The Sun.
London, England, 1827-02-07 00:00:00

THE ARMY.

His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, it is understood,
will be appointed Colonel-in-Chief of the 60th Rifle Corps, vice
his Royal Highness the Duke of York, deceased.

A Detachment belonging to the 16th Regiment of Infantry
marched this morning, from Westminster from Weedon.
A Detachment belonging to the sth Regiment of Foot marched
this morning, from Westminster for Coventry, on route to Hull.
A Detachment belonging to the 36th Regiment of Infantry
marched this morning, from Wkstminster for Coventry, on route
to Bolton.

A Detachment belonging to the 56th Regiment of Foot marched
this morning, from Westminster for Coventry, on route to Man-
chester.

A Detachment belonging to the East India Company's Service
embarked this morning, on board a steam-vessel in the River, for
Gravesend, on route to Chatham.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

MALTON CRAVEN MEETING, 1827.
First week in April, the Craven Stakes of 10 soya. each, two year
olds, 6st. 21b. ; three, Bst. 21b. ; four, Bst. 111 b. ; five, 9st.
11b. ; six, 9st. 51b. ; and aged, 9st. 71b. One mile and a
quarter.
Mr. Butler's ch. c. Dragoman, by Interpreter, 3 yrs
Mr. Watt's ch. f. by Catton, out of Altisidora, 3 yrs
Col. King's ch. f: Ultima, by Bourbon, 4 yrs
Ld. Queensberry's gr. e. Sillery, by Catton, 2 yrs
Mr. 11. Watson's br. c. by Prime Minister, 2 yrs
Ld. Fitzwilliam's b. e. Humphrey Clinker, by Comus, 4 yrs
Mr. Richardson's hr. e. Brownlock, by Blacklock, 4 yrs
Sweepstakes of 20 sovs. each, for rising three years old colts,
Bst. 51b. ; and fillies, Bst. 21b. One mile and three quarters.
Mr. Petre's ch. c. Tom Jones, by Altier—Leopoldine
Sir T. Sykes's b. c. by Cervantes, dam by Sir Paul
Mr. Haworth's b. c. by Blacklock, Cottage Girl
Mr. Watt's ch. f. by Blacklock, sister to Duport
Mr. Hopkinson's ch. c. Geloni, by Hazard
Barton Stakes of 25. sovs. h. ft. for rising three yrs old colts, Bst.

Gib. ; and fillies, Set. 21b. Mile and a half.
Mr. F. Lumley's b. c. by Catton, Merlin's darn
Major Yarburgh's b. c. Laurel, by Blacklock
Mr. Marson's br. f. by Whisker—Vicissitude
Mr. Crompton's b. c. Burlador, by Cervantes
3lr. 'Wright's b. c. Sampson, by Blacklock
Sweepstakes of SO sovs. each, 10 ft. for rising two years old colts,
Set. olb. ; fillies, Bst. 21b. Half-a-mile.
Mr. W. Scott's b. c. Picturesque, by Doctor Syntax
Col. King's br. f. Bessy Bedlam, by Filho—Lunatic
Mr. Kitching's b. c. Murphy, by Filho, dam by Cervantes
Mr. Watt's ch. f. by Whisker
Mr. Hopkinson's b. f.- Eliza, by Elk), dam by Vermin
Sweepstakes of 20 soya, each, for rising three years old fillies,
Set. Slb. each. One mile.
Ld. Milton's ch. Oriana, by Amadis—Governaute
Mr. T. Legard's b. by The Laird—Quickly
Mr. Mortis's b. by Tiresias
East-Riding Union Stakes of five. sous. each, for horses not tho-
rough-bred, Fee,. four years old, 1 Ist. ; five, I Ist. 10Ib. ; six
and aged, 'l2st. 21b. Gentlemen riders. Two miles.
Mr. Teesdale's b. c. Sweep, by Bourbon, 4 yrs.
Mr. Barehead's br. h. Pinder, by Tramp, 6 yrs.
Mr. Gilbert's ch. h. by Paul, aged
Seven other Subscribers did not name.
(Catteriek Bridge to-morrow.)

There is at present in the General Infirmary at this
place a woman, formerly a straw-hat-maker, from various parts
of whose body thirty-seven needles have been extracted. She was
subject to fits, and is supposed to have swallowed the needles at
times when in that state,—Hull „Advertiser.

A fine otter, weighing 251b5., was shot on Wednes-
day last, in the river Stour, immediately behind Barton Mill, by
Mr. T. Kingsford, jun. The animal measured, from the snout to
the tip of the tail, three feet six inches, and made but little resist-
ance when seized by the dog, after the fatal wound had been in-

THE OLD JACKET.—Last week, an honest tar ar-
rived at -Shields from London, after a perilous voyage, receiveAl
his wages, and thinking it a sin to pass old friends, called at several
houses where he tasted heart-reviving cordial, but on reaching
home found he had lost his wages. He went to bed disconsolate
enough, but at four o'clock the fumes of the grog having evapo-
rated, he recollected having left the money in the pocket of an old
jacket he wore at sea. He instantly rose, took a boat from North
to South Shields, where the ship lay, entered the half-deck, where
a poor boy was sitting over an expiring lamp, weeping bitterly.
On asking the cause of his grief, the boy stated that his master
had bought him a complete new rigging that evening but tbat the
ship had been robbed, and, amongst other things, his fine clothes
were stolen. Poor Tom bit his quid, and exclaimed, "Bub it's
of no avail, otherwise I would blubber with you to recover my
wages, which doubtless are gone amongst the rest." But turning
round, he espied his old jacket, which the thieves had thought
not worth carrying away, and in it he found his wages safe as be
bad left them.—Berwick Advertiser.

~,
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(From Blackwood's Magazine for February.)
The connexion of England with Persia may be said to have
commenced with the missign of General Sir John Malcolm to
Tehran, in 1800 ; and the first fruits of the alliance were the
commercial and political treaties concluded by him in 1801. The
latter engaged Persia to attack the Afghans, who then threatened
our possessions in India, and to exclude the French from' the
Gulf of Persia.

In 1805, the Shah, finding himself unable,to cope with Russia,
addressed a letter to Napoleon, then in the zenith of Ms glory.
requesting his assistance, and desiring to form an alliance with
France.

So little was at that time known of Persia, in Europe, that
the court of Paris were even ignorant whether the person who,
had addressed those letters was really entitled to the rank he as-
sumed, and M. Jaubert was sent to Tehran to ascertain the con-
dition of the country, and the state of affairs in that quarter.
On the return of M. Jaubert to Europe, in 1800, Meerea.
Reza was sent by the Persian Government on an Ernbaisy to NA,
polcon, whom he' accompanied to Tihsit, and with whom ha con-
cluded a treaty, which was ratified' by the Emperor at- Finken-
stein, in May, 1807.
•In the same year, Mahommed Nebbee Khan was /sent on a
niission to the British Government in India, to claim our assistance
against Russia; but this mission was unsucceesfnl, and Persia,
losing all hope of support from her old ally; had no alternative
but to throw herself into the arms of France.
The possessions of Great Britain in India bad become so im_
portant, that it was believed her power in Europe. might be el-
fated by an attack on her Eastern derninionts; and NapOleon-,
therefore, turning his attention to Asia, gladly seized the,oppOr-,
tunity which was afforded hint to' establish a connexion with
Persia, which he justly considered a necessary preparatory step to
his projected invasion of India. .•
• General Gardanne was charged with a minion from the French
Emperor to the court of the Shah, and the failure of the applica-
tion which had been made to India for assistance—the readiness
with which the French had entered on the alliance, and the
promises which were made by the French Ambassador,—com
bined to secure to hint a distinguished reception.
. The success which attended the mission of General Gardanne,
.forced the British Government, here and in India, to take measured
to counteract the views of France; and.from the commencement
of this competition between France and England for adcdudaney,
in the councils of Persia,. may be dated her political connexioy.rith.
Eu rope.
From this time forward Persia
_became inseparably connected
with European policy ; and though the circumstances ashicla fire*
caused her to be involved in it have ceased to exist, others hat: atiseti
which must continue to operate as powerfully, and probably rattell
more steadily, to draw her more and more within the range of ail.
calculations of our leading cabinets., It is vain to attempt to ,
confine her influence to Asia. The line has been passed which,
separates her from Europe; and as long as Britain retains India,
and Russia her present military force, so long must the integrity,of ,
the Persian dominions be an object of vital importance to the one,
and a weighty impediment to the full exercise of the power of the _
other.

The favourable reception of the mission of Sir HarferclJones,„
in 1808, and the consequent expulsion of the French agents from
Persia, while' sh: was still engaged in a war with Russia, put an
end for the time to all competition for. the friendship of the Shah,.
and laid the foundation of an alliance between the crown!. of
Great Britain and Persia, which was confirmed by a preliminarf
treaty.

Those who may remember the occurrences of this period, sari
attended to Asiatic affairs, will recollect the anxiety with which.
the progress of our relations with Persia was watched, and the
sacrifices which were made to improve them. Simultaneous 1034
,ions, of great splendour, were sent to the court of Persia from
England and India, no expence was spared, and no exertion sous!{ .
dered too great to secure ber alliance. • -

In 1811, Sir Harford Jones returned to England, and the Per;
sian Ambassador, who had been sent to London with the ratifica-
tion of the preliminary treaty, returned to Persia, accompanied
by Sir Gore Ouseley in quality of Ambassador Extraordinary
from the King of England. The subsidy payable to Persia,
which had been fixed by Sir H. Jones on a smaller scale, was rais-
ed to 200,000 tomans annually. A definitive treaty- was concluded
on the basis of the preliminary engagements entered into by. Sir H.
Jones, and immense presents were lavished on the Shah and his
courtiers, to keep alive the friendly feeling which had happily been
excited towards England.
In the meantime, the memorable war between Franca alai littuv-
sia, which terminated in the signal discomfiture of Napoleon, had
commenced, and the amicable relations which had in consequence
been established between Great Britain and Russia led our Go-.
vernment to undertake the mediation of peace between that power
and Persia.

. .
In 1814, by the mediation of the British Ambassador, a treaty
of peace was concluded at Goolistan, in Karabaugh, by which
Persia added to Russia all her acquisitions south of the Caucasus,
and engaged to maintain no navy in the Caspian ; while Russia
became bound'to aid the heir of the Crown of Persia against all
competitors for the throne.

Sir Gore Ouseley returned home in 1814, leaving Mr. Morier
in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary at the Persian Court • and
in the same year Mr. Ellis was sent on a special mission to modify
the definitive treaty concluded by Sir Gore Ouseley.
The amended treaty concluded by Messrs. Morier and Ellis is
that which is now in force, and which defines the nature of our
relations with the Persian Government.
Great Britain is by this document bound to pay to Persia a
subsidy of- 200,000 tomans annually ; to maintain troops
in the event of her being attacked by any power at war with
England ; and shoUld she be attacked by any power at peace with
England, we engage to use our mediation towards an amicable ad-
justment of their differences ; but should it fail, to pay a subsidy,
as above mentioned.

Persia, on her side, engages to obstruct any power seeking to
pass through her country for the purpose of invading lndia,—
The treaty is therefore exclusively defensive, as indeed it is de-
clared to be in the document itself.

Hitherto England and Russia had not come in contact at the
Court of Persia ; but at the time of concluding the treaty of
Goolistan, a hope had been held out, that through the good offices
of England some of the countries which had been ceded by the
Shah, might be restored to him by the Emperor Alexander. Ass
Embassy was therefore sent to St. Petersburgh with the ratified
treaty, and with instructions to press the Russian Government to
admit the good offices of England, and to fulfil the hopes of retro-
cession which had been raised by the Russian Plenipotentiary and
the British Ambassador.
All the good offices of Lord Cathcart, then Ambassador at St..!
Petersburgh, and all the solicitations of the Persian Embassy,
were unable to procure from the Emperor the retrocession of one
foot of ground, and all that could be accomplished was to obtain a
promise that General Yermuloff, then appointed Ambassador to
Persia, and Governor-General of Georgia, would discuss the 'nat-
ter with the Persian Minister on his arrival at Teheran.
When. General Yermoloff, with a splendid suite, came to Per-
sia, he would restore nothing; and thus all the acquisitions of
Russia were permanently confirmed to her. An insidious propo-
sition, made by Russia to supply officers to discipline the Persian
army, was rejected, and the Charge d'Affaires, whom the General
left in Persia, was directed by the Shah to station himself at the
Court of Abbas Meerza.

In the meantime our Minister Plenipotentiary bad been re-
called, and Mr. Willock, who was appointed British Charge
d'Affaires, was left to maintain the interests of his Government, in
opposition to the splendid mission of Russia, backed by all the
weight of the chief authority in Georgia, and the command of an
army of 40,000 men.

In the war between Persia and Russia nothing had ecctirred to
induce the former to hope that she could hold her ground in the
field against so powerful an antagonist, and though her troops had
on several occasions displayed considerable valour, and shown .
that they had profitted by the discipline they had received from
French and British Officers, yet the rapid loss of so many valuable
on.ciliating as an ally, a nation which she had
found
the Russian power in Georgia, had taught ber
provinces, and the failure of every attempt to make any perma-
trhdei nl aa
latter
r share
years o f
o energy ntehreg y
rust, been
(when Russia was strug-
.
tneuent: necessity
herselfeinis i ')
of
nfconciliating
unable to withstand as an enemy,
Yet had the Persian armies been led by a skilful general, and
put forth by the govern-
mentgling for her existence with the armies of France in the-heatt Of '
her dominions), it cannot be doubted that she might have redeemed
some of her original possessions. But the Prince Royal, who cons'.mended in the field, was a very young man ; and a total -want of:
efficient energy and of enterprise in her 'councils, was-the necesaarr .
consequence of the struggles for personal aggrandizement • wbiche.
bhad
e vdeunr during ordinary
were unceasingly carried on by the members of her governrened.
This opportunity was lost ; and when Ruisia had risen emboldened
by her successful opposition to the most powerful even* a".world . .
could have sent against her, and strong, not only to rePtiLagfzrz:',
but to pursue her conquest, it became necessaryforoo‘e
accede to any terms which she might be
inclined m.;m.
- ' Under these circumstances, it was obviongthitTersia was not
likely again to seek a war with it power, who, under the most
and keep unfavourable circumstances; had' been able to seize pos_
ma, and that though
session of her most fertile and valuable provin

we might. have -toinething• to, fear from ter. too ready and obse-
quious acquieecence in the views of- Russia, there was nothing to
dread from her desire to renew .a contest in which she had already
suffered'so severely.
Russia seemed to have adapted this, opinion, and to have made
it her policy to push herself by imperceptible advances into the
exercise of an habitual influence over the councils of the Prince
Royal, trusting that her aid might be necessary to establish him
on the throne ; and that in this event she would be left in the
uncontrolled exercise of an absolute authority in his Government.
But the treaty of Goolistan had not defined the line of frontier
so distinctly as to leave no room for cavil -and dispute, and the ap-
pointment of. Commissioners to effect the final demarcation was
delayed on various pretexts, till the fresh impressions of what was
really meant by the less definite terms of the Treaty, had become
faint and imperfect. When Commissioners, therefore, were at
length appointed, numberless disputes arose, and the Government
of Georgia pressed their claims to insignificant patches of land, as
urgently at: if the existence of their national power had depended
on their possession.
These disputes gave rise to angry discussions, conducted on the
one side with the bitterness of wounded pride; and on the other,
with the insolence of conscious power. Various lines of frontier
were successively proposed by one party, and rejected by the other.
Conunissloners met and parted, without having advanced one step
towards the adjustment of the points in dispute ; and agents were
sent by the Prince Royal to Teflis, and instructions transmitted
to the Russian Charge d'Affaires at Tabreez, without any progress
being made towards the accomplishment of this object.
At length all appeared to be arranged, and a proposal made by
the Russian Charge d'Affaires was accepted by the Prince Royal,
who was charged with the affairs of the frontier. But the Rus-
sian agent had exceeded his instructions, and General Yermoloff
refused to ratify the engagements which M. Mozarovitch bad
contracted.
Again all cause of difference was supposed to have been re-
moved,and a formal engagement was entered into by an agent of the
Prince Royal at Teflis; but this the Shah refused to sanction.
In the summer of 1825, M. Mozarovitch came to the Shah's
camp, for the purpose of endeavouring to obtain his Majesty's
ratification of the terms agreed upon between Futteh Allee Khan
and General Yermoloff, at Teflis ; but his Majesty distinctly re-
fused his consent to the arrangement. In the autumn of the
same year, M. Mozarovitch left Persia ; and the Government of
Georgia, acting on what they called the Treaty of Futteh Allee
Khan, which they had previously endeavoured in vain to induce
the Shah to ratify, occupied with a military force the lands which
would have become theirs; had this treaty taken effect.
One of these portions of land was an uninhabited stripe called
Gokcheh, which borders on the like of Gokcheh sr Seven, and
which had been in the undisputed possession of Persia, ever since
the ccmchttrion of the peace. Russian piquets bad been placed
there some years bthre, to prevent the desertion of their wander-
ing tribes who pastured their flocks in summer in its vicinity, and
in winter had been regularly withdrawn. To the remonstrance of
the Prince Royal against the military occupation of this part of
the Persian territory, General Yermoloff had replied, by admitti:,
the justice of the Prince's remarks, but excused himself on the
plea, that the measure he had adopted was mutually advantageous,
and concluded by offering to withdraw the detachment, if his
Royal Highness should continue to think it necessary.
Yet, after all 1114, Russia, on the strength of an unratified en-
gagement, concluded by the agent of a deputed authority, takes
permanent possession of this very piece of ground, and retains it
in the face of every remonstrance which reason and justice could

suggest.
As soon as the occupation of Gokcheh was known to the Court
of Tehran, a respectable envoy was sent to Teflis, to remonstrate
against the measure, and to propose that the Russian detachment
should be withdrawn, at least until time should be given for an
appeal to the justice of the Emperor. But this, toe, was refused—
and in answer to the letters which the Shah had written to the
Governor-General of Georgia, he was informed that Gokcheh
would be given up by Russia, if the lands of Kapan were im-
mediately evacuated by Persia.
These.lands of Kapan had been, from the conclusion of the
peace, in possession of Persia; but within a few years a claim,
supported by some weighty arguments, had been set up by
Russia, -and it remained one of these points which it would have
been the-duty of-commissioners to decide upon. The claim, of
Persiaverer- at least, as well supported as those of Russia; and
some of th• Russian official maps had marked Kapan as belonging
to Persia. .1t- wasp therefore, an obvious injustice to seize an un-
disputed possession of Persia, and demand, as the price of its
evacuation, the abandonment of claims, which were probably just,
to another portion of territory.
At this- time the death of. the Emperor Alexander was an-
nounced, and the confusion which was caused by the annuncia-
tion of Constantine as his successor, and the subsequent abdica-
tion of the throne in favour of Nicholas, suspended the discussions.
As soon as the power of Nicholas was known to be established,
Persia prepared to send an embassy to St. Petersburgh, to con-
gratulate the new Emperor on his succession, and to conclude with
him the definitive settlement of the frontier. But before arrange-
ments could be made to this effect, it was-announced that Prince
Menchikoff was on- his way to the Court of Persia, to intimate
the succession of Nicholas to the throne, and to remove the causes
of difference which had arisen between the governments of Persia
and Georgia. •

The Court of Tehran bad begun to believe that Russia was
firm in her purpose to act with a total disregard to justice, and to
consider only her own convenience and advantage in the settlement
of the frontier. All its recent representations had been treated
with neglect, or replied to in an arrogant and insulting tone by,
the government of Georgia. Opprobrious terms had been ap-
plied, it was said, to the Prince Royal, in letters to his servants,
and everything seemed to indicate a determination on the part of
General Yermoloff, if not of the Emperor, to drive Persia to ex-
tremity.

At the same time it was whispered that the tranquillity of
the Russian Empire had been disturbed, that a civil war was carried
on in St. Petersburgh, and that the tribes of the Caucasus were
already in arms to assert their independence.
It was known that the misrule of the Russian Authorities in
Georgia, and their wanton interference with the religious preju-
dices of their Mahomedan subjects, had produced a feeling of se-
rious discontent. Proposals had even been made to Persia by the
heads of the tribes and chiefs of districts, to co-operate with her in
a war against Russia. Letters had been written by the Mello-
ne.dan population of all the Russian provinces bordering on
Persia, to the head of their religion, imploring his interference
in their behalf, and he bad come from the sanctuary of Kerbelace,
expiess • ly to urge the Shah to take up arms in defence of his insulted
religion. The whole ecclesiastics of Persia joined their leader, and
the mosques were filled with persons of all classes, lending a wil-
ling ear to the inflammatory orations of their Moollahs, while the
Shah was threatened with the curses of the faithful, and even with
everlasting perditiou, if he failed to take up arms in the holy cause.
In the midst of this ferment, Prince Menchikoff arrived in the
royal camp... He was treated with honour, and even with distinc •
tion, and a calm and temperate negotiation was opened, with a
siucere desire on the part of the Shah to see it terminate in an
amicable adjustment of all the matters in dispute. Sanguine
hopes were entertained that every thing would be satisfactorily ar-
ranged ; and if there were some, who, for private ends, wished
to hurry Persia into a war, there were many of the moat influential
of her councillors who anxiously desired to avoid it. The King
himself was of this number; and though he had been. induced to
_ _ _

give a solemn pledge to the Moollahs that if Gokcheh was not re-
stored, he would agree .to make war upon RuSsia, because he
would then be justified in doing so, still this pledge,—which had
been exacted from him by the influence of the McioNaha on his
inability to withstand. their demands,—was given under a moral
conviction that the envoy of the Emperor would rather relinquish
a worthless spot, to which his government had no just claim, than
allow the dispute to be decided by the sword.
But, in answer to all demands for the evacuation of Cokelieb,
the Russian Envoy replied, that he had no instructions regarding
it, and was not empowered to agree to its evacuation, It was pro-
posed that it should remain unoccupied by ether party, until a re-
ference could be made to the Emperor. This he was equally un-
able to coot* with, and he put an end to the discussion by re-
peating that hia instructions extended to nothing beyond some
trifling modifications of the unfortunate unratified treaty of Futteh
Alio Khan. - ,

Those who had
been clamorous for war, now called upon the
Shah to redeem his pledge, or forfeit his hopes of Heaven. The Ma.
nomedans of ,some of the. R ae.
jand even the Christians of ata:uptroovinces were already in arms,
had been
of -these bad made over-
tures to Persia. The troops
excited to enthusiasm by
the Moollahs, and the wax was comma
Even after the forces m4rehed to the frontier, had Prince
Menchikoff been empowered to evacuate ok
olleh, they would still
have been countermanded, and the war would not have taken place.
I do not mean to accuse the Court of
St. Petersh urgh of a de-
termination to force a war upon Persia, nor do I tine its envoy
for what has occurred ; but there can be no doubt that the harsh,
intemperate, and unjust conduct of the government of Georgia has
been the cause of the war, and that Russia owes it toe her
cha-
racter for justice and moderation, (if she desires to establish such a
character,) to investigate, calmly and impartially, the occurrences
ou her southern frontier,. and, if she finds them unworthy of her
own greatness, to discountenance and disavow tli'em.
There is nothing extraordinary in all this. It will be found
that the distant representatives of a government are almost always
more jealous and more iatetsperate than the Government itself ;

and: that, entering into discussions with all the warmth and vim
lenee of personal feelings, and all the pride of power, they are con
tinually goading and harassing their weaker neighbours, wit
whom they may have occasion to communicate.
After the conclusion of peace between Persia and Russia.

1814, the British Government seems to have felt that the jute•
grity of the Persian dominions would be best and most effectually
I secured by the preservation of amicable relations with Russia ;
and, since that period, every thing which could be viewed in the
light of a competition for ascendency in the councils of the Shah
appears to have been avoided. We seem to have come to some
tacit understanding with Russia on this subject, to have made it
our study to avoid coming in collision with her in Asia, and to
prevent, if possible, any subjects of discussion between the Go-
vernments from being permitted to arise oat of the proceedings at
the Court of Tehran ; in short, to have considered Persia as neu-
tral ground, which neither party was to appropriate.
The general policy of Russia, from the days of Peter I. has uni-
formly pointed to the extension of her frontier on the side of Persia,
and more particularly to the acquisition of the coast of the Caspian
Sea. It is difficult to imagine a stronger or better marked
boundary than that which formed the frontier between Russia and
Persia.—The Black Sea on the one hand, and the Caspian on
the other, connected by the stupendous chain of the Caucasus,
seem to have been designed by nature for the limits of some
powerful nation—for a barrier against some great power. The
views which induced Peter to pass this barrier, and establish him-
self beyond it, must have had some ultimate object of more im-
portance than the trifling and ill-protected districts which he
acquired.
When Catherine took Georgia under her protection, and in-
structed Potemkin to receive the submission of any nation which
might be inclined to offer it—when General Goodovich was in-
structed to admit as vassals the Khan's two Persian towns—when
Zuboff was sent into Persia to seize the provinces adjacent to
Georgia, as'a retaliation for the attack on Teflis—and when Rus-
sia became bound to protect, not only the present possessions of the
Wallee, but also any lie might hereafter acquire, it was but pur-
suing the same policy, and following the same views.
When General Yermoloff proposed to supply Russian officers to
discipline the Persian troops at the cost of his government, when
missions were subsequently sent to Khiva and to Bokhara, and when
Persia was bound to maintain no navy on the Caspian, which
amounted to a total abandonment of that sea to the power of
Russia, it was but a steady pursuit of the same purpose.
When, at a more recent period, Russia pressed with warmth
and intemperance the establishment of a commercial agent at
Resht in Gilan; a province notoriously ill-affected to Persia—and
when Gen. Yermoloff pushed the Russian troops beyond the line
of frontier defined by the treaty, we can see nothing more in
these proceedings, than an injudicious and over anxious desire to
press forward to the accomplishment of the same objects.
If it be true, that the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh has sent to its
governor in Georgia, repeated and positive, instructions to con-
ciliate Persia, and to make no exertion to obtain a paramount in-
fluence in her councils, or to press her to a rupture with Russia;
it is plain that its orders have been ill attended to, and that we
lose the security which we would otherwise have derived from a
confidence-in the moderation of the views of the Russian govern-
ment.

There is a tendency in all subordinate governments of a power-
ful and more particularly of a rising empire, to press upon the
weaker nations with which they come in contact, and when this
tendency falls in with the previous policy of the superior state, no
general instructions will prevent its being yielded to. Let the
progress of our own power in India serve as an unanswerable
evidence of the truth of this statement.

On the other ,hand, England conies in no way in collision with
Persia. Her trade with that country is established on well-defined
grounds of reciprocal advantage. Her political connexion with
Persia is confined to watching over her interests, and aiding her
difficulties. She has no frontier to cause dissensions, and no ob-
jects opposed to the interests of Persia to pursue. But there is a
strong and urgent demand on her to maintain the integrity of
Persia, as the best security she can have for the tranquillity of her
Indian Empire—and every attempt which Russia may make to
trench upon the power of Persia, must be considered a step to-
wards bringing her in collision with England in Asia, and towards
loosening our hold on our Eastern possessions.
Supposing that an invasion of India over land were proved to
be a chimerical and impracticable scheme, -which it probably is,
can it be said that if Russia were possessed of a paramount influ-
ence at the Court of the Shah, we should be able to sit as se-
curely in India as we do now, or that the vicinity of so powerful
a nation would not warm the hopes of the discontented, and shake
the fidelity of many, who have clung to our protection and sub-
mitted to our authority, because they believed our power to be
immovable and unopposed ? These are important considerations,
and well-•deserving the serious attention of every one who thinks
that the possession of India is an object which Britain ought to
contend for and secure.

It is said that Persia has hitherto been eminently successful in the
war with Russia, and that all the Georgian provinces hare risen
to support her. But we know, and she herself knows, that a
war with Russia is for her a hopeless undertaking in her present
state of preparation ; and that though she has been driven to
undertake it by the injuries and insults to which she has been sub-
jected, and the clamour of religious enthusiasts, she has still more
to hope from a speedy termination of the war, and a recurrence to
her former relations with her powerful and reckless neighbour,
than by protracting a contest, in which she can have nothing to gain.
The time cannot be distant when Persia must make peace with
Russia, almost on any terms; and if we have rightly estimated
the views of Russia, this peace will add something more to her
territories, and perhaps to her right of interference in Persian affairs.
While Russia is reaping the advantage of a system of aggression
and injustice, are we to sit quietly down, and content ourselves
with our own purity and good faith, and when we have permitted
the time to pass by when we might have counteracted the schemes
of the Autocrat or his subordinate authorities, to find consolation
in asking, " Who would have thought it?" or in venting our re-
proaches on the injustice which it is too late to remedy?
Persia is naturally a country strong for defence, and few nations
can boast a more warlike or efficient population.
If Russia may weaken Persia, and thereby injure us, surely we
have more justifiable reasons to urge why we should support and
defend her by the means which she can herself so amply provide.
If aggression can ever be permitted or justified, preparations for
defence must always be allowable.
Of one thing we may rest fully assured, that Russia, whether
from design or from the force of circumstances scarcely within
her control, is encroaching, and will continue to encroach, upon
the weaker countries which lie on her frontier in Asia, unless
some equal power is opposed to her progress ; and that, whether
it be effected by slow and insidious approaches, like the advances
of the ocean, or by an irruption like the bursting of a mountain-
torrent, the result will be the same, and the injury to Britain will
be permanent and irreparable.