The Sun.
London, England, 1842-03-10 00:00:00

CORN-LAWS.

On the order of the day for the second reading of
the Corn-Importation Act beingread,
Lord EBRINGTON rose to address the House,.
but the Noble Lord spoke in. so low a tone as to be
at times perfectly inaudible, and throughout 'his
speech it was with the greatest difficulty' that ,we
could catch even the purport of his observations. lie
was understood to request the House to extend to .
him that indulgence which was always kindly
afforded to a new Member. He was aware
that it might be consideted useless to pro-
pose any amendment to that measure after Go-
vernment, because it was said the whole was
undoubtedly an improvement upon the exist-
ing Corn-laws,- and therefore it would
right to accept it, some said as an instalment,
others as a permanent settlement of the question.
'When the question was about to be settled it shoilld
be settled upon some sound basia ; it should be settled
so as to relieve the embarrassed state of.
trade, and; if possible, the distress which pre-
vailed throughout the country. It appeared to
that a fixed duty should be imposed
upon foreign corn, if any duty
.at all was imposed.
A fixed trade would tend to promote an interchange
of commodities, and thereby preent bullion being
sent out to purchase corn. A regular trade would
. also promote the interest of the .consumer, and . the
profits of merchants would then be kept down
by fair competition. If there was a mode-
rate fixed duty it would be known in the
country when foreign rivals could compete with
them, and when they could not. Ile knew that a
large body were opposed to any duty, but he thought
that even they would agree with him that if there was
to be any duty at all, a fixed duty was by fitr the
hest. Her Majesty's late Government had brought for-
ward a measure for a fixed duty on those grounds, but.

upon what ground the present measure— was intro-
duced he could not say. It could not be introduced
for the purpose of checking extensive frauds, because
the Right lion. Baronet had said that no frauds had been
committed, and it was not introduced to lower the pric e
of corn, because the Right lion. Baronet had said that
the price was not too high at the present moment.
The Right Hon. Baronet next referred to the manner

in which the currency of the country would be affected
by the Corn-law Bill, but he dicl.not state how it had
been affected by the present Bill (11* fact every arku-
ment which the Right Hon. Baronet employed against
the existing Corn-laws in their effect upon the
currency was equally applicable, though in a less
degree, to the Bill he now proposed ; if one were
unjust in principle the other also was unjust in
principle ; the difference was only one of degree.—
(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Ebrington) could not see
on what principle the Right' Honourable -Ba-
ronet asserted that his Bill differed from the
Bill of the Noble Lord, the Member for London, only
in detail, and that they agreed in principle.
He (Lord Ebrington) wished:to see a duty levied on
corn for the purposes of revenue, such a duty as ought
to be levied on every article- that was im-
ported from foreign countries. He did not
want to give up the principle of customs' duty
altogether. If they gave up the principle of
taxing articles called necessaries, it seemed to him
that they very much endangered the whole customs'
duty. He did not see what grounds they had for aban-
doning the old scale and adopting the new one. Thhe
seemed to him to be no difference between the two.
With respect to the proposed minimurrl duty, it would
be a disadvantage to trade, and must endanger the
agricultural interest, by making the growers feel
security by calculating on high prices, and expose
theni to ruinous competition amongst themselves.
With respect to the rests in the scale, they only fur-
nished a premium to speculation. If the speculator
ucceeded in his attempt to raise the price of corn he
diminished the duty ; if he did not succeed in that
attempt, he would not increase the duty. At 525. per
quarter as the price of corn, he would pay 18s. duty ;
if he attempted to raise the price to 555., he would
still pay about the same amount of duty, and, should
he fail in his attempt, he would tall back -on
the former price of 525., without having to pay a
higher duty. Was such a system strictly fair ?
It appeared to him that the principles on which the
rests in the scale were formed, was quite fortuitous.

They were assured that there was no intention what-
ever to benefit agriculture by a side wind, and that
the addition to the places for taking the ave-
rages was not intended to lower them ; but from the
enormous change in the list of towns, there being
60 omissions and 40 additions, it was difficult to say-
what would be the effect of it. For instance, he
found that London, where the largest quantity and
best of wheat was consumed, was omitted, while
Liverpool, where the poorer sort of Irish wheat was
consumed, was admitted. Then with respect to
America, they were told of their trade with
that country, and how important it was that they
should connect themselves as much as possible with
the country to which they were allied in blood
and language.—(Hear, hear) Now, the return
laid before the house gave as the average twenty-six
or twenty-seven days for the passage from America.
Now, they woald hardly allege that such
a short time as this was sufficient to give the Ameri-
can the full benefit of the importation that could be
commanded by the countries on the Baltic. Ile
could see no benefit that the plan was calculated
to produce. It had discontented the agriculturist ;it
had alarmed the millers, who were complaining of
its probable effects on their trade ; it had placed
many Members of that House in a very inconvenient
position with regard to statements they had previously
made, it had anything but contented the trading and
manufacturing classes, either of employers or
employed ; and it had caused disgust and
almost despair amongst the people, as to
the probability of any legislative improvement
being carried in that House, and for that reason was
calculated to produce the most fatal consequences to
social order and social stability. All it had done
appeared to be the organising of a party in that
House, and the only person who appeared con-
tented with it was the Right Hon. Baronet himself.
The Noble Lord concluded by moving that the Bill
should be read a second time that day six months.
Colonel THOMAS WOOD said they must
all agree that it was desirable that this question
should be settled on the soundest principles.
The difficulty was to determine what were the
soundest principles, and he thought that that
question had become more obscure than ever.
It was impossible to deal with abstract theory on this
question ; all they could do was to adopt the most
practicable measure which was offered to them, and
that he maintained to be the measure now offered by
her Mikjesty's Government. When the measure was
first proposed, he confessed that he felt in some degree
disappointed, for he had expected to see a measure
less prohibitory in its character.— (Hear, hear.)
Subsequent examination of the measure and
of the returns upon which it was grounded
had induced him to form a more favourable
opinion of it than he at first entertained. The
conversation which he had had with men practi-
cally engaged in the trade of corn, induced him
to believe that under the proposed measure a
very considerable trade might be carried on,
and that in seasons of dearth it would provide for a
greater supply for the immediate wants of the
country than could be afforded under the
old system. In that view of the measure, he had
been confirmed by a speech, which was addressed to
the House by a practical man, engaged in
the corn trade. That Honourable Member
alleged that in ordinary years a considerable quan-
tity of corn would be introduced to this coun-
try when the price reached 565., at a duty of 165.,
and at a moderate rate of profit, at 3s. or 4s.
a quarter, and that in seasons of deficiency, when the
price had increased to 735. and the duty was Is.
the great majority of importations would come into
the market at a duty of 6s. ; thereby prevent-
ing those unfortunate enhancements of price
under which the people had been suffering of late
years, diminishing the inconveniences which had been
felt in the currency, and affording increased supplies.
to the wants of the people. If these advantages
accrued from the measure he thought they would have
reason to be grateful to her Majesty's Government.
Taunts had been thrown out that Gentlemen on that
(the Tory) side of the House had deserted the
landholders, to whom they had always held out
hopes of protection.—(" Hear," from the Opposition.)
Those taunts were totally without foundation—Min
isterial cheers)—and he would ask the House to take
a retrospective view of the progress of this
question up to the present time.—(Hear.) Let
them look to what had occurred in the last year.
It was affirmed indeed, that the late Government was
thrown out upon this question. It was no such thing.
The Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland, defeated
the Government by a majority of five. They were
defeated on the Irish Registration Bill, butthey strug-
gled feebly on, and at length brought in the important
measure of the Import Duties, which certainly in-
cluded the Corn-laws. When they were defeated on
that, they went to the country. The agri-
culturists bestirred themselves—(Opposition cheers)—
and they showed that the country had no confidence
in the Government. But then followed the
bad weather in harvest time ; then came the distress
and high prices of corn, when they were 1,500,000
quarters of corn in the country, of which not a quar-
ter could get into the market.—(Opposition cheers.)
Then the present Government proposed this altera-
tion; in which he was convinced they did wisely,
and, in fact, no Government could carry on the Admi-
nistration without a practical remedy for the great evil,
for it was a great evil that so much corn should be in
bond whilst distress prevailed.—(Renewed cheers
from the Opposition.) The present measure would
remedy the evil.—(Cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers.)
lle would take this, the first measure of
the Right Honourable Baronet's Administration
as an omen of his success, and he hoped his other
measures would be like this, practical remedies
for the evils to which they were applied. Ile
was sure the people of the country would be
as convinced as he was that he was desirous
to promote the welfare of the nation, and they
would rally round and support him.
He hoped that the Right Hon. Baronet would in-
scribe his own name on the imperishable annals of his
country (Hear, hear.) _

• Capiain VIVIAN said that he rejoiced to
perceive, by the preceding debates, that the
present was not looked upon as likely to
be a final measure. He thought the Noble Lord had
shown that the present could not be a final measure, and
that it would not relieve the distress of the country.
The great argument of Hon. Gentlemen opposite was,
that the distress of the country was not owing to
the Corn-laws, but to machinery and over-production.
But if that were even so the true remedy was to
extend their markets, and augment their commerce.
—(llear, hear.) The Noble Lord had shown in his
speech the extent of country in America
capable of supplying all their wants, and all they
required in return was that they may be allowed to
take our manufactures. The argument was unan-
swered, and it appeared to him to be a strMng argu-
ment in favour of a fixed duty. If the manufacturers
were destroyed the very first result would be that
the agriculturists would fall in immediately after.
Mr. BLACKSTONE would vote for the amend-
ment of the Noble Lord, not because he was in favour
. of a fixed duty, but because he did not think the mea-
sure of the Right Hon. Baronet gave sufficient pro-
tection to agriculture. He before voted against a
fixed duty, and he would now vote against the
measure of the Right Honourable Baronet, because
it did not give sufficient protection.—(Hear, hear.)
He was astonished to hear the speech of the Hon.
and Gallant Member for Middlesex. That lion. and
Gallant Member had stated that the late Government
had not been defeated on the Corn-law question, but
on the Irish Registration Bill. He (Mr: Black-
stone) was astonished to hear the Hon. and Gallant
Member make that statement. He (Mr. Blackstone) had
recently come from the hustings, and had never
heard the Irish Registration Bill mentioned at his
election. He had been returned to that House because
he supported measures for the protection of the British
farmer. Several county Members had spoken on the
subject of the Government measure, and all, with the
solitary exception of the Hon. Member for Middle-
sex, had expressed their trepidation and alarm at
the measure.—(Hear.) He felt he was justified in
viewing it with alarm, and in giving his opposition to
it.—(Cheers from the Opposition). The Right Hon.
Baronet, in introducing this measure, had stated
that great distress existed in the manufacturing
districts but at the same time, he had
stated that he did not propose this measure
with the hope of its leading to the ame-
lioration of that distress . (Hear, hear.) :Had it
been brought forward with that hope, he (Mr. B.)
might have beien induced to strain a point to support
it, and out of doors the agriculturists were at a loss to
understand why the measure had been brought for-
ward, if it: was not to alleviate the distresses of the
country. At all events the measure had not met with
• the support of lion. Gentlemen opposite. It had not
con-ciliated opposition, and, as a proof of the paucity of
support it had met with out of doors, he would mention
the fact, that only five petitions, with 510 signatures,
' had been presented in support of the Government mea-
sure.--(Hear, hear.) It received no support icon;
.the

nfatvnoutituri
rfacinthueg
e(me forward to affix their situ
adigrsitcriuctlfus,ral disatricetss.
and only r 510 persons has
a
ereenn
e the
.
calledefu
then
Rt
gchhto olsieeible.tßwa•tcl‘oye
,pihieonetr3di osassnies .
3lriael
1110.tdat,
w
od
Hen.
Gentleman, for it.
existence, and before they parted with that law
substitute— I
that it.--(Hear,
under
thehear.)
Hecorn;
they were bound to be satisfied that the new
law
believed, would
wbeiathVZ
proposed measure there would be a steady trade in
that they would have a large and steady ar
importation,
and that must lead to a reduction in the price in Eng-
land. When the Right Hon. Baronet said that under
the operation of the proposed measure the price of wheat
would oscillate from 545. to 585., he (Mr. Blackstone)
could not forget that the measure of the Duke of Wel-
lington in 1838 had been proposed for the purpose of
securing a price of 635. That measure had been
tried for fourteen years, and according to the
Right Honourable Baronet's showing, instead of
635. the average price had been from 565. to 575.
He feared very much that the result of the Bill of the
Right Hon. Baronet would be to fix the price at an ave-
rage of 505., and he would regard such consequences with
dismay. He did not fear for the interests of the land-
lords, but for the interests of the agricultural labourers ;
for, if corn were at 50s. their wages would suffer a
much greater reduction than the rents, for the farmer
would certainly reduce his wages before lie asked the
landlord to reduce his rent. The wages of this country
at present amounted to more than the produceAif the
wheat crop. Taking this crop at 50,000,000 of
quar-
ters, at 575., the value would be 57,000,000!.; but the
wages of labour amounted to about 60,000,0001. a-year,
taking the average at los. a-week. Supposing that only
a fifth of this amount were taken off, he would dread the
consequences. He would then refer toahe Report of the
Agricultural Committee, of which the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, the Member for Dorchester (Sir J. Graham) was
Chairman. The concluding paragraph of that Report
was in these memorable words :—° Your Committee
avow their opinion that the amelioration of the
agricultural interests depends rather upon the con n-
try's forbearance than the active interposition of
Parliament." The Honourable Gentleman conclud-
ing by expressing his intention to support the
amendment proposed by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord
Ebrington), which was that the Bill, introduced by the
Right Hon. Baronet, be read this day six months.—
(Loud cheers from the Opposition Benches.)
Mr. BUCK next addressed the house, but the com-
mencement of the Hon. Gentleman's observations were
totally inaudible in the gallery. He was understood to
say, that he thougnt he might say that Hon. Gentlemen
opposite had contributed, by their opposition, to the dis-
tress in the country. It certainly was not attributable
to the Corn-laws. Foreigners had shown no disposition
to take the manufactures of this country in exchange for
corn. There was no real reciprocity between this and
finatign countries ; on the contrary, foreign natioes had
always evinced a disposition to take the bullion of this
country instead of its manufactures. If distress did ex-
ist, it arose from other causes than those over which the
Corn-laws could have control. It could not be for it
moment supposed that by a mere repeal of the Corn-laws
people could be induced to embark their capital
in this country, or purchase our manufactures,
if they could be got one farthing cheaper elsewhere.
A few nights since a Noble Lord opposite taunted county
Members with not acting up to the principles they had
professed on the hustings. Now, for his part, he should
have been as happy as the Noble Lord, if the Right Ho-
nourable Baronet had thought it right to go a little
higher in the scale—(Hear, hear)—but he was satisfied
that he was acting according to the wishes and leelings
of his constituents if he did t.ot act to embarrass a Go-
vernment that was favourable to the agricultural inte-
rest, if that embarrassment was likely to place in power
a Government that was inimical to the landed interest.
He would venture to say if the measure that had been
proposed in the last Session had been carried into a law,
it would have ruined the agricultural interest, and thrown
out of employ thousands of agricultural labourers, the
result of which would be that they must resort to the
unions. It was the duty of every Government to find sub-
sistence for the population. What had been said by the
American President was most true, that it was the
duty of every Government to do all in their power
to keep in employment its agricultural population. And
such had ever been the prevailing sentiment of every
Government in this country up to the year 1840. How-
' ever they might have differed in the manner of carrying it
out, they were always aware of the necessity which existed
for protecting the agricultural interest. Whether we
looked back to the clays of Mr. Canning and Mr. Hus-
kisson, or other of the enlightened men who conducted
the Governments of this country, we should find that
such invariably were their views. He felt it a duty
which he owed to his constituents to support the piopo-
sition of the Right
Hon. Baronet, and in doing so he
was only pursuing the same course as the representative
of the county of Devon, which he did as their represen-
tative of the City of Exeter.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord HOWICK said that, until he heard the two
gentlemen who had just sat down, he believed that the
act of 1828 was one now universally condemned—till
now he believed that the bad effects of that measure were
assumed by universal consent—that no one believed that
the sliding scale tended to produce steadiness of price,
but that on the contrary, since it had been in operation,
we had experienced the extremes of high and low prices,
and that the agricultural and commercial classes had alike
suffered under the most severe and continued distress.
Ile believed that all this had been universally admitted.
He believed that the Act of Parliament, which only a.
short time ago was considered so perfect that it could
not possibly be amended, which only a few months ago
had so many determined and enthusiastic supporters on
the hustings—let him add, such powerful supporteri-hadl
been abandoned.—(llear, bear, and laughter.) But it
seemed lie was mistaken. It was not to be left only
to a Noble Duke in the otl or House, who was
to be put quietly on the shelf, to retain his
good opinions of the old Act, but it had at
last found two defenders in this House among the ranks
of those who called themselves the exclusive protectors
of the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) But, at the
same time, he must say he was not very lucky in one of
his advocates, because the Hon. Gentleman who had
just sat down concluded by a panegyric on the existing
law, although he intended 'to support this Bill. The
other Hon. Gentleman, he believed, was a more cruel
advocate, for he was going to vote with those who
opposed the Bill on very different grounds. He (Lord
Howick) had said that the existing law was universally
to be abandoned—it was going to be consigned to obli-
vion, to the receptacle for repealed statutes. He was not
going to detain the House by any arguments for the pur-
pose of proving the folly of that Act, because the autho-
rities in its defence were so very weak, that it was really
not worth while doing so. He would, therefore, leave
lion. Gentlemen who had just addressed the House to
settle that point with the Right Hon. Baronet opposite,
and with the Gallant Colonel, the Member for Middlesex,
who had just told them that the evils of the existing
law, were so strongly felt in the last autumn, that it was
utterly impossible that any Government could keep their
places if that law was to be continued. He should leave
the advocates of this statute to settle the point with lion.
Gentlemen on the other side of the Muse who found it
necessary to oppose the present Bill. But he could not
help remarking on the other side of the House, that Gen-
tlemen who admitted the peculiar danger of the existing
Act, who visited with the strongest condemnation any
attempt to repeal the Act, yet recommended, when they
were making alterations in the details of that measure,
and modifying its effect, them to maintain the prin-
ciple of the old law. He did not mean, in treating upon
that subject, to introduce any party spirit; nothing could
be further from him, as he did not think it was fair in
subjects of this kind. The Gallant Colonel, the Member
for Middlesex, insisted in a comparison of the merits of
this and the preceding proposition. It was impossible
for him (Lord Howick) to do so, because even though
the principle of the measure proposed by the late Govern-
ment met with his approbation, yet that measure
did not go far enough, and it was brought forward at an
unfortunate time. On the other hand, the present Go-
vernment was now prepared to deal with the subject, and
he was bound to give them this credit that had brought
fonsard the measure in a manner the importance of the
question required, and when they were fully capable of
carrying the proposal submitted. They had also, lie
thought, proposed a very substantial alteration and
amendment to the existing law. No doubt they con-
tinued what he conceived to be most vexatious and most
injurious restrictions on trade ; but, at all events, they
mitigated those restrictions which now exist, and they
diminished the evils of the present system ; and though
they did not, in his opinion, go far enough, still as far as
they did go they proposed considerable improve-
ment, especially as that improvement would lead,
at no very distant period, to a more complete, and
effectual reform of the Corn-laws.—(llear, hear.) It
was the beginning of a progress, which he was per-
suaded no power in this country could arrest, towards a
reform, before any length of time had elapsed, of the
Corn-laws—a reform which would be founded on a
much clearer and intelligible principle than any that had
yet been proposed. The argument which he wished to
address to the House was, that the Right lion.
Baronet, in the measure which he had proposed, had
adhered too much to the principle of the law now in
force. Although, as he (Lord I.) had already stated.
it was generally admitted, even on the other side, that
the Act of 1828 had been n practical failure, he did
beenfailure ha.d
the the
Act neceefssary resultlB2B of th
proposed
object which
to
not think that it was equally admitted that that
itself. It was undeniable that when that Act had been
proposed Parliament had been taught to believe that
its effect would be to maintain a steady and equal
price ; and that the increase of duty, in proportion to the
fall in price, and the diminution of duty in proportion
to the rise, would have the effect of limiting the lower-
ing and rising of prices within certain limits, which the
framers of the Act conceived it was not expedient that
they should exceed. It must be admitted that that
was the avowed expectation of the Act of 1828. RS well
as that of 1822. If it had not been framed with that
object, it would be difficult to conceive what was the
object and intention of that Act. He (Lord
tended that that object was one which Parliament
ought not to have in view.---Mear,
Parliament stepped beyond its proper
if it attempted to legislate with a view of
edeo"Mrnin'ol
ning
what should be the price of food or any
°tlweepossible it
(II.) con-
dity
whatever. It was impossible, and if
it
ho"u' la be confined
would not be desirable, that the p
appointed
was a deficient
ripcep should
by Perna-
iwnietnhti.n cTerhteainprilimits, ielorbrnitrarhil)n:
• so the dealers, who in
scanty supply, was natu-
operation
aeTnohdnestuhruei consumption,
rice
of
tce
abundance
t were rendering a great ser-
same
Ituarravielyst,ranni
raised
di nh3cotnhseequence."a.
dispotshedeprioefe,
falls,l
seeking their own interest
ey
forced
,an
economical
vice to the community. 'in
suited to the diminished supply
n abundant da nh hte years,
remunerated the farmer *
for
small
are shared by all classes
theth e
of the community. Now he believed, that any attempt
m'aliniannetri,tyi

tion had already been protracted to a great length, he was anx-
ious t o avoid going over ground which had been already gone over.
But the fact of the diminution of the stock in hand at harvest
rested upon very high authority, and was very material, be-
cause if the trade were left to itself, and were not, through the
fluctuations of a sliding scale, turned into a gambling and un-
certain speculation; that drove all sober and steady men out of
the market, and left it in the hands of a few adventurous spe-
culators ; if this were not done, and if the consequence was
that a considerable reserve of corn was habitually in the hands
of the dealers, so that at each year there should be a stock of
four or five months on hand before us—under those circum-
stances it was obvious how trifling the effect would be in com-
parison to the deficiency that now generally occurred at har-
vest time? Under these circumstances a deficiency in -the
harvest, equal to a fortnight's supply, or one twenty-sixth of
the crop, would be scercely felt; but now a deficiency to this
small extent was felt as a very severe grievance. He had very
high authority for this statement. He could show what was
the effect of the existing law, on the authority of a Commit-
tee of the House, and of a Report, certainly not
drawn up by an advocate of a change in the Corn-
laws, but by the Right Honourable Baronet opposite, the
Secretary of Sta'e for the Home Department. In the
report of the Agricultural Committee of 1833 he (Lord
Howick) found the following very remarkable passage, to
which he entreated the attention of the House :—.‘ The di-
minished annual growth of wheat was apparent from the
amount of stock in hand, and the evidence of Mr. Jacob was
no less striking than important, since his general views a .e
confirmed by the local experience of occupying farmers." This
statement the Committee had adopted and sanctioned, and the
Right Hon. Baronet also gave his sanction to the evidence of Mr
Jacob. But what did Mr. Jacob say ? His evidence was very
long, but he (Lord Howick) would state the purport of it.
It was that before the Act of 1815, and a short time after it, it
was an habitual state of things in this country that between the
farmers and the traders at the time of the harvest there was
usually six months supply before-hand on hand, but that since
we adopted the present system which made trade so uncertain,
particularly since 1829, we had seldom two months consump-
tion in the country at the time of harvest. This was Mr.
Jacob's evidence, sanctioned by a Committee of the House,and
it ;explained to the House why the reduction of duty when
prices rose, while pretended to be a compensation to the
consumer for the high duties of other times, was of a nugatory
and delusive character considered as a compensation to the
consumer. The evidence of the present year confirmed the
evidence he read and the argument he wished to impress on the
House. In the Autumn of this year the House was perhaps not
aware that in many parts of England the price of corn was
frightfully high. He had certain authority for stating the
prices actually paid for corn for immediate consumption in some
of the markets of the North of England immediately before the
last harvest. The last harvest in the North of England was
late, not an excessively late harvest, but it was decidedly a late
harvest, and so limited was the stock in hand, that it was with
the greatest difficulty that the demands were met. The House
could form but a very inadequate idea of the state of the
market by looking at the averages in the Gazette, for
at that time there was a very bad description of corn in
the market, and consequently the prices were not so high as
they otherwise would be. However the corn did rise to a
height which was truly frightful. He ( Lord H.) had a me-
morandum furnished to him of the prices of corn at that
period, and he had not the slightest hesitation in placing the
most implicit reliance on the authority from whom he had ob-
tained that memorandum. In Richmond market in
Yorkshire, the price of wheat was 12s. a bushel,
or 965. a quarter. In Darlington and Newcastle-on-Tyne,
wheat was 84s. a quarter. However, he was not informed as
to the precise date those prices were obtained, but it was about
the same time as he had already alluded to, and it should be
remembered that these were not fancy parcels or used for seed,
which often accounted for the high prices paid for wheat. In
the instances to which he alluded; the wheat was bought bona
fide by the miller for immediate grinding and consumption.
He knew from farmers who resided in his own neighbourhood,
near Northumberland, the wheat rose there too about that
time to an unexampled price, and that it was so high, that the
consumption of bread by the labouring classes w..s
utterly impossible. It was totally impossible that the
working man could have bread at the prices at which
wheat was then sold in Northumberland and Durham, and
the result was that the labouring classes were driven to the
use of potatoes, barley, and other articles of that desctiption,
for their support. lie adverted to those things to show the
effect of the sliding scale, and he might add, that at that time
—when that severe pressure was upon the people; when
those difficulties were experienced in the North of England
and ether parts of the country, that there was a quantity of
no less than two millions of quarters of corn under lock in the
public stores, and which in some tame afterwards was suffered
to ke brought out. He contended, from looking at all these
facts, that if there was a moderate duty upon foreign corn it
was utterly impossible that degree of embarrassment could occur
The operation of trade, if left to itself, would be a guarantee eo
the country that no such danger could exist. In 1800, or
1801, Parliament thought it necessary to offer a bounty for
foreign corn. He did not wish to limit the power of Parlia-
ment, but would any Gentleman have said, that because Par-
liament, under extraordinary circumstances, considered this
necessary, it would be as ise for the legislature to pass a perma-
nent law, and say that when wheat rose to 120 s. there should
be a bounty on exportation. That would be a premium to
every speculator and dealer in corn to run the pi ices up to that
amount, and, if they came near to that, to hold back the supply
until the extravagant prices were attained. Was it not exactly
the same thing with respect to the fall of the duties ? Was not
the effect of the less destroyed by providing for it beforehand?
Was it not true that it stood as part of the Act of
Parliament that the duty at a certain price was to
be diminished, and did not that have the effect
of raising the prices up and interfering with trade.
He contended, therefore, that under the shifting scale, as it
was called, the remission of duties at a particular price
was altogether nugatory as a means of relief to the consumer,
and it was deeply injurious to the farmer, not because it pre-
vented them from obtaining as high a price as he would have in
dear years, but it was most injurious to him in this way, that in
plentiful years it kept the trader out of the market, and-pre-
vented him from stepping in to the relief of the British grower,
because he knew that, in the event of a deficient supply in
future years, a much larger profit was to be obtained by specu-
lating in foreign than in British wheat. He begged to call the
Gentlemen belonging to the landed interest to this fact: in
the Committee of 1836, it was proved by the testimony of
farmers, corn me chants, men opposed to the- Corn-laws, and
those favourable to it. It was proved by them that, under the
existing system, there was a tendency in persons trading in
corn, rather to investigate their capital in foreign than British
corn. —( Hear.) He contended, therefore, that the re-
miss:on of duty, as prices rose was extremely prejudicial
to the British grower, and in the same manner he contended,
that an increase of the duties as the prices rose, was useless to
the farmer and deeply injurious to the consumer. It did not
gu.tid the farmer from low prices, and if he was not mistaken,
the Right Hon. Baronet himself said that it was not possible to
guarantee prices to the farmer in cheap years Ile had ac-
kr owledged that the farmer must be prepared for low prices in
abundant years, when there was a succession of good harvests ;
that any restrictions we could place upon foreign corn would be
altogether nugatory as far as affording protection to the farmer
was concerne. But the restrictions were nurgatory in
that respect, and happily they were not nugatory in
depriving the consumer of that resource, because they pre-
vented provisions being made beforehand to meet an exigency
when it arrived, by limiting our supply on those occasions to
the nearest markets, and by depriving us of having recourse
to the more distant regions of the globe, because from those
regions the corn which was sent to this country, when theihar-
vests were abundant, would become a perfect drug. The
losses which had occurred in the corn trade' between the years
1832 and 183 e had had an effect which he (Lord Howick)
thought would not speedily be forgotten by the dealers in corn.
He should not press further on the House his reasons for the
opinions he entertained, and which he had expressed, though
he feared somewhat imperfectly, to the House. He contended
that the variation in duty was a very much greater practical
burden on the consumer than even a very heavy duty, whe h
did not interfere with the regular operations; and he would
say, that if they adopted a fixed duty, whether of ss. or Bs., or
10s., it was practically liable to the objections which he had
laid down, that. was to say, it was not an ad valorem duty, but
one which became heavier as the price rose ; so that when the
price was 505., and the harvest was plentiful, the duty was
m ich felt, but when the price reached 70e and the harvest was
scarce, the duty was little felt.. He thought the House would act
wiser, and far more for the benefit of the agriculturist and the
consumer, if, whatever duty they imposed on corn, they would
take the average of that duty, be it high or be it low ; and he
proposed that duty, whatever the prices, instead of adopting the
shifting scale which the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed. He
wished, to express the great regret that he felt that the present
session of Parliament should pass over without the enactment
of any efficient measure, because the more he considered the
circumstances of the country,the more he was convinced of the
importance of time, and that delay in settling this question on
reasonabtc principles was pregnant with the greatest danger to
the best interests of the country. Among the many reasons
which rendered it expedient that no delay should
be allowed to take place, he would advert first to
the great distress which at present prevailed in the country.
The severity of that distress had been adverted to on both
sides of,the lieu e. They all agreed that it existed. They
all agreed in deploring it, and he believed they all also agreed
in admiring the patience with which the people bad borne
their sufferings, and that patience, if possible, added a stronger
claim to relief from that House. The Right Hon. Baronet
had stated that he did not propose the measure which he had
recommended with any expectation of its relieving the distress
at present existing.
Sir R. PEEL—lmmediate relief.
Lord HOWlCK—lmmediate relief, and he did not believe
that that distress aroie from the Corn-laws, and he believed
that no alteration in the Corn-laws would prevent the recur-
rence of distress. He ( Lord Howick) (lid not wish to over-
state the arguments on this question, and he should be ashamed
of himself if he used the slightest exaggeration. It was his
bounden duty to say he so far agreed with the Right Hon.
Gentleman, and he greatly doubted whether any measure which
it was in the power of the Eiouse to adopt would operate to
the immediate cure of the distress which now exists. He also
agreed in thinking that with respeet to the distress, the Corn-
laws were certainly not the only, perhaps not the principal cause.
So far he would at once concur with the Right Hon. Baronet.
But he must add, in the same spirit and temper, that it did
appear to him that the distress which was now felt areiti- in'
part from that cause, and had been considerably aggravated by
the existing Corn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) He must also say.
that of all measures which it was in the power of the House to
adopt to prevent the recurrence of that distress, and promote
the return of that pro•perity of which the Right Hon, Baronet
by no means despaired—to promote that happy return of all
means which that House cou d adopt he believed there were
none so likely to be efficacious as a complete reform tf the
Corn-laws.--( Cheers. ) He thought this was a reasonable in-
ference following those admissions which had been made by the
Ri let Hon. Baronet himself and others on the same side of
the question. He said it was an inference fairly to be drawn
from those admissions, because, if he was not mistaken, the
causes of the distress enumerated by the Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite were bad harvests, an alteration in the currency, over
speculation, and over production. He thought he was right in
placing these among the causes which on the other side of the
House had been assigned for the distress which now exited. He
(Lord Howick) admitted that all those three causes had con=
tributed materially to this distress. As to bad harvests, it
was impossible that they should
.fail to produce more or less
of suffering to the people. That suffering did not arise in a
form so pe i t and so clearly traceable in a country which had
risen to the highest pitch of wealth and civilisation, and iii
which the several classes of the community had become greatly
complicated, as in a ruder or earlier state of society, and a
'es, civilised country. But, at the ssme time, it was impos-
sible that there could be a diminution in the labour
and capital of a nation employed in agriculture, with-
out in som9 shape an increased amount of sacrifice
being imposed on the people.—( Hear.) There was leis
of produce divided amongst them, and. souse way or other,
greater exertion should be made to obtain the supplies which
they wanted. But if the argument which he (Lord Howick)
' had addressed to the House upon the effect of the Corn-law
upon trade was true, if there was the slightest truth in it, it was
clear that the suffering caused by a bad harvest was greatly
aggravated by the existing Corn-laws. In the same manner
with regard to the currency; if the alterations in it were one
cause of distress, as no doubt they were, surely that distress by
such a state of the Corn-laws as interfered materially with the
operations of trade must have been increased. 'I hey were
known to cause
.great difficulty and danger to the Bank of
England, the principal regulator of the currency. Now came
the last cause, and it appeared to him that in tl't acct to el. he

on the part of Parliament to interfere with this natural
process must fail ; that the only way in which the fluc-
tuations of price arising from the variety of the seasons
ould be advantageously diminished, was by the un-
checked operation of trade. The trader, if left to him-
self, purchased in dear years, and his stock is brought
into the market with great advantage to all, when there
was a less abundant supply, and imported a greater or less
quantity according to what he believed could be the de-
wand of the country in which he lived. This was the
natural state of things, and, if by law, they did not
interfere with it, experience showed that it worked with a
regularity and beauty which it was impossible sufficiently
to admire. In fact, in the whole order of creation, he
. ' did not know anything more marvellous, and at the same
time more striking, than the manner in which, by the
combined operation of a number of individuals, none of
them thinkingat all of the public interest, but each seek-
ing only his private and individual interest, a supply of
food to great communities was regulated—how, without
waste, without irregularity, and without interruption,each individual of a large nation was supplied with his
• proportion of food, in proportion to the whole supply,
the price varying in such a manner as to enable
production to be continued, at the same time
avoiding an undue pressure on the consumer.
The -manner in which all this took place,
without any interference on the part of any public au-
thority, by the agency of men as unconscious as the
wheels of some great machine, of the combined result of
their operations, the more they considered this beautiful
mechanism of society, the more one must admire it, and
the more they must be convinced that it was an appoint-
ment of unerring wisdom and infinite benevolence. But
it was with this that men, with their clumsy contrivances,
presumed to interfere. They were not satisfied with the
order of society appointed by Providence, and the means
Providence had established for the regulation of that
supply, but they must attempt to correct and improve,
what was established ; and it was really extraordinary
how slow men were to learn the folly of such interference.
In the memory of many men now alive, the laws passed
by their ancestors against forestalling and regrating
were enforced ; the practice was denounced from the
seat of Justice as mischievous and injurious, while every
man of ordinary education was now aware that it was
not merely harmless and innocent, but of great benefit
and service to society.—(Hear, hear.) But they had
. made some progress in understanding the folly of such
interference, as far as their internal trade was concerned
—in that, perfect freedom was established, and
they had felt the benefit of the alteration. But
they still obstinately clung, with respect to their
foreign trade, to restrictions and contrivances, con-
ceived in the very self-same spirit, and he
thought with equal blindness and equal presumption.
The natural inducement to persons to increase their im-
portations when the supply at home was deficient, and to
diminish it when the supply was abundant, was in itself
perfectly sufficient. If there were a fixed duty, or no
duty at all, the self-interest of the merchants would in-
duce them to diminish their imports when the low price
of corn afford them no profit, and, on the other hand, to
increase them when the rise in price at once indicated the
want that was felt in this country, and the
certainty of profit. But the presumption on
which the Act of 1828 was founded, and
which presumption was continued in the present
Bill, was, that this natural inducement was not
sufficient, and that it was necessary for Parliament to
do something more—to give the merchant a benefit of
4s. in the quarter more than the natural course of trade
would yield him. What had been the result to all
parties ? That in seeking to increase the inducement
which they held out to the trader to increase or diminish
his supplies according to circumstances and the wants
of the country, they had so thoroughly deranged the
whole system of the trade in corn, as to deprive the
country of the great benefits which the trade, if left to
itself, would have afforded.--(llear, hear.) Such would
be the consequences of the measure now in force, and it
had been stated, that upon that fact the present mea-
sure was founded. The reason which the Right Hon.
Baronet had stated for the measure before the House,
and the nature of the measure itself, did, in effect, in-
volve the admission that such as he (Lord Howick)
had described had been the effects of the law. What
else could be the reason for diminishing the duty, and
what else could be the meaning of those very significant
rests ?—(liear, hear.) What (lid the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet say of those rests himself, but that they were in-
tended to prevent the importer from looking to a great
rise of price and fall of duty, when prices were already !
high ? They were intended to induce him to bring
his corn into the market when the duty was sufficiently
low to allow him to sell with a remunerating profit. The
Right Hon. Baronet proposed that, between 525. and
555., the duty should he 18s., in order, he believed, that
when the price nose to 525. the importer might not wait
for a further rise, but might at once introduce the supply
which was needed at a duty of 18s. That was a per-
fectly valid argument ; he entirely concurred with the
Right Hon. Baronet as to the advantages of that arrange-
ment. But if it were good when the price was between
525. and 555. he wanted to know why it was
not equally good between 525. and 60s.—(11ear, hear.)
If the Right lion. Baronet made these rests to avoid
holding out the importers of corn an inducement to keep
back the supply of corn when it was wanted—if these
rests were made to restore trade to its natural state, and
to supply the importer with those motives, which would
operate if Pitrli iment (lid not interfere—he wanted to
know why the principle was not good to a still greater
extent.—(Hear,) Unfortunately it was not in his power
to be present during the previous debates un that sub-
ject ; but, as far as he could collect from reading those
debates in the papers, it did not appear to him that it
had yet been explained why, after going on so far towards
adopting a sounder and wise: system, they should pre-
cisely stop at that particular point? Why, if the argu-
ment were good, was it not followed out to its just and
legitimate extent ?—(llenr, hear.) He believed the chief
reason assigned for not carrying the principle farther
was this. The Right lion. Baronet said that agriculturo
required protection, but that it was impossible to afford
protection when the duties rose to a certain amount, he
therefore proposed to raise the duties at the lower points
of the settle of averages. Now in considering that ar-
gument, he begged, in the first place, to protest against
such a use of the word protection.—(Hear, hear.) He
maintained that it was an absurdity not suited to this
age of this world. The only protection to agriculture,
or to any other branch of industry, to which, in his
opinion, it was entitled, was that protection which
secured to every man the enjoyment of the fruits of
his own honest labour ; which prevented him from
being either directly, or indirectly, deprived of the fair
rewards of his own exertions. That was the only protec-
tion which he would acknowledge to.beeue either to agri-
culture or any other branch of national industry. Was
it not an abuse of language when, under the name of
protection, they gave to one particular class of the com-
munity the power of saying to their fellow-subjects and
fellow-citizens, " You shall take those things which we
produce though they may be dearer than similar articles
which you could obtain elsewhere. You shall not ex-
change that which you have produced in the manner which
would be most advantageous to you ; but first 1 ngula •
Lions shall be adopted, with the intention and design of
compelling you to pLy more for articles of domestic use
than you would pay tor the sam.! articles if you pur-
chased them elsewhere."—(Hear, hear, hear.) The
House had been long in the habit of making ad, antes
in the right direction, but it seemed to be afraid to bring
forward principles' boldly and distinctly.—(Hear, hear.)
But the time was cow come- •and he was glad to see
that in the late eebittes it seemed to las the
opinions of others, and particularly of the Na,lole Lor,i,
the Member fa- Tiverton—when they should bold!), and
ex licitly declare themselves.—(hear. / lie could state, that
as long as he had had the honour of a seat in that Howe he never
held language inconsittent with what he now stated—that the
time was come when it must tie admitted as a principle of their
legislati, n that the only protection to which British industry
was entitled, was that which he had already described ; and
that it was not necessary, in order to support one class, that
the other cla-sea of their fellow subjects shou d be taxed.—
( Cheers). But when he said that he thought it right to guard
himielf from being misunderstood, as Gentleme t may infer
that he was an advocate for a total and immediate repeal of
the Corn Laws, that was not his opinion, and that was not
the opinion he was venturing now to endeavour to support in
that House. He was an advocate for the principles of perfect
commercial freedom, but in adopting that principle some cau-
tion was absolutely necessary.—( Hear.) And looking to
all the circumstances of the country—looking rarticularly to
the neee:sity of raising a revenue—( Hear, hear)—lool.ing to
the burdens im; ocedi on land—booking to all these circum-
stances, he thought it wise policy to impure a moderate duty on
corn, but in saying that, he only expressed the opinion on the
supposition that the duty was indeed a moderate one, and he
mutt further add that if the alternative were proposed of main-
taining the existing system as modified by the Right Hon.
Baronet, or of the total repeal on corn, and he was driven to
choose between the two coin sea—at the same time considering
both objectionable—the interests cf laud must in that case
lield to the principle of total repeal.—(Cheers.) But he was
willing that some amount of that which was called protection,
that a certain extent of restriction should he imposed on the
importaion of foreign corn. But if protection is necessary,
he wanted to know why that protection is not equally due to
the farmer whether he had a large or a small crop ?
WI y was he entitled to less protection when there was a partial
failure of the produce of the land,?—( Hear, hear.) If thirteen
shillings were a sufficient protection when the price of corn was
605., on what principle of justice or of fairness could they prc-
po•e to impose a duty of 20s. when the price of wheat shou'd
• fall to Lf s. ? -He was totally at a loss to understand on what
plea this could be contended for.—( Hear, hear.) He knew,
as regarded the dimieution of the duty in proportion to the
rise in the averages, that it was a favourite argument with the
other side of the House, and an argument which he was sorry
to see had received more attention from his Noble Friend near
him (Lord John Russel) than in his (Lord How.ck's) opinion
it de,erved, that it would be utterly impossible when prices
should rise beyond a certain amount to maintain a duty, and that
therefore it was more advisable to pros ide for the doing away with
all duty at a ccrta'n point than to leave it to the Executive
Government to rep ix the duty, subject to a Bill of Indemnity,
or to make it a matter for the special interference of Parlii-
trent. But before he admitted that argument, he must be
shown that a reduction of the duty on the rise of the averages
did really produce a benefit to the consumer.—(Cheers.) Yie
had always argued that experience had shown that any benefit
supposed to be de, ived by the consumer, on the reduction of
dii. y consequent upon a rise in the averages, was nugatory and
ch lasive—(Cheers)—and that '-er the following simple reason—
be money might not be raised as a tax, but the burden still
Continued. —( Cheers. ) Now he had always understood that
the objection to any tax was not what it produced to
the Exchequer, but the burden it was on the- consumer;
and if that burden here still continued, he (Lord Howick )
thought it wis much better that the Exchequer should have
the benefit of it. It they hail the burden, it would
be bet er that they •
should have the
he incomeeould
notalso;
baendsorhrye
thought that the Right lion. Baronet
to have some of the produce of that bit den in the Exchequer at
hear.) He (Lord Howick) con-
the present moments. —( Hear,
tended that the reduction of the duty in the. manner preposed
was of no benefit whatever to the consumer-71t was entirely ab
•
sorbed in. meeting the increased charges oniml•ortation tense.Tient upon the narrowing the circle front which the supply could
. be obtained, and the raising of the prices in all the nearest mar-
kets. That manner of regulating the duty prevented t.hemn:r-
dmit kw:l:performing his proper office, byaccumulati , a
era, . 0 o
b: _
tibtanLto;rm,euemt
ethose b deficiencies.avi
bg o a
%el
or mlieer owcocuasldionnogtongeo
:':., - , -F4.:-Aka sisabiect, and as the debate on this ques-
- ..
....'' .
: - -c.' , ,

~- ~.-:
*~~

who had any experience ,f Ire system pursued in the country
knew that the practice of granting leases of land had materially
declined since 1815. Land was now too frequently let from
year to year, and leases were general in but comparatitivcly
few districts. This was a change which he considered most
injurious. Thine valuable papers published in the useful
journals of the Agricultural Society of England, and the High-
land Society of Scotland, which appeared in them a few years
ago, describing the great improvements that had taken place in
the course of half a century, in Scotland, Northumberland,and the
North of England traced the superiority, as he believed cor-
rectly, to the practice of granting leases in those parts.
How indeed was it possible that could be improved by the oc-
cupiers, unless those who laboured had the stimulus of their
own interest to actuate and encourage their enterprise and
energy and capital by having security for their reward in
leases from their landlords ?—( Hear, hear.) He appealed to
those who were in the habit of travelling about the country,
whether they could not, by the state of agriculture in particu-
lar districts, distinguish those where the practice of granting
leases was common from those where it was not?—( Hear. )
He now would say, as one interested in land, it was of most
essential advantage that they should come to a speedy settle-
ment of the law on the importation of foreign corn, for this
question should no longer be left in doubt and agitation. He
felt that he had perhaps exceeded the limits of the observations
which he him intened to address to the House.—( Hear, hear,)
He meant to add one or two other points which he should not
now touch upon. He would therefore conclude by simply en-
treating Hon. Gentlemen opposite, more especially those inte-
rested in land, to believe him when he asserted most unfeign-
edly, that in advocating his present views he was actuated by
no motive whatever except a desire to promote what he be-
lieved was the best interest of the land, and of every other
department in this kingdom.—( Hear, hear, hear.) In
corroboration of this assertion, and to show that he was
actuated by no party motive, he need only refer
to his conduct since he had had the honour of a seat in Parlia-
ment. When he first came into the House, the Corn-law
question took up much of their time, and was a great topic of
debate amongst them. In 1827 and 1828 Hon. Gentlemen
would recollect that measures were proposed by the Govern-
ment of the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Liverpool; that
one of those years he thought they were
16, and in the other year of 26. These
bothlianwaemft those measures
atyntof
f In passed, and that one of them was now the
only
were the small minorities by which the principle was then sup-
ported ; from that time to the present, in office and out of
office, he had invariably supported the same policy. He had
invariably, both by his votes and his arguments, supported the
policy of giving greater freedom to the trace in corn, and 'of
abolishing those restrictions which were imposed by an existing
law. So much for the motives which had actuated Lim. Now
he only had to say, with reference to the vote which he was
ibis evening about to give, that if he conceived that, by the vote
which he was going to give in favour of the amendment of his
Noble Frit nd, he shoulcf be understood as voting in favour of
the existing Corn-laws, in preference to the plan which had
been proposed by her Majesty's Government, most
undoubtedly he should not vote for the amendment
( Hear, hear) —he should, on the contrary, support
the measure proposed by her Majesty's Govern-
ment, because, as he had already said, he considered it
a mitigation, and an important mitigation, of the restriction
now in force on the tratle in corn. But he conceived that the
House, by its proceedings, had already pledged itself to make
some change in the law, and he, theretore, believed that the
effect of the vote he was about to give would merely he to de-
clare that the principle on which her Majesty's Government
had proceeded to amend the existing law was not, in his (Lord
Howick's) opinion, satisfactory. He by no means thought
that the form in which this question had been brought to issue
was on the whole by any means the best that could have been
adopted. If he (Lord H.) had had any voice in the matter he
should have preferred that the House should have agreed,
without a division, to the second reading of this Bill, and that in
Committee an amendment should have been moved, embodying,
as far as the rules of the House would admit, such clauses
as should bring the Bill to that shape in which it ought to
stand. He thought that would have been the best course.
But as the proceedings had been drawn out to such a length,
and that as there was now to be a discussion, it would be
highly inexpedient that he should propose another plan and
another division in this stage ; he wished to avoid giving this
trouble, and exposing the public business to unnecessary de-
lay.—( Hear, hear.) As he was unavoidably absent in the
preliminary discussion on the subject, and as this was the
first opportunity which had been afforded him of expressing
by speech, and recording by vote, the opinions he had so lone
entertained, he had no course but to vote for the
amendment of his Noble Friend, and he had the
consolation of knowing that the number of those who
would follow the course of the Hon. Member for Wallingford
was so small, that there would not be much danger of the mea-
sure being lost in consequence of an alliance of parties enter-
taining conflicting opinions. He could assure the Right Hon.
Baronet that if he saw the remotest danger of such a contin-
gency, he should not be found in the minority.--( Hear, hear.)
With this explanation, and thanking the House for the atten-
tion it had given him, he begged to conclude by stating it to be
his intention to support the amendment of his Noble Friend.
Mr. PACKINGTON supported the second reading of the
Bill. He hopes that the discussion would not be further pro-
tracted; the House had already decided by an overwhelming
majority that British agriculture was entitled to protection,
and it had also decided that that protection should not be given
by a fixed duty. For his own part, he was decidedly averse to
a fixed duty. Mr. Huskisson was against it, Mr. Canning
was, against it, and the arguments even of the Noble
Lord the Member for London were decidedly against it.
After the t iumphant manner in which the argument that the
manufacturers were ruined by the Corn-laws had been dis-
posed of by the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the
Treasury, he would not presume to occupy the House by again
going over the same ground, but he would just advert to the
most important branch of our manufactures, and he would
show that this had made the most rapid strides in prosperity
during the operation of those most abused laws. In 1820, the
declared value in the exports in cot' on was 16,000,000/. ; ire
1828, the t ear when the laws were passed, it was 17,000,000/.,
but, in 1839, it had reached to the extraordinary amount of
24,500,000/. Similar prosperity could be shown in other
branches.—( Tory cheers.) The House had decided against
the fixed duty, and that agriculture should have pro-
tection. The only question, therefore, was, what should
be the rate of the sliding scale',? Fur his part, he
would give his decided support to the measure of the Go-
vernment, in which he placed the most unlimited confidence.
When the Government dealt with a subject of such magnitude,
he thought it should be approached by all, and by its friends
especially, with a spirit of conciliation. He supported it be-
cause he believed it calculated to promote the interests of all
classes, and the Conservative party were content to accept it as
a just and fair settlement of the question. The Conservative
party, as a body, had not declared for a perfect adherence to the
existing laws, though there might be individual instanc-s of it.
On the contrary, many of the warmest Conservatives had de-
clared their disapprobation of them. In alluding to the contro-
versy het teen the manufacturers and the agriculturists, he ad-
mitted that the speech of the Hon. Member for Knaresborough
was quite peculiar ; hut whatever might be said of what he
had told them, it seemed to have burst like a rocket among
Hon. Gentlemen opposite. If the sufferings he had detailed
were true, they ought to rejoice in having them exposed. He
did not refer to this speech for any recrimination, but the
feelings and sentiments which had been uttered were totally
unworthy of that House, and were not calculated to pro-
mote the interest of either party. He thought the prosperity
of the two great parties were indissoluble. When
manufactures flourished, agriculture would flourish ;
and when agriculture was prosperous, the manufacturers found
their principal market. Such were his feelings, and he hoped
that hereafter they would dispense with those discussions which
"'ere'inhisopinion unworthy of both. He thought the agri-
culturists would benefit by the change made in the mode of
taking the averages. Under the whole system great scope was
given to fraud. But while he confessed that the agriculturists
would derive advantage from the change, he believed that the
commercial interest and the consumer would derive benefit.
The Noble Lord who had spoken last had complained of the
great fluctuations under the old law. Undoubtedly those fluc-
tuations were great objections to the old law, but Hon. Gentle-
men must recollect that the fluctuations during the same period
were less in England than in the other countries of Europe.
It was upon these grounds that he should give his humble but
earnest support to the measure brought forward by her Ma-
jesty's Government. But he could not sit down without con-
gratulating her Majesty's Government upon the triumphant
manner in which those measures had been introduced. They
could not have forgotten the manner in which this question
had originated. The House and the country could not have
forgotten that this was not a question sought for by her Ma-
jeusttyit wassGo
a question
vernmen(
Loud laughter from the Opposition)—
hbrought forward by a hostile party,
and for hostile parties the gauntlet was thrown down
in May last by the Government of that day for the
purpose of throwing discord amongst the people, in
the hope that the Government would, in a moment of
passion and excitement, meet with that support which the calm
judgment of the country had withheld from them. Bet the
good sense of the people prevailed, arid the consequence was
that the miserable and inefficient Government became a feeble
and contemptible Opposition.
Mr. C. BULLEtt then rose to address the House, and ad-
vancing to the table, pointed with his finger to the Ministerial
benches, and said—" Do you talk of consistency ? You taunt
us and the Gentlemen behind me for voting against this Bill on
different grounds ? You, who even maintain that inconsistency
which you complain of in us? You, who get up to prove that
the late Corn-law is best and ought to be retained ; who prove
that when agricu:ture is prosperous, manufactures will also be
so, and then, for no earthly reason, except mere party pur-
poses, and for supporting inconsistency, you come forward and
say, we will vote through thick anti thin for this measure ?"
( Loud cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman continued to say that
he should vote against this Bill uron plain and straightforward
grounds, such as any man would vote, against a Bill on the se-
cond reading, namely, that he did not think that the prin-
ciple was good. (Hear.) The Honourable Gentleman
who had just sat down had complained almoss of every
Member introducing subjects not calculated to benefit any
interest, but only to excite angry feelings, and his only
exception was the Hon. Member for Knaresborough.—
( Laughter and cheers.) lie (Mr. C. Buller) did not intend,
at that late period of the debate, to increase discussion, hut at
the same time he wished to call the attention of the house to
one or two facts. The principal arguments used against the
againstq the present
Corn-law was, that it prevented our trading
present Bill. The ; ; 1 pra. aigumen
with those coun-
triesn exchange for our
present Corn-law he thought appliedw-itthe equal force to the
having nothing but corn to give
manufactures. It was a prohibition to foreign trade, and con-
sequently a prohibition upon the exportation of many of our
manufactures, and this was aggravated by the fact that many
of those countries refused to take the goods they had been in
the habit of doing. Now he did not see how
would remedy that evil. On that
ground, therefore, it
were the ap-
peared to him that the present Bill, whatever
modi-
fications of the old pl
an, did not overcome a single objection.
Another argument wbrought _
forward to the
the present Bill
hich had been_rst mentioned in that
every friend to free
country was ose which he thought was ti
House by a Gentleman whose absence
he
mentioned the
trade would lament, and when
opposite
name of M. Grote, Honourable
Gentlemen
would willing y acknowledge the
to bear on these
industry, and the great knowledge, broughtt.
übjects. He remarked, in 1839, o, attention to the
greattegrity, the great
mindwith bite
great alarm which had occur ed in the su _
happened in the previous
to the monetary crisis that had
e the effect the Corn-
autumn, and he pointed out to the House _
He contended, then,
Corn-
laws had had with respect to this crisis.
the demand for corn would
that under the present Corn-laws,.
n and sudden. When
always, in a certain degree, be uncertain
countries for corn, a 3
a sudden demand was made on foreign
pay for it in gold, that
such,
toa state, that, to,
the consequence-
that it brought the Bank of England to
gold drained the Bank of En,gland, an
was the case when they were obliged directing
was
pressedbecaus
because
nt
hael 1
fcalrams classes,
on save itself from bankruptcy, they were obliged have recourse
on every
much
outchhe
asß aonnk
tohf France.
farmer,,
olf'htish,isofccoouunrtsreyr,
e
England was in this state,
it will keep up the
they withdrew their advances
unhappily were very large borrowers. When the Bank of
man who gave or wanted credit, and on no class so
to country banks. Now the present Bill being founded
on the principle of the sliding . scale,
necessity of having the recourse to gold to pay for a sud-
den demand for corn, therefore they could only say it was
bad in principle; but he wished to direct the attention of the
House more particularly to the mischievous operation of the
Corn-laws, and which had beeu more particularly pressed on
his mind by a document received in that House, and which
showed the effect the Corn-laws had on the employment of
human labour. The document to which he referred was the

late debates on the subject there had been most stress laid on
this cause by Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House. He
referred to over-speculation and over-production. He pre-
I sumed when Hon. Gentlemen at the other side talked of over-
speculation and over-production that all they meant to say was
there.had been over-production in a particular branch of our
trade or manufactures. It certainly never would be contended
that we suffered distress because generally the country had
been too industrious—because too much labour and capital had
been practically employed—that because there had -been too
great an amount of all commodities required, therefore distress
arese.Lln short, that distress was the consequence of our being
too rich. That was' a contradiction in terms which he
(Lord Howick) did the Right Hon. Baronet justice
in saying never had been his intention to make use of,
and therefore he (Lord H.) was putting the right interpreta-
tion upon the Right Hon. Baronet's argument, when he said
that the Right Hen. Gentleman, in speaking of over-produc-
tion and over-speculation, meant that there had been a mis-
direction of the productive energies of the country. The
Right Hon. Baronet might correct him (Lord H.) if he was
wrong ; but he thought he was right in saying that such must
be the meaning of the Right Hon. Gentleman. If that was
the Right Hon. Baronet's argument, he would no doubt concur
with him that over-production was the cause of the existing
distress, as it produced a reaction in some branch of our manu-
facture by the misdirection of capital and labour. But if
it was true, as it undoubtedly was, that this was
one cause of our distress, the best cure, and, in-
deed, the only one in the power of the House to apply,
was to remove those restrictions, in the first place, upon the
trade in corn, which forced the capital and industry out of their
natural, and as their natural, their most productive channels.
If misdirections and mistakes ;ia the employmentof capital and
labour were the causes of the distress, he would say, guard
against it in future by abrogating those bad laws which pre-
vented trade from falling into its natural channels, and which
prevented the industry and capital of the country from being
applied in the manner which would be most productive. This,
he would say was the legitimate inference to be drawn from
the statement and from the argument of the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet. But on this point there was another observation to
which it recurred to him very material to call the attention of
the House. He had already admitted that there had been,
as the Right Honourable Baronet had argued, some over-
speculation, over-production, and misdirection in their
productive powers. But he wished to ask any gen-
tleman acquainted with the actual state of the nation,
whether that misdirection and error was not in a
great measure accounted for by the great difficulty ex-
isting at this moment in finding any profitable fields for the
employment of labour and capital. Was it not notorious that
in every branch of trade there was the most intense competition,
almost every employment was overstocked, and throughout the
whole circle of industry, every occupation, either for the em-
ployment of capital or labour was occupied, and they found a
race of the severest kind, both between capitalist and labourers
going on. How was it shown ? It was shown most strikingly
by the extraordinary tide of emigration that had been setting
out from this country during the last few years. This ten-
dency to emigration proved the existence of that state of things,
a difficulty in finding fields for the employment of both capital
and labour. He did not find fault with emigration; he thought
that every encourgement that could consistently be given, ought
to be extended to it, but he thought the extent of it
did prove what he had adverted to ; and it was
an emigration not confined to labour alone, but consisting
both of labour and capital. It was very instructive to observe
what took place when an extensive emigration occurred. Let
them look at their newest colony—that of New Zealand. A
great amount of capital, and a large number of labourers, had
proceeded to that colony ; and it was a fair inference to sup-
pose that, in consequence of the over-crowded state of this
country, they had found it impossible to obtain any profitable
means of employment at home. When they went to New
Zealand part found employment in raising food for the whole,
and the others, in various ways, in providing for their wants.
The consequence was that want of employment was no longer
heard of, and the only complaint was, that they wanted
more capitalists and more labourers. New, what was the
cause of all this activity, but the increased means given them
of procuring food ?—( Hear, hear.) For it was not agricultural
labourers alone that were employed and sought after; but
carpenters, masons, and the makers of and dealers in articles of
clothing.—(Hear, hear.) Did it not, therefore, deserve the
consideration of the House whether it would not answer their
purpose just as well—instead of forcing the manufacturers of
this country to go to Canada, Australia, New Zealand, er else-
where, to engage in agricultural pursuits which they did not
understand—to allow them to stay. at home and continue
employed in the trades to which they were brougl.t
up, exchanging the products of their labour and ingenuity for
food wherever it could be found ?—(Hear, hear.) Would any
man tell him, that in a short time supplies would not be offered
in exchange for the manufactures of this country from every
corner of Europe, if only we would give them a reasonable as-
surance of a steady market ?--( Hear, hear.) This would not
have the effect of displeasing a single man now employed in
agriculture, in any department, as iandlord, farmer, or labourer.
—( Hear.) The landowner would participate directly in • the
general advantage resulting to the country.—( Hear, hear. )
hose producers being enabled to remain at home, their con-
sumption of meat. would be a benefit to the landlords, and their
comsumption of excisable articles would go to increase the re-
venue of the United Kingdom. Having concluded what he had
to say in favour of such a change as would promote the general
interests of the community, he would beg to address a few
words, and they would be only a very few, to the owners and
occupiers of land, as one having a common interest with them,
an interest to which he assured them he was not philo-
sophical enough to be by any means indifferent, for though
they might, perhaps, think so, he assured them that he had
nu desire to see the ruin of himself, and of all who were con-
nected with him.—( A laugh.) As having a common interest
with them he was anxious to address a few words to the owners
and occupiers of land, and to point out to them the extreme,
the overwhelming importance to them of an early and sat isfae-
tory settlement of this question. In the first place he would
ask them whether it was not perfectly clear that the Bill which
was then about to pass was but the precursor of further altera-
tions?—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Mem-
ber for Pembroke, had gone out of his way to disclaim its being
a final measure ; lie had told them as plainly as a gentleman
in his situation could tell them that it was merely introductory
to a further alteration. The same inference might
be drawn from the who'.e conduct of the Government.
The agr.cultural party had been completely triumphant
at the late elections ; the Government was one in
which as they were told by the Honourable Member • for
Devon, that party had the greatest confidence, and it was cer-
tainly the most powerful Government which had existed for
many years ; )et, with all these advantages, they had actually,
befors they were attacked, struck the flag which thsy had so
long nailed to the mast in favour of the existing Corn-laws.
Why had they made that surrender ? Obviously because they
felt that public opinion had been pronounced 30 decided y
against the existing Corn-laws, that it was impossible to main-
tain them. The Hon. and Gallant Member for Middlesex
had candidly told them that was the case; and there was a
statement in the introductory speech of the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet ( Sir R. Peel) which amounted to the same thing. The
Right Hon. Baronet told them that the communications which
he had had with the agricultural interest convinced him that
they were generally satisfied of the necessity for a change in
the Corn-laws. But could the change which they were about
to make be satisfactory to the agrieu'turists themselves?—
(Hear, hear.) Would it be satisfactory to any one class of per-
sons in the country?—( Hear, hear.) Was it founded upon
principles so just in themselves, so consistent with truth and
sound reason, that the practical working of the measure was
likely to be beneficial to the country ? He contended that it was
not. He con tended that a continuance of the same policy heretofore
adopted would be attended with the same disappointment ; and
in a few years' time they would have the Right Hon. Baronet,
if he then happened to be at the head of the Government, again
coming forward and saying, " These Corn-laws cannot be
maintained; 1 find that, though I have a majority in the
House of Commons and in the House of Lords, common sense,
and reason and experience, are too strong for me ; the law has
practically worked ill, and it must be altered." Such was the
language which the Right Hon. Baronet must employ, but it
was not wise to delay the settlement of such a question, be-
cause the longer the compromise was withheld, the worse would
be the terms they could obtain. —( Hear.) Hon. Gentlemen
opposite say that even a fixed duty would not now give satis-
faction. He (Lord Howick) admitted it; he admitted there
were a large number whom it would not satisfy; but his belief
was, that if a sufficiently moderate duty were imposed, all agi-
tation would subside, ar,d the country would acquiesce. But
if such a state of things was to continue, and if the battle was to
be fought as heretofore, and if the practical working of the
Corn-law was to be what he anticipated it would under
the measure now before the House, he was persuaded the
country would not acquiesce.—( Hear, hear.) By deferring a
final settlement of the querti ro, they saw already how much
worse were the terms now than what they might have been a
short time ago. —(Hear, hear.) In the year 1828 there were
few Gentlemen, he apprehended, in that House, or in the
country, who would have objected to grant to the agriculturists
a fixed duty of considerable amount.—( Hear, hear.) When
he voted formerly for a moderate fixed duty he found himself in
a considerab!e minority, and believed that at that time the
country would be perfectly satisfied with a fixed duty as high
as 20s. ,or at least as high as 15s. But what was the state of
things now ? Only three or tour months ago, a proposition of
an Bs. fixed duty was made, but that duty would not now
answer.—( Hear.) He believed they should now fall to a ss.
duty to satisfy the people; and every day they deferred putting
off the settlement of the question, every day would the
terms become worse ; and he believed that the interva

during which they could obtain terms at all was now very
short.—( Hear, hear.) In his opinion that was not very
material, for although he was in favour of a fixed duty for the
Like of the owners of land, he was only so that the first dis-
turbance of agriculture may be avoided. He had no fears ulti-

mately for the agriculturists.—( Hear.) He was not afraid
that the British farmer was infer for to the Continental farmer

in skill, industry, or the possession of capital—that he was so
inferior as not to be able to enter with the farmer of the Conti-

nent in the race of competition ; and he believed this the more
especially because he saw the manufacturers of England was
not afraid to contend with his continental competitor.
He believed the Englishman could compete as suc-
cessfully with the foreigner in agricultural as in any
other branches of manufactures or trade.—( Loud Cheers. )
That opinion he knew prevailed very extensively amongst the
better informed of those engaged in the cultivation of land in
the country which he (Lord Howick) lately represented. He
(Lord Howick) had certainlybeen defeated at the last election,
but he was able to say from what he had seen during that elec-
tion that the opinion of the best agriculturists in that country
was strongly in favour of some further change. All the better
farmers were in favour even of a greater change than that which
had been proposed last year. It was notorious that in Scotland
and the North of England, where the land was the best culti-
vated, the farmers were in favour of a great change in those
laws. Devonshire was no exception to the rule, unless the
county had been greatly changed since he (Lord H.) had last
had the pleasure of visiting it. It was only in those parts of
the country where a barbarous and neglected system of agricul-
ture prevailed—( Cheers and laughter)—that any apprehensions
were entertained of the results of a change in these laws. But

the fear of obtaining worse terms hereafter, was one of theleasi

arguments which he would address to the HuttFe
when urging them not to lose lime in settling this
question.—( Hear, hear.) He would urge them to consider
the effect which must be produced upon agriculture while the
question continues undecided; how could they hope that any
improvement could take place in agriculture under such cir-
cumstances ? No plan could be adopted more effectual for
delaying every species of agricultural improvement, and for the
accomplishment of its ultimate ruin, so effectual as the keeping
the laws relating to the importatie i of corn in a state of doubt
and suspense. In spite of the majority by which he had no doubt
that Bill would be carried into a law, in spite of the arguments
of those who gave this system of restriction their support, in
spite of their assertions that no further alteration in the law w,,s

.. ........... ...-. ..
no declarations that they
.hey could do,
that 't
intended, the public mind would not look upon this law as any
thing hut a temporary measure. Nothing
might make, no majority by which
they might be sustained, could satisfy the public mind that that
Bill would continue.—( Cheers.) But while further changes
were Langing over the head of the farmer, how could they
possibly imagine that the relation of landlord and tenant would
continue in a satisfactory state ? What farmer would venture
to 'take a long lease whilst he dreaded what might be the
future changes in the laws regulating the imp eation of corn?
—(Hear, hear.) Who could venture to make any permanent
improvements in his lands in such a state of uncertainty?
and when he spoke of permanent improvements, he con-
sidered it an important point to consider in what
manner the present state of the law had tended
to discourage the system of granting leases. Every man

ITTIE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 10, 1842

therein t
hwere
isdhdi
ipes
fa dt
he ne wmiotuht
ic,o
or nf lAayuignug.
ti
and
rniovecro:rn Teahmatewinas,
the average price of corn was comparatively low. yet the corn
was kept back till the average reached 735. It was then
time.—(
ad-
mitted, as within a month of the tae.—( Hear.) He
1
acknowledge that there were two merits in the Bill of the
a thewui
Righttie
Hon. Baronet—the first was, that we shoul 1 get
the first brick out of the old system ; it shook t
more revenue by it; but the great advantage was,
htlemotldit
crodrlned.
law—the poor old Corn-law—after they had ridden it so much,
and it must come down. At any rate, whatever arguments
Gentlemen opposite might employ when they went to the
hustings, they would not go on the tried merits of the good old
Corn-law.—(Cheers and laughter.) He remembered at the
last election for Liskeard, thinking that. he had established the
most undoubted claims on the agriculturists, how annoyed he
was to see his adversaries flig flipping in his face, ceiling him-
self " the farmer's friend," with mottoes of " rpeed the plough,"
and so forth.—( Hear and laughter.) At any rate, this kind of
argument would not go on.—(Cheers.) At any rate, they
would not tell the electors not to listen to those who proposed
any change in the Corn-law.; they would not do as was done
by the Hon. and consistent Member for Lic lnshire, first say,
" stand by the Corn-laws," then voie for the amendment, then
propose another amendment, and wind up by voting against his
own amendment.—( Cheers and laughter.) They would not
be able to say this, bat he (Mr. C. Buller) would be bound
that they would have some cry just as unfair, and if they could
not appeal to the old Corn law, they would to the new.—
(Cheers and hear. ) That they would do he had no doubt.
The Right Hon. Baronet the other day made them alt feel—he
touched them quite—with the way in which he told us of the
difficulties he had to encounter in thislaw—( Hear)—when he
asked Hon. Gentlemen on his (Mr. C. Buller's) side of the
House to support him, he did not say the words against those
unreasonable friends of his.—( Cheers and laughter.) When •
ever those friends had ventured to came to a division against
the Right lion. Baronet, and, on the last two occasions, when
they had screwed up their courage. they, on the Opposition
Benches, had supported the Right Hon. Baronet.--( Hear. )
At present, he should vote against the Bill of the Right lion.
Baronet, but whenever the Right Hon. Baronet's Friends
should give him an opportunity of voting for the Right Hon.
Baronet's modified plan or their propositions, he (Mr. C. Buller)
should vote fur the Right Hon. Baronet. If he might ask the
Right lion. Baronet to take a retrospective glance at a time when
he was so hampered with the agricultural gentlemen in this
House, he would ask him if he ever thought what would have
been the result if the Right lien. Baronet had conceded what
must he conceded sooner or later, at the time when his (Mr.
C. Buller's) Noble Friend brought forward the motion last
se•sion.—( Hear.) If the Right lion. Baronet had come
forward then, and had told the agriculturists that he would
make good terms for them, and if he had told them to be calm,
and not to insist on too much, instead of using all the argu-
ments he could on behalf of the old law, if he had held the
same language and molera.ion which he wanted Gentle-
men on his (Mr. C. Buller's) side of the House to hold now,
he believed that there would have been little difficulty in
putting the trade in corn on the footing of a sliding scale.
Sir E. KNATCH BULL said, that whatever might be the
opinions of the Hon. Member who had just sat down, or
whatever might be the opinions of the House, he believed
that no plan had ever been proposed by aay Minister which met
with the more unanimous concurrent of the agriculturists,
than the measure now proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet.
—(Oh, oh, and laughter.) He repeated it—(Oh, oh)—and
he would make his observation general—that that was the opi-
nion entertained by persons in the House and out of the
House. There was one exception to be made to it, and that
was the body of men engaged in the Anti-Corn law League
( Hear, hear ) With reference to the petitions presented to
the House he was aware that there were a great many more
presented against this law than there were in favour of it.—
( Hear, hear.) But how stood the fact ? Had they employed
any means whatever during the last few months similar to
those which had been taken by the Opposition ? No, they
rested their case upon its own merits; and instead of expend-
ing their means in getting up petitions, they had expend, d
them in al'eviaeing the distress in the country—(oh, oh, and
hear)—and he thought if Gentlemen opposite had adopted the
same course they would have done much more to relieve the
people than they wreed ever do by getting them to sign peti-
tions. —( Hear, hear.) The Hon Gentleman opposite, who
had just sat down, admitted that there were two ur three
points of merit in this Bill ; the first had been removed, and he
was glad of that, because the whole system of Corn-law must
fall with it. The Noble Lord had told them that " no surrender'
was no longer to be the cry, that the flag had been struck, and
that the) must accede to a compromise. lie ( Sir E.
Knatchbull) thought those were not the words that should
have been employed. On the other hand, •‘ no surrender"
was still to be the cry, the flag had not been struck, and they
were, not compelled to accede to a compromise. If they sur-
rendered at all they would at least surrender at discretion.
(The Right Hon. Baronet here spoke in so low a tone, an. 4
turned his back so frequently on the reporters, that it was wi'h
the greatest difficulty we. could catch his remarks, indeed, in
many parts he was quite inaudible.) He was understood to
say, that the Noble Lord the Member for Sun 'erland,
had explained that hs would have no duty whatever.
He (Sir Edward Knatchbull) understood the Noble Lord
to say so most distinctly, and he went further than that,
fur he said that he thought that when he said so he was express-
ing the opinions of the farmers of Northumberland. (" No,"
from Lord Heavick. ) If he had misunderstood the Noble
Lord he was very sorry, but his impression certainly was that
those were the expressions he made use of. In the course of
this debate three propositions had been made—onte was for the
abolition of all duty whatsoever, one for a fixed duty, and one
for preserving the law as it was. He (S;r E. Knatchbull)
thought that it was necessary that there should be some altera-
tion in the Corn-laws, and he though the plan propoaed by
the Right Hon. Baronet was the one best sailed to meet the
views of reasonable men of all parties.—( Hear.)—( The Right
Hon. Baronet stag then understood to allude to some remarks
which had fallen from Mr. C. Buller, but he spoke so low that
we were unable to catch the purport of his observations.)
The means of purchasing food was the matter of most conse-
quence to the poor man, and not the mere price. It was im-
material what the price of food might be if the labourer had
not the money to purchase it. He remembered the story of
a man in Londen who went to purchase a few eggs. On
inquiring what the price was, he was told he could have 6 eggs
for a shilling. " Six eggs for a shilling," said he, " Oh, in
Ireland I could get thirteen for a shilling." " Well, then,"
rejoined the other, " why do you not go back to Ireland ?"
" Because T could not," replied the first, "obtain the money
there wherewith ta purchase them." Such was the case in the
present instance. An Hon. Member had complained of
the rise in the price of corn in his neighbourhood, but
if that were so, wages must have been raieed, and
the sufferings of the poor diminished. He ( Sir E. Knateli-
bull had given his assent to the Bill now before the House,
which, he trusted, would soon be passed into a law. He
had given his assent to it under the firm convietion that it
was a measure that would operate for the benefit of the coun-
try at large. He did not think that her Majesty's Govern-
ment could be justly charged wi:h seeking exclusively to
uphold the interest of any particular class. They had pro-
posed this measure under the impression that in 30 doing
they were legislating for the advantage of all classes of the
community. Much had been said in the couse of those dis-
cussions of the tone and temper of the debates on this sub-
ject. He thought that everything like violence should be
avoided in all diseussions in that House. He had endeavoured
in the course of his observations to take that course himself,
and he hoped that nothing had fallen from him which
might be considered inconsistent with such a course. The
Right Hon. Baronet made some observations in conclusion,
which, as well as many passages in the course of his speech,
were spoken in so low a tone as to be quite inaudible in the
gallery.
Lord HOWICK wished to make an observation in explana-
tion of what had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet, who had
just sat down, in reference to him (Lord Howick.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman had said that he (Lord Howick) had
expressed himself as opposed to any duty whatever on corn ;
and, further, that he ( Lord Ho wick) had stated such to be the
opinions of the persons whom he represented in that House.
What he ( Lord Howick) had said was precisely the opposite.
His t Lord Howick's) argumsnt was, that the present Corn-
law was so injurious to the agriculturists, that it would be
much better for them if they were totally resealed; but that
his own view was that the best course for all interests of the
country would he to impose a onoderate fixed duty. To preve
that such ha I been his argument, he ( Lord Howick) had ;;one
on further to state the inducements which the landed inter e.t
hid to such au arrangement. He had expressed• his opi-
nion that in a short time suet' an arrangement would
be no longer practicable, .but that a total repeal
would be required. Among the farmers of the north of Eng-
land that was a growing opinion—a race of men who far ex-
ceeded in intelligence and shrewdness the farmers of the south
of England.
Sir E. KNATCHBULL had certainly thought the Noble
Lord had used the words alluded to, otherwise he (Sir E.
Kna,chbull) would not have attributed them to him.
Mr. SHIEL was certainly much surprised that the Right
Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, remarkable is he was
for his perspicuity, had mistaken the Noble Lord, who was also
remarkable for his perspicuity. The Right Hon. Baronet had
misconceived the matter to which he had adverted, and which
appeared to him most deserving of attention. Among the
many observations made by the Noble Lord, it struck him (Mr.
Shiel) that there was one particularly worthy c f notice, and
that was his designation of the measure of the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet, as the precursor of an ulterior measure. The Noble
Lord had stated that it was obvious the Right Hon. Baronet
could not stop there, and that either he or some other Minister
would be compelled ultimately to abandon the project which
was no introduced. Upon that observation no remark had
been made by the Right Hon. Gentleman who had just sat
down. Whether he had assented to it or not, had not ape
peered. lie ( Mr. Shiel) thought that the objection made by
the Noble Lord was one deserving the most serious considera-
tion. To tamper with the laws that regulate the price of pro-
visions, had been said by Edmund Burke to be at all times dan-
gerous. But when they did tamper with them—when
yielding to the force of public opinion to a certain
extent, they took the first step (and the first step
was the most important)—when they made a change
which was most satisfactory, as the Right Honourable
Baronet (Sir E. Knatchbull) had just observed, but to
which the Duke of Buckingham at least felt the strongest
objection—when they made such a change as was objected
to by a distinguished Nobleman who had not been a member
of the Cabinet in 1829, and who had ceased to be a member of
the Cabinet in 1842—0 f whose secession from that' Cabinet all
he (Mr. S.) would say was, honi soit qui mal y pens*
(Hear, hear and laughter.) When he said they ventured to
make such a change, it was a matter of much regret and some
surprise to him, that they should not do at oance what he
thought, either they or some one else must do it last—that
they should still adhere to the vicious principle of the present
system, of which perpetual vicissitude constituted the essence,
a principle which afforded incentives to fraudulent combina-
tions, and substituted the spirit of rash adventure for that of
legitimate commerce.—( Hear. ) They applied the sliding
scale to corn, but to no other article of human food.
C lonial coffee and colonial sugar were protected bylfixed duties.
It was said that in those duties they were to make a change
It was rumoured that the apprehensions which were entertained
of giving an undue stimulant to the slave-trade hail begun to
subside. But did they mean to supply a sliding scale to coffee
and to sugar? If they did so, if they passed a law by which
it would be enacted that the duty upon Brazilian sugar and (mon
Havannah sugar should depend upon the average price of East
and West India sugar, he asked the Vice President of the
Board of Trade whether a most material injury would not be
done to the growers of sugars and coffee by that law? He was
not surprised, for his part, that the agriculturists of this
country did not readily admit the opinions, regarded
by many as extreme opinions of Adam Smith anti
Mr. Huskisson, the latter of whom, at least in the later
period of his life, held that measures intended for the
proteatien of agriculture were in reality detrimental to its
interests. But it appeared to him (Mr. thiel) that, the opi-
nions of a political economist, who was himself a most dee'ded
advocate for protection, were worthy of their attention—he re-
referred now to Mr. APCulloch.—( Hear, heir. ) Mr. 111'01'-
1 said—" A fluctuating duty superinduces an artificial
variation in the natural and inevitable variation of the seasons,
and is thus of as much injury to the farmer as it is to trade."
( Hear, hear.) Was that true? Let them see how the
sliding scale had worked in order that they might ascertain how
far anything analogous to it, anything founded upon the pre-
sent system was likely to be beneficial. The sliding scale- in
011183t8h,ehia3dthshoifftesdepthteimrthy-efir viet twimasesis.t;en
awassin2g,l3es.B year,d. July 19, it
on the 11th
of October it• was
again 20s. &I.; before the middle of Deeern-
ber it had again descended to ha. In 1840 the lowest duty was
weeks
2a. Bd.; it continued at that rate for one week, and five

Report of the Inspector of Factories in Lancashire (Mr. Hor-
ner). This document, he believed, had been referred to the'
Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir Ja nes Graham), but un-
luckily before the document was published. He sU. C.
Buller) must say that great credit was due to Mr. Horner for
having taken the trouble of this, examination in towns and dis-
tricts, which it was his duty to inspect, and which had thrown
so much light on the state of the factories, and showed what
really was the state of employment in the manufacturing coun-
Ities; and he (Mr. C. Buller) must say that the cenclusion
drawn from the reading of that document appeared to him per-
fectly appalling, when they considered it with refe •
rence to the condition of the people. In the first place
he (Mr. Horner) had put the distress of the manufacturing
districts a very clear and statistical light. He had give..
three different factories. He had calculated the power in each
manufactory, and he calculated the amount of persons the fac-
tory could employ if in full work, and he gave the result in one
table. In another table he gave the actual result. He showed
what amount of power was worked, and what amount of human
labour was employed; Mr. Horner's district only compre•
hended Lanc .shire, and his remarks applied not to the cotton
trade merely—it applied to all trades more or less. It
applied to silks less than to cotton, but it applied to
woollens and flax more than to cotton. Tae amount
of persons who could be employed, and were not emploed
was not less than '29,800 ; who were working short time, and
consequently diminished wages, was not less than 32,000. Now
taking the two, those working on short employment, and those
not employed at all, and putting them together, the people who
were suffering from distress in the manufacturing districts,
could not rate at less than 61,000. Now the whole employ.
ment of the people in the manufacturing districts was about
'233,000 persons, sn that nearly one-third of the manufacturing
population was out of employment. Now he was aware that
there was one objection to be raised to this. He was aware
that the employment of steam power had partly caused this
want of employment (as we understood.) The Right
Hon. Baronet had stated that, since the year 1839,
not less than ninety-one new ccotton mills alone
had been established. He (Mr. C. Buller) was aware that
when the Right Hon. Baronet alluded to that document it
had not been made public, but he believed that he (the Right
Hon. Baronet did not intend to deal unfairly with that House.
The Right lion. Baronet bad mentioned 21 mills, which em-
ployed 3,350 horse-power. He ( Mr. C. Buller) thought it
was proper to mention that 3,*50 fresh horse-power called into
Vaistenee caused 6,783 persons to be thrown out of employ-
ment. Was it not appalling to that House and to the country,
that nearly 50,000 persons were totally dest'tute of emp!oy-
ment, and taking those that were working short time no less
than 32,000 ? Was this not horrible ? He must say that this
Report of Mr. Horner was a moat valuable one, and but for
that document he should not have been able to go into this
subject. But it was not necessary for him to dwell on the sub-
ject, to harrow up the feelings of that House by a description
of the details of the distress which existed, and which he
(Mr. C. Buller) attributed principally to the present Corn-laws.
Mr. Horner stated that the principal way in which dis-
tress was caused, was by the sub,titution of machinery for
manual labour; if that was the case, the consideration was
terrible, because it was manifest if that was the principal cause
it was not a temporary distress. He would not abandon his
opinions for the sake of his argument, and he should say that
he believed that improvements in machinery would be of ser-
vice to the country in the long run, but then it should be with
free trade.—(Hear, and cheers from the Opposition.) No
doubt improvements in machinery would tend to the benefit of
the country, but if the application of that machinery caused
such general distress, come what prosperous times there might,
so much injury had been done to the manufacturing people who
had been thrown out a employment by those improvements in
machinery, and by the application of that machinery—many of
those persons who had been working at high wages were
in consequence of the increased power of machinery, working
at extremely low wages—so low that they were called " Cy.
phers" by their fellow labourers. By Mr. Horner's Statistical
Reports it appeared where machinery was employed in various
manufacturing towns that one man was now doing the work
which it required four men to do some few years ago. In
Manchester the work which formerly required upwards of a
hundred men to do, was now done by thirty-three men. In
one instance, which Mr. Horner stated, it appeared that by
the improvement in machinery the labourers, in a Particular
establishment which he named, were reduced from 330 to 258
men ! It was quite true that some of those workmen who
were retained had increased wages; but, in that particular
establishmen to which Mr. Horner alluded, there were 72 men
thrown out of employment; and what comparative advantage
could there be from the increase of wages given to one or two
persons, while such a vast numbes as 72 out of 300 men were
thrown out of employment.—( Hear.) He did not dwell upon
those facts merely because they were statistical rel urns, but be-
cause it appeared to him that the change which was being
can-ed by the increase of machinery was a fatal change.—
( Hear.) He would not say that the increase of machinery was
a fatal change in a sound state of trade ; but he said that it was
fatal if the people of the country did not get employment.—
( Cheers.) One very bad effect of substituting machinery for
manual labour, was the tendency to create an over-supply. It
was said that it was more advisable to work by machinery for
some time even at a loss, than to let the progress of machinery
stand. In Lancashire the manufacturers found it better to
work their mills even at a loss, than not work them at all by
machinery ; and Mr Horner said that the use of cotton in
these manufactures had gone on increasing to such an ex-
tent th it the manufacturers were enabled to pay themselves
by increasing the quantity of goods in the market.
[ Sir R. Peel here made some observations across the table.
fhe Right Hon. Baronet asked what had the statements he
(Mr. Buller) was then making to do with the Corn-laws ?
(" Hear, hear," forom the Ministerial benches. )I—Undoubt-
edly they had everything to do with the distress which prevailed
in the country. He did not •pretend to say that the Corn-
laws caused all that distress ; he did tof mean to say there
were not other causes for it ; but he thought there was a fatal
tendency in the state of society if the employment of capital
was not attended with remuneration. Then, he asked, were
the Legislature wise in increasing the d3ficulties of trade, and
diminishing the profits of the manufacturers of the country ?
The Right Hon. Baronet said very distinctly that his object
in introducing that Bill was not to diminish the price of corn
for the manufacturer; but the Right Honourable Baronet said
his object was to keep up the price of corn between
545. to 58s. a quarter.
Sir 11. PEEL, in a very inaudible tone, made some obsesva-
• twos across the table - he was understood to dissent from tle
statement made by the Hon. Gentleman opposite.
Mr. C. BULLER wished the Right Hon. Baronet would
explain to the House what he really did say.—( Hear. )
Sir R. PEEL-_I wish you would state accurately what I
did say. —( Hear, hear.)
Mr. C. BULLEtt—He did not take down the Right Hon.
Baronet's words, but he understood that his proposition was
that the price of corn should be kept up between 54s and 58s.
a quarter. It was not possible to mistake the Right Hon • Ba-
ronet, for he stated over and over again that his plan would
have the effect or tendency of keeping corn at that price, and
the Ri ;ht Hon. Baronet distinctly said that he had brought
in that Bill for the purpose of giving effect to his
plan. The Right Hon. Baronet might object to the articular
mode of stating the expressions he used, but he (Mr.C. Buller)
would ask (he Right Hon. Baronet what was the avowed ob •
ject and manifest and unavoidab'e tendency of a sliding scale, ex-
cept to keep up corn always at a particular and fixed price.—
( Hear, hear, from Lord Stanley, and cheers from the Opposi-
thee.) He (Mr. Buller) was glad that the Noble Lord ( Szan-
ley), a member of her Majesty's Government, had cheerel at
that observation ; he was at liberty to believe from that that
the Noble Lord concurred in it.—(Cheers.) How could it be
just to secure to the farmer advantages which no other class of
men possessed, namely, ;high prices for their corn,
under all variations of circumstances—( Hear, hear)—
that advantage applied to sugar, to coffee, to
cotton, and every other article which could be raised from the
earth. Certainly the agriculturists were to have all those ad-
vantages without counter-ballancing disadvantages. As long
as laws were passed in favour of one particular class—as long as
the Legislature, who are interested, state to the world that they
would make a law in favour of the agricultural interest, they
held out to the whole world the spectacle of a Legislature
making laws for their own advan.age.—(Cheers. ) He believed
it would be admitted that he never willingly indulged in per-
, sotaalities—( Hear, hear)—he would be the last person to attri-
bute to lion. Gentlemen opposite any sordid private motives
in bringing forward the measure proposed by the Right lion.
Baronet, but he attributed that measure to those motives of
interest, or to a bias which inserbib'y operated upon the minds
of men wh n their own immediate i oerests were concerned.
Yet he said that as long as the legislation of that House ap-
peared to he carried on under the influence of that bias, so long
will it give the people thoroughout the country reas,n to com-
plain of class legislation.—( Hear, hear.) There was one argu-
ment in favour of the present Corn-laws, which had been
adverted to during the debate, to which he would allude before
he sat down. That was the argument against a fixed duty, he
though it more advisable to reply to those arguments by statis-
tical returns than by general answers. '1 he only thing of
advantage to the consumer was, that the price of corn should
he moderate. Now the proposed measure conferred all the
advantages on the foreigner. Just as fast as the prices of corn
in this country are raised, so, according to the proposed mea-
sure, must they be likewise increased on the continent.
They raise the price of corn upon the continent, and they have
the advantage of the duty ; but what would be the result if there
was an Bs. fixed duty, then you would h sve the corn without
any loss to the consumer. Suppose the Bs. duty was esta-
blished loot July, would not that be singly beneficial to the
consumer, compared with the present sliding-scale ?No doubt
it would ; and he ( Mr. Buller) was prepared to !move from
calculations he had made, that it would be a benefit, not only
to the consumer, but to the revenue of England also.--( Hear,
hear.) He thought these calculations were worth entering
into, and therefore he would trouble the House with a few of
them ; at the same time he would not go into detail. The
average price of corn, at the end of July last, was 68s. 3d. a
quarter. It was perfectly plain that if there was an Bs. fixed
duty in July last, that corn would be admitted here from
Dantzic at 655. 3d. a quarter, paying Bs. duty, It could
not be brought from Dantzic unless there was a certain quan-
tity required. Now, assuming that 2,000,000 quarters of corn
were imported that would reducs the price by 4s. a quarter ;
then, uasuming the' corn was imported at 645. 3d. a quarter, the
amount of the quantity sold would, he supposed, be 563,837
quarters ; taking that at the difference of price he had tta.teo,
the loss, in consequence of their not being an Bs. duty, would
be 136,138/. on the first scale of prices and 237,3461. on the
second. That quantity of corn which he had mentioned bore
a very small proportion to the quntity consumed ; he believed
the total amount of the corn consumed was u,t 1 Si than
4,000,000, whereas the consumption of the United Kingdom was
16,000,000 of quarters. Now, in order to calculate the losses sus-
tained by the revenue and the consumer, which was
544,752/. upon the first, and 949,344/. upon the second rate of
prices, in making a calculation of that sort, he thought he
was justified in taking even the highest calculations in which
wheat could have been imported from Dantzic. He was sure
none of the Honourable Gentlemen opposite would say it could
be imported at less than 524. a quarter; consequently, if
they had a fixed Bs. duty, it could be brought to this
market from Dantzic at 625. a. quarter. Then the amount
'of loss to this country upon that would be 1,488.8784 Instead of gaining anything by this sliding down to the Is
duty, the loss to the people was very great. During the time
of its sliding down from 16s. Bd. to 2s. the loss to the e p ople
of England had been certainly at least half a million, -probably
one million, and it was not impossible a million and a half of
money: but this was not the total loss, there was also a loss of
revenue—(hear, hear )—bei aose all the corn which came in
at the Is. duty would pay Bs. duty, instead of Is. —( Hear, hear. )
In September last, 2,178.371 quarters of wheat and corn were
entered for home consumption at a duty of Is. ; the amount of
revenue received from this was 135,882/. ; but if the du'y ha-i
been is., it would have amounted to 87,346/., which showed
a loss to the revenue of upwards of 730,0001. From these
impositions the people had lost certainly not less than
1,200,0001., probably 2,000,00(,/. He was sorry to have tres-
passed so long upon the House, but he thought it worth while
to work out these arguments.—( Hear, hear.) He conceived
the worst part of the sl.ding scale was the low duty.—(Hear. )
If they looked at the effect of the sliding scale for the last 14
years, who could doubt what would be the effect of the proposed
scale? It would be that corn would never be introduced at
at the time that it was wanted ; it would always be kept back
till the duty got lower.—(Hear, hear.) He was glad that the
Hon. Member for Stafford had withdrawn his motion, because
it would have given those who voted for it the air of voting for
a paradox; but he (Mr. C. Buller) would say that it
would be better for the consumer to have stopped the
fall in the sliding scale at 6s. or Bs., than to have brought it
down to Is. He believed the sting of the scale was in the
sliding scale.—( Hear, hear.) What was the history of this low
scale ? When the people in England actually wanted food, and

afterwards it was 20s. Bd. In 1841 the duty was lOsweek only; in the following ste•cessive weeks it was
10s. ed., 16s. sd., and dti the 20th of October it was 2W-t
It appeared to him that that system, or an, thing like' ; Ire
be productive of injury to agriculturl%'s themselves.;
usirchein
thought that the simplicity of the Griner seal egregious
he conceived that in such a system he would find
.01siegn
for his interests. But it was said that the proposition
ots„ 1,
Right Hon. Baronet would obviate many of the objections
.finturi
attached to the present system. He introduced the rest: ir
scase for the purpose of baffling fraud ; but where was
ter'i;
were not introduced fraud would net be baffled.
that he lowered
20s. to Is., and thus aff (rdod to the trafficker in grain
when
ducement to hoard up corn, and then glut the market., u_',A
the duties ; but he left them to
the opportunity, to the creation of which they themselce.
so essentially contribute, should have arrived.—( Hear,
ab
It was urged that in times of scarcity there would be. e
culty in maintaining a fixed duty. He met that obje..tinlr
an appeal to the authority which he had already qutteuu
__,
411'Culloch said that if there were a regular trade intr._
means of a fixed duty, the supply would be proportio•
tit the fixedness of the duty would take away fromthote
Irtangraefro_al
bility of the price. He (Mr. Stile') though that whee
01,„°;1;
must be a choice of evils, it would be better to
to
ttb
en
__tion
fitoxedsurdreunt(yler
set.-
market.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) But whateverd (I°'
tothetheaverdaigscersetiotne
theof Parliament
might be raised with respect to the effect of the sh
upon agriculture, he thought that with respect to its nPe_ doubtupon the commerce and manufactures of the countryfalle.r7i
earl
could be reasonably entertained. During the lastd
we had imported millions of quarters of corn, but we re.,
trade in corn ; trade was barter ; trade consisted in the
if one set of commodities for another. Where our deo ri Ter
:;,uid
corn was but desultory, the demand for our manufacturea ;ley-guise
not be permanent.—( Hear, hear.) If there were
etll°
trade in corn, it seemed to him quite obvious
_ode-
merchants would not lee interested in excluding our 5__,,0 of
tures, which they now endeavoured to exclude byo.lo"neage.
retaliatory tar'ffs, for the purpose of giving pro-
ment to their own domestic industry. Corn
.17'1ehis
tested, but not for the benefit of the agrieulturist:„‘et;
country. It was to our competitors in the foreign
°f the
it was to those whom we could not deprive
rimo.
benefit of our machinery; it was to those who had g.°4—Siloo
sion of the secrets of our mechanism—it was to tnr_as
emulated us in industry, and who rivalled us in skill---,00,51
them that the ass- gave a protection the most efficacuitioffies
(Chews.) It would hardly be contended that the°_,,,,lie.
from which we had for the last five years derived ou
of corn had taken a fair proportion of our manufac_tu_te7reh
( Hear, hear.) Let any man look at the number or, Yin. the
which hid entered the Baltic, and he would firm that, hoot.
year 1839, 1,000 English ships entered the Baltic in
nutnic in
I i 1838 413 English ships entered the port of DJ iclideo
b dlast, and in the same year 417 left the port of Dantz...,tba
with corn. New what was the effect of that systm:l'M-sere
currency of the country ? What was the effect of th hie
upon the metallic curreney which the Right pier which
Baronet had the merit of establishing, and o'ord--
therefore he ought to watch with peculiar _
(Hear. ) It seemed to him to be inconsistent to estabbil:whieb
metallic currency and yet to persevere in a system must he
the country was deprived of its corn. Foreign corn
_intt.tbe
paid for in bullion; the exchanges were turned *geed- and
country, the circulation was contracted, a panic le ould
distress to a great extent was the consequence,'Ne.
call the attention of the House to the language The words werni
son, with respect to that view of the subject. luelaps
used in 1821, and though applied by him to the Cora'
1815, they were equally applicable to the system ot aP read se
by the Right Hon. Baronet. The Hon. Itlember tued direenl
extract, to the effect that the Corn-laws of 1815 tondo sad to
is contract our commercial dealings with other Stateatexciade
excite in the rulers of those States a determination te toil!
the productions and manufactures of this
for oc°
cor •
to de,
Isbic
and when it was necessary to send
must be paid for in bu Lon, the effect w_es owe:
r inge for a time the monetary system of the
site th-
Such was the language of Mr. Huskisson two Years He lit:
Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet passed into a lad' net for
not one of those who condemned the Right Bon. r.,e. Ili SI
proposing that Bill ; but he thought that the rtig,..sq; I
Baronet evinced far greater moral courage in Prllbs°le"
than he would have done by introducing a Pleasure 0
jot so
free trade.—( Hear, hear.) They were entreated,: bing the_s
change the relations of landlord and tenant by *boos, ores'
Corn-laws ; but the Right Hon. Baronet, in 1819, inmereditort
those relations, as well a. the relations of debtor 03_ thoser
and to every incumbrance in the country had Maan,. of
„Atbe
mention which the eloquent and distinguished au7eseritf:
pamplile os Corn rn I Currency had so powerfullY a
—( A laugh.) The Right Hon. Baronet was not the,
of go
nister of the Crown. His solicitude for the interelet. . tai
country was then unbiassed by any auzie,,tar )
maintenance of his party. —( Hear, hear, hear,)
-
(Mr. Shell) wished that he would now act
threastai
the same moral intrepidity ; that in spite of those bee.
big intimations which had been given in another 44 fr","o
in a spirit worthy of the emeency he would alit oss
to the distresses of the countryeffectual table reel'
more or
be found in effusions, because eloquent, or unpro. were °
misseration. It had been said that the CornelaW,r,,s „ 00,4'
connected with the distresses of the country. at
of that distress had formerly been denied; thy° elis °-
proved, but there was a denial of the cause. el the tee
part, when he found that the Corn-laws injure. deqok
and commerce of the country, he found in theta ant legiftv,
e (use of the distress, and to that ad• nate cause, t,l,oibos
mute effect was, he thought, fairly 4 ascribed. tnaed.iet:
effectual were done in a Parliament -in which 1107-,000015'
terest predominated, he was afraid tha the people of IRLesereli
would be disposed to turn with reseutment from the OtSh-to
sions of a barren sympathy ; and, as they had been for . ir-d
the Poor-laws were not dictated byany very re
P 0
Ohl
err
tude for the interest of the poor, the would be led t° ;rd
the Corn-laws were maintained from an exclusive eceigiodrecit
the higher classes of the community. It would be h:s„,rtisePegir;
to force the distressed operatives to seek an asylum t",„ a,
house. If charity was proscribed under that aY,4e,,Vebati'
work be refused. The people of England did not so "'""
they did not go upon their knees to solicit any Inerceefor
tribution they asked for trade that produced worfor et
deg
that produced brend They did sit
not f I man denim
bread as for the means of earning it, whether it Isere off off „j` ,
costly.—( Cheers.) They called upon them to Al."- sr; e's
restrictions which cramped the industry of the couotrrioet'
in calling upon. them to do that, they wanted then' t°,,freed,,,,ie
not only their interests, but their own, 11 entirely is
the sentiment which he had heard e d bytb dt".
expresseand
~„
Member
for Dorchester, that the agricultural intereostegrel-e
commercial interest were not distinget. So far fronlberia-th/1111
Beret, they depended upon rash other, and were in tderesT,
same. Trade del ended upon agr culture, agricultur, Stout
upon trade. He was sure that the Hon. Member 05ref, re
port, when he looked upon the splendid spectacle Is
port,
scenery presented, must draw from it the highestpose
_her
and desired to see the agricultural interest continue 1° SelPs
and he was equally sure that the Hon. Baronet, the, eiti°
for Kent, must see, in the very smoke in which our larrotel
es id towns were enveloped, indications of the greatLek;2l'l
which a vast proportion of our population were ntainiettl',e
the greatness of the country achieved. No, the sgrhors•-',
and commercial interests were not distinct ; but if -' Ise be
and if in place of giving a just sustainment to bs the°
ccssary to make a sacrifice of one of those interests' be etfi
would be disposed to say that the maintenance 01,
nalisbomerce of England should, with every rtse-
deserv:n r they issiV
g the name, be the object of pre-emineu- .O
It was not to their agriculture—to the fertility of cosi
to the peculiar happiness of their climate—to their'e.sontl
rearing the seed from the earth—it was not Monntoperc'et
causes, but it was owing to the strength a their co
enterprise, that England was distinguished beyond e, /ft d,
nation in the circle of the civilised world.—(cheeroisboopc
owing to her indomitable perseverance 'the ursuit urrg.'
in p .0 • the
less traffic, to her untiring iniktstry in manufacturti, svitb,sdi
to the wonderful skill with which she filled the eartree" solas
produce of her labour and her genius, Dne-
to her co rid her
she extended to the uttermost boundaries of the woe for '
to these glorious causes that England was lacier globe:e
high pre-eminence among the nations of theiv 011,,
(Cheers.) Against her trade the mighty faik-P
sary of England directed his blow---" Table etear,
but let them take care that what Napoleon was o°' $
ct they may accomplish by the r impolicy•
_ne'e to_A
hear.) Let them beware, lest, by an obstinate atibeturroos 07e
system repugnant to all the maxims of sound ee°
sound policy—let them take care, lest by a aysten:i the •
oh
many enlightened men—men not more enlighteoe f Plot
partial, had concurred in condemning as a source entisieort?
mischief, which ha I already produced such great o°4 bt
teemed with still greater injury—let them beware, lethe Cow
a system, they may cramp the industry °f etarY
try, diminish its commerce, expose the rawlve
turn to perpetual disturbance, reduce the oPelentieleV
to a state of destitution; and (said the Right Hon- to so 4,0
turning to Sir R. Peel) beware lest by adhering t
tbe Bret
system, though you were the first in talents attout,-.....the hsla
talented—the first in wisdom among the most "-,, to te-net
in virtue among the most high-minded of statestuen-; may
fortunes of a country were ever committed--,YaieetPi
6r t.lseeli
for the evil consequences be able to find a cure. ---ton
Mr. GLADSTONE said that he believed tbeßight tot
which were heard to issue from the lips of the the Pr--`ty'°
Gentleman were an exclamation f surprise that a r osies
ro,
period, and after the experience they had had, her
the,P„ did
Government should, in attempting a settement ip, oot
laws, adhere to the principles of a graduated selciio did
not mean to say that there were not Gentlemen „ feelOrtie•
utter such language without raising in h s mind any t of 5 an
surprise—( Hear, hear)—but he did entertain feeling
bentleloj
prise when he heard it uttered by the Right 11'4'1 Itbe
—( Hear) It was possible that he (Mr. Glads_oe_eart% at
might be labouring under some hallucination, that tbt
there les
some errors in the proceedings of the House, hudeat !Oven
not very antiquated torn-law founded on a kee,„h 144, all
founded even on the old graduated scale—sew", snov ie
-
brought forward in the House on several oecalliuu 'o,lotiotoi
these occasions he found the Right Hon. Gentlefunattentedstf
favour of it.—( Cheers.) The Right Hon. Ge fiseu
fiy
selected the year 1838, and he The Right
that the .hs,
less L" I the
under tho law of that year, had produced no o
change;Tomo r t
buts proposition had been made for the
„wit eo
law of 1638, and the Right Hon. Gentleman 'et OW;
—( Loud cheers.) But in the year 1838, he o°4')
any of those 35 changes, and the effect of 'hose„toe, beefs',
could not be perceived until the year 1839.-4 j'el.iptic°o` st
In that year a motion of the most unqualified de:v.,_ ~
brought forward, for the correction of those_
_ls.sigeten
which he now raises all his eloquence, by the 110", be heice
for Wolverhampton, who moved that certain persPlLed of else
by co'ansel at the bar of the House, who comert nodersis
operation of the Corn-laws, and even to that rn
to gilt.)
demand the Right Hon. entleman was preparedoft."ist
total and absolute denial.—(Loud cheers ) "`
a the 'tab
would not complain of any chance in the opinion!..
snot
Hon. Gentleman with regard to any question fix!, Yeinotto
_err!
less with regard to questions relating to tradeautluenher leue,
—subjects which were so intricate and involved—
ent, vi h
he question his motives or impeach his judgm
a. the tssu
(luring the two last years, he was found amonge .0
the
supporters of this law, thouth now unvvil! g re or 1,
.641 at the conduct e 0,1
compromise, and full of swig.,
excite on " s. 1
Government. Such a change might well exc.s_......cheer_aii
the House a corresponding feeling of ourpri, L. `ntight
But let him look to the arguments, if arguments „tightebrui,
them, of the Right Honourable Gentlernan.r-1'.1.41,
ca
He quoted the words of Mr I Juskisson _
„n 'illaitess
of Me ....mil ae
was it fair to quote the woe s
every i„matt
in that year? Was it fair to quote him against
on. Gelb..
an
act of his subsequent life? The Right
reeent s 0
knew that Mr. Huskisson supported the which
00,..
was almo,t the author of the system of IS:"
He quoted Air' sea
more stringent than the law of 1827. sse,rt,l,B, ~.hen be. ne.
ktsson in 1821 against Mr. Hu-kisson in to,
nd gave the Oeo.
the advocate of the p, esent stringent law, a
oteetive sYst tbo
Hon of his high authority in favour of a higi,UFen the° Psook
The R ght Hon. Gentleman had retr which t
s d here
which were already beaten in the long dimes _ had a „
place on the subject, and after the many tVouns:r hei.l3l ao"
tofore trespassed on the indulgence of that Gent-e° ,
Geo
be excused if he did not follow the Right Hoint
h Hon. by
into all the top cs he touched upon. The Rig on the retie
tleman had expended a great deal of eloquence_
u, while ,„
mice advantages of agriculture and commerce, 4 trr;
was anxious to exhibit the great advantagea_o;
and commerce to the country, he was ,5 f:
he rated somewhat lower the agricultural' felt eo:e
the country.—( Hear, hear.) He industry G. 'which d
vinced that the same skill and valsO
• eatuess of
so conspicuous in the manufacturing gr