The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Other papers, besides those to which we formerly
• alluded, have been intercepted among the rebel baggage
in Portugal, and with them fresh and more ample proofs,
had such been necessary, of the connection, or we might
say incorporation, of interest and plans, between the Court
of Spain and the Portuguese insurgents. The traitorous
despatch, of which a copy was given a few days ago in
this journal, was addressed, as our readers may remember,
to the Queen Dowager of Portugal, and contained a direct
acknowledgment that the writer had been appointed by
. Ferdinand himself, second in command of the rebel army,
of which Chaves was, by the same authority, commissioned
as Commander-in-Chief. This was no contemptible evi-
dence of a fact decisiVe against the honour and loyalty of
Ferdinand. The papers published on Saturday are three
in number—not addressed by one Portuguese to another,
and speaking of King Ferdinand in the third person, but
letters from a Spaniard in Portugal—a Spanish agent, co-
operating with the Portuguese insurgents—to three seve-
ral Spanish authorities, detailing circumstances relative to
the insurrection. in which lie was personally engaged.
They'all bear date the same clay, viz. the Gth of January,
at Lamego.' The first epistle is directed to Brigadier-
General Del Pont, Commandant-General of
.the Spanish
province of Orense, in Gallicia, just beyond the northern
frontier of Portugal. In this the worthy Don P. Luis Baci-
galupi tells his most excellent countryman, that he has not
yet-been able to join the army, which was on the right bank
of the Mondego, but that a battalion of militia from Telles
Jordao's divison had marched in to garrison Lamego; that
he bad great respect for the people about him, meaning
the Portuguese we presume, and would do every thing in
his power for them, " but above all for our august Sove-
reign." The second despatch from this apostolical soldier,
he 'Addresses to " Don T. Hernando Martin, Secretary to
our Lord the King ! No. 17, Cale de Leganitos, Madrid."
After making a similar statement to that of the preceding
letter, in relation to the garrison of Lamego, Don Gallipot,
or whatever be his name, refers to "what I had yesterday
the honour of writing from Villa- Real, to briag 'to the
knowledge of his Majesty." In another paragraph he
wished to know whether.his " conduct gives satisfaction
to his' Majesty, which is the sole object of his efforts and
assidnitieS,? and all this to Secretary of the King him-
- self. In despatch the third' of this series, the Spanish
incendiary describes himself to Don Pablo Sierra, Knight
• Pensioner of the Royal Order of Charles 111., Madrid, as
" experiencing all the civility and courtesy common to this
country, and assuming at the same time the tone which
befits my mission." In the concluding sentence he says,
" I serve the King with all the fidelity of my heart !"
. This really seems enough, and somewhat more. But, in-
deed, from the speech of Mr. Canning on the Royal Mes-
'sage, we must conclude, that the Right Hon. Gentleman
was then in possession of proofs incontrovertible touching
'the' treacherous hostility of the Court- of Madrid, though
-he concealed what he knew, as the sole means of leaving
to Ferdinand the "locuspenitentice." Now this was early in
December : and how has Ferdinand employed the oppor-
tunities of penitence thus afforded him ? Read the inter-
cepted letters.—Times.

The short speech addressed by Lord Lansdown to the
]House of Lords, on withdrawing his notice of motion in
favour of the Catholics, was calculated to make a deep
impression on every friend of emancipation, though, with
regard to the'enemies of that measure, we certainly cannot
suppose that any effect would be produced by mortal elo-
quence or wisdom. There was in the discourse of the
noble Marquis, a tone of earnest and dignified regret, a
depth of conviction, and a solemnity of warning, beyond
what we have on former occasions witnessed from his
_Lordship, or indeed from almost any other Statesman.
The consequences of the vote on Wednesday morning
Were darkly.and:fearfully,shadowed out by the noble Mar-
.quis ;. and on this-part of .the subject we shall merely say,
that no opponent of the Catholic claims has ever vet
ventured to look in the face, either of the two simple but
vital questions—What will you do with Ireland ?-IVill
•ip)7l leave her as she ir?—lbid.

_ Mr. Alderman Waithman, finding the Honourable
House, on Friday night,. unwilling to listen to unpalate-
able truths, had recourse to something like finesse. He
began to sing out the praises of the landowners,
Conticure omues, intentique ora tenebant.

" He had much respect for the landed interest ; they were
men generally who had a good deal of time upon their
hands—who had leisure to do good, and to reflect upon
the best mode of doing it. He had always thought that
to the-exertions of the landed proprietors this country was
greatly indebted for the preservation of its liberty and pri-
vileges."—(Considerable cheering.)-0 si sic wilts. But
the Worthy Alderman having conciliated the benevolence
of his hearers by his sugared words, thought he might ven-
ture to edge in a few profitable truths. " They were men
also who saw their own interests pretty clearly; but he
must,say that they seemed to have no conception of the
difficulties and privations to which Other classes were
reduced." The loud 'cries of." Question," soon: satisfied
theWorthv Alderman-that he - had. manoeuvred to. little
purpose. It would be as easy to perivade the Common
Councilmen of the City of London that the extravagant
expendithre•of the' City reveniies, by which so many.. of
them have benefitted, and' of which lately we have had
some very edifying expositions, is highly censurable, or to
persuade Mr. Alderman. Anslie that economy. at a Lord
Mayor's Feast is a praiseworthy innovation. Human na-
ture is pretty much the same in the west end of the town
that it is in the east. Even Mr. Brougham, with all his
claims on the attention of the House, failed to obtain a fa-
vourable hearing when he hinted at the benefit of low
prices. Mr. Alderman Waithman's speech would have
been well received • at the east end of the town. Sir
Francis Burdett, who has great tact in suiting him-
self to his audience, followed the worthy Alderman, and
it would have been strange indeed, if, during the delivery
of his agree.,:)le speech, the House had shewn the least
impatience. "He maintained (he said) what he had
stated on a former occasion, that there was no set or class
of men more liberal, more virtuous, or more respectable,
in every point of view, in this country, or any country in
the world, than the class to which he had the honour to
belong. That class, indeed, was that which formed the
grand distinction of this country among the nations of the
civilized World." We remember when Sir Francis, in the
speech at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, on May Ist,
1309,. wished to confer a grand distinction on the class to
which he has the honour to belong. " Some time a•-2,
otlntlemen, it was proposed in Parliament, that every.la-
bourin; man who
maintained his family without having re-
course to
,:larish alms, should have a badge of distinction,
now I shoula '
like to see a badge of infamy on the bosom
of every roan,by political intrigue, and by corrupt
practices, betrays ths.' best interests of his country. Such
and always are, extorting alms
men always have. beet :2
from every labouring man i-. 71 the nation." But we dispute
.
the position that that class t 0 which he (Sir Francis) had
the honour to belong, was that which formed the grand
distinction of this country among the nations of the civi-
lized world. There are other grand distinctions in this
country- We enjoy the grand distinction of being the
highest taxed nation in the civilized world—of having, too,
more misery and crime among us—a greater number of
well-filled prisons—a greater number of victims to Game ,
Lays. It would seem that it is impossible . to have the
one grand distinction without the other grand distinctions.
'We are. by nc means disposed to conclude that there :;re;
not. many virtuous individuals in, the class to which Sir
Francis 'has the honour to belong. But he will Live us'
leave to observe, that the class in question has notwith-il
standing been the cause of all the evils under which we are;
-suffering as a nation. All power is in the hands of that,
'class.; and how has that power been exercised? Inplunging,
the country into one war after another; in the creation of
all manner of extravagant establishments, in order to have,
a pretext for lavishing the money extracted from the people
on themselves and their connections. Why is Ireland now
the cause of a heavy expenditure to this country ? and,
why are the wretched labourers of this country made still,

more wretched by the influx of swarms of Irish, for whom '
there is no.employmeot at home ? Why but for the sake of
the Hierarchy—that is, in other words, for the sake of the
large revenues of the Church, which the Aristocracy share
among themselves. It is openly avowed in Parliament,
that the reason why such measures as can alone lay a
foundation for the improvement of Ireland are not adopted
is, that they might, by possibility, endanger the 'Hierarchy,
that is, divert from the Aristocracy a part of the large re-
venues which they now enjoy in their character of Bishops
and other Dignitaries. Sir Francis cannot mean that there
is any thing in the physical organization of the Landowners
of this country,—any thing in the proportions of Norman,
Saxon, Dutch, and Jewish blood that flows in their veins,
that is the cause of their superiority. He no doubt attri-
butes their virtues to the peculiar circumstances in which
they are placed. They are richer and more powerful than
the Landowners of any other country. If they differ
from rich men in other countries, in any respect, the dif-
ference is of course owing to the manner in which their
character is influenced by the other classes. Thus, for
instance, we see that in Ireland, where there-is no intelli-
gent middle class to serve as a check-to the Aristocracy,
they are reckless, unfeeling,and insolent. In England, on the
other hand, where there is a large. Wealthy and Well-in-
formed middle class, the Aristocracy possess-a milder and
more kind and considerate character. We believe Sir
Francis would have been more correct if he had said that
that to which alone we owe our chief distinction is our
middle class, and that to that middle class We are in-
debted for any superiority which our-higher reeks possess
over the higher ranks in other countries. The middle
classes then form the grand distinction, and not the higher
ranks; because the higher ranks are- nowhere found pos-
sessed of virtue where there is not a middle class, and a
middle class, by controuling and stimulating the higher
orders, necessarily elevates their character. A gentleman,
with 10,000/. a-year, cannot, in the midst of so enterpris-
ing a people as the English, pass his time like the imbecile
Nobles of Madrid and Lisbon. But we defy any man to
point-out in the whole world a class which has pushed to
such an extent the art. of robbing the people of the fruits
of their labour. They may be liberal and -generous, and
all that ; but they avail themselves of their power over the
industry of the r!ountry, to supply themselves with the
means of eiercising this. liberality and generOsity. All
those who have an unlimited command over the means of
otherS. are proverbially liberal. The Turk IS the most li-
beral of men. Highwaymen are seldom stingy. If Sir
Francis means to say that the clasi to which he has the
honour-to belong spend- freely what they get easily, we
believe him. But we do not exactly see why this virtue
of spending liberally other's people money is an answer to
the complaints of those who wish to preserve their own
money-in their own pockets. The complaint is, that the
higher ranks have the power to tax us, and that they have
used that power most unconscionably-; and Sir Francis's
whole ilife has been a struggle against that power.—
illorn big Chronicle.
The-practice of holding persons to bail, and committing
them to prison in default of it, for very trifling breaches
of the peace, has of late_ years become a very serious evil,
and one which Mr. Peel will, we trust, be induced to in-
quire into, and remedy; and the more so as it is princi-
pally brought into action by those who are under his more
immediate control. In addition to this, a novel practice
(novel, at least, in its extent), and one still more objec-
tionable, has risen up—of requiring notice of bail, and
committing people to prison till the term of such notice
has .expired, though they may have offered unexception-
able bail in the interim. The avowed reasons for this lat-
ter practice are, the serious nature of the offences, or the
doubtful characters of parties; while the real- motive—
we fear too often—is a vindictive wish to inflict punish-
ment before trial, which any Magistrate who knows his
duty ought cautiously to avoid. This latter practice is
less excusable where a regular Police Establishment exists
than it would be among country Magistrates—those who
preside over the former having under their control persons
competent to make the necessary inquiries promptly;
which they ought to do, instead of confining men to
prison, who, in all probability, will—one half of them,
at least—never be prosecuted; and that, too, to such
wretched, ill-governed gaols as some of those to which
such persons are committed. Surely, when a little trouble
on the part of those who are so well paid for it would
remedy so great a hardship and injustice as this, -the
public have a right to expect it will be done. We have
been led to notice this subject by seeing it stated that a
person, during the late inclement weather, actually died
in one of these prisons, who had , been committed not
merely in default of bail, but during the 24, or 48 hours of
notice required by the committing Magistrate ; but not, we
hope (as we have also seen it stated), after he had actually
offered to deposit in hard cash the amount of the required
security. Independently of the hardship and frequent in-
justice of the practice, we exceedingly doubt its legality
on many of the occasions on which it is used. We appre-
hend that Magistrates—and especially those who are paid
by the public for a constant attendance at the Rotation
Offices—are bound to accept competent bail for bailable
offences whenever it is offered ; and that to delay receiving
it, and thereby detain a man in gaol a single hour unneces-
sarily, is an offence, and a dereliction of duty in tile Ma-
gistrates so acting, which, sooner or later, we trust, they
will be all taught to know is such. We have heard of
such things as Magistrates being proud of the number of
persons they commit to prison ; and being anxious, there-
fore, to sweil the list of their supposed services. This, if
true, must be a very miserable vanity indeed. Even Jack
Ketch, we believe, was never known to exult in the num-
ber of his victims ; though such a boast would not be more
preposterous or out of place than the kind of vanity to
which we allude. We trust, therefore, that the Coroner's
Inquest held lately in Tothill-fields' Prison will not be lost
sight of by those who have it in their power to remedy
the evil we complain of ; and in the correction of which, it
now appears, not only the liberty—but the life—of every
man is more or less involved,—Morning Herald..

The public, we dare say, begin by this time to be sa-
tiated with the affair of Mr. Brougham and Mr. Raikes;
and were it merely a squabble between two members of a
Club-house, we should say that enough, and more than
enough, had been said upon the subject. But we cannot
let it entirely drop without stating our opinion, that though
apparently 'trivial and uninteresting., it is a topic in which
the public are more interested than they may he at first
sight aware of. Though the license of speech used by
advocates is sometimes abused (not that we think it was at
all upon the occasion adverted to), it is much more import-
ant that even this abuse should be tolerated, than that ad-
vocates should be deferred from a fearless pursuit of their
duty by the dread of personal consequences to themselves.
It is the duty of a Judge (to be exercised sparingly, no
doubt) to check an advocate, who, from over zeal or bit-
terness, mixes himself too warmly in the cause of his
client; but that an irritated plaintiff or defendant, or even
a witness (who is often the person having most reason to
complain) should be tolerated in seeking personal satis-
faction from an advocate for any thing said or done in
the discharge of his duty, would destroy the independence
of the Bar, and deprive suitors in Courts of Justice of the
advantages they are entitled to derive from the labours of
Counsel. In this respect, the affair of Mr. Brougham and
Mr. Raikes becomes important ; and the more so, as far
as we can judge, from its forming a violation of the
im-
punity we are contending for, the most groundless and un-
called for that can possibly be imagined.—lbid..
In their plan for the future regulation of the Corn Trade,
our Ministers have been successful beyond the usual lot of
rulers. They had two parties to deal with, apparently
most opposite in their views, and labouring under an erro-
neous impression that their respective interests were
adverse; and they have been successful in pleasing both.
The Ministerial propositions on the Corn Trade have been
received with almost equal satisfaction in the manufacturing
and the agricultural districts : and this important subject
is likely to be settled without producing any acrimony of
spirit in the country, or even exciting much keen discus-
sion in Parliament, In three respects the proposed law is

a great improvement on the old system. First, it lowers
greatly the price at which foreign
.grain is admitted without
any, but a nominal duty, into our markets, and is, so far,
an approxiniation "to the principles of free intercourse.
Whenever the price of Wheat reaches seventy shillings,
the trade in corn will, for the future, be practically free ;
so that, long before any thing approaching to a scarcity can
he felt, we shall lte able to avail ourselves of all the sup-
plies that can be obtained from other countries. Se-
condly, under the new system, our ports will never be
necessarily or suddenly closed ; and we shall there-
fore, escape all those fluctuations of price, which are
produced by the admission of foreign corn at one
time, and the absolute exclusion of it at another.
The graduated scale of duties may, according as our
home prices are rising or falling, allow the importa-
tions to increase or operate as a check upon them ;
but, in either case, the effect will be produced gra-
dually, and by successive steps. Thirdly, not only shall
we be exempted from that artificial cause of fluctuation
which exists at present, in the sudden opening or shutting
of our ports, but the state of the foreign trade in corn,
instead of being a source of fluctuation, will, to some - ex-
tent, modify and check those fluctuations which may pro-
ceed from internal causes. If, for instance, an-unfavour-
able season, or the possession of more ample means of
purchase, by the great body of the consumers, cause the
prices to rise, the diminution of the rate of. duty will co-
operate with the increase of price, in attracting an aug-
mented importation of grain from neighbouring countries :
and this increase of supply will help to keep the markets
down: If, on the other hand, from the working of internal
causes, there is a tendency in the markets to fall, the
higher rate of duty, which will then become payable, as
well as the diminution in the price, that can be obtained,
will contribute to lessen the amount of importations,and will
prevent the fall from taking place as rapidly, and to such an
extent, as it otherwise might. Under such a system as that
which Mr. Canning proposes, we are inclined to think; that
there will be less fluctuation of prices than even if the trade
wereperfectly free. Six or seven monthe ago, zealous attempts
were made to excite a loud clamour among. the people, for
the simple and' unqualified abolition of .all Corn Laws.
We then pointed -mit the absurdity :and •eatravag-.once of
such a notion. We are- glad 'to find, that there are none
who are now impudent enough to avow it. In the course
of time, and with the gradual .change of the circumstances
of the countryove may come very near to perfect freedom
in the corn trade; but the transition to such a state, must
be slow and gradual; it must be, not so much affected by
law, as prepared by the spontaneous course of events at
home. Free trade in Corn is an absurdity, until the usual
rate of price among us approaches nearly to a level with
the usual rate of price in the adjacent parts of the Con-
tinent. Even those who have opposed Mr. Canning's
propositions, have assented to the principle on which
they are founded; and the only difference of opinion,
which has been expressed, relates to details. There are
three points, which comprise the essential parts of the Mi-
nisterial scheme;. first; the adoption of a graduated scale
of duties; secondly, the amount of those duties; thirdly;
the fixing the point, at which a given amount of duty is
to be paid. The amendments which have been proposed
do not touch either of the first two points; they are con-
fined entirely to the last. Mr. Bankes would wish the
duty of twenty shillings. per quarter to commence, when
the average. price is sixty-four shillings, rather than when
it is sixty shillings. Mr. Whitmore, on the other hand,
would not impose the duty of twenty shillings till the price
falls to fifty shillings, and he then adopts a scale of duty
graduated to a certain extent, but changing at a given
point into a fixed import. We can see a good, or at least
a plausible reason why the Ministers commence their
scale at sixty shillings, that having been theaverage of the
last four years, and also of the last twelve years ; but we
can see no reason for fixing the commencement of the
;cale,- either with Mr. Bankes, at sixty-four-shillings, or,
with Mr. Whitmore, at fifty shillings ; and still less do
we see any reason why we should have a varying duty
when the price is under fifty-five shillings, and a fixed
import above that point.--Neuf Times.

MEETINGS OF CREDITORS.

COUNTRY DIARY.—TituRsDAY, Mtßol 11

Burchell, W., Ensham—Staple Hall, Witney
Dinsclate, G., Middleham—Bishop Blaize, Richmond li
Gorle, J., Hales Owen—Royal Hotel, Birmingham ll
Jordan, W., Leeds—Court-houst., Leeds. ll
Musgrave and Co., Wincanton—White Horse, Wincanton ll
Pattinson and CO., Leeds—George, Kingston-upon-Hull
Potter, R., East Teienrnouth—Half Exeter l2
Robinson, R., Hill Top--Sun, Bradford l2
Schortield, J., Southowram, Halifax—Swan, Huddersfield
Strickland, A., New Malton—Etridge's hotel, Lendall
Trehein and Co., Hereford—Greyhound, Hereford ll
Warren,• D., Wellington—\Vhite Hart, Wellington ll
Wood, T., Horneastle—Black. Horse, llorncastle lO

INSOLVENTS APPLYIN(
Petitions to be heard at Portuip
MARCH 15,

Benbow, W., Holborn
Brice, J., Bermondsey
Burton, R., Lambeth
Cornish, J. Wandsworth
Garwood, J., Islington
Edwards, W., Bermondsey
I fare, J., Tamworth
I lumphries, J., Margaret-street

i TO BE DISCHARGED,
1-street, Lincoln'eann.Fialds,
AT NINE.

Keen, G., Vanxball

Lamt Jermyn-street
Lockett, J., Northfleet
Low, G, Peckham
_ .

Lunn, C., Spa-fields
souggs, G., Commercial road
White, G., Dean-street, Soho

• ,
COUNTRY.—At the Court-house, 'Winchester, March 15. at Ten.
A tlee, R., Portsea 1 Griffin, W., Buckland
Baker, J., Carisbrook Grossmith, R., Portsea
Diaper, P., Gosport Holland, J., Portsea
Faulkner, 8., Gosport I Palmer, G., Newport
night, J., Winchester Pike, G., Titchfield
Fourn:er, 0., Portsea Venn, P., Portsea
At Beaumaris, March 16, at Ten.
Owen, E., Amleoch, miller
At Bury St. Edmund's, March 16, at Ten.
Ayes, J., Mildenhall I Kendall, V., Brandon
Barrett, J. Newmarket Wells, J., Sudbury
Braddock, Bury

PORTRAIT of LADY BYRON and her DAUGHTER.
—I knew a good deal of Lady B. when she lived at I for-
get the name of the place now, but it is not far from Bromley—
and thought her a woman of masculine understanding, great con-
versational powers, and strong natural good sense—but not alto-
gether the wife for Lord Byron. She shewed'her admirable sense
of propriety by the seclusion to which she consigned herself, and
the dignified silence she inviolably maintained respecting what may
he termed " her case." I believe, to her most intimate associates,
Lady Byron never breathed her husband's name ; never ..1111cled,
in the most casual manner, to her own peculiar situation. On
the contrary, she appeared studiously to avoid all reference to the
subject. Her daughter, Ada Byron, to whom such a touching
interest attaches, strongly resembles her gifted father. There is,
in particular, an expression about the mouth—a curl, when she is
displeased, in her youthful lip—a fire and fieite in her eye—which
those who had ever an opportunity of watching the poet's features,
in a moment of irritation, would instantly recognise. The like
ness is singularly striking. It is 'hardly fair to judge of her at
such tender years ; but I thought I discoveredlerms of talent,
and—shall I add--a spice of Lord Byron's disposition—a large
leaven of self-indulgence and self-will. Lady Byron was passion.
ately attached to her, and paid the most' vigilant attention to those
grand essentials in a woman's happiness—temper arid disposition.
There was one thing in particular which struck me very forcibly.
It is a rule worthy the adoption of every mother. I had dined
done with Sir Ralph and herself ; little Ada was with us at tea ;
but at its conclusion, Lady Byron rose and said, " You must ex-
cuse me : I always give an hour to my daughter every night, be-
fore she goes to bed, when we talk over the events of the day. I
find it by far the best hour in the 24 for Affecting and correcting
the heart ?" If she was " learned" and " mathematical," most as-
suredly it never appeared in her conversation. It was that, and
that only, of a highly accomplished and very well-informed wo-
man. An incident occurred—l don't choose to div'lge it—which
was perfectly conclusive to my mind that Lady Byron was still
fondly attached to him. And from the accounts of others who
knew the facts, I am thoroughly satisfied that Lord and Lady
Byron might have been living together at this very hors, had his
life been spared, but for the intervention of a third person. Lady
Noel never could endure him; and the feeling was reciprocal.
She Was perpetually haunted by the idea that his Lordship was
an unfaithful husband. On the other hand, he never spared her ;
unhappily, Lady Noel's temper and unguarded expression af-
fordedscope for the most biting satire and caustic irony.
and,
ipie
Whatever. his Lordship might have been previous to his mar-
riage, or since the separation, in the particular instance so con-
tinually quoted, he was grossly misrepresented. I hare reason to
believe, though not from her own lips, that Lady Byron now feels
thie,".—. The Living and the Dead.
•