The Sun.
London, England, 1845-11-29 00:00:00

AMERICAN NEWS.

ARRIVAL OF THE CALEDONIA.
LIVERPOOL, FRIDAY NIGHT, Nov. 28.
By the arrival of the Caledonia steam-ship from Bos-
ton we have received New York dates to the 15th inst.,
inclusive, eight days later.
The news by this conveyance relates principally to
the Oregon affair, but about which there is nothing de-
cisive. The general feeling is, however, represented t
be o
more temperate,
and the right-minded portion of the
community appear to deprecate both war and violence.
The insolent tone of the Government journal, the
Washington Union, remains unchanged. It breathes do-
fiance and war, without assigning any reason--claiths
the whole of the Oregon or none. We find little' new in
the remarks made by any of the journals on the sub-
ject ; but we give some extracts to show how certain
-persons in the New Wofld bully and bluster.
THE OREGON QUESTION.
THE
,(Prom the Washington Union Nov 6.)
W HOLE OP OREGON, OR NONE.—of This. is the only
~ter'native as an issue of territorial right. We wholly deny
holdbreak in the American title at latitude 49 degrees—we
and
atFat our.title from 42 deg. to 54 deg. 40 min. is one title,
"' 4we believe a perfect title, against all the world. As the
has been discussed for a quarter of a century between
at. Id England, we are not aware of one argument—
seca4el one phrase purporting to be an argument—which
tnatt" our title up to 49 deg. and there stops. We claim as
In the of right the territory drained by the Columbia river.
caps view view of the law of nations, this territoey being unoc-
ietite:,flia3 its distinctive character and unity as one regiowne,
tithe_ et that it is so drained. And as one region, A; own it, or we do not own it.
aY, then, once for all, with such nonsense as the
4". of England north of 49 deg. is better than our claim !"
do ings at least know clearly, and state accurately, what we
has shit matter. If it have ever been deemed expedient
twlttatter of compromise, and to hush up a dispute) to give
ta England a certain portion of that land, all of
11„,.; we Consider ours; or if, from any other motives of
concernment, it may have been deemed wise to corn
pq'te the question of possession, let us say so, and put our
eleakaction on that ground. But let us make no attemptto
thei,)°,l,lr Policy under a pretended inferiority of our title to
80 sacrificed. No such pretence can save us.
tile,nl, we must speak to the democratic part of the
Whis:l States. But we dare to hope that many a Liberal
of 1,1'3 will feel the force of the appeal which the interests
qaemi e°natrY will make to his patriotism on this important
this time We especially address 'ourselves, however,
.at
cireatilne, to the democratic party, because of th? peculiar
n„ stances which have connected them in past times with
I,,itir+estion of Oregon. They became peculiarly connected
galtibY their public avowals near 18 months ago. The
tartito °re eonvention expressed the deepest int.erest. in t e
'lio, 117 0 Oregon. In the canvass of the presidential elec-
siciewoe same decided sentiments were manifested. The Pre-
::: coof fitfillsgetern7mPt, strong, mainly word, in full response to
kne ilventieh was " t the Oregon our right is clear and
estionabi; o
to:i:Pat word be spoken again by the man whom up:
e? liave called to occupy the " great cen ral
at eiat civilization of pular power," and. who doubts
l'ith a full o democracy oft he whole union will repeat si—
lty? wddeterinin fo to stand by the rights of the coun-
,tb`oritie;lla that word goes forth from the constituted an-
'l' guest' °1 the nation, "Our right to Oregon is clear and
ba ale who doubts that it will go through. the
l egli."" and breadth of the land, and that it will be
-rnolsa" " gees, by the democratic party, with one una-
„ amen ,
uernot r And what then ? We answer. this then
11'4 titt hracY of this country will stand to its word. It will
deß~uied
,of
will the honest, patriotic, unanimous, and
11* *th r
sleobserve
nitncehe e •
~,,Tatiour7o!h ver?tl. journals are greatly occupied
rtOted I propos], ion submitted, or about to be
la`la fe „,,Y the English Government, that Oregon shall
- of 11; some twenty years longer under the stipule-
ll'eith od the-18) in the joint occupation of the two nations,
Periordentanding that at the close of the stipu-
balas Alley the Oregon colonists may decide. for them-
holobailairldvrilethetrh v 11 then exist as an independent
etteywwiill belong to the United States or
Vl' this few days ago we took occasion to show
ti:e,theo il`eer3, of joint occupation works in
spurrar
eapi
tC
je_.
geßen,;°Wed that it resulted through the
o' the Hudson Bay Company,extension
aieet,'w over the whole unoccupied.
theterritory,while
Le Itizottire recognising the American citizens there as
ilj te.a',,Bl, and as entitled to the protection of our laws has
ofP*tien"ed,in England, at least, as violating the treaty
des 'age 1,1 our judgment it is full time that this state
ionld
'4'l7 pa
dthat Congress will. so
tit ire theollllsubject of the rumoured proposition to which
e nlent "ed, we quote with pleasure the following just
4co4ie? des sfr°,ll the French journal in New York, the
st.,,4crsc, Rtats Unis. They are entitled. to the more
,'"" .°ll aS the sentiments of a comparatively disinter-
, ,n'tl Party.
pre not u the Courrier, "be de-
tFreu • AMinan that
Americans," says
,l'Hat England wishes, all that she aims at in
Ittq be=lies Proposition is to gain time. Of what_ Ina;
k'l‘esire:riT Sojourn of a fe.w. years in Oregon ?—What
of ) ;Nrica a Permanent position on the Pacific shore of
thllheanntinent. We may rest assur.ed that she will
tion, unless she
--•sto, no the flees of this hazardous pro
„.Nti,‘ t._ew elements which the
and,
solf twenty years
Rio"e''' of 6-" uring into the question, and, if need be,- otne the
'4411.,4, h ‘f gold scattered by hands full in Oregon, i
cleeer.,our the doubtful balance of decision, when the
13eii „I,r
4111,18101131101 sound."
ltßlaim ;hi, these considerations are emphasied by the pret-
.llreh'"zat,h4",s agency in that region of the great corae
-svitizneand s`,ls which we have alluded, is but too. manifest
the, Courrier, that sue" a proposition from
t 4 n" no more than a proposition to gain
111)41•Nto we say, once for all, that we know of no evi-
At 1;4 bl'er that any such proposition has been, or will be,
kr.)„.:alaiki!,heitritish Government.
gnir ,;) Itil',.:"a question must come up in
.th. e next. Con-
s'ese' ,A 11,1" shall we do in relation to our citizens in Ore-
egteu Protet\vi, 11 aitawe have no doubt that the patriotism of Con-
Gored th,-,,wer, in view of all the facts—recognise
to the establish communication with
ja-''"aat"e'n a Participation of our own free Republican
t it •

Igtithlfilt,9l tf

of those national questions this evening. Gentlemen,
one of the most prominent and most important duties
confided to the general Government is the care and
preservation of the foreign relations of the country. The
foreign relations, in a peculiar manner, are entrusted to the
discretion, the authority, and the power of the general Go-
vernment. At the present moment all perceive that in re-
gard to our foreign relations there is one, and I am happy to
say but one, question of exciting interest. It is of a nature
so delicate and important, that while there rest upon it the
peace and happiness of the country, it is nevertheless a ques-
tion upon which it is not easy to speak with security and care
before a public audience. I refer, Gentlemen, to the question
now pending as a question of main interest, between the
United States and Great Britain, on the subject of Oregon.
I suppose it Is the sqntiment of every sensible and just Man
that the preservation of the peace of the country on honour-
able terms, and under circumstances favourable to the great
interests of the country, is an object in itself highly desirable.
I suppose I may take it for granted that, in the judgment of
this assembly, the public peace of two great commercial
countries, which hold together a daily intercourse exceeding
that between any other two countries in the world, shall not
be lightly disturbed; and upon the foundation of these ge-
neral ideas to say a word or two upon a subject which seems
within a fey days to have excited considerable alarm. The
only question now remaining out of all those which have
excited attention between the countries,. is the question of
the Oregon Territory. What is tht question ? How does it
stand? The Oregon Territory embraces that part of the
continent which lies west of the Stony Mountains, and be-
tween the Stony Mountains and the Pacific. It is not neces-
sary to go into the history of the discovery of the territory,
or of the rights which one or the other party find to it. It
is enough to say it is in dispute between England and the
United States, and has been in dispute for forty years.
This controversy seems now to be approaching a sort of
crisis; and there are from time to time symptoms of
alarm on one side of the Atlantic or the other, as to
the consequence of the course of policy which either
Government may pursue. Let us look fairly and calmly
to see how it stands. The territory, as 1 have said, has
been the subject of claim, in whole or in part, by both Go-
vernments for a great many years. It has constantly been
the subject of negotiation, and yet the Governments have not
been able to agree. As far back as 1818, not being able to
come to terms of agreement, they stipulated by a convention,
which is in force at this present moment, that the whole
territory should be thrown open to both countries until the
boundary was finally settled. That was the provision of
convention, which was confined at first to a limit of 10 years;
afterwards continued by agreement indefinitely—or until one
of the two nations expressed a disposition to terminate it.
That signification of a disposition to end it has never been
given by either party, and the whole country of Oregon at
this moment is open to the hunting, the szttlements, the
commerce, and the ships of both nations, under treaty stipu-
lations. Now, Gentlemen, I desire to speak with the utmost
care, and I hope that I may not be in the slightest degree
misunderstood, while I proceed to make a few re-
marks on this subject. And, in the first place,
I say to you, and through you to the country,
what all know, that in the whole scope of this
question it appears that this is a subject for negotiation,
for discussion, for amicable settlement ; and so it has been
regarded by both Governments for the whole length of
time. It was because the two Governments could not agree
as to the proper division of the territory, or upon any other
satisfactory arrangement, that in 1818 they determined on
joint occupation until they could come to some understand-
ing about it. And, with the same spirit, this Government,
at three different times, in 1818, in 1824, in 1826, has pro-
posed to the British Government a straight line of division,
the parallel of 49 deg., all north of which should be assigned
to England, and all south belong to America. While the
English Government did not accede to this proposition of our
Government, it did not insist upon any right to- the whole of
Oregon. Therefore the position of the question, by the
admission of both Governments through this long series
of years, is that of a question for discussion and nego-
tiation, and compromise,_ and amicable settlement.
(Prolonged applause.) Now, Gentlemen, I read, with
interest of course, the discussion upon this subject
in the House of Commons three months ago, resulting
in an expression of opinion from the British Premier,
which received the sanction of that House; and I am wil-
ling to avail myself of the language of that Minister upon
this subject, and apply it to one side of the question, as he
did to his. I have nothing to complain of as to the temper
of that language ; I am free to say that it was a temper be-
coming a large-minded, liberal, and just statesman. Bnt
what the British Minister said in the House of Commons—
in its sum and substance—was, that England had rights in
regard to this question that must be and would be respected.
I adopt the same language on our side, and say that we also
have rights that ought to be, must be, and will be, respected.
—(Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, I do not propose to express
to you an opinion upon this subject. I have no better opi-
nion than any one of you as to the manner in which this ad-
justment ought to be made, but I have full confidence, the
utmost confidence, that it can be made ; that it can be made
by wise and moderate measures in a manner perfectly con-
sistent with the honour and with all the rights of all par
ties.—(Cheers.) I am the more confident of this when
I look a little forward and see the state of things which
is not far in advance. Where is Oregon? On the shores
of the Pacific, three thousand miles from us, and
twice as far from England. Who is to settle it?
Americans mainly ; some settlers undoubtedly- from
England; but all Anglo-Saxons • all men educated in
notions of independent Government, and all self-dependent.
And now let me ask if there be any sensibleman in the whole
United States who will say for a moment that when fifty or a
hundred thousand persons of this description shall find them-
selves on the shores of the Pacific Ocean, that they will long
consent to be under the rules either of the American Congress
or the British Parliament. They will raise a standard for
themselves, and they ought to do it. I look forward to the
period when they will do this as not so far distant, but that
many now present, and those not among the youngest of us,
will see a great Pacific Republican nation. I believe that it is
in the course of Providence and of human destiny that a great
state isl to arise, of English and American descent, whose
power will be established over the country on the shores of
the Pacific; and that all those rights of natural and political
liberty, all those great principles that both nations have inhe-
rited from their fathers, will be transmitted through us to
them, so that there will exist at the mouth of the Columbia,
or more probably further south, a great Pacific Republic, a
nation where our children may go for a residence, separating
themselves from this Government, and forming an integral
part of a new government, half way between England and
China, in the most healthful, fertile, and desirable portion of
the globe, and quite too far remote from Europe and from this
side of the American continent to be under the govern-
mental influence of either country. This state of things is
by no means so far off as we may imagine, by no means so
remote from the present time as may be supposed; and, look-
ing to this state of things, this question becomes one upon
which intelligent and well-disposed men might very readily
come to an agreement. But, Gentlemen, in this point of
view, is this a subject upon which it is proper by popular ap-
peal or by loud representations of patriotism, or by a sort of
stormy defiance of the power of a great nation on our side—
is it proper, on the other side, by cries about the maritime
ascendancy of England, the great wealth, the dignity, the
power, the martial prowess of England—it is a question on
which, by outcries of this sort on either side of the ocean,
these two great communities are to be embroiled and
plagued in all their commercial and friendly rela-
tions, or to be compelled to run into the horrors of war?
No, Gentlemen—the spirit:of the age is against it. I have
said I will not undertake to express an opinion as to
the mannor in which the question may be settled. I will say,
however, what appears to be natural. It is well known that
the 49th degree of north latitude is the boundary line between
the western part of this country and the Britip provinces, as
far as the foot of the Stony Mountains. It seems to be na-
tural enough, if the two Governments contemplate a change,
that they should agree to an extension of this same line west-
ward ; that the two should keep on abreast, side by side, with
the same line of division till they reach the Pacific Ocean. It
is well known that, about where the Columbia crosses the
49th parallel, it makes a turn and flows nearly southward.
Very well. Suppose it made as sudden a sweep to the north-
ward. England would then naturally say, this river, which
has been making westward, sweeps to the northward ; instead
of making with it a great bend to the north, we will leave
it and go on straight to the Pacific Ocean on this parallel of
49 degrees. For the same reason it is not unnatural for the
United States to say, since it proves that the river makes a
circuit to the south—instead of following that circuit, we will
go straight upon the 49th parallel till we meet the shore of the
Pacific Ocean. This very proposition has been made to the
British Government three successive times. It was made in
1818, in 1823, and in 1826, again and again to follow up the
49th parallel westward from the Lake of the Woods, not only
to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, but over the mountains
and onward to the ocean. I am not about to say whether
this is a proper division of the territory or not. But I do
say that, as it has been so often repeated in this manner, 25,
20, and 18 years ago, it is an admission that there is some •
thing to negotiate about and treat about for either side—that
it is not a question free from difficulty on either side.—( A p-
plause. ) Now, Gentlemen, who is the man at the head of
either Government who will take upon himself the respon-
sibility of bringing on a war between two nations like Great
Britain and America, upon a question of this kind, until he is pre-
pared to show that anything and everything that he could
do has been done to avoid such a terrible ultimate result.—
(Mr. W. was interrupted here by renewed cheers.) If a British
minister, under whose administration a war should ensue on
the question, cannot stand up in Parliament and show that it
is not his fault—cannot show that he has done everything
which an honest and sensible man could do to avert the
conflict, I undertake to say that no power or popularity can
uphold his shaking position for an hour.—(Cheers.) And in
the same sense and spirit I say, that if, in this country, any
party shall, before we are aware of it, plunge us into a war
upon this question, it must expect to meet a very severe in-
terrogatory from the American people—must expect to pre-
pare itself to show that it has done all it could, without any
bias from the pride of success or the love of war—all that it
could do to keep the nation safe from so great a calamity.
with the preservation of its rights and its honour. Gentle-
men it Appears to me that any man, Prime Minister of Eng-
land' or Peasident of the United States, who should unneces-
sarily light up the flames of war upon such asubject (flames,
let me add, that will burn over the whole globe), may well
consider the genius of his country addressing to him the words
which the orator of Borne supposed the genius of his country
would address to him if he did not quell the Catiline conspi-
racy :—" An cum Bello rastabitur Italia vexbuntur urbes,
testa ardebunt ; turn to non existimas invidise incendio
conflagraturnm."—(Applause.) No, Gentlemen ! the man
who shall, incautiously, or led on by false ambition or party
pride, kindle those fires of war over the globe on this ques-
tion must look out for it—must expect to be himself con-
sumed in a burning conflagration of general reproach.—
(Prolonged cheers.) There will be a public indignation
before which no popularity, public or private, can stand—it
will melt down every monument of the dead, it will destroy
all respect for the living, it will burn up every vestige of re-
spect for individual worth, if unnecessarily, if recklessly, if
ambitiously, it has plungi d the subjects and citizens of two
civilised Christian States of the world into war—a war which
shall cause the loss of millions of wealth—shall turn cities
into smoke—shall cost thousands and hundreds of thousands
of lives; and those smoking cities, and that destruction of
property, and that sacrifice of life, shall be found over the
whole globe, in every latitude and longitude, surrounding
the ball on which we live. Now, gentlemen, I do not
propose that on this subject we take any alarm.
I propose that we keep ourselves cool and calm.
In some of the southern cities there is now some
agitation for fear of war. I regret this much. I hardly say
I regret the feeling ; that is natural. But I regret the cause.
It is a common mistake of men not in the most elevated posi-
tion, that they think they can play the small patriot, safely,
in a small style.—(Lenghter.) These • are those who think
that they can talk of it war with England and any other
nation, and get credit for their patriotism and :lofty love of
country, but keep the game in their own bends. That may
not happen. At any rate, that is not the way nor the course
which just and lofty and respectable men feel on the great
question of peace ,or war. This constant speculation, this
supposition that war may some, is half as bad as war itself.
It interferes in all the businese end arrangements of life. It
confounds and confuses men in regard to their own business
plans. What we want is settled peace, and the conviction
that peace will remain until there is some Just
and sensible cause for war. On this subject 1
have only further to say, that while it is our
duty not to take or to spread alarm, to believe And trust

that the Government, that the country, will act soberly and
wisely and justly, it is a less difficult thing than some -pople
imagine to begin a dispute whose result no man in the el.'d
can control. Let the Government only be sure that it is
right; in the words of one of the late Presidents of the
United States, let us claim all that is right, and ask for no-
thing that is wrong, freely and magnanimously, and without
any particular array of patriotic declaration.—(Laughter.)
Among the other great questions upon which the election
of next Monday must have some bearing, is that system
of laws which we call the tariff, which has received the
general support of the people of the state. Every man
expects a ferocious attack upon the whole system.
Every man expects that, since the Government now in
power was established by the general voice of the anti-
tariff state., an attempt will be made to destroy that
whole policy. How far they will succeed I know not.
There are circumstances of encouragement—circumstances
of an opposite character. But my question is with
the people of Massachusetts. What have the people of
Massachusetts to expect from any change? Taking the Act
of 1842 as a general law, of general operation, what have
the good people of Massachusetts for good to expect from
any change? The question is, whether the tariff is condu-
cive to the prosperity of Massachusetts? What is the
criterion? I put it upon one ground only; I put it upon
this one ground. Ido not inquire what profits are made by
the rich capitalist, or whether or not a few individuals grow
rich under its influence; but I put the question—Are the
labouring classes well off? Are their wages high ? Is labour
in demand? (and these questions comprise the prosperity of
five-sixths of the community). Are they in good
condition? I ask these questions, and if you give
me a country where labour is in demand and the labour-
ing classes well off, I call that a happy country—
tariff or no tariff.—(Cheers.) Does any man suppose
that if the tariff of 1842 were repealed it would raise
the price of wages in Massachusetts? There are parts
of it which had we opportunity, we might doubtless alter
to advantage ; it has its imperfections ; but take it as a whole,
does any man suppose that if it were destroyed to-day, and
the grand favourite system of a horizontal duty, as they call
it, of twenty per cent., should be levied in its stead, that
the labour Of Massachusetts would be recompensed as it is
now? I observe that the Government organ quotes the ex-
ample of England to support this theory of ad valorem duties
and a revenue standard ; and the rate of twenty per cent. is
fixed upon as just right. Now, I have reason to know that,
from the beginning of this Government down from General
Washington's Administration to this time, the average of all
the duties, reducing specific duties to ad valorem, would amount
to an average ad valorem duty of more than thirty-four per
cent. Another fact is, that while we are constantly told of
the example of England in this matter, and of her liberal
policy, and are advised, as all those who read our Government
journals must remember, to follow in the footsteps of Sir R.
Peel, and adopt his liberal policy—l have seen it demon-
strated by competent writers of England, that the average
rate of duty in that country this day, even under Sir R. Peel's
new system, is no less than forty-nine per cent. Forty-nine
per cent. I and yet we are to follow the example of Eng-
land and bring down our duties to twenty per cent. !
(Laughter and cheers.) One thing more, gentlemen. There
has always been an attempt—for the last twenty years or
more—to show that this protective policy helps the rich only
—building up such establishments only as Lowell and
Springfield, and other places where large operations are
carried on. This is not the foundation of the system, and
never was. If you go back to the adoption of the constitu-
tion, or if you look at the state of things amongst us as it is
now, the fact is, that it is in the manufactures of a more indi-
vidual character, the shop manufactures, those of the workers
in iron, in brass, of the artisans working in their own shops,
with the assistance of their wives and children, these are the
interests for the benefit of which the system was founded in
Washington's time, and is now. And let every man think
of this, and when he is told of the aggrandizement of the
great capitalists at Lowell, and Dover, and Providence, and
elsewhere, let him look at the many hundreds of thou-
sands of small capitalists—hammering over their own anvils
—making hats in their own shops—obtaining by those
processes of manufacture support and education for their
families; and then let him remember that without the duties
at the customs there is not one of those:manufacturers that
could survive twelve months. Gentlemen, the election is
before us. We should be here to-night with no possible
doubt of the result of next Monday's balloting, were it not
that in the course of years of prosperity there have grown
up—l will hardly say, divisions among the Whig party—
but that some of them have separated from us, drawing off
from us friends, many good men, who think with us upon
those great questions, particularly in regard to the peace of
the country, the protective policy, and the maintenance of the
constitution of the United States and of Massachusetts. These
have withdrawn effectually all their aid from us, in the sup-
port of thise great objects, for the sake of what they call a
" separate organization." I allude to the party called the
Liberal party, and to the Native American party. I cannot
speak of either of these parties in terms of reproach or
unkindness. I think of them " more in sorrow than in
anger."—(Applause.) I must look upon some of them as
upon our brethren who were with us but lately, listening and
speaking in our councils in this very hall. I mean, Gentle-
men, the Native Republican party, of whom it is the farthest
thing from my mind to speak of them or think of them with
any unkindness. They are " bone of our bone and flesh of
our flesh."—(Cheers.) I lament—deeply, fervently lament
—the course they think it their duty to pursue. What can
they do? What can they do? If there is anything in this
country which is a cherished object of the Whigs, it is a
reformation of the naturalisation laws. Who of all the na-
tive American party will go further for this purpose than I
have gone, and am willing to go still under the constitution,
for the protection of American, native American, rights, and
the purity of the ballot box ?—(Applause, in the midst of
which a loud voice cried, " You're a good native, Daniel ;"
to which Mr. Webster answered, as the cheers subsided, " I
rather think I am." Renewed laughter and applause.)
Within the limits of the constitution I am willing to go as
far as he who goes farthest. I am older than many of the
native Americans themselves.—( Laughter.) I have seen the
pernicious influence of these foreign votes for the last thirty
years, and have raised my voice when there was some chance
to make it heard ; and I have been met by that party, that
political party that always counts upon every foreigner as
certainly as any monarch of Europe counts upon his serfs.
I have seen that there was no remedy for the evil but a re-
vision of the naturalisation laws. For this I have done all
in my power—l will do all in my power. And what I la-
ment is, that those who have united for this very purpose
themselves, take away a great part of the strength necessary
to accomplish what they desire, and which, let me tell them,
we desire as much as they do. And I put this to them as a
matter of conscience, for I hold that every man who holds
the elective franchise holds it as a trust. We may say that
he may vote as he has a mind to do, unless he takes care not
to injure others. He is as much bound to give a correet
decision as if he were acting upon a jury under oath. Every
man's vote affects the interests of every other man, and
when we say that he has a right to vote as he has a mind to,
we must reduce it to this, that he has a right to vote right.—
(Applause.) Now, I put it to every man—and there shall be
neither taunt nor reproach in my language—what he can Fro-
pose to himself favourable to the amelioration of the natural-
isation laws by a :separate organisation ? On the contrary,
I do firmly believe that every vote withheld for this reason
from the Whig candidate is like an express resolution to
diminish the power, the chance, and the prospect of a revision
of the naturalisation laws. These gentlemen will send no
Members to Congress, but, if they go on, they will prevent
the sending by the higs of those who would probably ad-
vance their objects, and they thus promote the electing of
those who are opposed to their objects. Who are they who
are responsible, on this principle of general morals, for the
annexation of Texas and the spread of negro slavery over
another great portion of the globe? Men to whom the evil
was pointed out, and who, in the exercise of a common
intelligence, could not but have foreseen it. It will be ad-
mitted to be a general principle of morals that every man
who foresees an evil and can prevent it, and does not choose
to prevent it, is himself responsible for that evil ; and I would
apply that remark not only to the native American party,
but, by an awful application, to another party that exists among
us. There could not have been a man in the United States
who did not see that in withholding his vote from the Whig
candidate, he aided directly in the election of the Loco-
feco candidates for President and Vice-President, and that the
choice of those Locofoco candidates must inevitably result in
the annexation of Texas. Was it not proclaimed from every

of the
the Is ew
„ii ~60eZ Oreon,rhea
as follow .
s .
is
that it is whispered
nment
I,ll,(lll,tiolett,s Washington I learn
that
tit Goverm
the
-, York
' sates A'',.' but el
fidential circle.s . correspondent
ter at
Darall off red e'cm British M
th-
th_, el oft, ,-• to the ims I further learn
ff it was wl
the
er,
01.'1' 4r. pue 49th degree as
lined the o
add that .
4ive }r• laeltenharn having dee
per for me to .
my in-
ts our l,4r. tuchanan. It is Pr°P
which I derive
honour
the boundary.
"'Nati 8 'elieVed • the quarterfrom. be,it to it does
%the v'P. If it be Hit
true, as I believe,;nt Polk." .
._
11, Voba and ntriiotism of Pr-- to the question
.``otaa„,, Gazette thus advertst
bat we heli.eve ItlYpace.
Nes ourseh.s
.u,--
~knowledge
_eservation o_
_Pew_
e_
Vitrat Presset nrable to a and . we should P
• , 3 at
sh . are unfavo
1 ruble evil, ana
d Grea
eI4IIY (1 brn
states an-
lie, , epreest es a deplorable
the United • n in both countd
th•ali. Th e a war between
eat statesme- we for
i •" oiik e good men and Kr
calamity. .
imost,
-II the -., to unite to revent such a
do G at Britam a've and
bps er'•t of a war, pprobably, oreuld do us, but
necessary
toe whelpine as
much harm
as ahe C
the
~nedc The
'%05e,,,,,,,,e world would suffer for nanny yearsl be enne
and true
ste ' -Lees of „ ••• after it sho
„f honour a- to
:..1. er of
re___ ?in a. strue,
the
caree- -.
worth more
11,,Z Kage",lB, :with us,.
and tropillesttlefield of war.
-k„, . 411 aily t,nas its victories
d on the ha
bout Oregon—
Nes eu„,ll4t tan be gathere t Britain a
its another
lb Ninti., '"enee a war with Grea
s almost -commence
ernispve,,,,Praetoallv situated as to
u 'shall we
idera-
-1„(:Itlier --and hOsy soon thereafteras.
These
inrelli-
lihd ean he Whith Mexico about Taexflowerful, and
being
... .-, by
_"!ged upon a great motives of the. appeal b
"country is
qiutuke„ ion,
fear of the
Land
--ts • arms
lible tou• tevery American knows
and that in
utmost
!,1 • in '4'l' with Great Britain,
ne i.v. defy the of weak
:torte
of
tlireogth it can
ispr-d - confession
with a -
, !=e3, tiler f at ilation. It no
en good terms
the
rival
er, e,re, to be disposed to keep
It is rather
their
Illuigua;1illallY as powerful as ourselves.e
I conscious o
:q°4 ilo 41°118 baarin nerous P&P '.ro„n establishedthe
.ob Wei. lied 4.,..5; 0 ,ande
vng to thel
earth. We know
, itracter a 'booty, trus i
• I, will be
• nifluenee Tong the nations of the.
cries which
Britain,
tNised in various Popular but delusivean _
d in Great
ourselves to
00, eatemavieps parts of our country, and permit
antries
°Pe that tilgerto urge on a war, but
enough
in both co
hen that
111, st'l°4 11p for I'AY be statesmen
a
t popular cry, w
ra, Honour
ttt on to
willa
eseiron aemso-ne
we dep.reeam-
k ore of the
awe inteeltho %sell braayse theeng to b
ee
t :popularitywith
,413' fatty its
of their country than of glee
of friends oft Viteaaej
out
t trouble • 0 the efforts
ared to meet o stand , is to come, let us be prep
as de-
ep„he
~,,j. our country."
made that it was
Its
tiered '-' 'eh corrects the statement
Oreg n or none..
the
!feigns" Must have '' tl it -bole of ..°
e_this is
ord ge Wee Th 1-
w ... 0 on or non ln saying
alteroat; e whole ot reg, • 1 right."
e w/we 0
n"ve as an issue of tern''
spoke distinctly
irclusivel r -ene' 843's the Union, we v.„. 3' of eur tit/ ,
'subject at
1 , fir• iv ebster b,, e _ _... the _
Alostoe, which- ""s made a long speech on
expressing the sen
lii neat,
. Inay be regarded as expr
find are firmly
of his
emend which we are glad to
),,. `Dsed to the exte
'tl.'W,l=measures of Polk.
DANIEL
OX TAE OREGON QUESTION BY
itloi
'WEBSTER.
where we
Apt nir, gentlemen, there can be no question
.1
~
as
it
ell" r. ) T • ' 11l It is hi ea
in-
-IPik
be
his is Panful I-a.
by firm'
tetii ‘•tsnt to be filled in the days of our fathers,
It is
tli kt, and disinterested lovers of American liberty.
t'd
andgeneration, and
ita , kl e have seen it filled in our day
ehil-
giztv, ~...
by our -
tipe4 tteaven order it may be filled hereafter,
the great
irii,e./Nour grandchildren, united in entertaining
republic,
'Cell'Plea which lie at the foundation of our glorious
e
to deny
L
) 1.5,) I have not been willing, gentlemen,
NI/ tt
here to-night
ti. ,_ . e Performance of the duty of meeting
Boston. An
ii,
I'', whigs of the county of Suffolk and city of
tru_y
in
sf„ Portaut election, doubtless, is pending, We are . '
which
'leethin
,mesin --
li.t lir g of a crisis, and it is a peeuliarity of the ti _
.11
P9ttit e that year after year we find ourselves involved 1 1
e‘r et this
It is perfectly true that for 18 or 20 years
''•3' te
calls
111)00 NA, recurrence of this season of the year,
whichfound us in
,o%iethi to eXercise our elective franchise, has of the
4tiverio llg of a crisis! Because the great question
tite, tr INdlieY of the country, the great question wn' a r
m the
Collinria Lae labour and industry of the country, has, fro
been
8 gulf ell,eeltent of the administration of General Jackson,
before
to:',°f perpetually recurring debate and Contest .
~
ive,,if • '°.(lies and both Houses of Congress. But if we
,oere.,,, it is oar fortune to Jive in a time when these crises
wt sr''' iiatli other annually--or, in other words, r
;_etkil upon annually to exercise our elective Erneu,
phewt,-; l'oe people of the State, there is imposed upon() s_
bef„re Iva s imposed upon generations. which havn.,g 7_tf,
by the 4::. the great duty of inaintaimng Public
sinseartp.)-
lit'ed to'iNise oft hat perpetual viglianeewhhGen-
kleilipn
tills at the foundation of free institutions._ e
f the
teople 4 this are topics before the country—be or.
oe.
r-esion t-, us coMmonwealth—on which I have on this
ea-
on
wh . ad a few words to you. The immediate ores
0_
the si lei' noescalls us together is the election. of
(10,,er ate Government. Those who have administere!l_ithate
for tea al°, o•nt for the last year are the candidates of the. Whigs
their etlon. I shall say nothing of the manner in wtile.us
any eiTitres have been discharged by them; for if therenoti
reaehertion made to their conduct, that objection. h
h has
stheir
oftciai dutyilie• 1. know of no reason connected with
..._
.g,
aiberes winch should prevent any of us, wl!o as a wm
support and
his v t still to Whig prinriPles' from giving his
_.o. o for thene-election of George N. Briggs and John
-I,e eee(tlie 13ut it is undoubtedly true that every state
~.ti al) I tnean every general, state electio.n, has
t ationai ealiii.ig on those great
.genFral q.nestions
the
general d). icY, the dscision of which is contided to
common-
s wealth 1 °v,Q4lllaent, in which the people of the
___
Purpose im, e a deep and abiding interest. It is 'HY
to offer few remarks only on one or two

hill-top? It was told to Mr. Birney and his followers again
and again. "If the Whig candidate is chosen, Texas is out,
and you know it ; if he is not chosen, Texas is in, and you
know it." But they said, "We do not vote for Mr. Polk."
Very well. But you had the means of preventing the an-
nexation of Texas; you knew your own power. By joining
those as anxious as you are, or as you profess to be, to pre-
vent it, you could prevent it. If you did not join them, it would
take place. You did not join them, and it did take place. Gen-
tlemen, this is a subject on which I have deep feeling—very
deep feeling; and I think it must stand on the pages of history
as the recorded judgment of mankind that those among us who
asserted themselves to be in a peculiar and marked degree
friends to universal liberty, have by their own deliberate act
fastened the chains of slavery on a great portion of the black
race over a vast extent of this continent. It is to me
the most mournful and most awful reflection. I know that
thousands of gentlemen who took such a course say that
they meant well. They meant well. lam not to scrutinise
their motives; they must answer for those elsewhere; but
I beseech them now not to fall into another such mistake.
_

It is thought—it is an idea Ido not say how well founded—
that there may be yet a hope for resistance to the consum-
mation of the annexation of Texas.—(Enthusiastic ap-

plause.) I can only say, for one, that if it should fall to my
lot to have a vote on such a question, and I vote for the ad-
mission into this union of any state with a constitution
which prohibits even the Legislature from ever setting the
bondsman free, I shall never show my head again, depend
upon it, in Faneuil Hall.—(Tremendous cheering.) But,
Gentlemen, suppose the case, that in the ensuing session of
Congress your members fairly and freely protest against the
consummation of this annexation, why how are we to stand
in Massachusetts ? How are we to stand in Massachu-
setts? Are we to have the gentleman who is nominated by
the Locofocos the governor of the state, and to fight
the battle under his auspices? By dissensions among our-
selves, and lists of several other candidates, are we so to
prostrate ourselves? While we are to sustain these great
principles in Congress are we to be unsustained at home?
No, Gentlemen ; but, I say again, that every man who gives
a vote for any other man than George N. Briggs, does, in
that respect, all in his power to weaken the authority with
which his representatives in Congress can stand up and pro-
test any longer against consummating this annexation. I
may not flatter myself, perhaps, that any person belonging
to that party hears me ; but if there be such, I beseech him,
in brotherly love and kindness, and as a partaker in the
general sentiments which they entertain, to consider
whether he is not defeating their best objects by pursuing
the course which they have adopted. I would beseech
brethren to come back upon that old platform, broad
enough to sustain us all, on which we set out together
as Whigs; on which, as Whigs, we achieved something
for the good of the country; on which, and not otherwise,
letting by-gones be by-gones, rallying under the great
name which our ancestors bore; confident that as Whigs
we can accomplish a good for the Constitution and the coun-
try which no other name among us is able to accomplish here
or hereafter. But, gentlemen, there are among us those who
are willing to do old duty under the old name—Whip with-
out variation or change.—(Cheers.) What is the duty de-
volving upon us ? What are we to do under some circum-
stances of discouragement ? What are we to do ? The
answer is plain. We are to do our duty, our whole duty with
all the affections of our hearts and all the powers of our

minds, and then to trust to Providence. If anything should
happen to tarnish the fame of Massachusetts, anything
which should cause deep regret for her or for
the country, let us so conduct ourselves that the poignancy
of personal self-reproach shall not be added to these
mimes of regret and mortification.—(Loud cheers.) Gentle-
men, let ns lay nsik every other call of ordinary duty until
we have done our utmost' to establish our principles in the
election of our candidates. lam here necessarily engaged in
professional affairs. The town in which I reside is so far
distant that I must devote two days to go thither and vote
there, 1314 t I should go if it • cost ten days.—(Cheers. )
Let us all do' oilt"thity, upfalteringly, laboriously, soberly,
and when, after Monday, the queSilon 14 aaliedt which cer-
tainly will be asked, beginning at Rhode Island, and spread-
ing as far as Georgie and westward to Wisconsin, " How
stands old Massachusetts?" let you and I be able to hold
Up our heads and say, " Look at her and see how she
stands P.' ' •

TEE SUN, LONDO_Nr, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 29, 1845.

ANK OF ENGLAND.
(From last Night's Gazette.)
An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and sth of Vide+. ,
• cap. 32, for the Week ending on Saturday, the 22d " .la,
November, 1845. day of
ISSUE DEPORTMENT.

X.
.C.
Notes issued 27,036,550 Goveltinent debt 11,015,100
Other securities... 2,984,900
Gold coin and bul-
lion ll,/41,931Silverbullion...
'1,594,619
. ,

Qtief Cashier.
£27,036,550
IVcAnSHALL, £27,036,550
Dated the 9.7 th day of November, 1845,

BANKING DEPARTMENZ•

Proprietors' capita 1,14,653,000
Rest
Public deposits (in-
eluding. Exche-
quer, Savings-
banks, Commis-
sioners of National
Debt, and divi-
dend accounts) 7,363,168
Other deposits 9,024,223
Seven day and other
bills 1,0V5,589

135,256,189

M. -?,IA
Dated the 27th day of Novel

Governuient secu-
ritieP, (including
Dead Weight
Annuity)
Other securities 15,454,390
Notes
Gold and silver
c9;.n 522,951

£35,250,189►
;SHALL, Chief Cashier.
tber, 1845.

MARKET
_INTELLIGENCE.

(From the London New Price Current of Nov. 28.)
SUGAR.—To-day there was not much inclination shown to
purchase West India Sugar, but merchants evinced firmnEsss,
and the small business transacted was upon former terms.
REFINED.—There has been an extensive demand for re-
fined goods for home consumption, and advanced rates fume
been paid ; indeed the market has been nearly cleared, ,n-
-pecially of the low and middling descriptions.
MAURITIUS.—This afternoon Mauritius met with little
attention, and. 4,508 bags at auction were only in part sold,
at rather lower rates.
EAST INDIA.—This afternoon the market was better sup-
plied with Bengal Sugar, and three parcels, amounting to
2,700 bags were offered at auction.
FoßElGx.—Although there are few shipping orders for any
descriptions of Foreign, and our refiners working under bond
being supplied for the present, still holders show firmness,
and hare refrained from bringing any to public sate.
MoLAssEs.—liolders of West India submitting to rather
lower rates caused buyers to operate more freely, and 500
puncheons hare been disposed of.
TuA.—There, has been no public sale held since our last
report, but there is a large quantity on offer, by private treaty,
of black. and green ; the trade, however, both in town and
moniry, are not inclined to ts.lie more than their present
wants require, notwithstEutaing the moderate rates that
exist.

COFFEE.—To-day there was little desire evinced to pur-
chase Mocha Coffee, and at the public sales of 9 cases 387
bales, prices declined 2s to 4s per cwt; a small part only was
disposed of.
COCOA...—British Plantation is little wanted, and the quan-
tity brought forward having exceeded the wants of the trade,
a decline in price of is per cwt has occurred this week.
SPICES.—This afternoon Black Pepper was purchased with
caution, and 500 bags of Malabar at public sale were taken
in at 31/1d for heavy sound, but the sea damaged sold at
230 to 3d. 30 sacks 85 bags Nutmegs in the shell went at
ls 3d to is sd. 624 bags East India Ginger were withdrawn,
but 30 casks of Jamaica sold at 61 16s for good, 55s to 67s
for middling to good middling, and 49s for low.
RlCE.—There has been little desire evinced to purchase
Bengal privately: three parcels, amounting to 1,451 bags
and 700 pockets, were offered at public sale, and a part only
sold at a decline on former rates of 6d to is per cwt. Madras
is little wanted, and prices are not so firm. Of Java there is
still little to be had. Cleaned Rice is held with firmness and
is wanted ; Patna at 23s to 275, and Carolina 36s to 40s
per cwt.

SPIRITS.—There has been a brisk demand for Leeward
Island. Rum this week, and an advance in the value of ld per
gallon has taken place; indeed nearly the whole on show
has been cleared of the market. For Calcutta the demand
has been active, and higher rates paid; Demerara
has been in good demand, and prices keep on the
advance. The Government Contract for 100,000
gallons of Rum, half East and half West India, was taken
this afternoon by Messrs. Lemon, Hart, and Co.,within a
fraction of 2s per gallon proof strength. randy has
been in good demand; prices have advanced a little.
Geneva has been in good request. British Corn
Spirits are much in demand at lOs 9d per gallon,
nett cash. Malt Spirit according to quality is selling at
12s 9d to 13s 6d. For Gin the demand has been active, and
prices are very firm.
FRUIT.—In Currants, by private contracts, the importers
having shown a disposition to meet the views of the buyers,
and a large business appears to have been done Of Turkey
Pulled Figs, in the low and inferior qualities, some extensive
sales have been made at reduced rates, but fine rather scarce,
and obtain full prices; of Muscatels the finer qualities sell
freely, at very full prices.
SAGO.—This afternoon at public sale 391 bags of Sago
Flour were taken in at 20s 6d, but sea damaged sold at 13s
6d to 14s 6d.

SALTPETRE.—This afternoon at public sale 1,500 bags
Calcutta went with spirit, at a further advance of 6d per cwt.
OlLS.—This afternoon at public sale 80 tuns of Foreign
Sperm Oil were offered, and nearly all bought in. 10 tuns
Newfoundland Cod went at 271. 19 tuns 20 casks Lard Oil
were taken in. at 41l to 441. 55 casks Palm Oil were sold at
311 to 311 15s for fine, and 271 to 30115 s for middling to
good. 210 hhds 115 pipes Ceylon Cocoa Nut sold at 311 lOs
to 33/.

TALLOW.—This afternoon at public sale 489 casks of New
South Wales Tallow were offered and all sold; fine at 41s 6d
to 42s 3d, middling to good 40s 3d to 41s 3d, low 38s 3d to
39s 9d.

COURSE OF EXCHA2
Amsterdam CF. .1211
Ditto, at sight l2 7/1
Rotterdam 2U. 12 11i
Antwerp 26 15
Hamburgh M.B. 13 15
Altona —

TGE.—(YESTERDAY .)
Gibraltar
Leghorn
Genoa 26 10
Milan
Venice.............
Naples .. 39/
Palermo, per oz. ll9/
Lisbon
Oporto
Rio Janeiro .. 23
Bahia
Buenos Ayres
NewYork,2ldyssight --
Philadelphia
PRICES OF BULLION, PER OZ.
Foreign Geld,bars..l3 17 9
Portugal Gold Coin 3 17 5"
New Doubloons.— 0 0 (1!
New Dollars 0 4 9
Sam in Bars 0 4 11

Paris, 3 days' sight 25 75
Ditto, 3 months 26 5
Marseilles
Bourdeaux 26 10
Frankfort on Maine 123

Petersburgh, 3Us
Berlin
Vienna, effee. flo. 10 9
Trieste, ditto
Madrid 36A
Cadiz
Bilbao
Barcelona

SeTills —

VISCOUNTESS VILLIERS.—It is gratifying to learn
that her Ladyship, since Wednesday last, has been progres-
sing so satisfactorily that further daily accounts from her
medical attendants were deemed unnecessary. Dr. Seymour
has not been to Upton-house since his return on Monday-
night last, when he conveyed to Sir Robert and Lady Peel
the welcome news that Lady Villiers might be considered as
past all danger. Since Monday morning her Ladyship has
continued to recover, and there.is not the slightest doubt but
that in about a month her Ladyship will have regained her
strength. Miss Villiers is nearly recovered.
THE GALWAY COLLEGE.—It affords us much
pleasure to be enabled to state, upon authority, that Mr.
Berwick, nephew of Grattan, of illustrious and patriotic
memory, has really been appointed Vice-President of the
Galway College. Mr. Berwick is a gentleman of the most
polished manners, and of the highest literary attainments,
and of whom, if we do not mistake, Mr. O'Connell himself
some years ago spoke as " that creature of genius." Mr.
Berwick is a liberal Protestant, and his moral character, we
have heard, irreproachable in every sense of the word. His
appointment, therefore, as Vice-President of the Galway
College, cannot but be hailed with the liveliest satisfaction by
persons of every party and creed in the province of Con-
naught. We are gratified to hear it rumoured, on good au-
thority, that our esteemed and exemplary townsman, the
Rev. Dr. O'Toole, Principal of St. Mary's College, Galway,
will be appointed to one of the Head Professorships in our
new provincial Colleges, an office to which his great literary
attainments and experience as a Professor for several years
in the Irish College at Paris give him the highest claims.—
Galway Vindicator.
CROOKHAVEN, Nov. 21.—As a funeral was passing
to the churchyard of Killmoe, on the 18th instant, the
people observed the body of a man floating near the beach
of Barley Cove Bay, and some of them had it taken out of
the water. It was six feet long, stout limbed, and broad-
shouldered, about thirty years of age, the body supposed to
have been a long time in the water. It was interred in the
churchyard, but there was nothing) in his dress or appear-
ance to give any clue to identity, or any knowledge of how
he came to his death.—Cork Southern Reporter.
GLASGOW PIG IRON TRADE, Nov. 25.—T0-day
several thousand tons of pig iron could have been purchased
at 755. ; and we understand that one or two small transactions
were made at this figure. The principal feature among the
trade to-day was a general reluctance to buy for immediate
cash, which shows that dealers do not look forward to any
immediate improvement. A parcel of about 1,000 tons might
have been had for 725. 6d. nett, which we are not aware has
been sold. Looking at the regular supply coming forward
and the general appearance of trade, we cannot but fear a fur-
ther decline.—Glasgow National.
ALARM OF FIRE AT THE ADELPHI THEATRE.—
On Thursday evening, during the performances at the Adel-
phi Theatre, Strand, an occurrence took place which had
nigh been attended with the most fearful, if not fatal, con-
sequences. Shortly after nine o'clock, during the perform-
ance of Green Bushes, a quantity of smoke was suddenly
seen to issue apparently from underneath the s tage, accom-
panied by a smell of gunpowder. Loud cries of " Fire, fire,
fire," were instantly raised, which was followed by a cry of
" Don't mind your clothes—save your lives." Nearly all the
audience rose simultaneously, apparentlywith a view ofrushing
to the doors, and many of the femalds began to utter screams of
distress, when Madame Celeste, who at the moment happened
to be the only performer on the stage, instantly came forward
and said, "Ladies and gentlemen, there is no danger; pray
keep your seats." Mr. Paul Bedford and others of the com-
pany immediately joined Madame Celeste in their assurances
that there was no danger; but some time elapsed before
order was restored sufficiently for the performance to be re-
newed. A number of persons left the house at the first mo-
ment of the alarm being raised, and one lady was carried out
in'a fainting condition. The cause of the smoke did not
transpire.
VESSELS WRECHED.—We have the following
communication from Stornoway, under date of 14th instant:
—" The two vessels which were driven ashore on the
west coast of the island of Lewis, with their bottoms
uppermost, have not yet been identified, but one of
them is supposed to belong to Sunderland. The Uncer-
tain' of Stornoway, Maclennan, master, was wrecked near
Boldero, on the 23d ult., but the crew, after remaining
fourteen hours on the wreck, were fortunately saved." A
gentleman in Sutherlandshire writes as follows :—" On Mon-
day, '2oth ult., a vessel came ashore, bottom uppermost, near
Bulzie Island, about nine miles south of Cape Wrath. She
must have been a sloop of from 50 to 60 tons burden. Her
bottom and sides are new, and she bore marks of tar and
butter. The instant she touched the shore, which is bold and
rocky, she went to pieces. It will be proper to mention this,
yjaist.iFftaAtmeTdaAcL,astosterica2cCLutßihnßevEneNnotcziecsses
Aocf,
ro 3.oGrimerLeo. huacvEinsgrEaßn
.iiteore:Tinutehse-
, fdraoymmorninge
wiet
hmtasimtebreroffotrhemSesiosnrs,.cpoarlimceananodf NC eo plovrats,
found in his cabin with his wife suffocated from the per-
fumes of a coke fire, which had been lighted the previous
night. The wife was lying on the cabin floor partly dressed,
quite dead, and the master was insensible. He was taken to
the dispensary, where he was attended by the house-surgeon,
and is going on well, but is not yet out of danger.

11,EE TRADE MEETINGS.
BRADFORD.
Yesterday a meeting of the inhabitants of Brachbrd was
held within the spacious Temperance-hall of that town, ti.r
tbie purpose more particularly of promoting and extending
the "qualification movement;'' that is to say, increasing the
number of free trade forty-shilling freeholders in the West
Riding of Yorkshire, and generally with the view of advanc-
ing the great cause, now so nearly won, of unrestricted com-
mercial intercourse, The chair was taken by Mr. Clayton,
of Bierly-hall, a gentleman of landed property. Upon the
platform we observed Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. Bright, M.P.,
Robert Milligan, Esq., Mr. James Rennie, Mr. J. flainson,
b. Laycock, Esq., Dr. M'Turk, the Rev. W. Scott, president
of Airedale College, Mr. W. Aekroyd, of Ottley, Mr. Henry
Forbes, Mr. Jowett, of Bingley, John Horsetail, jun., Esq.,
W. Holdsworth. Esq., and many other influential members
of the manufacturing community in and about Bradford.
The Temperance Hall was crammed to excess, the majority
of the audience being composed of working men.
Mr. CLAYTON, the Chairman, opened the proceedings of
the in eating, in a short but energetic speech.
Mr. COBDEN was received with the most extatic applause.
He said he was very sorry that, capacious as was the room,
there was not space enough to receive all those friends who
wished to co-operate with them that night. Oh, how much
he wished for fine weather, that they might have had their
meeting in the open air.—(Cheers). The time • of
fine weather would however come before the question
was settled. He had attended meetings at several
other towns in the West Riding, where he found,
as he found here, an increased enthusiasm in the
cause of free trade, and a continually increasing desire to
unite, and by repeated displays of this kind of manifestation,
to prove the zeal of the people in the good cause. He
thought, however, that the assembly he was now addressing
surpassed in numbers, enthusiasm, and respectability, any
similar meeting which he had lately been present at.—
(Cheers.) There must be something in the aspect of their
affairs just now that drew them thus together in such great
and chieerful numbers. The mere abstract question of free
trade evidently had not, at this moment that effect. He
believed the reason was, that they now felt that thu time
was at last come when the question of the corn-lcorn-lawsmust either be finally settled, or when heavy calamities
must befal the country ; and they were not without goodly
signs that they were drawing near to the end of the great
conflict.—(Hear, hear.) They had, indeed, during the last
week some peculiarly significant tokens that the reward of
their la.bours was at hand. He alluded, of course, to the
two important adhesions which total repeal had so lately ob-
tained--(Cheers)—in those of Lord J. Russell and Lord Mor-
peth.—(Loud cheers.) The latter nobleman lay se near to
the hearts of Yorkshiremen that he ought first of all to con-
gratulate a West Riding assembly that a member of the
house of 'Howard had set aside all doubts on the question of
the corn-laws, and was prepared to rank himself among
their determined opponents.
A GENTLEMAN on the platform here cried three cheers
for Lord Morpeth, which were given with a thousand-lung
power.

Mr. Commr resumed. He was glad that they had given
i those cheers for Lord Morpeth. If there was one nob:eman
r in England more than another who lived in the hearts and
affections of his countrymen, it was that Noble Lord—
(Cheers)—whom they had just so duly honoured. But there
I was another, and he thought, rationally speaking, a still
more important adhesion to the League than even the
support rendered by Lord Morpeth, he meant the adhesion
! which Lord Russell had given in to their principles.—
' (Loud cheers.) That distinguished man stood at the
head of a political party, he was the political chief of a
large section of the aristocracy. But still he did not chiefly
value his adhesion to their cause as that of a distinguished
statesman and a personage of talent and influence. No.
When, after three years of deliberation, he had finally de-
cided that their principles were just, and that he would help
them to carry these out fully and immediately—then he
<Mr. Cobden) took it for granted that the Noble Lord brought
to their ranks a large and most influential portion of the
English aristocracy-4Cheers)—that the Cavendishes, the
:Sutherlands, the }'ortescues, would hereafter be, where they
once were, and where they ever ought to be, leading the
people of this country in their struggles for their rights.—
( Cheers.) Most deeply did he rejoice that Lord J. Russell had
taken the course he last week adopted. It would indeed be
lamentable, if one whose ancestry had been identified with
every liberal and popular movement in the country, were
'to be wanting in this, the greatest of them all.—( Hear, hear.)
.It was not enough that the Russells had stood in the House
uniformly contending for civil and religious liberty—let
`them now assume an equally honoured place in the great
struggle for commercial liberty—in supporting their
:righteous claim to be allowed freely to exchange the pro-
. Klucts of their industry.—(Cheers.) They might have a right
Ito speak their sentiments—to print them—to attend public
meetings as they liked, and places of worship as they liked—
but while they had not the right to buy or sell as they liked,
they were still little better than slaves.—(Hear, hear.)
He was at Wakefield last night, and a gentleman who spoke
there was careful to put in a caveat against Lord John
Russell, or anybody else coming in to supersede himself and
his Hon. Friend (Mr. Bright) in the free-tree championship
Re could only say, the sooner he was superseded by those
who were in a position to give legislative effect to the great
tiause the better for it and for them ; as for the honour and
glory, and fame attending the carrying out of this
great principle, there was honour enough for them
a:11. Of this he was quite sure that they, as free-traders,
woeld be disposod to carry out the principle laid down in
th a sacred volume—of the Lord of the vineyard,
w.ho was willing to give the same wages, honour, and
rank to the man who came at the eleventh hour and the
half as to those who had borne the toil and heat of the day.
(Hear.) They had given three cheers for Lord Morpeth,
let them now confer a similar honour on Lord J. Russell.—
(The cheers were given with great good will.) Theirs were
sound principles, suited to all times and principles ; and if
they stuck unmeanedly to and worked unmeanedly for such
a principle, they would always find in the end that both
were great, and both would prevail. What could their prin-
ciples better suit than the present times? They were in
danger of famine. Well, abolish the corn .laws—who in
their senses would think of trying any other remedy ? Where
were the people now who used formerly to tell the working
ntan that cheap bread meant low wages. He hoped such
fellows, if they ever came out at all now-a-days, slunk
down bye-streets from sheer shame.—(Great Laughter.)
The Hon. Chairman had told them that if they succeeded in
putting 2,000 more liberal voters on the register they might
win the west /tiding. But he (Mr. Cobden) said they had
won it already.—(Loud cheers,) The last registration, when
the people had so nobly responded to the calls which were
madeiupon them, had secured to the cause of free trade a ma-
jority of more than 1,000. But he wanted them
to make up their minds before the 30th of January to
create so many new votes as should put it out of the power
of the monopolists ever to contest the division—(Cheers.)
In North Lancashire they had a majority of 8,000—(Loud
cheers)—and there was not the shadow of a chance of a
contest.—(Renewed cheers.) Mr. Villiers and Mr. Brown
will walk over the course.—(Hear, hear.) Now
he counselled them to put themselves in a similar position
in the West Riding of Yorkshire. To work up the regis-
tration, so that no wretched potato-man shall dare show his
face at the next election.—(Laughter and cheers). Let
them recollect that, by putting 2,000 more votes on the re-
gister, they might be saving their party an expense of
10,0001. by avoiding a contested election. They had already
done nobly in Bradford. But let them take care. Ilud-
dersfield,,Halifax, and Wakefield all declare that they will
not be outdone by Bradford. If they exerted themselvas
they would still remain at the head of the list. Let
them not be frightened by the clamour about fictitious
votes. A forty shilling freeholder was what every Eng-
glishman should aim at. It was not necessary to
triumph in purely agricultural counties. All that was
wanted was to send to Parliament free-trade representatives
from great industrial districts and important and populous
towns. Let that be done, and he would guarantee them re-
peal without counting noses in the House of Commons. The
free traders had secured one division of Cheshire, and they
were equally certain of Lancashire. With these views,
these prospects, and these determinations, he would for the
present take his leave of them, urging all whom he addressed
not to be lulled by false confidence into inactivity, but to
persevere steadily and energetically in that practical contest
by which they hoped to win free 'trade through the medium
of the registration courts.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat down
amidst loud cheers.)
Several gentlemen followed Mr. Cobden, amongst whom
were Mr. Bright, M.P., and Mr, Rand, an extensive worsted
spinner in Bradford, who, although a decided Conservative
in politics, is yet an active and influential member of the
Anti. Corn-law League.

WAKEFIELD.
A great free-trade meeting was also held at Wakefield on
Thursday, at which a great number of the most influential
men of the town and neighbourhood attended. Mr. Cobden
and Mr. Bright addressed the meeting at some length, and re-
solutions were unanimously adopted, expressive of the deter-
mination of the meeting to use every exertion in their power
to make certain the return of two free-traders at the next
election. In some of the speeches the manly course adopted
by Lord John Russell and Lord Morpeth was highly ex-
tolled, and a hope expressed that the time was not far distant
when the people of the West Riding of Yorkshire would have
an opportunity of returning Lord Morpeth, the man of their
heart.