The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-14 00:00:00

iinin ni

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 14, 1845.

Men possessing even the ordinary powers of reason,
on undertaking any measure of importance, look for-
ward to the consequences. They are not like the
beasts of the field, left to instinct—they have been
gifted with rational minds, and are accountable for
their conduct. It may, therefore, not be out of sea-
son at the present moment to ask Sir R. INGLIs, Mr.
HINDLEY, and Sir CULLING E. SMITH, in case of
their opposition to the Maynooth grant being suc-
cessful, if they are prepared to meet the crisis which
must follow ? Should Sir R. PEEL'S scheme be de-
feated in the Commons or the Lords, he and his
entire Cabinet must resign at once. The QUEEN
would apply to Lord JOHN RUSSELL, or possibly
consult Lord MELBOURNE, with the view of form-
ing a new administration, and the result eould not
for a moment be doubtful. All the Whig party, which
we admit is not very great, and all the leading men
of the Liberal party are bound to this measure, even
by stronger ties than the present Cabinet. In fact, it
is their measure ; they cannot escape from it; and
they must tell her MAJESTY that they will not incur
the awful responsibility of forming an administration
which would be opposed to the death by seven millions
of her most loyal subjects, and which could, under
such circumstances, receive the support of not one
statesman out of the Cabinet. As a forlorn hope,
application might be made to the parties who had
upset the PEEL Government. At the head of these we
place Sir R. H. Noma; he must, of course, make the
best of his material 3, and on looking at the list of the
division against the grant, he would be compelled,
probably, to choose the following members :—Mr.
PLUNIPTRE, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, Mr. G BANKES, Mr.
C. HINDLEY, Mr. B. DISRAELI, Mr. LEFROY, Lord
ASHLEY, Mr. COLQUHOUN, the Hon. E. P. BOUVERIE,
Colonel SIBTHORP, Mr. E. ELLICE, jun., and Mr. E.
GROGAN. To select a Cabinet from among these names
even with Lord KENTON, Lord RODEN, and some less
prominent members from the House of Lords, would
be a hopeless task even under ordinary circumstances.
And at such a period of excitement as would infallibly
succeed the rejection of a measure so important to
Ireland, even if they were selected, they could not
keep together for one week. But placing their case
in the most favourable light, and admitting that all
the Liberals were rejected and a High Church
Cabinet constructed, with a majority too of the
House of Commons at their back, they could rule
Ireland only by the sword. Repeal meetings, and
such monster meetings too as Ireland has never seen,
would assemble in every valley and on every hill;
the spirit of Irish independence would be one and
indivisible, and " death to the oppressors," would be
the watchword of a million of brave men. Then
scenes would follow which would make the stoutest
heart to quail—the subjects, and the loyal subjects too,
of the same sovereign imbruing their hands in each
others blood—in the north the nearest neighbours
fighting as the bitterest
_enemies, in the south
one armed camp—the horrors of Scotland under the
persecution of the Episcopalians, the deeds of the
bloodthirsty DALZIEL, and DRUMMOND, and TURNER,
and the savage resistance of the Covenanters, would
all be thrown into the shade by a civil war in Ire-
land. These are no imaginary evils—they would
succeed the appointment of a High Church Cabinet
as certainly as the effect follows the cause. And
should the power of England prevail, what would
the Anti-Popery party gain ? Would the Catholic
religion be crushed—would there be one convert ?
The number of Catholics would be diminished, but
only by the edge of the sword and the gibbet, and
the spirit of their religion, like that of the Covenan-
ters, would only rise higher, and assume a more noble,
a more holy, and a more enthusiastic tone. Let these
men, therefore, look to the end. Let them look to
history, and they will find that persecution has
never had any other result; but, above all, let
them look to their Bible, and read that the " wisdom
which is from above is first pure, then peaceable,
gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and
good fruits." This is the religion of CHRIST—the
other is the religion of MAHOMET. These topics are
not convenient for a newspaper; but when religious
zeal is producing most dangerous effects on the com-
munity; when a large proportion of the teachers of
the people appeal to religion as their authority, and
not only the lives of thousands, but the very existence
of the State is in jeopardy, no other weapons remain
to counteract the evil. Great evil, we fear, has
already been done. The Irish people, who are as much
attached to their religion as the English or Scotch, and
who have more regard for their spiritual guides, must
witness with dismay this unexpected insult. The
grant to Maynooth has been recognised by the
Crown, the Legislature, and the whole community,
for nearly half a century ; and when a proposition is
made to increase it by a sum not equal to the income
of the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, the Puseyites
and the Dissenters, men of the most opposite religious
opinions, cordially unite to raise an outcry against
the unfortunate Catholics. Mr. O'CONNELL, with all
his ingenuity, has never yet had such an argument
for repeal as this. Ireland has long been an object of
sympathy to foreign nations—it has been regarded as
the great blot of our Constitution, alike admired for
its liberal principles and the harmony of the dif-
ferent points; and after Emancipation had been
conceded, and a generous spirit of conciliation was
displayed both by Whigs and Tories, a belief
began to prevail abroad that our religious animosities
were drawing to a close and justice was to be done
to the sister kingdom, when, to the joy of our enemies
and the sorrow of every friend of his country, in the
middle of the nineteenth century, the spirit of per-
secution breaks forth with all the vigour of the dark
ages. This is news to the Legitimatists and Re-
publicans of France, and to still more dangerous ene-
mies, because more united—the States of the American
Republic. Are the lessons of past ages to be despised?
Will Sir R. INGLI3 and Mr. HINDLEY not look even
to the history of their own country, and know that
the Scots, who hated Episcopacy more than they
hated Popery, when Episcopacy was forced upon
them, now regard the Church of England and the
Church of Scotland as sisters, and that nearly
all the higher classes in the north profess that faith
against which their ancestors fought till they con-
quered ?

In the year 1845 we were really unprepared to see
anything like the revival of those sanguinary wars,
waged in the name of religion, which have always
been the disgrace of humanity. We had indulged
the hope that the world of civilisation was at length
awakened to the folly as well as wickedness, the im-
piety as well as the madness, of committing whole-
sale murder on large sections of the human family in
the name, and for the vindication of, the SUPREME
B EiNcli, the fountain of all mercy as well as of all ex-
istence. With the boasted advance of knowledge, the
diffusion of education, and the increasing participa-
tion of the people in almost every European
State in the control as well as the enjoyment
of political institutions, we would have fain
hoped that the day was gone by at which men
could be moved from the plain and direct path of
social duty—the adaptation of their own inherent,
natural, and private rights to that rule of conduct
which is imposed by the exigencies of the common
weal—the interests of the public welfare—by the
artful excitements of selfish and designing Church-
men, bent really on the aggrandisement of their own
order, though loudly professing to act only for " the
glory of GOD !" As if persecution were of GOD,
or bigotry could be identified with the worship of
Divine Truth; as if the majesty of DEITY could
regard, with favour, their exclusive pretensions to an

accurate estimate of its nature and its requirements
who have steeped their &grass in the blood of age
and infancy, of women as well as of men, of the
martyred recluse and the intrepid patriot. These
wars of religion, for some reason or other, appear to
have been always the most sanguinary and vindictive
in mountainous countries. The exterminating cru-
sades against the Albigenses and the Waldenses,
which the Romish Church waged in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries at Bezieres, at Minerba, Larvaur,
and other parts of Languedoc, Narbonne, Provence,
&c., were ominous prototypes of the fierce religious
feuds between Romanist and Wickliffite, Papist and
Huguenot, which for many centuries afterwards dis-
tracted Germany, France, England, Ireland, and
Scotland which led to the appalling catas-
trophe of St. Bartholomew's, and strewed the
purple heather of the wild hill-sides of our
Northern Highlands with the best blood of
the sincere and enthusiastic Covenanters. But since
the period of the accession of the House of Hanover
in this kingdom, and that of the Regency of Orleans
in France, this religious fury seems to have generally
vented itself through the safety-valves of angry dis-
cussion, and all the varied ebullitions of polemical
controversy. We make no account of the occasional
returns of the "mark of the beast," among the other
atrocities of the Irish Rebellion of 1798. These re-
turns, though tinctured, as indeed they had been in
the two Scottish Rebellions of 1715 and 1746, with the
old leaven of cruelty and fanaticism, were mere inci-
dents to—not component features or necessary ele-
ments of—those political struggles. But the present
troubles in Switzerland, already stamped with the
unmistakeable and disastrous character of civil war-
fare—(of warfare among those mountain Cantons
which cradled the infant liberties of Europe, and
maintained their own prezarious independence solely
by the union of the front which they presented to the
military despotisms arrayed, on all sides, against
them)—these troubles, we regret to perceive, bear
about them the frightful evidences of their pestilential
origin. They arise out of that antipathy of sects—
that odium theologictsm—which is the bane of social
peace, the destruction of order, the scourge of hu-
manity, the implacable enemy of civilisation, the an-
tagonist or evil principle arrayed in immortal battle
against the essential Rood whose development is truth
and knowledge.
We are not undertaking to decide at present be-
tween the merits of the two causes ; that of the Roman
Catholic Cantons in its identification with the es-
tablishment and pre tensions of the Jesuits, and that
of the Protestant Cantons, associated with the de-
mands for a larger infusion of the popular element
into all their municipal institut ions, &c., which are
vigorously advocated by the Swiss Radicals. We do
not know enough of their merits, were we inclined to
tender our opinion upon them. "Non nostrum
tantas componere lites." But we look to the results.
Whether the men of Basle were the aggressors in the
first instance against the people of Lucerne, or the
people of Lucerne were driven, in a righteous self-
defence, to make battle on the men of Basle, we
raay soon be in a position to determine. All that we at
present certainly kno,v, is, that the Roman Catholic
and Jesuit party of Lucerne has signalised its superior
power in a very severe and disastrous defeat of the
forces moved against it by its Protestant and Radical
opponents. A vast number of dead were left on the
field of their conflict, and many prisoners were taken.
One of these, if not more, had already, according to
the announcements of the last advices received in
Paris from the scene of action, been tried, condemned,
and shot ! We yet hope and trust this account of the
fate of Dr. STEIGER is unfounded ;—that if it be un-
happily true, we do trust that the Great Powers of
Europe will reverse the policy of former and more bar-
barous ages, and boldly interpose their authoritative
mediation between the contending Cantons, on the
broad ground that neither the Christianity, nor the
civilisation—the honour nor the repose—the public
feeling nor the public interests of Europe will tole-
rate war in any one of the Continental States on
grounds of purely theological differences.

The philosophy of crime is a branch of psycholo-
gical inquiry which the events of every day are
forcing upon the reluctant consideration of the
British public. The deplorable, the fatal frequency
with which one crime of hitherto unparalleled atro-
city is succeeded by another of enormity so stupen-
dous as to throw its predecessor into shadow—not to
say comparative insignificance—must have some
specific, immediate cause. It cannot be, entirely, the
result of that old leaven of ignorance which is pro-
verbially said to be the mother of guilt. Neither the
person accused of the murder of his young and
accomplished and confiding wife, who was ac-
quitted, nor JOHN TAWELL, who, less fortu-
nate, has paid the righteous forfeit of his life
on aTpublic scaffold—nor the convicted felon who
was on Friday adjudged to undergo the same ignomi-
nious fate, for a most brutal and sanguinary assassi-
nation under circumstances that have possibly
a deeper base of horrors (happily unrevealed
to the tribunal before which he was brought), than
has existed in either of the other cases ; neither of
these offenders was an ignorant man. But, in truth,
to the disgrace of our country, our age, our civilisa-
tion, the intensity of crime seems to be governed
among us by the same law which, before:M. GUIZOT'S
accession to power, was so fatally demonstrated to
govern it in France. Not according to the crassitude
of ignorance, but rather to the degree and refine-
ment of education, is the ratio of the intensity of
crime. The better educated the delinquent, the more
shocking and elaborate the character of his crime.
The habits of self-possession and control, which are
superinduced by education, give to such criminals a
degree of moral constancy, an inflexibility of per-
sonal bearing, in the very face of their impending
and inevitable fate, which is productive of the worst
and most dangerous influences on the sympathies
and impressions of the bystanders, and of the people
generally. Is this occasioned by the creature-comfort
attentions of sub-sheriffs bursting into a little noto-
riety within the ring-fence of county fame;
or the overstrained respect of deferential turn-
keys, hoping one day to blossom into full-grown
gaolers, and even prison governors, through the ex-
cellent things daily recorded of them by their friends
among the penny-a-liner " gentlemen of the press ?"
Either men are apt to pity an offender of this sort by
reason of this stoical fortitude, although believing
him to be guilty; or this fortitude, despite all the
accumulated evidence which has been given to his
guilt, infects them with an indolent, uninquiring, but
not the less decided, impression of his innocence.
Reverting to the demeanour of many among the most
desperate offenders who have perished within the last
five years under the hands of the public executioner,
we are tempted, at first, to believe, either that death
has lost its terrors with " those who are appointed
to die ;" or the law, which was intended to secure
the inviolability of human life, that ordinary degree
of respect for its enactments, and that dread of its
penalties which the mere prejudices of our social
habits seem to attach to other of its injunc-
tions, and to the punishment decreed for their
transgression, where the offence it is addressed to
is of a far more trivial character, and the
consequences of infringement infinitely less serious.
We have schemes of prison discipline, theories of pri-
soners' classification, systems of penitentiary treat-
ment, and model prisons without end, or stint, or
measure ; converted, organised, practised, enforced,
built—at GOD knows what amount of charge to the
country. Where is the result of corresponding be-
nefit ? Ii the interior economy of our gaols be ma-
naged with a little more of decorum and decency than
heretofore, when every manacled " Macheath" was a
furtive hero in fetters—approachable, communicable,
conversable to and for all the world, and as much so
on the eve of execution as on the first day of his com-
mittal to Newgate ;—we do not see that beyond the
walls of these gaols crime has become less prurient in
its excesses, vice less scandalous in its publicity, or
convicted infamy less certain of securing, from the
more "enlightened" readers, who gloat over their
scores of columns of exclusive reports of executions,
or the better educated meb of sight-seers who as-
semble beneath the gallows-tree to witness them—a
less amount of morbid and meretricious compassion,
solicitude,
a uderiinnutßerreEsLt,L a or
martyr,whatev or a
ertheifiAeemrlizi
jbae,hiwghhliych.
respectable " unfortunate." There must be some-
thing very wrong at the bottom of this condition of
things. It is a most alarming and a very nauseous
symptom of what we shall call "a moral consump-
tion" in the frame of society. The tear of pity which

bedews the details of such appalling iniquity as the
press has lately had to record is really a very maudlin
tribute of a very sickly sympathy. The blush which
such details calls into the check of many a reader
who at first mistakes an unwholesome excitement for
the impulse of an innocent curiosity, is not, we fear,
the mantling expression of a generous and virtuous
indignation at the convulsive hectic of an already
diseased imagination pampering to its self-destroying
demands.

Where the fault lies we will not now attempt to
inquire. That the evil exists nobody, we apprehend,
will attempt to deny. Surely no questions can better
deserve the careful investigation of the authorities,
civil and executive, connected with the administration
of the law, than the cause and effect which involve
a signal failure in the highest and most solemn
branch of positive law to vindicate its own majesty, or
to deter men from breaking through its restraints
and braving its penalties. The law has already lost
half its fore, as well as its justification, when its
extreme vengeance is encountered habitually, as it
were, with an indifference which amounts to defiance,
or a fortitude which is the manifestation of indiffer-
ence, and this in the face of all the world, and at the
last closing moments of their existence in it.

Madrid papers of the 6th have been received. A
settlement of the difference between Spain and the
Holy See appears to be in a fair train. The Heraldo
announces that the POPE acknowledgts the rights of
the owners of Church property purchased according
to the laws of the State, and a nuncio from Rome
was daily expected. 'The following appears in the
Madrid Gazette of the 6th :—" Ministry of Foreign
Affairs.—DON JOSE DE CASTILLO Y AYENZA, in a dis-
patch dated Rome, March 28, announces to the Go-
vernment of her MAJESTY that he received on the27th
a note from the Cardinal Secretary of State. The
prelate informs him in that note, that he is officially
authorised by his HOLINESS to accept the Royal cre-
dentials delivered to M. CASTILLO as Minister Pleni-
potentiary of her Catholic MAJESTY QUEEN ISA-
BELLA 11. to the Holy See. The CARDINAL is like-
wise empowered to proceed immediately in conjunc-
tion with said Plenipotentiary to arrange the eccle-
siastical affairs of Spain."
On the sth the Three per Cents. closed at 351 at
60 days ; the Five per Cents. at 25-a ; and the Debt
without Interest at 8i at 60 days.

The French Chamber of Peers have advanced another
step in favour of the slaves in the colonies, but it is to
be regretted that the step, though ostensibly liberal,
car► hardly produce any material result. A debate
took place on the clauses for allowing the negro to
purchase his liberty o❑ certain conditions, and was
adopted with an amendment proposed by Count BEuo-
NOT, to the effect that he shall have the right of
choosing the employer with whom he shall labour, for
the periodof five years, which he is still to serve after he
is able to purchase his freedom. The price is reckoned
at about 521., and few slaves with only one day to them-
selves for the weeks' maintenance will be able to realise
that sum in ten years. ‘Vith the five years of probation
added, he cannot be free for fifteen years. This is a sad
mockery, but possibly the Chamber had no choice, as the
opponents of emancipation are more powerful
in France than they were in England, and it would be
impossible to wring fr.- m the Deputies such a liberal
grant as was voted by a British House of Commons.
The Journal des Debuts regards most of the remedies
proposed as of Mee value, because they hold out so
little hope of liberty to the victims of slavery. "It
would be difficult," observes that journal. " to imagine
a system of emancipation more limited, more prudent,
more slow, and, we should add, more timid, than that
which the Chambers of Peers has been occupied in dis-
cussing for some days past. England on the same day,
and on the same hour, generously and boldly granted
liberty to 800,000 slaves in her colonies, and drew from
her treasury 500,000,000 f. to indemnify their masters.
We are far from possessing so much decision or so much
liberality. 'We tell the slaves in our colonies, you shall
be free on condition that you pay the price of your free-
dom. But the slave possesses nothing. The Bill under
consideration, however, provides for this by giving the
slave one day in the week, on condition that he supply
himself with the means of existence during the remain-
ing days of the week. The value of a day's wages in the
West Indies is estimated at If. 60c. It follows from this
calculation that at the end of the year the slave will have
gained from ME to 80f. If from this sum be deducted
what the slave shall have expended fur his subsistence,
the difference will constitute the amount of savings by
which the slave is to pay his ransom. But what is the
value of a slave? By some a slave is estimated at 1,2001.,
by others at 1,400 f. According to the Bill under dis-
cussion, the value of the slave is to be fixed by commis-
sioners. It is not to be feared, therefore, that the work
of emancipation will advance too rapidly. It appears
certain that, by the proposed measure, slavery will re-
quire a longer time to disappear from our colonies than
the period which has existed since its establishment."
This is a dismal prospect, and shows that the
French know very little yet of the true secret of
governing colonies. The same paper announces
the following decision of the Council of Prefec-
ture in the case of the officers of the National Guards
who had signed the petition against arming the fortifica-
tions of Paris :

" Of the several officers of the National Guard prosecuted
for having signed petitions against the armament of the for-
tifications of Paris, thirty-five have already been brought
before the Council of the Prefecture, presided over by Count
Rambuteau in person, and composed of Messrs. de la Morelle,
Lafond de Ladebat, de Maupas, Lucas de Montigny, and
Molin. The officers were defended by M. Ledru Rollin and
M. Joly, both Members of the Chamber of Deputies. It
was not till Friday that the Council pronounced its decree.
Thirty of the officers cited are suspended from the exercise of
the military functions of their rank for two months, but the
five others, having given satisfactory explanations, were dis-
charged free from the complaint laid against them."

Some of the journals add, that a distinction was made
between the officers who admitted that they were igno-
rant of the existing law, and those who persisted in
their right notwithstanding the law. The former con-
April, 1814, and
whose sequently were acquitted. On Friday, the Chamber of
Deputies adopted the Bill relative to the arrears duo to
the members of the Legion of Honour, by which all
those admitted d
otation pwraesvioruedsneteod theh;
06nteh.
half from 1814 to
1820, are to receive 100 f. per annum, in addition to the
pension of 250 f. attached to the decoration, from the Ist
of January, 1846. Those decorated by NAPOLEON dur-
ing the hundred days are included in this list.
The Constitutionnel contains some rumours relative to
the negotiations carried on in London on the right of
search, but places no confidence in them. " Twenty
different plans," it says, " have been imagined for the
mixed commission, and the Duke DE BROGLIE ought to
have carried from France an enormous pile of those in-
ventions, more or less ingenious. But the oldest of all
was the best—the American treaty."
The accounts from Switzerland are to the 9th inst.,
and we regret to say, very unsatisfactory. There seems
to be no controlling power, in fact, no effective executive
in the country. Each canton will have As own way.
At Lucerne great exasperation still prevails, and serious
apprehensions are entertained for the fate of the pri-
soners. The Constitalinnnel says :
" The unusual precipitation with which judgment has been
proceeded to at Lucerne, on the principal leaders of the un •
fortunate expedition of March 31, had led the Commission of
the Diet, assembled at present at Zurich, to fear that the
victorious party would have the capital condemnations car-
ried into effect before the Diet could have come to a decision.
This circumstance had induced it to leave aside for the
moment all other questions, in order to attend to the am-
nesty only, and the Members of the Diet had been given
notice on the 7th that there would be a sitting next day.
But on the Bth the Commission had two of the Deputies of
Lucerne, MM. Siegwart and Attenhofer, called before it,
and, on the assurance that they gave that there would be
no capital execution during the week, it decided that it
should resume the simultaneous examination of the pending
questions, and the report was to be submitted to the Diet on
the 10th. As it is not probable that a majority can be ob-
tained for the interdiction of the Jesuits, under form of
summons, or invitation, this question will be allowed to
rest until the meeting of the ordinary Diet, which is to
take place in the month of July. Lucerne will judge
meanwhile if it become her to call the good fathers in the
midst of the streams of blood which they have already
caused to be shed."

The accounts in the Journal des Debats are a little
more favourable :

" By accounts from Geneva of the sth, we learn that, on
the preceding day, an attempt was made in that town os-
tensibly to raise a free corps, but in reality to excite a local
insurrection. Several hundreds of persons assembled on the
Poquis, proclaiming an intention to march against Lucerne;
but their real project becoming evident, the Government im-
mediately took measures to disperse the agitators. They
were composed for the much greater part of men from Vaud,
Neufchatel, and Germany, very few Genevese being amongst
them. The movement was principally directed by two men
from Vaud, who have escaped. The soldiery answered the
call of the authorities, and came out with the greatest ala-
crity. In Lausanne itself the Radical Government has been
outdone by the people, and has been obliged to resist their
exigencies, We have received the report addressed to the
Vorort by the Federal It is dated on the
6th, from Arau, and expressos
, great uneasiness, the Com-
missioners being forced to acknowledge that, in genirar they
have met complete defiance from the Government of Lucerne
and its allies, and that they seemed to foresee a federal In-
tervention. The Commissioners declare their apprehensions
that Lucerne and the lesser cantons will refuse to place their
troops tinder the federal command."
THE BOUPE.-_-1-SaTunDAY. APRIL 12.

FirAt I i a e Lgyfro Last
French
rFolvu;sp.7..C.e.n..ts...
107 50
.••• 1:::416; • • IP. • • 121 V?
../ An .. 59 st 107 50

Three per Cents.... 85 85 .. 85 85 .. 85 75 .. d 5 75
Bank of France •••• • • • • ••3215 ..3215 ..3215 ..321b
Gouin Bank. I,ooof Shares .1107 50 —llO7 50 1107 50 ..11U7 50
Beigian Fives, 1840• •• 102% .. 102% 102% 102%
1842•.•••••• 1052 •. 105 I 6 .. 105% 105%
Four-and-a-Half ..• 101% .. 101% .. 101% .. 101%
Dutch Two and-a-Half. .• •• . 644 .. 6414 • • 641/ . 64 34
Spanish Threes •• •••• •• 411 A .. 414 •• 4114 .. 4134
Passive ...
Portuguese Five per Cents.. 661% • . 664 .• 6614 • . 664
Roman.•..•••••.•••••. 105% 105% .- 1057 i .. 1057 i

RAILWAY SHARES.
St. Gernaain •• •••• ••••••••1190 —ll9O ..1190 ••1190
Versailles, R. 8...• ..... , 650 .. 550 .. 550 •• 560
L. 8.• •• •• 355 . 365 .. 355 .. 365
Etonen ....................1115 . 1122 50 ..1115 ..1122 50
Rouen to Havre
Orleans
Strasburg to Bale— •• .. 312 50 •• 316 25 .• 310 .. 316 25
Avignon to Marseilles.• •...1040 ..1052 —lO4O . 1052

RAILWAYS FOR THE ACCOUNT, APRIL 16
St. Germain..... • . ....1095 1095 ..1080 ..1095
Versailbas, R.i....•• ••..• 550 .. 570 .. 535 .. 570
L. 8.. •• •• 150 .. 370 .. 350 .. 367 50
Rouen .. ......1120 ..1130 ..1112 50 ..1125
Rouen to Havre 905 .. 915 .. 897 50 .. 912 50
Orleans ......... • .........1230 —1237 50 ..1222 50 ..1237 50
Strasburg to Bale.. • • ...• 310 .. 317 50 .. 37 50 316 25
Avignon to Marseilles.... —1035 1070 ..1032 50 .. 1070
Bordeaux to Testa ... • • .... 210 .. 21) .. 210 210
Paris to Sceaux ........... 675 675 .. 675 .. 675