The Sun.
London, England, 1829-02-11 00:00:00

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ail, and the ,xtree.rtimary powers which it
proposed to corder np,h she G:wernsnent, rendered it less
objectionable, than if an endeaVotts held been made to
make it more ernnviible with what were eoiondered the
established fortns of the Constitution. His principal
motive in rising was, in aotinti vihdicate
the Catholic Association from the attacks which had
been made Upon it. The Honourable Baronet (the
Membet for kent) had particularly attaeked the Associa-
tion. Ile seemed to think that it had been guilty of every
crime that tumid pas* he committed by men associated
together for political purposes. Por his (Lord Milton's)
town part', he ttionght that Ireland tted this cmantry were
deeply indebted to the Akeociation—(Flear)—for although
twine individttals in the Association, whilst smarting under
tthredremed wrongs, might occasionally have been diverted
into language not consistent With perfect wisdom, never-
theleas, lie thought that by embodying the public mind of
tke Catholic population in a form ndt absolutely illegal, the
Association had been of the greatest benefit, and had had
a powerful tendeney to prevent the outhagen which it was
ininffeist 11t,tis the statement of the Right Hon. Secretary
the &nett* had for many years past beets ih danger of
being subject only was Ireland, hat the
empire at large, indebted to the Cathillic Association. It
kostertr tipiq,ai-W to him that the period at which the
Association could be useful had now expired, and as Go-
vernment had determined to grant a great act of justice, lie
thought it was entitled to say that the Association should

ceseeto exist. If, however, the second measure should by any
unfortunate accident not be carried into effect, he would

not, when the operation of the present Bill should
consent to any enactment for preventing the revival of the
Catholic Association.—(Hear.).—When a large body of
men had grievances to complain of, it was infinitely better
that they shonld possess an organ like the Association for
expressing their complaints and arranging measures for their
relief, than that they should, under the pressure of their
wrongs, be betrayed into outrage and violence. The
Hon. Member for Kent said that he would have valued
the Right Hon. Secretary more if he had still remained at
the head of the party to which the Hon. Member be-
longed. He would remind the Hon. Baronet of what the
Right Hun. Gentleman had said on a former night—
namely, that there were occasions when sacrifices mast be
Lade by some party. In such eases those who made the
greatest sacrifices were entitled to the greatest praise. If
evidence were wanted, the proceedings of last night af-
forded strong proof of the fact that the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman had made the greatest sacrifices with regard to this
question. So far from being subject to attack for his con-
duct, the Right Hon. Gentleman should be considered
worthy of the applause and gratitude of his country. By
sacrificing an apparent consistency, by maintaining which
he would still have continued at the head of a great and
powerful party in this country, he bad raised himself in
the estimation of all men capable of estimating what con-
duct ought to he pursued by an honourable man.--(Hear.)
Lord MORPETH was not disposed to (petrel with the
provisions of the present Bill, which he thought were
as moderate as could be hoped for; but he was of opinion,
with many of his friends, that emancipation was the best,
and indeed the only way of dissolving the Catholic Asso-

elation. When the great measure had been determined on,
to talk of the other seemed only a piece of tautology. The
language employed in the Association had been designated
as unconstitutional, inflammatory, and subversive of civil
rights and social order. lie could conceive that the deter-
mined opponents of emancipation would feel inclined to
vent a portion of their disappointment on the institntion
which had not been without a share in paving the way for
emancipation. It was impossible to consider the progress
of events during the last few years without yielding to the
conviction that the Catholic Association, whatever its mis-
takes and errors might have been, had mainly contributed
to the progress, anti, be might now say, to the settlement
of the Catholic Question. He would cheerfully give his
vote for the suppression of the Association, but he hoped it
would be effected without any unnecessary display of harsh-
ness or angry feeling. It was the custom in ancient times
to offer sacrifices on the achievement of any great act of
national justice ; it was not, however, usual to leave the
victims exposed to the hootings and peltings of the crowd,
but on the contrary, they were invested with pant of the
sanctity of the proceeding. It was not considered neees-
eery to insult whilst immolating, and to trample on the
victim after the fatal blow had been struck. He wished
in nothing he had said to lessen the merit due to those who
had undertaken the great national measure of emancipation.
An officer who had lately dedicated a book to the Duke of
Wellington had explained the cause of the attachment of
the 10th legion to Caesar. To the British hero was re-
served the greater glory of extending the attachment from
the soldiers of a legion to the citizens of au empire. His
recent visit to Ireland enabled him the better to estimate
the benefits which would flow from tie great measure in
contemplation, and which converted him front,a witness to
her wrongs into a prophet of her gratitude.—(Hear.)
Mr. ROBERT GRANT said he should give a reluctant
yet a decided support to the measure. The grounds of that
support would be understood when he stated that he should
have felt great difficulty in affording it, had the proposition
originated elsewhere than with Government. Without the
-slightest feeling of disrespect to the Right Hom secretary
(Mr. Peel), and still lees from any desire to embarrass him
in the difficult situation iu which he stood, and in the
conduct of the arduous achievements which he had un-
dertaken, lie felt beund to declare that he could not
eolleet from the Right Honourable Gentleman's speech
any substantive reason for the adoption of the pro-
paled measure. The Right Hon. Gentleman had afforded
a luminous and impressive exposition of the evils which
now distracted the sister kingdom ; but giving all possible
weight to that exposition, what did it establish?—
the expediency, the necessity, not of the present Bill,
but of that which was to follow,—the Bill for the
removal of the Catholic disabilities. And in proportion
as it established the necessity of that great conciliating
measure, in that proportion it threw doubt on the expe-
diency of the harsh qualification by which it was now to
be preceded. If he looked to other speakers in favour of
the measure, he found the same difficulty in understand-
ing how it could be defended. The arguments of the Hon.
Baronet opposite (Sir E. Knatchbull) who had exhibited so
much talent in vindication of what did not require to be yin-
dieated, his own highly honenrable and consistent charac-
ter, amounted to little more than to a question which
certainly it (lid not seem very easy to answer, namely
why, if this measure was of such extreme importance
now, it had not been found equally necessary three or
four years ago. With respect to the Hon. Member for
Dublin (Mr. G. Moore), he had asked to what source all
the present evils of Ireland were to be ascribed, but to
the Catholic Association ; but the Hon. Member had
forgotten to ask an ulterior question, and that was,
to what goatee, the existence of the Catholic Asso-
ciation itself was to be ascribed? Was it not clear that
the Association arose from the state of the law ? and
then this became an argument, not for suppressing the
Association, but for altering tke law. For himself, he thought
that the present measure partook too much the character
of that angry legislation which had so often prevailed in
Ireland, promising peace and scattering discord ; he feared
that, ea far as it operated at all, it would tend to prevent
the experiment of emancipation from being fairly
tried ; and it was yet more unhappy, as a preliminary
to emancipation, which required no sneh preliminary,
bat was rather itself to be considered as the preli-
minary to all just and wise legislation M respect to the
Irish people. With all this, he was prepared to support
the proposition, and he would state why. If this measure
were past, and emancipation did not follow, it would make
scarcely any assignable difference in the state of Ireland
it would he no more than a drop added to a cauldron al-
ready boiling over ;—on the other hand, if emancipation
followed, and produced the good effects he expected from
it, it would be found powerful and salutary enough to
neutralise the evil of this measure among the other evils of
the country. Thus the present measure seemed to him to
became insignificant, in comparison with the benefits
of granting Emancipation on the one hand, and with
the mischiefs of denying it on the other; and so thinking,
he was then prepared to act on a feeling which he knew
he shared with all the truest friends to the expected
measure of Emancipation ; namely, that in respect to the
execution of that measure, they ought to place the utmost
possible confidence in those by whom it hail been so nobly
planned and so manfully recommended. Yes, every eon&
dente was in this matter due to the King's Government--
to the Monarch, whose British heart, and to the Ministers,
whose sound undersitanding, had projected so great a work.
The Government might know of good reasons for the pre-
sent preliminary measure, of which he was not apprised.
As to the expected Bill for Catholic relief, there could
be no secret, no mystery, in the reasons for adopting it:
They Appeared on the very surface of the embroiled and
distracted conntiy to which the measure chiefly related.
It was otherwise with the present measure. There might
be alarms, there might be honest'prejndiees, in influential
quarters, which it; would have the effect of removing, and
he was willing to leave the adjbstment of such matters in
the hands of the Duke of Wellington's government.
It was very poseible that what to him appeared
an melees if not a mischievous incninbrance, was,
in fact, an important friction wheel, for the pur-
pose of overcoming some resistance of which he
was not aware. He was, on these grounds, prepared to
assent to the prevent measure; and not only so, but going
beyond a Noble Lord (Althorp), who said he would barely

s--to expedite it es much as possible—that the greater
measure which was to follow might be accelerated in is
progress, and might be st t beyond the reach of adverse ea•.
sualties. In a wer-I, he gave, on this men ,sion, his hill
confidence to the government, assured that it wound be
nobly justified.
Mr. BANIC.I;,S would ask the Hon. Member, who
seemed to think that the putting down the Catholic Asso-
ciation in the first instance was net the wisest course, whe-
ther he did not think that Association dangerous to the
public peace, and inconsistent with the Constitution; and
if so, hew ebinti he for a feiornent contend that it might
not to be suppressed ? He had heard from the Noble Lord
an eulogy bison that body,—and he hoped it would Fore
its funeral oration ; but if, as now seemed to be admitted
by all, the Association was illegal, he would ask his Ma-
jesty's Government why it had been allowed to last so
long? He brought this as a direct charge against them.
They had heard the letters read that evening, arid no doubt
they Wete properly read, and fully bore (Olt the object in-
tended, and proved the mischievous and dangerous tendency
of that body. But those letters entered only a period of four
months: Was not the Association in existence for years?
This very evening *as to a day the fourth annit•ersary tif
the disenssion in the House respecting the illegality of the
Association. It was at that time contended, from the op.
posits side of the House, that it was a body which ought
not to be allowed to exist, and the suppression of which
was necessary to the public peace of Ireland. The Bill
for suppressing it was brought in by Lord Liverpool's Go-
vernment in 1825, and on that occasion they had heard
the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Gonllown),
then Secretary, in which was detailed the dangerous na-
tnre of that body with as much horror of its illegality and
dangerous tendency as the Right Hon. Secretary (Mr.
Peel) had done this evening. How were they to under-
stand this ? Were the Government playing at fast rind
loose with them ? Were they advocating the suppression
of the Association in that blouse, and at the same time
basely and scandalously conniving at and encouraging them
out of doors ? Was that the course they had pursued ?
Why not try to put it down if they had the power ? and
if they had not, why had they not conic to Parliament and .
asked for such power as would be sufficient for that per-
pose ? What were the members of Government in Ire-
land, or their subordinate agents, doing ? Was it poeeible
that they did not see the danger, or that having-the power
some of those agents, to forward their own political views,
did not carry the law against the Association into effect.
He made it as a charge against them, that they had thus
neglected their duty in this most important matter. After
all that had been heard in the House on this subjeet--after
the Act had been passed, empowering Government to pot
it down—what occurred? Its existence was renewed,
and it went on daily increasing in daring and audacity,
and no step was taken by the Government to suppress it.
He would ask, was not such conduct on the part of the
officers of Government in Ireland an encouragement to
the body which it was their duty to pat down ? How
could his Right Hon. Friend opposite get out of this
charge? The Hon. Member, who, as a member of the
Association, had endeavoured to defend it, bad only acted
consistently in supporting that body to which he belonged,
and Le (Mr. Banker) believed, that if that Association
had not been allowed to exist as it had so long, there would
not be found at the present day so many members of that
House in favour of the measures now proposed ; but he
again asked why it had been allowed to exist for so long a
time? Why had not sneh a measure as was now before the
House been brought long before. As to the measure itself,
he entirely concurred in it, and he fully approved of the
manner in which the suppression was to be effected ; for
as a remedy it would be more effectual, and would trench
less on any constitutional privilege than a more specific
measure. It would effectually cheek the momentary dan-
ger. It would have been more effectual and more honour-
able to the consistency of public men, if it had not, been
so long delayed. Looking at this delay, and the measure
with which it was intended to follow up this tardy act of
justice, he could not but consider both as a desertion of
principle and consistency, which waa to be exceedingly la-
mented in pnblie men. The character of public men was
public property, and he was always sorry, as all men roust
be, to see them adopt measures which must necessarily
lower them in public estimation.

Mr. R. GRANT said a few words in explanation, bat
they were not heard in the gallery.
The Marquis of TAVISTOCK felt great pleasure in
considering the change which had taken place in the sen-
timents of the Noble Doke, and the other Members of the
Administration, on the important question to which much
of the present discussion referred, and he was sure that in
this he only shared the satisfaction experienced from the
same cause by the educated, the enlightened, and intelligent
portion of the community. He agreed with those who
supported the measure before the House, though he could
have wished that the measure of conciliation had not been
introduced on terms which might tend to lessen its grace
and dignity. He admitted, however, that in great poli-
tical measures there were frequently a choice of evils, and
that some sacrifices mast be made to attain a great object,
and especially where so great an end as the freedom of Ire-
land was at stake ; and he, for one, would never forgive
himself if, aiming at all he desired on that subject, he
should risk the loss of so great a good, by objecting
to so small an evil. The good, he felt, would be per-
manent, the price temperary--of the justice and policy
of the intended measure, there could be no reasonable
doubt. Ministers, he rejoiced to find, had seen the ne-
cessity of consulting the one and attending bo the other,
and they did it in time to save the country from such eon.
sequences as it mast he painful to contemplate. He did
earnestly hope, that the measure then before them would
pass without any obstruction from that portion of the
House with which he was in the habit of acting, because
he should he extremely unwilling to do any thing which
would tend to tie up the hands of Government in this greet
work of peat,e and freedom, and unless he should see in its
progreea some violation of constitutional principle,it should
hare his cordial and unqualified support.—(Hear.)
Mr. DOHERTY (the Solicitor-General for Ireland)
next addressed the House, hat we r►gret that, at intervals
in the course of his speech, many of his remarks were ren-
dered inaudible from the manner in which he oometimes
dropped hie voice. He began by observing, that as he had
for some time been connected with the Government of Ire-
land, he should have felt called upon to offer a few words
on the subject before the House, bat if he had not so in-
tended, the speech of the Hon. Member for Dorset (Mr.
Bankes) would have rendered it necessary. It was due
from him to the House and to the Government to say why
the Catholie Association was not put down—why the Go-
vernment did not make the attempt—or why it did not
dismiss those subordinate officers of the Crown who were
unable or unwilling, or who were so base (for so the Hon.
Member had put it) as to encourage the Association and to
neglect their duty iu enforcing the law against it, in order
to forward their own political views. These were the
questions which the Hon. Member had asked, and though
the term with which one of them had been accompanied
did not entitle it to the courtesy data answer,
,yet he would
give it, as due to the House and the Government. In the
outset he took leave to say, that he hid no difficulty
whatever in justifying the consistency and propriety
of his conduct with respect to the course adopted
in Ireland. Whether he was right or wrong, kis
conduct continued the same sow that it ever had
been on this great question. Whether right or wrong,
he bad on all occasions, in or out of. Parliament,
been opposed to the Association, and in favour of emanci-
pation ; and in anything which he had ever said against
the one, or in support of the other, be had not deserved
the taunts which the Hon. Member for Dorset had so un-
sparingly, and he must add, so unfeelingly and wantonly
east against him.—(Hear, hear.)—He held office before
the present Administration same into power, and in that
House be had stated, that it was impossible that things
could remain as they then were in Ireland. He had said
this so dispassionately, and BO free from all bias of party at
either side, as to draw upon him the distrust of both. He
had stated to the House, that they must either go bask to
the former system of penalty, or go forward to conciliation.
He on that occasion had implored the House to enter into
a serious consideration of the whole question, and of the
influence which the leaving it unsettled must have on the
peace and security of the country. H. thanked God that
Government had examined the subject with the deep inte-
rest widish its importance demanded, and with such happy
results; and if, after the eloquent appeal which he bad
heard in support of the view they had take■ of it, he re-
gretted what the Hen. Member for Dorset had eaid of the
disgrace attaching to the characters of public men, his re-
gret arose from a feeling of pity for the coestitntion of that
man's mind who could think that a change of system, after
due deliberation, was a disgraceful dereliction of public prin-
ciple. The Hon. Member should beer in mind that they
met there as a deliberate assembly ; but to little purpose
did they sit theme, night after night, listening to those who
had the advantage of a nearer ♦iew of the effects of this
subject in Ireland than was ever enjoyed by the Hon. Mem-
ber, if they were determined never to move from the
.acne point, the same spot, and the same position with
respect to it. To little purpose could they claim the cha-
racter of a deliberative assembly, if they commenced
their deliberations with a fixed opinion and a deter-
mination that it should remain unchanged--(Hear,
hear.)--He had on a former occasion stated his conviction
to the House that matters in Ireland could not remain as
they were, and be had now the additional experience of

proving to him beyond a possibility of doubt, that instead
of improving, affairs were daily and rapidly growing worse
and worse; and if he had urged the then state of things in
Ireland as an argument for the amicable and final settle
ment of the great question, this argument was strength
tried fourfold by his knowledge of the present eircutrs.
stances of that conntcy. The Iron. Member for Dorset'
had taunted his Right Hon. Friend (Mr: Peel) with look-
ing only at the events which had occurred since the last
session, but he (Mr. Doherty) claimed for Government
the right to look at the whole question, not merely with
reference to the events of months, but also to those of
years and years past. Other Members might congratulate
themselves on their consistency in going back to their con-
stituents
with their minds unchanged ; butgive him leave to
say, that those to whom the responsibility of Government
was entrusted were hound net to limit their view of public
affairs to those of a party, but as their duty urged them to
consider the advantage of the whole, their prospect must
embrace all the subjects which could operate on the welfare
of the great mass of the community. They were bound
to consider all that had been urged on this question, and
saperadded to that they conk] not shut their eyes on the
fact, that, since, they had last met in Parliament, religious

feelings had mixed themselves up with this question in
Ireland to an extent which could scarcely be credited by
those who had not daily opportunities of witnessing it;--
that this fact had given a new aspect to the question, and

rendered its speedy and satisfactory adjustment a mat-
ter of increased and increasing necessity.---(Hear, hear,

hear.)--When the Honourable Member attacked the
Government with not having put down the Association
since 1825, he argued as if there had been only one Go-
vernment since then ; but did the Hon. Member consider
how many Governments had been formed within that
period ? How many members of those Governments deeply
sympathised with the grievances of the Catt.olics, and
were so convinced of the justice of their canes, as to believe
that measures of coercion would not succeed in suppressing
their complaints and their assemblies—that conciliatio❑
would rilider all coercive measures unnecessary, and that
without it they would be worse than useless. He bad
voted against the-Association in 1825, but it should be
recollected that sines then we had a new Parliament, and
it was by no means certain that the present Parliament
would repose the same confidence in, or iutrnst similar
powers to, a ministry, unless some hopes were held out,

that the coercive measure was to be immediately followed
by one of coneession.—(Hear, bear.)—He would admit
that some members would adopt the former without em-
bracing the batter course, but he would not now go into
the question bow far that feeling extended. He would
come to what the Hon. Member had said of the subordi-
nate officers of Government, of whom he had stated, that
some of them had disgraced themselves, by neglecting to
enforce the law, in order to forward their own political
views. Of his own conduct he had before spoken. He
would now say that the officer of Government, his flight
lion. Colleague, the Attorney-General of Ireland, on whom
more particularly would have devolved the duty of enfOreing
the law against the Association, had that course been deemed

advisable, was as cordial a supporter of the general politics
embraced by the Hon. Member for Dorset as his(Mr.Bankes')
heart could desire. When he said this, he wished to guard
himself against the chance of mieeonstrnetion, by adding
that his Right Hon. Colleague was too manly and straight-
forward on all occasions to comet his opinions on public
subjects, and at the same time too strict in the discharge
of his public functions to allow himself to be influenced by
any consideration Whatever beyond his duty to the public.
He had only referred to his known political opinions for
the purpose of showing, that whatever neglect of duty the
Hon. Member for Dorset might attribute to him (Mr.
Doherty), his Right Ilon.Coller.gue could not be considered
as a co-conspirator with him. The Hon. Member should also
remember, that for a considerable portion of the time to
which he had referred, his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Goul-
burn) wee in office, and from his known opinions on the
subject of the Catholic question, he was not a man likely to
be-influenced by such a partiality for the Association as to
neglect his publie duties, and not prosecute them if prose-
cution were necessary. He could state with the most per-
fect sincerity that scarcely a day had elapsed since the time
of his appointment to the office which he had the❑ the ho-
nour to till, in which his attention bad not been pointedly
directed to this subject. It had placed him in an attitude
of distrust and suspicion with men with whom he had long
been contracted by every bond of friendship and affection.
He had watched their debates with the strictest vigilance;
he had observed them with the closest anxiety ; but he was
bound to tell the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire, that after
all his vigilance, and all his anxiety, it was the unanimous
opinion of all his colleagues on the other side of the Chan-
nel, that it would have been an useless task to have under-
taken a prosecution against any individual for his conduct
in the Catholic Association, and that an abortive attempt
at prosecution would have been worse than nseless,inasmoch
as it would have irritated without putting down the mem-
bers of that Association. He could not upon the present oc-
casion enter into a detail of all the circumstances which, in
his opinion, rendered it impolitic to attack the Catholic

Association—he would confine himself to saying, that it.
was a matter of extreme difficulty to draw up a bill of in-
dictment against 7,000,000 of people.—(Loud cheers
from the Opposition benckes.)—He did believe that
baffled and hampered as the legal advisers of the
Crown were, the wisest plan which they could pnrsue
was to confess the real truth, that it was a matter of ex-
treme difficulty to frame such an indictment. He trusted that
he had now said sufficient to exculpate himself from the
charge of having acquiesced in the designs of the Catholic
Association. In his opinion there eouW be nothing so base
as for any individual to attempt to iOrward his own politi-
cal views by a partial administration of the laws. His duty
did not leave him any choice as to the course which he had
to follow. In that House he might urge a change in the
law, but out of it he could do nothing but administer the
law as he found it. He would, therefore, implore the Hon.
Member for Dorsetshire to bear with him for a few mo-
ments, whilst he briefly pointed out to him the difficulties
which beset the coarse of Government during the last few
months. They had been adverted to already; but the
consideration was so Important, that he trusted that he
should be forgiven if he now adverted to them again. lie
would beg of the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire to take
into his consideration, that it was not in one or two, or
three Parliaments, but in each successive Parliament for
many years back, that the numbers of the supporters of
this question were progressively increasing, and that pub-
lic sentiment was rapidly ripening in their behalf. With-

in a very short time the question had been beset with an
opposition more than usually furious from those who had
always been its strenuous opponents. He knew of no mode
of collecting the sense of the count:7 so satisfactory as that
of ascertaining in that House the sense of those whom the
country sent there as its representatives. He would not
take the public sentiment from the tumultuous cries of any
body of the people collected on a heath, but he wonld take
it from the calm and deliberate opinions of their represen-
tatives in that House. Those opinions had been expressed
repeatedly upon this question, and being such as they no -
toriously were, what, he would ask the Honse,:eould the
Government do ? Bit had wished to obtain more coercive
measnres than those which it already possessed, for the pur-
pose of putting down the Catholic Association, it would
have entered upon a hopeless task, whilst the balance was
perpetually increasing in Parliament in favour of Catholic
Emancipation. Give him leave to suppose, that this
question had been carried again, as it had repeatedly been
carried before; by a majority in that House—give him
leave to suppose that that majority should, go on, as he
had no doubt bat that it would go on, increasing and to
increase—give him leave to suppose also, that the wishes
of each a majority should again be detested, as it had be-
fore been defeated, by a majority of adverse votes in the
other Horse of Parliament.—.was there no difficulty, he
would ask, in such a situation ? But again—give him leave
to suppose that the majorities of the two Houses of Parlia-
ment should concur in favouring the repeal of the disabi-
lities affecting their Catholic fellow-subjects, and that their
views should meet with obstacles in another quarter, which
it would be irregular for bim to mention, except as a third
branch of the legislature—was there no difficulty, he would
ask, in a situation, which must inevitably tend to produce
discontent and dissatisfaction in the mind of the subject to-
wards a quarter towards which no subject ought to feel
discontent and dissatisfaction ? He therefore contended,
that the wisest course which Ministers could pursue, was
to take the management of such a question into their own
bands, and to disembarrass themselves, as far as unman
prudence would permit, from the difficulties in which its
unsettled state was certain to involve them. All persons
who voted with the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire justified
their votes by their apprehensions of prospective dangers.
He justified his vote by the pressure of present dangers.—
(Hear, bear.)—The dangers which Hon. Members urged
as a reason for not settling this question were doubtful,
distant, and uncertain ; the dangers which led him to de-
mand a settlement of it, were plain, and urgent, and un-
deniable.—( Hear, hear.)—Was it not therefore the duty,
the imperious duty, of a wise Minister to accede to the
declared decisions of Parliament, especially when by so do-
ing the Empire obtained a prospect of seeing its peace
and prosperity secured, and its power consolidated on the
:nest impregnable foundations ? Here, however, be would
observe, that the realization of that prospect mainly de-
pended upon the manner in which the present question was
to be carried through Parliament. Giving lull credit to
e former opponents of this measure for the most honour-

sincere desire to support the stability of the Constitution
and the welfare of the country, he would implore them to
consider seriously how fir they were likely to add to both

by the conduct which they were then pursuing. We hare
peen told of danger arising to the country—and certainly
there may he great danger in appealing, as we see some in-
dividuals now appealing, to the passions and prejudices of
the vulgar. They are influential persons—and many of
them deserve to be so—with the people of England ; and
if, when looking at public events, they are inevitably fed
to the conclusion that this question must now be carried as
we wish it, let them lend their assistance to carry it in such
a manner as will give it the appeeranes of an act of grace
and favour, as will make it come with healing en its wings,
and as will hill to rest the angry feelings and excited pas-
sions of a divided nation. As we have tried a variety of
councils in our old course without secrete, let them now
join with us in trying a new course under the auspices of
Ministers, who have had the courage to take upon them-
selves all the odium and responsibility of advising it. Let
them see whether such a course world not be productive
of all the good effects which its advisers have attached to
it. When he said all the good effects, he did not mean em
have it understood that all those effects would be visible
immediately. He would beg leave to remind the Home of
what as humble an individual as himself had said in the last
Session of Parliament, and what he would venture to repeat
again at present—namely, that the carrying of this ques-
tion would be doing every thing for Ireland. Without it,
we oan do nothing for the amelioration of that country ;
with it we may do every thing. (Loud cheers.) In
saying that all its good effects would not be immediately
visible, it was only to guard against unnecessary expecta-
tions, and to prevent individuals who sowed in exagge-
rated hope from reaping in disappointment and despair.
With respect to the allusions which had been made to the
quarter from which this proposition emanated, he would
only remark, that for his own part he cared nut from what
qnarter it came,' so long as it had come. Still there was
one observation which in commiin jnstice he felt bierself
bound to make. Nothing could be more honourable than
the conduct of the gentlemen opposite, who, from the out-
set, bad continued through good report and through bad
report, through obloquy and danger, to be firm, steady, and
uncompromising advocates of this important question.
'hey hail now cheerfully come forward to give their sup-
port to a Government, which for the first time in our
history, bad determined to take it up as a Government
question, thereby giving it its only prospect of success.
He also felt himself called upon to sympathize with his
Right Hon. Friend the member for Liverpool, that the
great and illustrious statesman, who had so often flung
the brilliancy of his talents over this great cause, had not
lived long enough to witness its triumph.--(Hear, hear.
I feel, Sir, continued the Hon. Member, that my conduct
in making these allusions to thy- ~distinguished statesman
now that he is unhappily no more, will not be attributed
to any unworthy motive, for it has been justly, as in
my mind beautiftilly observed, " that praises are not apt
to vegetate on the tomb, if they do, they strike
root downwards, and bear but little fruit to those who
plant them ;" for my part, Sir, I look to gather no fruit
from the praises which I tiles venture, with feeble hand, to
plant on Mr. Canning's grave (watered as it has been by
the tears of my affliction); but the mournful gratification
of having offered upon this spot, and on this (I hope) not
inappropriate ousasion, the humble tribute of my affec-
tionate admiration and regret to departed greatness. I
consider the success of this measure as crowning and
completing Mr. Canning's fame, devote.' a. I was
to him in his life, and solicitous as I feel myself for that
character which lie valued above life, I cannot do a more
grateful service than forwarding by every means the eon-
summation of this important measure, to which he so
long and en ardently devoted the best exertions of his varied
and gigantic talents. It were useless now to detail the
sacrifices he had made to the sincerity of his opinions on
this subject; that inquiry niight • be painful to the
living, and must be unavailing to the dead.—(Hear,
hear.)—May the result of our labours this evening justify
all the anticipations which he entertained of them; and
may we date from it the commencement of a new state of
things, pregnant with peace and prosperity to the British
empire!—( near, bear.),-[The Learned Gentleman then
sat down amidst great cheering, elicited by the tribute
which he paid to the memory of Mr. Canning, and which
we are sorry to say was very indistinctly heard in the gal-
lery, in consequence, as it appeared, of the Honourable
and Learned Member's labouring under indisposition.]
Mr. HUSIOSSON.--elifter the able and eloquent
speech of his Right Hon. and Learned Friend (the Soli-
citor-General for Ireland), in every statement of which he
agreed, and every feeling of which he admired, he could
assure the -House that he should trespass but shortly upon
its indulgence. It was not his intention, when he entered
the House that evening, to offer himself at all to their
notice; but the speech of the Hon. Member for Dorset-
shire had compelled him to change his intention, and to
break the silence he had determined to keep. His Right
Hon. and Learned Friend had given a more formal reply
to the observations of the Hon. Member for Dorsetahire
than in his opinion they deserved. His Learned Friend
had successfully vindicated that part of the Government
with which he was snore particularly connected, and
which had been eharged with the execution of the law,
of the non-execution of which the Honourable Member
for Dorsetshire so loudly complained. But at he (Mr.
Huskisson) had been in the Councils of his Majesty daring
the alleged period of such misconduct on the part of the
Government, and as he had belonged to the Cabinet which
the Honourable Member had accused of conniving at the
designs, and of nurtnring the growth, of that dangerons
Association, which had been in undisturbed existence, he
said, for the last four years he trusted that the House
would allow him to say, that it was not unnecessary for
him also to vindicate his part of the Government from the
aspersions which had been cast so unjustly upon it. That
vindication was most easy; and, strange to say, was af-
forded to him by the speech of the Honourable Member
himself. The Hon. Member seemed to think, that the
measure now suggested by his Right Hon. Friend, the
Secretary of the Home Department, was a very pro-
per measnre to put down that Association. He agreed
with his Right Hon. Friend as to the expediency of that
measure under all the existing eireninstances ; but if it had
been proposed by itself, he should have been hound to con-
sider it as a total suspension of the constitution in Ii eland;
and he shoald not have been prepared, whilst the wrongs
of the Catholics were miredresemed, to suspend the consti-
tution permanently in that country. In reference to the
,perioil to which the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had
alluded, he was called upon to declare that the Act of Par-
liament which was then passed—he spoke of the Aet which
was passed four years ago—had undergone very long and
serious deliberation on the part of Ministers. He de-
(dared further, that it would have been impossible, in
the way of definition, prevision, and enactment, to have
gone further than that Act did, without interfering
im-
properly with the rights and privileges of the subject
generally ; and that from the period in which that Act was '
passed, down to the period in which he ceased to have a
share in his Majesty's councils, the Government had been
most anxious to give full efficacy, as far as was consistent
with the liberty of the subject, to such provisions
of it as were intended to guard against the mischief of
the Catholic Association. When he first caw the mode in
which that Act was evaded in Ireland, his mind was made
up to this eonelusion—that there was no mode of termi-
nating the danger arising from the Association without
vesting in the Government a considerable portion of arbi-
trary power,—indeed ends a portion as it was now proposed
to vest for a time in the Government of Ireland. Now he
would ask the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire, whether he
was prepared to place such power In time Irish Government
permanently ? He was not at liberty to state to the House
what passed in Isis Majesty's Councils during the period in
which he had the honour of enjoying a seat at the Council
Board,—neither was it necessary that lie should do so : he
was at liberty, however, to state this,—that having come
to the conclusion which he had just declared to the House,
he could not help coming to another conclusion also ; and
that was, that consistently with his public duty he could
not grant to the Government that arbitrary power which
was necessary to put down the Catholic Association, with-
out putting an end, at the same time, to the crawl system of
-exclusion which called that Association into eaistenee.—
Either in or ont of office, he never would have agreed to
such a measure of coercion, if assured it was to be a per-
manent measure, unless it had been accompanied at the
same time by nn assurance that the evil system which the
Association sought to remedy was going to lie abandoned.
(Hear, hear.) He trusted that he had now vindicated
himself from the harsh imputation, which had been thrown
try
of hi
Ms
lwempa
jsteerfy foorD4hre; lasttehi four years;reupo-nthe
and rearqionsihle
athat
he had also stated enough to show that he meant
strenuously and sincerely to support the measure Which
had that evening been proposed by his flight Honour-
able Friend the Secretary of State for the Home .Depart-
ment. He should support its because it appeared to bine
necessary to put down an Association whieh, in the lan-•
gunge of his Majesty's speech, was incompatible with the
maintenenee of justice. with the authority of the Crown;
anyin ll
d ethes pears, of Ireland. He supported it because
it was now more necessary that ever to put down that
Association, inasmuch as there was'a degree of fearful ex-
citement existing between the two great religious parties
in Ireland, which, if not repressed, might break out at •
into actual collision and violence. tie ap. j

Wo)

k

of emancipation, because he felt that during the-dismeuesiee
of a questioe that came so directly hone to the bosom of
the community, that excitement might be still further in-
creased, and attain a most alarming height, owing to the
ini.repreeentations which might accidentally get abroad.
He agreed with the Noble Lord who was Member for Bed.
ferdshire, that in practical polities Government had often
a choice only of two evils, and that consequently there must
often be compromises to avoid collisions between ex-
treme opinions. It was the duty of his Majesty's Mini-
stems to try the effect of such a compromise in the pre-
sent case, provided they kept in view the object for which
it was effected ; and therefore he was prepared to give his
support to the compromise which the present Government
was making between two contending factions, and to the
mode in which they were making it. He was of opinion,
that in this mode of compromising collision the desire of
Ministers was that the compromise should be made in the
spirit of conciliation. (Hear. ) Haring adverted to the
subject of conciliation, he would now join with the Hon.
Member for Kent in deprecating the acrimonious language
with which his Right Hon. Friend had been taunted
the difference between his former and his present opinions.
It was not necessary for a gentleman whose character was
so highly esteemed by the Honse as that of his Hon. Friend
to vindicate himself from the taunts of the Hon. Member
for Bristol. He deprecated the use of such language upon
all occasions. He trusted that the Honse, in discussing
this question, would proceed with the same temper, mode-
ration, end forbearance, as it had displayed on all former
crecations when it was tinder discussion. It had ro cone
darted itself formerly, and he trusted that it would do so
now. (Hear.) As his lien. Friend had alluded ter pub-
lications out of doors, which were earl ied on in a very (141
ferent spirit from that which lie had ventured to recom-
mend to the House, he trusted that if his Hon. Friend
should take np any of the publications of the day, and should
find a letter in them addressed to the Protestant people of
England, by a person of no small influence, who from his
connection with the county of Kent could not but be in
intercourse with his Hon. Friend,—be trusted, lie said,
that if his Hon. Friend should find a letter from a noble
personage designating the majority of both Houses of Par-
liament as degenerate senators—(loud and repeated cries of
4, hear,")—he trusted, he repeated, that such language ad-
dressed to the Protestant people of England, and appealing
to their worst passions and prejudices, wonld only serve to
draw from his Hon. Friend that kindly admonition which
he had heard him administer that night with so much good
effect to the Hon. Member for Bristol. (Hear, hear.)
Sir F. BLAKE was almost inaudible from the noise
and coughing in the House. We understood him to de-
fend the consistency of Mr. Peel, on the ground that he
had not changed his opinions, bet had only yielded to the
pressure of the times. Great credit ought to be given to
Mr. Peel for his recent conduct, and he thought that the
Home Secretary was fairly entitled to take for his motto
the words of the poet:—
" Nil conseire sibi, null, pallescere enlpa." •
He wished to know whether the Hon. Member for Dot-
setshire, if he were in the situation of the Duke of
lington—in short, if lie was Prime Minister—(Roars of
laughter and cries of Oh !)—lie wished to know whether'
the Hon. Member for Dorsetshire would resist this pro-
position, and involve the country in civil war, rather
than concede it, and promote the general prosperity of the
empire.—( Hear. )
Lard PALAIERSTON wished, before the Meese came
to a vote upon this proposition to state to them the view
which he took of it. He confessed that it would be nistels
more agreeable to him, if the great measure of Catholic
emancipation had not been coupled with this measure to
put down the Catholic Association. He could have wished
that that measure, which ought to he a measure of gine
and favour, had not been coupled with any measure of
coercion. He thought that it would have been more manly
more generous, and more wise for Parliament not to have
accompanied so glorious a measure with any act to put
down the Catholic Asseciation.—(Hear, hear.)—He could
have wished that Association to have died the death which
would naturally fall upon it after the concession of Catho-
lic emancipation. The existence of that Association de,
peniled on the existence of d national grievance; and front
the moment in which that grievance was redeeesed, if
would have commenced its death, and would have ceased
to require the hand of the Legislature to accelerate ire
dissolution.—(Hear.)—His first objection to the presete
measure was, that it was unnecessary, considering the
course which they were going hereafter to pursue; and his
next objection was, that if they did not follow that coarse
it was perfectly ineffectual, for there was no Act of Palliest
runt, consistent with the spirit of the English Conetitne
tion, which could put down the Catholic Association ex-
cept emancipation.—(Hear, beer.)—Pnt down the Asso-
ciation ? You might as well talk of putting down the
winds of Heaven, or of chaining the cettOess titles of the
ocean.—(Hear.)—The Catholic Association was spoken of
as if it were a corporeal being, capable of being, grasped by
the law. This was folly ; for the Catholic Association
was the people of Ireland.—(Hear, bear.)—lts Spirit wee
amused by the grievance of the nation, and its seat was the
bosom of 7,000,000 of its population It was therefore idle
to talk of pntting down the Association, except by re-
moving the melee to which the Association owed
its existence. But as lie knew that time opinions of many
persons were to be consulted on this question, he was will
if the granting of this Bill were likely to make OM
eonverta to the cause of liberality, to make a temporary ea-
erifice of principle for so material an advantage. When
we have it in our power to make a bridge of gold between
the two countries, it is unwise to make only a bridge of
iron ; he would assist, however, in establishing that bridge,
rather than go without is bridge at all. He could not hell'
expressing the sabisfaction which he felt, in common with
the nation at large, at the determination which the Go-
vernment had at last adopted to give peace to Ireland. The
measure would open a career of happiness to Ireland,
which for centuries she had been forbidden to taste, and
to England a prospect of commercial prosperity and
national strength, which bad hitherto been unknown to
her annals. The labours of time present session would link
together two classes of the community which had long
been dissevered, and would disperse the fatal cloud which
had long divided the shadow of morning twilight from the
brilliant effulgence of the mid-day sun. They would form
a monument not of the crime or ambition of man, but of
the calm and deliberate operation of benevolent wisdom
watching for the good of the human race ; and they ought
to be proud that their hands would be employed in a
measure which would pass down to time latest posterity as
an object of their respect, gratitude, and veneration.—
(Cheers.)--His Right Hon. Friend the Secretary of
State for time Home Department hail been taunted with
time inconsistency which appeared between his past and
his present conduct. As to the taunts which had been
east upon him by a party which were not only stung by
disappointment that this measure was granted, but which
were also stung by disappointment that he would not lend
himself to the fnrtherance of their purposes, he trusted
that his Right Hon. Friend would treat them with the
disdain they inerited.—(Criee of " No, no.")—Gentlemen
might say no, but he said yes. What he had said he
bad said upon deliberation. He said that the party
which taunted his Right Honourable Friend were
stung with disappointment that he would not lend
himself to the furtherance of their purposes. He
thought that his Right Honourable Friend had acted
in a direct and manly manner. When once he
came to a conviction that the dangers of further i e-
eistance were greater than those contingent on the settle-
ment of this question, he pursued a manly course in re-
commending to Pediment to settle it; and he was of opi-
nion, that when his Right Hon. Friend, at the close of his
valuable life, ehonld review the great benefits which
he had conferred upon his country, lie would fix upon his
conduct on this question as the greatest and most glorious
portion of his career. It would be, perhaps, unbecoming
were he to indulge any particular exultation over any of
the parties who had formerly resisted the Catholic question,
and who had now come forward in its support. But be
hoped he might, without any invidious allusion, be per-
mitted to say, that they who had long labonred in this
great cause, who had uniformly supported it throughout ito
progress, and who had continued their steady advocacy
in defiance of pnblic obloquy and private aspersion—that
the men who had encountered all these difficulties would
now be allowed to receive their reward, in the constimma-
tion of opinions, the soundness and justice of which were
no longer capable of being resisted. Whatever privations
suck min must have suffered, they have now the high se-
tisfactinn of feeling, that their time had not been lost—that
time best spirits, the noblest faculties which Providence had
given them, had net been exercised in vain, in illuminating
the understanding of the society to which they bad devoted
t!, eselves,—(Hear, hear.)—When he did this justice to
the great men who had spent their Tires in the advocacy of
this cease, he must say, that he was unable to understand
nature of the reproach which had been so unsparingly
east upon those public men who had changed their opinions
on this subject. It was very strange that this ehould he
deemed a repro'aeh_ in a popular constitution; anti in a po-
pular assembly. ,t'or what purpose was it that the great
nein to whom be had alluded had poured forth thestores of
their mighty minds, unlocked the breast of genius, unless to
open the minds of those who differed from them, and con-
vince those who had taken up opposite positions ? 01 the
Ministers who ;had hitherto objected to the repeal of time
penal laws, it could lie fairly said, that they had not yielded
until actual pecesiity had compelled then).—(Hear.)—He

would venture to say, that env ettlin and displislottele man
?who 414 had a residenre iu Ireland (hiring the 11A 141 c
most have seen that the meat:lire hi:UM tto longer
Orr eetayed--that Ireland Wee on tee 'eviler of civil
'which nothieg tot prerente'il tett the presence of a large
etatteling "tilr., SE d *rat would net hate! throe 4-ere
etto fee the oiee end tempertte oltrintsteaion of it
tee hste Lori Licateaent—the Mettle. of Anglesea.—
(ithsr, hoer.)—The eolzot.r,r4",rt tern by intestine tlieie
salS4l e the whole pernete were (fielded into tees KeLed
ln9>r isle tar feetierrooe-there rots no nentral Meaty among them
- -the links of etoriety were broken reetider, and any elienre
seer-4 must have blown, op ft general eonflaeration.—
(It: rev, hear.)—ln tat s'" Ye of things the Government had
..steeled to stern neett'oelty, and abandoned former opiciena,
Wren% a foil :err Il lest conviction that the dry IAA' arrived
se-hen they *Met propese to Parliament the settlement of
'this tree% 'national queetiono--(llear, hear.)
• Vv. PEEL reee to reply. Ile Paid, tint the ailnoet tina-
Ottmnsa actthieneente of lion.Mernbere In the ineatterewhich
it was hie duty to propose to them on this night, wotild.
have .relieved him freeet the necessity of sayitig tree Word
in :eel), to t4,e ohemoations of some Hon. ficeftlemen oppo-
site;; ,awl 'he should have remaiucel altogether silent were it
rot for the sarong, and indeed Or:tonal, allusions which had
le en inade upon him by the lion. Alenther for Dorset-him
(Mr. Bankl"), whom he hoped still to call his Horton-0N
e•
t• tofu!. The Hon. Member had pssintetilyhothed himi how
lea? thie Cetholie Association evoked its ?noon% power and I
tnntieseree in Ireland? and heel Nett proceeded, in taunts 1
end reproaches, etrone, bet oniest—: Attar, hear,)—to as-
seed him for hie connote% on tine prevent oceaeion, " My
enswer," continued Air, Feel, " to the cbtirgee why tyke
bed tett linPPre".-'1 the Catholic Atioetietiolo Is, that elm
forbeetonre :moot, in a great 'tome" Item the peculiar state
"f tbo which bed pro:Mho:I in tire Goveteerfettt
ttj,on tiets etiesetinn, and which, in feet, hid to placed u',
:Mt 't taints have been imposed*. to hive suppressed
ouch ail Ameciation while tae Cebintt maintained a neutra-
itly tt:tetn the Catholie, Claims, and refrained from a deter.
eriinaton to tale *hem into coneidecetion. lied the Go-
vernreent 'vomit-led wood, my firm conviction it, that Oh
Act isteneh t 1 for the snpproseien would have done, anti
that tie: attempt 'would have only aggravated the evil.
Pot al the reproaches that have been cast span tee,
'tee meet severe is that which I have this night heart!,
why had I en bog delayed the intiraetten of my
opinhot, 'beet the very worst state in which this
seettett tenth! be left was ti'.4t so long acted upon,
et!' trentrality on the pail of the Govirnment? I had
Asa thelayed it t ten the contrary, I had communicated it
to my Noble ishierel at the head of the Government, antl.l
leave toted upon it, the very first moment winch the elibjevt
;mak' he introduced te the enneideretien of the Legis-
4tetre.—lHeac, hear.)—When, het-etor, the Hon. Gen-
sterna 1, in addition to his °deer tanner; mete reproaches
upon ail the Members of his Majesty's Couneile, and ;in-
vites to them a einteuerence in some species of conspiraty
to fne stet the meet- of the Catholic Association, that they
ehoul• afteehools use curb a eiremostanot as a means of
eettline this question, I hope he trill permit toe to say, that
he reef' y iednlves in an accusation tie strange and tetra-
vattent in itself, that I realty know not Ito* tie prairie a
eerions refettation Hen r. )—That the Ge?trnment should
have wiifinly precipitated Ireland he the verge of civil coin •
motion, -to make ant el good case for the adenstment
of the Catholic question, is, I repeat, too extravagant a
charge to call for any reply.—(Hear, hear.)—But when it
le sat,' that there was perfidy in permitting this eseoeia-
C'Xi,t in defiance of the law, I must viodicate the
limit's Wellesley fro:r. any disinclination to suppress it,
when. he was intrusted with the Statute of 1525, if he
heete a ivised of the expediency of tahing such a course.
There wee no man more ready than that Noble Lord to
vindiee e the anthoriry a the law ; but hr shrank !root
the pa- teelar task, when the chance of faiittre
knew, .eve agneavated all the evils with which he had to
seamen.' in his Government. If ! am called upon to state
why I did not enforce the act ef 1923, I should have :le-
cessari:y to go ittto the whole :.s=tory of affars in Ireland
durinc the last four years, and then to come to the conclu-
sion a te In the ivisions and contentions which prevailed,
the reel abatement of faction was impossible.—(Hear.)—
'when gnu. Gentlemen talked of the Act of 1825, let
hhem hear in mind how that Act was feilewed up by the
tame Ihrtiement which had introduced rt : why. by a Bill
fee Ca 'colic relief, which, though lest in the Upper Heave,
statist • r ha're shotett the people that eenciliatten was in-
tended a aecempeny coercion. The Act, then, of 1523,
Was ttee the nteesure upon which the Torso of Co:names
*Nene i'• for the tranquillity o' Ireland, when they had
record-a its eecerepaniment by the adatisettei that Catled.c
distabi: he. etoott to he I ',moved —(.-car. hear.) There
were t= e witieb it. d preveutett the tffeetual opera-
titan of the tent ef1825. As to the reproaceies which stave
been vet upon we, I the not mean to tie them with cal.-
lonene o ; but I ant eupported ruder the intimate. °envie•
-
rim der the Government an. no* right in the eouree
wt;eh 'hey hove rye-tem:meted to Perleumett. and tltat, hail
they r usken it, node eta eximine cheunotertette ei the
thEV v 60'4 S let ally tehie rather teen weer
weeld have ho.' ive to the ow:re of those iota-
Mishit ente for which lion. Getulemen opposite proCeeeed
to Mote so deep a cencern.—(Heae.)—The propriey of
'hie et.-ante wilt. I knees, he bereatti r admitted, and it
ivtll b, said of the introducer of the new Yon pim •
ebat ,aim man,.;-es ante salutcm.'—(Hear.)—l wish not
to say ens word more of the personel attacks which have
been tea& upon me; but really the attack of my lion.
. releeti (Mr. Benkes) was too pointed ; it wits more than I
coot:i -*cl! beer s, and I trust say that I adroit eel it more
for to boldness thin its jnetice.-:-(Bear.)—When, hen--
ever, toy ren. Frientl felt disposed to he so seveie -on whet
he ter-ned ti,y inconsistency, and to find any defence of it
floret-tittle, I am disposed to ask him, whether he did not
Linas-vtf change his opininn in one sessions of Parliament
wen :his very question, and whether he ntieht not, in his
own jest detente upon that °erasion, have found mine on
the er,oent. I allnde to the dehate upon Mr. Canning'-
mothei in the year 1512, which was eetsehod in the fel.
!envie:tete-net :—' That this Hotter will, *oily in the next
eyotiou of Parlhonent, take into its most serious coneideration
the state of the laws affecting Lis 11 ;:sty's Roman Catholic
subject!, in Greet Britain and Ireland, with a view to smelt
a final and conciliatory atljustmrnt, as may he conducive
to the peace and stength of the United Kingdom, to the
etabiliey of the Proteetent establishment, and to tlet gene-
ral eetisfaetion and concerti of all classeo of his Itlejeety'e
subjects.' (Hear, hear.) When I ask my Hon. Friend
what were the reasons which could have induced him to
consent to such a proposition, I will find in his men vin-
&ration then, the whole substance ofmine now, and upon
his words rely, without adding a syllable in further ex-
planation of them." Mr. Peal then proceeded to reel
from the volume of Parliament-try Dehatee of 181?, the
ft:n(ll%7h%; expressions toed Ity the Horonrable Member for
Dnreetehire, in suppertine the aheve resolution of Air.
Canniiin's!—. Mr. ilinkee loped it 'meld serer be a •
point of -honour with any Goeernment to pereevere in
reetsures after they were convinced of their impropriety.
(Hear, hear.) Political expediency was not at all tames
the settle; whit at one time might be considered eontis-
tent with Found policy would at another he completely
impolitic. Thins it ryes with respect to tie Roman Ca-
tholics. (Chen and roars of laughter.) What changes
had not taken place in the question itself, as well as in the
minds efthe House, sines it was last agitated ? (Renewed
laughter.) These were, however, circumstances which
might not to render the question more ,r.etilt to 1:e met,
as the Home was not celled upon to eeeez upon principles
- which were epplicahle to other times ail to other viewe."
(Hear, hear.) Thie was what he (Jr. Peel) bad done,
and for it the it-an, Member had reproached hint. (Shone,
of " hear.") He had altered his eauvie under altered eir-
eemetaneee, and risked his reputation for eoneisteney ra-
ther than compromiser great and essential interests fur the
indulgence of mere personal feelings. (Cheers.)
Mr. BANKES hoped the House would indulge him for
a few memento after the allusion which had just been made.
He perfectly recollected that he was a party to Mr. Can-
ring's motion at the end of the Session of 1812, and was
then exeeediegly ()odious it should be settled satisfactorily.
.---(Cries of Fear, and laughter.)-13nt the moment he bad
aster rained that it was nothing short of accession to both
Hotros of Parliament, he determined to resist claims which
if seethed to, would have put an end to the Protestant es
tablisltment in Ireland. He had never complained of the
'change of any public man's opinion upon convietioa.—
(Hear, 'awl a laugh.)—On the contrary, he had often
praised such a correctine of previous impressions. Brit
his Right Hon. Friend's change had not been marked by
his usual candour; for whathail be told them?
hut that his opinions had undergone a total change upon
inforrration known . to himself, but not yet cominnnieated
to the Houle. His case wag not, therefore, }elate them,
elthonnie he required the opinions of others to be into motel
to him by anticipation. He repeated,' that in 1812 he
was ready to concede political power to the Catholieto
short, however, of their admission to both Houses of Par -
hament. --(A laugh).—Whoever took the *multi, of read-
that debate, would see that tilers was no discrepancy
between his former mad prevent opinions.—(Hear, and
laagh.)
. Mr. PEEL, in explanation, begged to say, that he did
not make an attack upon his lion. Friend. But when
such unusual language had„been applied to. tiirn in the de
bate, as t sae tergiversatioh, base connivance, had be not a
richt to note the force of hie Hon. Friend's just distinc-
tion in his own case, as a complete and satisfactory tindi.-

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