months;
but it was justly observed by Mr. Poulett Thomson
last night," that the stagnation in the silk-trade was
in a great degree attributable to the delay of Minis-
ters in declaring the course which they meant to
pursue with respect to it." We rejoice that they
have at last broken silence, and put an end to all ex-
pectations of change, which can only deceive indivi-
duals to their ruin. Our readers would see, from
Mr. Fitzgerald's speech, in yesterday's Chronicle,
that it is proposed to lower considerably the duties,
both on thrown silk and on tram, &c. which give
the throwster a protection at the expence of the
manufacturer, to the injury of the trade. In order
to encourage exportation, a drawback is to be allowed
on exportation equal to the duty paid on importation.
We wish the word protection had never been heard of.
The idea'of protecting duties is but of comparatively
recent origin. Taxes used formerly to be considered
merely with reference to revenue ; and, indeed,
when they are levied for any other purpose than
rcvemre, this proceeds from a misapprehenSion of
Goveuinients of their pioper functions. A dhty

levied for protection is merely taking money from
the pockets of one class of subjects to give to another
class. However protection, even in this sense, has
its limits ; and these limits are the rate at which
the smuggler can afford to indemnify himself for his
risk. Protection to this extent is afforded to the
English manufacturer. The figures used by Mr. V.
Fitzgerald prove, too, that if the trade is suffering,
it does not suffer froin foreign competition; because

the operations of the manufacturer have been con-
ducted on a more extensive scale since the removal
of the restrictions than before. The sense of the
House was strongly manifested against the Motion ;
for Mr. l'yler having pressed a division, the numbers
were—

For the Motion
Against it .
Majority 1 is
What seemed to excite great surprise on all hands
was the strange tissue of inconsistencies which fell
from Mr. Baring on Monday night. Mr. P. Thorn-
ton observed that" it was the duty of every man
to make himself acquainted with the subject on
which he addresses the House, and he must fear-

lessly accuse the Hon. Gentlemen, the Members for
Callington, Newark, and Coventry, of not having
made themselves acquainted with it." But what wp
complain of is the loose way in which he spoke, not
merely on the subject of the question immediately
before the House, but on almost all others con-
nected with the commerce and industry of the
country. Mr. Baring has the reputation of under-
standing commercial affairs, and his enormous wealth
acquired in commerce 'gives an importance to what-
ever falls from him. His arguments would go to
destroy all commerce whatsoever A favourite
argument in support of free trade principles (he
said) was, that we were bound to pursue the
right course; while other nations, if they choose
to go wrong, why let them persevere. I must
confess that I cannot go the whole length
of this proposition, for I think that it will
never do for one country to take every thing
while others take nethin;•; the only remedy for
which will be, that it will at length be checked from
taking by its absolute poverty and incompetence to
do so." No country takes from another anything
which is of less value at home than what it gives in
exchange. Now how, in God's name, can a country
be reduced to absolute poverty by constantly re-
ceiving what is of more value to it than what it
gives—that is constantly receiving an addition to its
wealth by the difference in value between what it re-
ceives and what it gives ? This is the old slang of
what is called the Mercantile Theory, according to

which money is alone riches. Money will
however, be given for that is of more value to
the giver than money. When more must be given
for the gold and silver than for that which the gold
and silver is required for, the latter will cease to
be taken as a matter of course. Nations must b;: both

buyers and sellers, and their baying is the condition
of their selling. When we talk, therefore, of selling
to India, we must mean also buying from India.
What does Mr. Baring say ? " With respect to the
trade in India silk, I must also be allowed
to say a few words. India silk, as the law now
stands, pays a duty of 50 per cent., which the Right
Hon. Gentleman proposes to reduce to 20 per cent.
It is true that those who are engaged in the manu-
facture of these articles in India are our subjects; and
I am aware how unfair it appears to make their ma-
nufacture pay any duty on coming into this country.
Such an argument is, undoubtedly, a very specious
one, arid one which calls for a great deal of atten-
tion : but at the same time I cannot help feeling that
we have fellow-subjects rather nearer to us—(hear,
bear,)—living in our own manufacturing towns, and
who may, perhaps, be harder pressed to make a
living of it than those who are in India—(hear,
hear) :--and I must confess that I cannot help com-
ing to the conclusion, that if we allow this class of
goods to come into this country on so low a duty,
it will be the means of breaking up the only portion
of the trade which we had any chance of keep-
ing—cutting away from under you the small hope
that was lefr."—(Hear, hear.)—Just a little before
he had said, " a great deal of the difficulties we are
labouring under are no doubt owing to the many
rash adventures that were some little time ago sent

out to India, and to the uncertain state of the mar
kets in South America; as many Hon. Gentlemen
must well know,. the state of trade in Glasgow two
years ago was such that traders were encouraged to
take up goods at nine and twelve months' credit to
go into adventures of some sort with them ; the re-
turnfor these goods having failed, they were unable
to take up their bills, and the consequence was that
a great deal of discredit prevailed." Mr. Baring
says, if we allow this class of goods to come into
this country on so low a duty, it will break up the
silk trade—the West Indians say, if you allow their
sugars to come into England, this will ruin us—one
class of monopolists after another starts up and calls
loudly for exclusion of India goods. The Glasgow
and Liverpool traders send goods to India; but, ac-
cording to Mr. Baring, fail in obtaining a return for
them—that is, your system of exclusion renders
a profitable trade- with India impassible. And
his result is that which Mr. Baring advocates ! He
does not see that he is sacrificing the manufacturers,
whose cargoes were sent to India for the supposed
protection of another class of manufacturers. The
most amusing exhibition in the course of the two
days' discussion was that of Mr. Alderman Waith-
man, who announced with much gravity, two or
three days ago, that he would set the Legislature
right on .the subject, and last night informed the
House that " he did not understand the doctrine of
free trade ; he had read many books on this sub-
ject, and on political economy, but they only be-
wildered him ; he did not know after reading them
whether he had any common sense or not; things
that once appeared certain quite lost that charac-
teristic." But though books on political economy
have only bewildered him, he has discovered,
without study, that " landlords should not be
wholly without protection, and the principle adopted
by the Legislature was to give them a remunerating
price." Of course every other class ought to have
remunerating prices, and every class of men in
every foreign country should have also, after our
example, remunerating prices. What becomes then
of Mr. Alderman Waithman's " manufacturers, who
manufacture for all the world ?" We perceive that
the Worthy Alderman is in prime condition for en-
lightening the world on these subjects. According
to Mr. Baring, we are a doomed nation—our silks
are condemned—our wools and cottons must follow.
It is some consolation, however, to find from Mr.
P. Thompson's statements that every year we are
consuming more and more sugar, coffee, and other
good things, and wearing more and more fineries.
It must be some consolation if we are ruined that
we continue to live better than we did. Of course
nothing is ever paid for. We must he all over head
and ears in debt ; for bow can a ruined nation live
better and better ?—Morning Chronicle.
We do not at all wonder that a petition should
be presented to Parliament by a great body of Law
Practitioners complaining of the inconveniences and
inutility of the Court of King's Bench—of the new
Court, let it be remembered, in the erection of which
so large a sum of public money has been so recently
expended. It was truly enough ob,erved by Sir
James Scarlett, in piesenting this petition, that
" there was not an Assize-town in the kingdom
which did not possess a more convenient Court-
house" than this, the great civil and criminal Court
of the British empire. The architect, it is said, ex-
cuses himself by alleging that he did all he could in
:the confined space allotted him. But when all be-
comes inevitably so much too little, there was an
obvious course to pursue—viz., to decline doing
;any thing. We think that every man is bound,
both by public duty and by a sense of what is due
to his own reputation, if he has a task assigned him
which he is preconvinced cannot he well executed,
fairly to tell his employers so, and to decline being
the instrument of it. Of all the follies of the pre-
sent day, the brick-and-mortar mania seems the most
extensive and appalling. If we except the splendid
and judicious work at Windsor Castle (against
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