The Sun.
London, England, 1827-04-21 00:00:00

are some of these of a, public nature, and affect-
rightsv:whielt have been long
before theConit.,- -and its is, high time that they
should "be` determined. -Among cases of this
w nature,- e fwbuld particulOY call his Lordship's
i*collection to
~ one. on- which he las repeatedly
promised: togiveinal judgment, and which .in-
volves the most important principles connected
with the security of property disposed by will in
trust for charitable purposes. We allude to the
case of the Highgate Grammar School—an en-
dowment designed by the learned and benevo-
lent founder, Sir Roger Cholmely, to be the
means of diffusing liberal instruction in the
hamlet of Highgate and its vicinity, but which,
like many similar institutions in this country, is
of no benefit to those for whose advantage it
was originally intended. With that feeling
which makes us always ready to expose every
public abuse, in whatever quarter such abuse
may originate, we have all along advocated, the
cause of this charity—and during the several
years in which it has been in litigation, we have
placed the circumstances of the case before our
readers in every point .of view that a faithful ex-
position of so important a subject required. The
Lord Chancellor twice delivered his opinion so-
lemnly from the Bench since the case was closed,
and that opinion was in unison with our own, but,
under the vain expectation that the trustees against
whom the proceedings were instituted would restore
this valuable charity to the objects for which it was
endowed, his Lordship did not give to his opinion
the formal sanction of a decree—finding, however,
that his advice was thrown away upon persons who
can only be convinced of their duty by the logic of
compulsion, the Learned Lord promised to pass that
decree which the trustees could not eontravene,with-
ont subjecting themselves to the penalties of a con-
tempt of Court. The decree, for what reason we
cannot tell, has never yet been pronounced. The
great expences of the suitors are most unnecessarily
prolonged—the advantages of the charity withheld—.
and a dangerous precedent allowed to exist, which
we hope his Lordship will not leave his successor to
correct.—ibid.
One of our contemporaries, whose political
dissertations are studiously " adapted to the
meanest capacities," considers that Mr. Canning
will not become a popular Minister, unless he
could abolish the National Debt and extinguish
the taxes ; and our contemporary farther thinks,
that Mr. Canning is not likely to attempt these
little improvements. We are somewhat of the
same opinion upon this latter belief ; but we
are not sure that the people of England are yet
disposed to adopt Jack Cade's notions of official
beneficence, requiring as the test of the popu-
larity of their rulers, that " there shall be seven
half-penny loaves sold for a penny." Mr. Can-
ing will, we have little doubt, rest his claims to
the support of the people, and justify the choice
of his Sovereign, upon rather more practical
grounds. But . there are some, difficulties, we
must candidly admit, which beset the path of
Mr. Canning, demanding all the energies of his
powerful mind to combat and overcome. We
have no doubt, however, that the. country will
rally round the Throne, to support the choice of
their Sovereign, for that choice was a free and
an open one. Mr. Canning has not been forced
upon his Master as the head of a prevailing
party, or the demagogue of a frantic multitude.
The present times are not those when a 'Mini-
fter_ can.be. thrust upon the. King.. He must,
indeed, " be chosen by affairs, riot by affections"
—and it is an adherence to this principle
which has rendered the Regency, and the
Reign of George the Fourth so truly glorious.
The principle, we believe, was never more con-
scientiously asserted than in the recent elevation
of Mr. Canning. The point of assumed weak-
ness which is most insisted upon, is the Catholic
Claims ; but the arguments which are urged on
this subject seem to us perfectly untenable. If
this apparently irreconcileable subject is not to be
made a Cabinet Question, (and- that it is not,
the appointments. of the Chancellor and the
'Master of the Ordnance prove) we do not under-
stand the, causes for alarm which are so in-
dustriously propagated. There are, to our minds
very important reasons why the Cabinet should
remain neutral upon the Catholic Question ; and
why the public opinion upon a subject of such
paramount importance, and beset with so many
difficulties, should not take a colour from the
collective opinions of any Administration. The
question, whether the professors of the Catholic
religion shall be adMitted to the Legislature, and
to the highest offices in the State, is a question
at issue between nine-tenths of the people of
England, and four-fifths of the people of Ireland.
The concession of further privileges is opposed,
by the majority of the people of England, with
a firmness and consistency, which gather strength
precisely in'the proportion that it is demanded
by the majority of the people of Ireland, under
every form of pertinacity and violence. This is
an unfortunate state of things ; but would it be
mended by an Administration which should
proclaim, in opposition to the fears, and even
to the prejudices, if these fears are to be so
named, of the English Protestants, that The whole
power of Government should be employed to preci-
pitate a change, to them so odious and so dreaded ?
Or, on the other hand, would it be wise or even just,
for the servants of the Crown to say to the Irish
Catholics :—this is a measure upon which, as you
affirm, depends the safety, the happiness, and the
honour of Ireland—it is a measure upon which the
Representatives of the United Kingdom are pretty
nearly divided in opinion—but it is a measure which
the Ministers of the King think it right to annihi-
late, by wielding the whole force of Government to
arrest its further discussion ? Either of these

courses of policy might be called vigorous; and they
might save the legislature the trouble of further dis-
cussing a very tedious question. But the mind of
the country is not ripe. for. such an attempt to cut
the knot which is so difhcult to unloose ; and if the
one course (lid not produce universal commotion in

England, and the other universal rebellion in Ireland,
we' should only be spared these results, because a

Ministry, acting as a body against any given half of
the people, and of the interests over which it pre-
sides, could not remain in office to carry into effect a
will, founded upon such a perverted sense of duty.
The question is for the Legislature, and not for the
Executive ; and all that either of the great parties
who are interested, or think they are interested, in
its issue, have a right to demand, is, that the Cabi-
net shall not, as a Cabinet, be either for or against
the concession of these Claims. All that each has to
_ _

require of the Cabinet is impartiality.—New Times.

DARING OUTRAGE'.—Friday evening, as the
postmaster was delivering the mails to the guard, a shot
was fired at the post-office window, which penetrated the
shutter to an iron bolt connecting it with the letter-box,
just in the direction of the seat usually occupied by the
postmaster. The letter-carrier ran out, but having had to
withdraw the fastenings of two doors, the miscreants were
out of view before he got to the street ; hurried footsteps
on the pavement were heard immediately after the shot.
Mr. Hay has, by.zealous attention to his duty, and his
obliging deportment, given very general satisfaction since
hi; appointment to the office, and we are unwilling to con-
ceive that his life Nvss the object sought after; but if a
wanton, frolic, had nearly deprived a worthy man of his
life, and his family of their support and protection, it may
be hoped that the perpetrators of the outrage may learn
cautionxnvi r
nfrom:s the have in this instance escalmi•
u rnai. (huger they