The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-06 00:00:00

TILE REVENUE FOR THE YEAR AND QUARTER E.

No. I.— An Abstract of the Net Produce of the Revenue of Great Britain in the Years and Quarters ended sth of July,
or Decrease on each head thereof.

DING JULY 5, 1842.

841, and sth of July, 1842, showing the Increase

QUARTERS ENDED YEAR QUARTERS ENDED YEAR
Yeareas
een di edDJeuclry:se..,
„IQnucarretaesre.ended July 5.
,
„,...-........-----.---...............--..., ended
,„„.. _........._ ~ ended , -1-..--Necrease.
Oct. 10, Jan. 5, April 5, July 5, July 5, Oct. 10, Jan. 5, April 5, July 5, ' July 5,
1810 1811 1844 1841 1841 18 1 184'2 1812 1812 1842 Incr •
---- -.---- ------- -- .......... -
4. us'oms.-Consolidated Duties. 4,562,048 0,611,292 3,527,82_ 1 3,767,034 - 4,256,823 3,819,266 3,555,052 3,120,603 - - - -
Sugar Duty applicable to Consolidated
Fund - - - 909,678 - - - 5'5.798 1,301,533 - - - _ -
Sugar Duty applicable to Supplies 1,109,829 736,614 990,6E2 17 ,874 - 1,140,389 1,106,008 413,603 - - - - - -
-- -:-.---- -- ------- -- -
Total Customs. '5,462,.77 4,2/30,906 4,513,503 , 4,948,5814 19,410,877 5,737,217 4,7115,274 4,49.:,, 33 4,422,191 '9,449,725 38,859 4268 5
Excise 3,916,249 4,010,366 1,885,470 2,795,312 1 :,613,397 4,161,906 3,:39,270 1,769,161 2,811,110 12,559,397 54,000 94,788
Stamps 1,751,417 1,596,646 1,677,404 1,690,821 6,706,238 1,7,12,7114 1,619,517 1,5,",497 1,098,379 6,649,387 57,201 17,554 -
Taxes .. 3'32,807 1,786,771 :22,045 2,q10,6, 6 4,372,319 321.,100 1,910,010 150,753 2,059,1239 4,440,1, 2 67,843 28,543 -
Post Office 123,000 48,0013 93,000 119,000 43:3,000 116,001 127,000 142,000 154,0011 53!1,00+1 100,000 35,004 -
Crown Lands 45,4410 40,000 32,500 I 30,000 147,500 30,100 49,, 0 50,500 30,000 180,3100 32,500 -
Miscellane..,is 24,382 12,437 49,1:6 18,235 104,130 15,325 15,052 323,193213,757 567,327 463,147 195,522 -
- - - -
Total Ordinary Revenue.... ..... 11,855,7.,2 11,931,1.6 6,473,053 11,522,650 43,787,5.1 12,152,772 12,254,123 8,530,147 11,467,666 44,581,7081 708,34•13 111,201 371,411 426,1J5
111
I mprcst and other Moneys 89,099 39,546 32,151 } 147,9.5 24-,881.1
71,555 69,545 _
Re-payments of Advances ...........
--- - -
Total Income 12,111,130 12,057,620 8,609,200 111,c64,113 ! I 44,672,225 1 12,35.2,951 12,426,169 8,720,'32 11,837,748 , 45,337,400 772,003 114,723 410,956 467,363
.-- '
The Amount applied to the Consoli- 1 I Deduct De Deduct
dated Fund 3,6132,179 F,037,023 7,390,901 6,753,4.92 31,763,993 10,473,911 8,787,558 7,043,4124 6,930,776 1 :13,271,649 crease Increase.
Ditto, as Advances 70,000 30,0011 382,150 192,550 571,600 (0,000 ::0,000 15,112 2:30,622 325,731 1 114,728
,-- 440953
--
Ditto, aspart of the Ways and -Means
of the tear
I ,--- -
Total. , 12,111,M0 1 l'' 087 k 0 8,609,100 I 11.364,175 444 ,Ii 2,225 I 12,352,951 12,42606111 8,720,5.32 1'1,'37,744 145,3:37, '0 11 4;65,175 1 26,407
_____
....

No. IL—lncome and Charge of the Consolidated Fund, in the Quarters ended the sth July, 1841, and the sth July, 1842.
1 Quarters ended July 5. 1 . Quarters ended July 5.
le""--------"--;
INCOME. 1811 1812 CHARGE.
1841 1812
Customs.—Consolidated Duties 1 3,767,034 3,120,608 Permanent Debt 8,1x5,0:9 8,276.',.4
Sugar appl:cable to the Terminable Annuities 672,3. 7 664,358
Consolidated Fund ' 909,678 1,301,583 Interest on Exchequer Bills issued to meet the charge on the Consolidated Fund 21.,8'22 15,164
Sinking Fund —
Total Customs i 4,4376,712 4,4'..2,191 The; Civil List
'Other charges on the Consolidated Fund
Excise
Stamps - --,
Taxes
Post Office 1 119,000 154,000 The Surplus ! 1,493,314 2, 8.1,348
Crown Lands ; 6,00 I 30,0011 - i --
Nti,cellancous ; 1',2.5 '213,757 • ; 11,110,702 112,052,7'0)
Impreat and other Monica I 197,983 247,520 1 --
Repayment of Advancer ; 143,54) 102, )52 • •
—.....--•-•••11The Amount of Exchequer Bills issued to wet the charge on the Consolidated Fund for the Quarter ended April 5, 1842,
1 11,7112,70'2 11,?.52,7:iti • • and paid offs out of the growing produce of that Fund for the Quarter ended July ~ 1t,42
; ;The Amount issued in the Quarter ended July 5, 1844 in part of the sums granted by Parliament out of the Consoli-
'To Cash brought to this Account I I dated Fund for Supply services
to be applied to ply off' Deficiency I ,The Surplus of.the Consolidated Fund, Quarter ended July 5, 181,
8i115....
. •—• • 200,0( 0 i
' ..'''...... 1 The probable amount of Exchequer Bills required to meet the charge on the Consolidated Fund, Quarter ended
4)2
i 11,119,7 12,052.739 I! July 5, 1812 I ...... . 7,500,217

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

of not the slightest benefit to the people of
this country, whilst it would cause a deli-
ciency in the revenue.—(Hear.). The next article
on which he had cast his eye was copper ore and other ores
Now he could not see the least reason for the reduction of the
duty upon ores. Or, if there was any good reason for the re-
duction of duty upon ores, there could be none for reducing the
duty upon manufactured metal. He must also complain of the
reduction of' the duty upon whale-oil. He would ask the
House if they intended to employ none other but foreign oil in
this country? Hs next came to drugs, and here too he must
say that he could not see the advantage to be derived from the
proposed reduction. He did not believe that the price of drugs
wield be reduced even to the extent of one of the rew
half-farthings about to be coined. He also objected to
the reduction of the duty upon timber. The re-
duction in the duty on timber would only benefit the
builder of a house l per cent., not on the cost of the timber,
but on the cost of the whole house. What inducement was
this, then, for an in rease in the consumption? With rereect
to the articles of shoes and leather, the reduction in the
duty rendered it impossible for the English artisan to com-
pete with the foreign. So with other articles. He had seen
a watch which had ben manufactured at eneva, and which
had paid duty into this country, and sold for Si., while the
same article could not be manufactured here for less than 25/.
His Noble Friend talked of smuggling, bat he should like to
kn iw if any person ever attempted to smuggle a drove of
cattle or a load of timber.—(Laughter. 1 There were many
branches of our native manufactures that would be entirely,
he feared, destroyed by the operation of this tariff, while his
Noble Friend said that he expected an extension of commerce
from it. The reduction proposed would have the effect of
throwing labourers out of employment. He would not go
into the general question of free trade, but he considered that
it was a system at variance with the habits and character
of the people of this country. It was utterly impossible to
be applied in this country, which had sprung up and flou-
rished under a protective and prohibitory system. He be-
lieved that the step which had been taken by the present
Government was only the first step to the destruction of
that system under which the country had flourished. 13' tit
he believed that, the time would come when no man would
dare to mention the name of free-trade. He could not ad-
mire the course which had been taken by the parties in
another place. It was a kind of servility to a Minister, and
they acted with boldness, and made assertions supported by
the mere ipse dixit of a Minister whom they considered in-
fallible. He believed that the course taken by that Minister
would have the effect of destroying that administration ; but
it was not this that he regretted—(Loud laughter)—but the
evil conseqUences which would result from the country
being under such a Government.—(Loud laughter.)
It would be a great delusion to suppose that the new tariff was
really popular in the country. The tariff was popular in
Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, as he had been informed by a
friend thoroughly conversant with the matter, because a nume-
rous party there believed that it would lead to a dissolution of
society. fhat was the opinion avowed by Mr. F. O'Connor, who
said that he had nothing to change in the new tariff, and that
he believed that the disappointment which would follow its
enactment would throw thousands of parties into the ranks of
the Chartists. He ( Earl Stanhope) entreated and conjured
their Lordships to deliberate and pause before they adopted a
measure which would infallibly accelerate the dangers that
were rapidly approaching.—(Hear, hear.) He entreated
of them to respect the rights of the labouring
classes, which they could not; disregard without injustice,
and he would venture to add, in those times, without peril.
He maintained that a long-continued distress, which could he
traced to the acts of the Legislature, was a sufficient ground for
complaining of the present state of our legislation ; and fur-
ther, that it justified the cry for a change in the Constitution,
if no means were taken to remedy the evil. If this tariff were
adopted and brought, as he believed it would ting, ruin upon
large portions of the working classes, he was convinced there
would soon be raised an irresistible cry throughout the land for
Universal Suffrage. He felt so deeply the importance of the
question—he was so confident, that if they adopted the pro-
posed measure, they would accelerate the approaching revolu-
tion, that he thought it his duty again to conjure their Lord-
ships not to sanction the great changes then under their con.
sideration. He should, therefore, move, that instead of being
read a second time then, the Bill should be read a second time
that. day six months; and however small might be the number
of those who should coincide with him, he should certainly
divide the House on the subject.
The Duke of RICHMOND said, that however much
he might differ from his Noble Friend with respect to SORII3
portions of the speech he had just delivered, he should feel, it
his duty to vote with him. He could not approve of a measure
which would so greatly unsettle existing interests as the new
tariff. His Noble Friend at the head of the Board of Trade
had attempted to show that no large importation of cattle could
be expected from other countries under the proposed measure ;
but if that were the case why had his Noble F. tend introduced
a plan calculated needlessly to exci.e so much alarm, and to
create such extensive changes idlliour commercial system?
Again, he confessed, that he saw with great suspicion that the
Government measure was supported by all the advocates
of free trade in the other House, and by the enemies
of the aristocracy. He disapproved of those prin-
ciples of free trade, because he believed that the
British farmer, heavily burdened as he was with peculiar
taxes, could not compete with the farmers of fareign countries.
He found that while the tariff was likely, in must of its provi-
sions, injuriously to affect the interests of the British farmer, no
concession was made to our agriculturists except in the single
article of a particular species of manure. He repeated that he
should, upon these grounds, vote with his Noble Friend ( Earl
Stanhope), although he did not approve of the course he had
taken of going to a division, because he was sure it could only
show the smallness of the numbers of those opposed to the Go-
vernment.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that he approve,' of
the Government measure, mainly because he hoped it would be
a stepping-stone to further changes. He did not, he confessed,
sec touch value upon the measure considered in itself. On the
contrary, he thought that it was impossible for a Government
to adopt anything like free-trade principles in a manner more
likely to render those principles distasteful to the middle
classes in this country than they had done in the new tariff.
The present tariff would put the English artisan in a disadvan-
tageous position, whereas, by a more effectual carrying out of
its principles, which must inevitably follow—( Hear, hear)--
he might have been benefited. One article, which was a very
important element of manufacture, tallow, had never been men-
tioned by the Noble Lord, and on that he found the duty was
still excessive. It was an article in which it was very desirable
to establish a trade, as it gave mu. h employment to their ship-
ping. It was monstrous to tell the artisan, while his food was
left at a high price, that he derived any benefit from the reduc-
tion of duty on raw material, while he was exposed to foreign
competition. Everything that tended to introduce food into
the country was of importance in the present season of distress.
For this reason he objected to the rate of duty on cocoa ;
much had been said of the reduction of the duty on coffee, but
desirable as this article might be as a beverage, there was much
more nourishment in cocoa; therefore, some attention to such
articles as this in the tariff was most desirable, and he regretted
that the sound principles laid down by his Noble Friend had
not been more fully carried out. The duty on foreign cocoa
was 6d. a lb., that on the produce of British Colonies was 2d. ;
the duty was therefore prohibitive on foreign cocoa, and this
was the great fault of the tariff, that it went out of its way to
establish an oppressive scale of differential duties. He should,
however, vote fur this Bill, as approving of the principles on which
it was founded. It was also a different question as to how
far the Government deserved the credit of having taken the
initiative, and they had also been chargeable with soma in
consistency for the obloquy they had thrown on the Report of
the Import Duties' Cemrnittee, which they now cited as an
authority. In conclusion he hoped her Majesty's Ministers
would go on in the course they had begun, and notwithstanding
the present Parliament was called a Parliament of land-holders,
they would be found pursuing the path of commercial reform,
and that next year he should fiad them prepared to' propose a
just and extensive reduction of the sugar duties.
The Earl of MOUNTCAS'IIEL vindicated his consistency
on this question, stating that he shoUld honestly oppose the
Government when he differed from them. He objected espe-
cially to the timber duties under the tariff, in which the prin-
ciple of protection to the colonies had been forgotten. The
duty was lessened, but the advantage was given in too great a
degree to the timber of the Baltic, and he had reason,to appre-
hend that many of the Canadian timber merchants would find
great difficulty in maintaining their ground. They should re-
collect that their colonial timber was paid for in British manu-
factures, while the timber they imported from the Baltic would
be of necessity paid for is gold. The greater employment of
British shipping was also a consideration, and a reason why
the differential duties ought to be in favour of the produce of
their colonies. He had also an objection to the reduction
of duty on cattle and pigs, which would reduce the
importation of pigs from Ireland ; his pig was -the
only thing on which the Irish peasant depenued for the
payment of his rent, and his market would be destroyed if thee
allowed bacon and cured pork to be brought in from America.
Ireland depended entirely upon the produce of her agriculture
for support, and if the price of the afericultural.produce were re-
dueed, she would be rendered incapable of consuming English
manufactures, and this would increase the distress in the Eng-
lish manufacturing districts.
Lord MONTEAGLE would vote in favour of the Bill, and
with his Noble Friend; but it ever there was a speech eaten-
lated to show that the Bill was utterly worthless, it was the
speech of his Noble Friend.—(Cheers.) If no good were to
arise to the consumer, from the proposed alterations in the
duty on cattle, the subject ought not to have been meddled with.
The argument of the Noble Lord ought to have carried him
much further. It ought to have carried him back to what he
admitted was the oris!inal principle on which customs' duties
ought o b, for the purposes of re-
venue, and of revenue only. He thought great disap-
pointment must arise to those who had been told

selves. But though such was now the law, there were
some of their Lordships who remembered that in 1793,
and during the whole of the war, there was nu law pro-
hibiting the import of cattle, sheep, and pigs. He was
aware that this was owing chiefly to the tact that this
country was, at successive periodseengaged in hostilities
with France, Belgium, Holland, the North of Germany
and America ; but there were other considerations
which might make it advisable to suspend the prohibi-
tion. lie thought it was desirable that the Government
should provide for the contingency of the increase of
population exceeding the increase of provisions. To
maintain the prohibltion solely fir the purpose of giving
a monopoly to the agricultural interest, would, he
thought, be very short-sighted policy. He was sure,
that if the proposed alteration in this portion of the
tariff were duly considered, that even those who
imagined that their interests would be injuriously
affected by it would acknowledge that there was no
foundation for their alarms.—(Hear, hear.) He was
at a loss to understand from what part of the
world the formidable invasion of bullocks was to
come?—(Hear.) Not from France certainly. France was
an importing country. The variation in the prices of
of oxen in Frame, from 1820 to 1841 was most curious.
In 1820, in the markets of Poissy and Paris, the price
of oxen was N. 14s. 4d. each ; in 1821 it was 101. 13s. 7d.;
in 1822, 111. 16s. 9d. ; in 1823, 11/. Ils. 2d. He would not
weary their Lordships by going through all the inter-
mediate years, but in 1837 it was 141 Bs. 9d. ; in 1838,
151.35.2 d. ; in 1839, 151 13s. 7d. ; in 1840, 151 4s. ;
and, in 1841, 191. 2s. 6d., being nearly double what it
was in 1820.
The Duke of RICHMOND—Were the cattle all of the
same weight?
The Earl of RIPON—They were all of the same
weight. It was still more surprising when he considered
the population of Paris, and the quantity of cattle con-
sumed. Before 1798 there were consumed in Paris
70,000 oxen, 18,000 cows, and 120,000 calves. He could
not say what might have been the population of Paris at
that period, certainly not so great as it had been subse-
quently. From 1812 to 1816 the .population of Paris
was 547,000 souls. In the four years ending 1842 the
population of Paris was 950,000 ; the consumption was
70,757 oxen, 19,824 cows, and only 79,000 calves. Now
to what cause, except to the increase of price,
could they attribute this diminution in the con-
sumption of meat in Paris ? Clearly to the fact
that the production of cattle - in that country
had not kept pace with the increase of the population.
But not only could they not expect any extensive impor-
tation of cattle from France, but still more France was
herself in perpetual want of imported cattle. Belgium
was in much the same condition. They had heard much
of the Flemish breed of cattle, but he believed there was
no country in which the supply was less adequate to the
demand than in Belgium. The fact was, that the Belgians
imported largely from Holland and other countries. The
first impression produced in Belgium, as well as in France,
on hearing that our ports were to be opened for the im-
portation of foreign cattle, was one of alarm, because
they felt that through the effect of competition with us,
they should have to make their purchases at a higher
rate. He believed that the impression had subsided, as
the alarm in England had also subsided. The same ob-
servations he bad made with respect to France
and Belgium would also apply to the greater
part of Germany. Some portions of the German
League imported cattle, and others did not,
but on the whole the product of cattle in Germany did
not keep pace with the increase of population ; and it
appeared that in Poland, too, the supply was deficient,
and that they imported the greater part of their cattle
from the depths of Russia. The result of all these
facts was, that if the cattle were to be largely imported
into this country they should come in a great degree
from the depths of the Ukraine ; but he believed it
would be admitted that those cattle would be in a very
poor condition on arriving in this country. There were
but two spots from which a supply of good cattle could
be expected, namely, Denmark and Holland. But those
two countries were limited in size, and many parts
of their surface were not suited to the rearing of cattle.
no importation could be expected from them which
would in any degree injure the graziers of this country.
No doubt in times of scarcity the result of the compe-
tition would be to moderate prices in England, but the
Government proposal could not in any way injuriously
affect the British grazier in ordinary seasons. He would
now say a word or two upon some of the items on which
they proposed to make the reduction. He would not
say a word upon the item of sugar, further than this, that
he thought no alteration could be made in the duty on
that commodity, without materially affecting the
revenue, anti such a change might be. attended with the
worst consequences. The Government had thought it
wiser to confine themselves to the mass of small articles
to which he had referred, than to apply themselves to
those articles that would seriously affect the amount of
the revenue. He believed that the Government would
afford to commerce a great good by he extension and
important revision they had made in the tariff. He
believed the course they had taken to be the wise one.
They had done enough, but not too much. Many per-
sons had stated to him, who had previously taken ob-
jections to the course the Government had pursued, that
they were convinced that their opinions were erroneous,
and that the plan adopted by the Government was the
right one. He believed that the course pursued by the
Government would be a great preventive to smuggling.
In conclusion, he would only say that he felt convinced
this measure would remove the clogs of commerce, and
give a zest to the wheels of industry. He trusted, there-
fore, that their Lordships would allow the Bill to be read
a second time.
The Earl of STANHOPE, in offering his opposition
to the motion, would venture to recommend Noble Lords
who had financial measures to propose to avoid all men-
tion of figures, which were generally perplexing
to themselves and tedious to the rest of the House.
He knew that her Majesty's Ministers would beat
him—(a laugh)--because, as had been said of Kings.
although they were weak in argument, they were strong
in legions.—(Laughter.) He contended that the effect
of that part of the tariff which allowed the utmost free
importation of cattle would be to deprive the farmer of
the means of employing labourers, and to increase the
evils produced by the Poor-laws, and the tamperings
with the currency since 1822. The Right Hon. Baronet
at the head of her Majesty's Government had acknow-
ledged that there was no employment of agricultural
capital so unproductive as the fattening of lean cattle.
Was not that a reason for protecting instead of ruining
that branch of agricultural industry. (The Noble Earl
proceeded with great minuteness and greatly to the
amusement of their Lordships to analyse the items of
the tariff respecting the importation of meat and cattle.)
The distance from Hamburgh was little more than the
distance from Aberdeen to London, and cattle could be
brought from Hamburgh at as cheap a rate.' It might
be said where is the supply to come from, the countries
on the Continent are importing countries ? Why
if they were importing . countries - it followed of
necessity that there must be exporting countries
Somewhere—(Hear, hear, hear),—unless Noble Lords
using this argument believed that there was a kind of
terra incognita.—(Laughter.) This tariff was so inge-
niously contrived that there seemed to be no connection
between the live animal and meat. There was as much
difference in the tariff as though one was a mineral pro-
duction.--(Laughter.) They were told in another place
that the breed of cattle was to be improved by some
chemical process. This was a singular mode of improv-
ing the breed of cattle. Then it was said that this coun-
try was to be an exporting; country. Why was it not an
exporting country now ? The only exportation that
would take place would be the lean cattle to be fattened
abroad. A Right Hon. Gentleman tried to prove, first.
that the reduction in the duty would reduce the price of
meat, and then he turned round and tried to prove that
it would not reduce the protection to the breeder in this
country. This was sitting on two stools, and he must
make up his mind to one course, or he would fall to the
ground. The same eminent individual, like the
celebrated German juggler, endeavoured to prove
ootnhetrhe
that
te
tilrendthitnhgatwtabsemt,hhiiitieg,.
amidwas liasckh,eaarnedrs voted
olith
accordingly. He could apply the remark of the great
William Pitt, in speaking_ of Napoleon, when he said
that nothing was too vast for his ambition, or too
insig-
nificant for his avarice. So with this tariff.—(Laughter.)
With the reduction upon onion-seed it was quite ,impos-
sible that the producer of onion-seed at home could
compete with the foreign onion-seed. He next objected
to the redaction of the ditty uponsuch woods as
lance wood. L,:,d other woods, which, pecli:lp.:;,
their Lordships had never heard ; and he objected to
it because be believed it would be productive

HOUSE OF LORDS, July 5.
Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
ANATOMY 'ACT. •
Lord STANIIOPE t;a►•e notice that on Thursday
next he would present a petition respecting the Anatomy
Act, to which he would call their Lordships' attention.
RAILWAYS BILL.
A Message from the Commons brought up the Rail-
ways Bill, which wul read a first time, and ordered to be

read a second time on Friday.
EMPLOYMENT IN MINES.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from persons
vnvloyed in mines in a part of Yorkshire, praying that
Ow House would not assent to any enactment for regu-

lating their employment without inquiry.
CLSTO3IS' DUTIES ACTS—(THE TARIFF.)
On the reading of the Order of the Day fur the second
reading of the Customs Duties Acts,
The Earl of RIPON said that from what had been
stated by Noble Friends of his on the opposite side of
the 'louse, and more especially by his Noble
Friend on his loft (Lord Stanhope), he anticipated
many objections to the alterations in the tariff proposed
io the Bill which stood for third reading this evening ;
hut he did not think, from the appearance of the House,
that the objections would be very serioutly pressed, and
certainly he thought that they, would not be adopted.
But notwithstanding this anticipation, the measure in-
volved matters of considerable importance, both
as regarded principle and detail, that their
L allships might naturally expect that lie should
ley before them the grounds on which her Ma-
jesty's Government were led to adopt so extensive a
change in the customs' regulations of the country.
This subject had from time to time attracted the atten-
tiOu of Parliament ; nor was it wonderful. For in the
twenty-tive years of war which closed the last century,
the necessities of the country had compelled the Govern-
ment to lay on duties on commodities of foreign
production for purposes of revenue. These duties,
• which were first laid on for fiscal purposes alone,
created, in course of time, protected interests,
which Parliament did not contemplate when it im-
posed the duties. On the return of peace,
which altered the position of this country in respect to
the rest of the world, the attention of Parliament was
drawn (after the restoration of the currency in 1819) to •
the state of the import duties. Two petitions of great
importance were presented—one by the Noble Marquis
opposite (the Marquis of Lansdowne), on whose
motion a CoMmittee was appointed to inquire
into the whole question of the import duties.
That motion was •most cordially acceded to by
the Government of Lord Liverpool, who, at the same
time, stated that there was a difficulty in con-
sequence of the interests that had grown up
during the war. In a word, no one could doubt
that the view of Lord Liverpool was, that as soon as
the circumstances of the country . would allow, it
I would be necessary to revert -to a more free and
open system of fiscal regulation in respect to corn-
! merce.—(llear, hear, hear.) That principle was
admitted by every person on every side of the House
as the rule by which the commercial policy of
the country should be governed.—(llcar.) The pro-
' • ;tress of the alteration had been slow, and perhaps more
r
t slow than was consistent with good policy. He
was not one of those who thought so, for he was
of .opinion that all such changes should be
gradual, and ought not to be introduced in opposition to
the general feelings, or, as some considered them, pre-
judices, of the people. Yet the principle did progress,
, 1 and alterations were made in the tariff. A Committee

was appointed by the other House, and whatever might
be thought of the prepossessions of that Committee, and
the interested motives of some who gave evidence before
it, it was impossible to look in the tables
which were appended to the Report of that Commit-
tee, without being convinced that it was ab Autely neces-
sary to revise the tariff.—(Hear, hear.) They had then
to, consider the principle upon which they should attempt
the revision of the tariff. This was a work of no small
difficulty. Thelirst consideration was, what proportion'
the existing duty bore to the average price of the article in
bond.. It was quite clear that unless they did this they
could not come to a jtist conclusion. One principle
upon which they went was to put away all prohibi-
tions. Another consideration was relative to the articles
necessary for our own manufactures, and the foreign
manufactured articles, which would come into competi-
tion with our own. On all the articles of raw ma-
terial, with but few exceptions, the principle they
adopted was to limit the duty within 5 per cent.
on the value of the article, and as much below it

as was. practicable. In the case of articles of peculiar
manufacture, which were likely to come into competi-
tion with our own manufactures, such as thrown ,
silk, then it was proposed that the amount of
duty should not exceed ten per cent. upon the
value, and that on the manufactured articles themselves
they laid it down as a general rule that the duty should
be from 12 to 20 per cent. Mr. Huskisson, in the altera-
tion introduced by him laid the protective duty at 30
per cent. The duty ou cotton wool was 10 per cent., and
on woollen stuff 15 per cent., which was not a prohibi-
tion, although it was a protection. They, therefore,
began by reducing the duty on all articles necessary for
the production of manufactures to the lowest possible
rate. But the circumstances would not admit of a
change. On the two articles so material to English
manufacture, cotton wool and. woollen stuffs, the duty
was retained. The reason no reduction had taken place
in these articles was, that it would be at too great a cost
to the revenue. In selecting the other duties for reduc-
tion, they had considered that the country would be
more benefited by their reduction than if they had ab-
stained from that reduction, and reduced the duty on
foreign wool and cotton wool. With respect to silk, a
treaty had been negotiated between France and this
country for the purpose of placing the two countries on a
more satisfactory footing with regard to each other. Of
course in that treaty the first article the French would
expect a reduction upon would be silk. • That treaty,
from circumstances into which he would not enter, was
not brought to a satisfactory conclusion. These circum-
stances he deeply regretted, but he hoped that the day
was not far distant when that treaty would be accom-
plished, for it would be most advantageous to both.
The same remarks which he had made use of with regard
to silks would apply to a variety of other articles. When
it was his lot to propose, nearly twenty years ago, some
nif xlitleation in our commercial tariff, which met with the
general approbation of the House, he recommended, with
regard to silk, that the same course should be adopted as
was now proposed. He was firmly of opinion that ar-
rangements might be made of a commercial nature, be—
tween this country and other countries, which would be
of the greatest advantage to this country. There were a
variety of other articles upon which their Lordships
would find that considerable alterations were proposed
by this tariff ; and there was one article which he might
call an article of manufacture, which was of the utmost
importance, to which, on account of its importance, he
begged . briefly to call the attention of the House—that
article was timber. He conceived that timber was an
article in which every one was concerned that the price
should be low ; it was an article in which every one was
interested ; it formed alike a part in the palace of the
trict''
too, in ship-
Sovereign, and the cottage of the labourer ; it was em-
ployed in forming luxurious comfort, and hi the imple-
ultnrdiesiti.
ie.
dl.ts
Himeposih•
should now beg to
call the attention of the House to another
11:1Lit'i'lldtisti(g)f. ctohteddagnrtl)6t be
part of the
tariff, which was the provisioning of ships. As the law
at present stood, a vessel going on a foreign voyage
paid no duty upon sugar and rum, which were to serve
es ships' stores, to be consumed on the voyage ; but salt
meat which left this country, and was equally used
as ships' stores, and consumed by the crew, was not
allowed to leave without paying duty, unless it was in-
tended to be transported to foreign countries, and it was
required of the captain of a vessel who took out salt pro-
visions under this pretence that he should produce a
certificate from the Consul of the foreign port to which
the provisions had been disposed of. This mode of pro-
ceedin,,,,, led to a great deal of fraud, and it was con-
sidered necessary by the present Government to repeal
that part of the Provisioning:law which required the
certificate; and it was now proposed to allow all salt
provisions to leave duty free. 'The next question to which
he wished -to call their Lordships' attention was the
question of provisions, and especially of cattle. He was
eonvinced that the objections which were made to that
alteration were entirely without foundation. As the.
law stood at present there was a positive prohibition;
neither foreign meat nor cattle could be introduced' into
this country even for the benefit oithe agriculturists them.,