The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-12 00:00:00

at Leeds, and the rates, which afforded a pretty accurate test of
the condition of the people, had only increased from 12,0001. to
16,0001. ; whereas they had doubled in Leeds. Then if they
locked to the hosiery trade they would find that in Hinckley
half the frames were idle, and -70 per cent. of the workmen of
the town were unemployed, and one-thirst of the
population were receiving relief. In t 'ae hosiery
trade as in the pottery trade, machinery could hardly
be said to enter at all. Hardly any improvements had been
made in either, in the memory of living man. In the Potte-
ries, the distress was not so great as in other districts, but it
was still greater than that which prevailed in the cotton dis-
tricts. The rates in Nottingham had risen in the proportion of
three to five, between the year 1841 and the year 1842; and
the. number receiving relief had nearly doubled; being 8,000,
instead of 4,400. In the Potteries. the calculation was that
the average employment was but three days' in the week.
Then, in the iron trade, in which the amount Qf machinery
employed was mach smaller than in the cotton trade, distress ,
prevailed to an enormous extent. In Wolverhampton the rates
had iretreased. The plumber of persons in the workhouse was
doubled, and the persons who received out-door relief were
trebled. In Sheffield, the worst case of the whole, the rates '
had risen, between 1829 and 1842, in the frightful proportion
of eight to one, being an increase horn 5411. to 4,2531. Thus
their Lordships would see from fact, what they might expect
from reason, that there was no connexion between machinery and
the present distress. On the contrary, were it not for machinery,
the traders would not only have been reduced to a state of
misery, as compared with which even the present would Lot
have ri:,serverl the name, but even a great proportion of those
trades would not have been called into existence.—( Hear. )
Then the distress was attributed to the currency. But if he
found it could not be attributed to the seasons, the machinery,
or anything in the internal state of the country, he held it to
be perfec.ly wild to ascribe it to the currency-2( Hear, hear)—
inasmuch as the change in the currency had taken place twenty-
three years ago, during a portion of which time the country
enjeyt d great prosperity. It was as impossible—he might say
it was more impossible—to ascribe the distress of the country
to the change of currency than to the course of the seasons.
(" Hear, hear," from Lord Stanhope.) During the last ten
years, five had been such as that no class of the community
had a right to complain. If none of those causes could be
singled out, they ought then to look to their foreign
trade, in order to obtain an explanation.—(Hear, hear.)
It. ought to be recollected, that the manufactures to which he
alluded were not confined to this country. They had compe-
titors elsewhere during the whole time of 'the increase of their
own manufactures. He would take an instance from the cotton
trade. While it was increasing in this country it was also on
the increase in France. Between 1787 and 1815 it had in-
creased seven or eight fold, and the number c f hands em-
ployed in the French cotton trade bore a considerable propor-
tion to the number of those employed here, being one-third
of the number. There were 1,500,001) persons dependent on
the cotton trade in this country, and'6oo,ooo persons dependent
on the trade in France. The exports since the peace, up to
two or three years ago, were seven times as much
in value as during the same, number of years pre-
vious to the peace. During the same period their
own trade had increased from 22,000,000/. to 52,000,0001.
He had, therefore, no fear for foreign competition, provided
the capital and skill of the country in foreign markets was al-
lowed to have fair play. But when he saw the manner in
which the industry of the country was cramped, he had every
cause for fear. He was ready to show what the petitioners
only desired to prove by evidence, and if their Lordships refused
to receive it, the fault would he with them and not with him.
The petitioners would first show in what way the present re-
strictions on foreign trade arose, from the restrictions on foreign
corn. They were then prepared to show that at the present
moment purchases were making for various countries at most
reduced rates of most valuable machinery for the purpose of
exportation. That there were agents from France and Bel-
gium making those purchases, thatengines had fetched only one-
third of their prime cost, and in some districts where the agents
of foreign countries had not been, engines remained unsold.
They were then prepared to show that in foreign countries
manufactures had arisen that had never before been thought
of ; and they were also prepared to show that there were reso-
lutions adopted by some of the most skilful artisans to emigrate.
It was well known by the experience of all times, that in all
such cases, the first to emigrate were the inferior workmen, and
that the best hands were always the last—except, perhaps the
capitalists themselves. —( Hear, hear.) That was the class
which was rarely known to emigrate.—( Hear, hear.) Yet,
there was a large number of capitalists who were now preparing
to emigrate, and could only be turned away from their design
by the change which they proposed—or, by the hope that their
Lordships would listen to their prayer, and that their case would
be inquired into.—(Hear hear.) He could mention persons
that employed upwards of a thousand workmen—
fur obvious reasons he could not state who they were
nor even in what part of the country they were—who could
not be turned from accomplishing their deign of leaving the
country, except by the change to which he alluded. He knew
one man who had 200,0001. worth of goods locked up in his
warehouse, which he could not sell without a heavy loss, but he
was preparing to do so, and to make a .sacrifice of two-thirds
of his property, with a view to invest it in another country,
where he could employ his capital with safety and profit, in
consequence of the absence of those restrictions which
were the ruin of his trade here. Such cases were cer-
tainly of the rarer kind, but he was prepared to prove
that there were a great number of persons well capital of
less amount who could only be turned from their determi-
nation to emigrate by the relief for which they prayed. Now,
it might be said, that if the change which they required were
effected, that the distress would b the same. But those per-
sons were prepared to choir, from the letters of their corre-
spondents in Germany and in America, that the distress would
at once cease. They would show that they would receive
orders sufficient for their ample employment the instant the
change was made; nay, the instant their Lordships indicated a
willingness to give the matter a fair consideration. The manu-
facturers were obliged to dismiss their men. He had heard
that in a place in Yorkshire, at a manufactory,' the men were
asked which they would rather do, work five days in the Week
at the usual wages, by half the men being kept only,
or whether they would rather Work half the week
for the whole of the number being employed:
They unanimously preferred the latter. He could not Conceiee
anything more creditable or more honourable to those suffering
people—(Hear, hear)—reduced as they were frOM 2s. a.day
to Is. He wished to remind their Lordships of the effect of
the present system of protective duties. In America, in the
Northern States, there were no protective duties. In the
Western States which were equally divided between the Southern
and Northern States, they were inclining to the protective duties.;
The Western States finding that the Northern States welt
supported by our example, would turn 'the scale in the
Assembly in favour of the protective and prohibitory duties.
This encouraged smugglinr, on their coast, ks it was almostim-
possible to prevent it with" such an extensive frontier. Odr
goods were easily smuggled into America, but corn could net
be smuggled here. By our prohibitory duties we prevented
them from sending the only commodity they had to sell. • it
was the same error which this country had fallen into at the
time of the Orders in Council. which orders went to enforce
the Berlin and the Milan decrees, which would hare been a
dead letter but for those orders, from which they received a
' most triumphant and a most mischievous efficacy. They
were doing the same thing now with respect to the
American trade. The present laws of America would he inef-
Uctual as much as the decrees of Bonaparte, had not England
stepped in with the resources of her revenue department for
the purpose of enabling the American Government to give
what they call protection—although he thought that was an:
abuse of the word protection—in favour of their own trade.'
But there could be no doubt but that if England were ready to
exchange her manufactures for the grain of the United States,
the Western States would join the Southern States against the
protecting States of the North. But the evil of the present
system was not confined to our trade with America. A letter
which had been written by the Prussian Minister, in the year
1824, to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in this coun-
try at that time, stated in express terms that if an arrangement
were made for the importation of the corn, the timber, and the
other articles of Prussian produce into this country upon liberal
terms, a tariff would be amicably arranged between Prussia and
Great Britain. He also understood that Mr. Addington, from
America, had made a similar communication afterwards; but
unfortunately neither the one nor the other was favourably re-
ceived by the Governments of those periods. He had heard of
one remedy for the existing distress, to which he thought it
right to advert before he sat down, for the purpose of entering
against it his solemn protestation. If their Lordships would
grant him a Committee, for which he asked, he could of course
have no objection to hear any matter relating to the sub-
ject discussed, and evidence upon every point adduced.
He should be prepared. for instance, to enter with his Noble
Friend at the table (Earl Stanhope) into the currency ques-
tion, or into the nature of machinery. He had not the least
doubt that his Noble Friend, if the Committee were granted,
would be disposed to enter into both the one and the other.
Earl STANHOPE—And into the protection to labour.
Lord BROUGHAM—And welcome.—(A laugh.) And
into what my Noble Friend calls the protection to labour.
Whether he means to carry his protection further than only
destroy spinning machinery and cotton mills—whether he
means to carry it to the extent of destroying all furnaces or
steam-engines connected with furnaces, which, without machi-
nery, would be incapable of being worked—whether he means
to extend it to the exclusion of horse-power in these various
employments; the effect of that exclusion being cot merely to
prevent the employment of horse-power, but the employment
of the men engaged in working it, and to extinguish the
capital which it created, and which could only be employed in
enlarging the field of industry. Whether that was the mean-
ing of his Noble Friend, or whether he meant to go further, to
the uttermost pitch of consistency, in order to protect labour,
and to prohibit the employment of tools also—(Laughter)—
because just in proportion as tools were diminished the hand
was made more powerful—whether his Noble Friend meant to
push his theory to that extreme point of absolute consistency or
net, he (Lord Brougham) could not conjecture.—(Laughter.)
He had no objection that this point should be included in the
inquiry. Even he had no objection that the sugar question
should be referred to it, though he was one of those who
thought that they would rather be di'cussing the question,
whether crime should be encouraged or trade protected—
whether a bounty were to be given to Cuba and the Brazils,
for the purpose of stimulating the slave-trade. But regarding,
as he did, every pound of sugar which came from those places
as defiled with crime and steeped in African blood, and willing
to show how far he was ready to go for inquiry, he had no ob-
jection even to that question being referred to the Committee.
A proposition was made for the purpose of making the Legis-
lature yield on this subject, which he considered to be fraught
with incalculable mischief and unspeakable injury—he meant
any attempt, by what were called non-consumption agree-
ments to embarrass the Government. He considered any at-
tempts of this kind as tending directly and immediately to ex-
asperate the mischief under which the country was at present suf.
fering. It was at least satisfactory to know that in the midst
of their distresses credit had been preserved. Many attempts
of this kind were made to prevent the Government going on
peacefully and steadily. Those who made them, however
good their views might be, would be the first to repent
of them. Before smiting doter, he would ask what objection
could there be to such an inquiry? Even if it were not pos-
sible that anything could be done—if not the shadow of a shade
of a chance remained of being able to do anything to abate it—
even if they were resolved to deny them relief—still the in-
quiry ought to be made, the representations of the people
ought to be heard. Those who said that there should be no
' change in the Corn-laws, he thought committed a great mis-
take. A new Corn-Bill had lately been passed. It had been
1 in operation about eight weeks. Was it not right to examine its
in operation ? When this Ball passed, there were two different
opinions expressed upon it. One was, that it was better than
the former law ; another was, that it was as bad as the former
law ; and another opinion was, that it was worse.
He (Lord Brougham) held the first opinion, but he
thought a great deal more of it than he did, as they thought it
was all that was wanted. Now, here were four different
opinions. He said at first there were only two. Was it not
expedient to inquire which was right ? It syss not enough to
say that they were at the close of the session.
That would not do in times like these.—(Cherry.) If they
could sit all last summer because of an expected change in the
because Nlinietry—if they could sit till September be —( Hear, bear.)
change its August, that was a question respectingpeoe. It as
oc
parties, and not respecting the intereost,i3e,
oibut
the weplll-beingw of
euth°ef a political
balsnce
now not. only the interest of
i but the positive sub-
sistencew
the people ; and not only _ the
ntwer
overpowering.
in par
wits coming with her sable:
of the people. l
—wi(ngliseaan Il
r:hoenagr.3lglTsths, and
er
entmhienirnligstrtehstseewoourldfoubet
liament under such circumstances
a rationalo ught
pointto h e matter of
of the
most complete indifference inHe
was really ashamed tostoop to enter into such an argument. He
had undertakes to bring this subject before thew Lordships