The Sun.
London, England, 1827-05-02 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1827.

name of humanity, and if it was just in the name of
God, with .my confidence in the 'sincerity of my
Right Hon. Friend, could I doubt that now, when.
placed in the situation of Prime Minister, that I
must acquiesce in those measures of conces-
sion, or withdraw myself from the Admi-
nistration. Partial success, my Right Honourable
Friend admitted, would lead to greater concessions,
and it was not in my. power to acquiesce in the in-
troduction of any measures of concession. Then he
(Mr. Peel) should only have held his place by suffer-
ance, and have been compelled to resign his office at
a week's notice, when his retirement would have
been more inconvenient.—Always considering 'the
prominent part he had taken in the opposition to the
Catholic Claims, he could not dot:' i that it was his
duty, as well as a man as a Minister, to pursue
the course which he had taken. He (Mr.
Peel) was placed on the present day, in circumstan-
ces very nearly similar to those in 'which his Right
Hon—Friend was placed in 1812, when h.c refused
to become part of a Cabinet, the Prime Minister of
which was not pledged to the Catholic Question.—
When the proposition to join that cabinet was made
to his Right Hon. Friend,_ he, in a speech delivered
within those walls, stated the grounds on which he
rejected that prophiition. His Right Hon. Friend
had at that time stated, what would be the situation
of a Minister thus opposed to the Premier.—(Hear,
hear.)—He could not avoid adverting to the example
which was then set by. his Right Hon. Friend, nor
the construction which was then put on the
proposition, by the 'very Minister who now
possessed the highest situation in the Ministry.—.
(Hear, hear.) He certainly felt that the doctrines
laid down in the speech delivered by his. Right
Honourable Friend on that occasion, might have
been quoted against him (Mr. Peel), if he had sub-
mitted to continue in the situation of Secretary of
State for the Home Department under his Right
Honourable Friend, the whole of, whose influence

would be exerted in the support of a measure of
which he (Mr. Peel) so entirely disapproved.—
(Hear.)—When, on the 21st of May, 1812, Mr.
Stuart Wortley (now Lord Wharncliffe) moved an
address to his present Majesty, then Prince Regent,
praying him to take measures for forming a strong
and efficient Administration, it was understood that
the Catholic Question was to be left an open question
amongst the members of that Administration. At

least, he knew that his Noble Friend, the Secretary
at War, and some other members of Administration
voted for it. That motion was carried by a majority
of 129. He (Mr. Peel) voted in the minority, which
was a very small one ; for the Protestant cause was

not then supported by such large numbers as now up-
held it. He mentioned this circumstance to show that
his conduct with respect to this question had always
been consistent, whether he was in a majority or a
minority. On the 21 st of May, 1812, his Right
Hon. Friend, in his speech on Mr. S. Wortley's mo-
tion for a strong and efficient Administration, as-
signed the grounds on which he declined taking
office,; and those grounds so nearly resembled those
on which he (Mr. Peel) deemed it necessary to re-
tire, that instead of explaining them himself, he
begged leave to make use of the much clearer and
more emphatic words of his Right Hon. Frieed,
which were as follow :—" I have been asked whe-
ther supposing I had accepted the offer that was
made to me, I should not have felt myself at,
perfect liberty to act as my own opinions shoald
dictate upon the great question which constitutes
the main bar of separation ? I reply, that as a Mi-
nister I know I should have been at liberty.—
I do not mean to assert that if I had joined the
present Administration to fight against my own prin-
ciples, under the banners of the Noble Lord, I
should not have had the power of making my soli-
tary speech, and of giving my solitary vote, in sup-
port of opinions I had previously maintained. I
will not even say that there may not be honourable
minds who would be satisfied with such a dis-
tinction; and it may be my misfortune or my fault
that mine is not a mind of that construction. If when
out of office I have lent to any cause that I deemed
just my influence and authority, I never can consent
to accept office under the condition that I shall in-
stantly divest myself of that influence and authority
which ought still to be my companions, and to leave
them on one great vital question in open and wilful
abeyance." Those were the sentiments which hisßight
Hon. Friend gave utterance to in 1812. He (Mr. P.)
admired them. He gave his Right Hon. Friend
credit for sincerity. He was satisfied that he would
use the influence of his new situation for the pur-
pose of carrying, when in office, the measure which
out of office he had declared to be just. He would
read another extract from his Right Hon. Friend's
speech, every word of which applied strongly to his
(Mr. Peel's) situation :—" Personal objections (con-
tinued his Right Hon. Friend) to the Noble Lord,
I declare I have none ;" nor (said Mr. Peel) had
he any personal objection to his Right Honour-
able
Friend. From the bottom of his heart he
declared it. " I am actuated by no feeling -of
rivalry," said his Right Hon. Friend ; heither
was he (Mr. Peel.) When his Right Honourable
Friend was about to proceed to India, he (Mr.
Peel) declared that he would feel no objec-
tion to continue in office, if it was thought that
the services of his Right Honourable Friend would
be advantageous to the interests of his country.
After quoting several passages from the speech of Mr.
Canning, the Right Hon. Gent.entered into a defence
of his conduct with respect to the three great
questions which applies so immediately to the state
of Ireland. He said that when these questions were
in agitation, he waited on the Noble Lord then at
the head of Government, and expressed his wish to
retire from office. Many were the considerations that
then influenced him, but most of of all he was
urged on by the circumstance of seeing his col-
league actively engaged with his political oppo-
nents.—(Loud cheers.)—lf such was 'his feeling
when his Noble Friend was at the head of the
Government how much more cogent must these
considerations now be, when his Right Hon. Friend
was the Prime Minister. It must be known that
the Prime Minister possessed all the patronage
and appointed to nearly all the offices, whilst on the
other hand it was the peculiar duty of Secretary
of State for the Home Department, charged as he
was with the administration of the domestic
affairs, to affix his signature and to give
validity to every measure originating with
or proceeding from persons selected for,
and acting on principles diametrically opposite
to his own. Throughout all the recent changes
he declared most solemnly, that he had not
acted in concert with any man or set of men.
His first communication was made to his Right
Honourable Friend himself, and he put it to
the candour of his Right Hon. Friend to say,
whether his conduct had not been open and
explicit.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. Canning.)—His
next communication was to the highest authority in
the State ; at the same time he did not in either of
these communications disguise his wish to continue
in office, provided the Government was conducted
on the same principles which formerly guided
it. I have stated, said the Right Hon. Gentleman,
that I did not act in concert with any other persons;
but whilst I state this, I must also declare, in the
teeth of the foul imputation cast on me, name-
ly, that I despise or disapprove of the feelings
by which they were actuated, that I think their
motives as pure as my own. And equally
false is it to charge these high individuals with
having, formed a cabal—(Cheers.)--Upon my ho-
nour,-continued the Right Hon. Gentleman, I never

had any communication direct or indirect with
the late Lord Chancellor until the day after he had
resigned his office. The Right Hon. Gentleman
then proceeded to prenowice a high encomium on
the splendid military talents of the Duke of Welling-
ton. I now (said Mr. P.) retire from office with regret
but still with the conviction that another course re-
mained open for me. 'Whilst in that office I believe
I may appeal with confidence to the House for the
truth of my assertion, I did not neglect the oppor-
tunity and the facilities which it afforded me
of rendering myself useful to my country by
effecting those 'reforms in its laws, and in the
Administration, which Thad recently the honour of
bringing under the consideration of Parliament.
And I do most solemnly declare, that the
only distinction and the sole. honour which I hoped
or expected, from the exercise of my poor abilities,
was, that it might be .hereafter said of me, that
I had thus rendered myself Useful to my country.—
(Cbeers—in which Mr. Brougham loudly joined.)
He hail the satisfaction of refrectintr that every institution
connected with that office, was conducted by him in such
a manner as called forth the thanks and gratitude of the
country. He might in some respects have been illiberal
and partial, but all must allow, that the duties of his situa-
tion imposed a very high and unusual responsibility upon
He'had also the pleasure of reflecting, that there was
no law in the Statute Book in his name, frit had for its
object the mitigation of the severity of the law, and im-
partiality in the administration of justice.—(Hear). Dur-
ing the severest triali which the manufacturing districts of
this country had ever experienced, he meant those of the
winters of the two last years, during which he had the
Administration of the Home Office, he hoped they
had no cause to attribute any inattention on his part.
He considered it his duty to ina;ntain all the institutions
of this kingdom, to which he was by early associations
attached ; and since some of them could without any
danger, admit of some temperate reformation, he would
still exert himself for that purpose, the same as he had
endeavoured to do heretofore. He concluded by thanking
the House, amidst loud cheers, which lasted for several
minutes.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT (speaking from the Bench
directly behind that on which Mr. Canning eat).—Under
the present circumstances, I think it improper to remain
altogether silent, although I do not mean to trouble the
House with more than a few words. The Right Honour.
able Gentleman who sat down a little time ago (Mr. Peel)
has stated his views in that open, candid manner that
might be expected from him, and I heard him with admi-
ration, even when I did not concur with him. And I
heard him with the more respect and admiration, when it
appeared that he, in retiring from office, was actuated by
no sinister motives, or objects of personal dislike or ambi-
tion, but that his course was directed by his opinions on a
great public principle. For the same reason, however, I,
acting also upon a great public principle, wish to support
to the utmost of my power the Administration as it is now
formed, because it is formed in a manner which may en-
able the Government, merely by following the general
course of the information of the times, to confer infinite
benefits upon this country, and on mankind in general.
I support the Cabinet as at present formed, because it
affords the best opportunity that I have ever yet met
with, of promoting that great cause for which I have been
ever since the commencement of my public life most
eagerly struggling—the cause of civil and religious free-
dom—which has been, in the progress of knowledge and
civilization, spreading over almost all nations having any
pretensions to the name of civilized; the British empire,
strange to tell, alone excepted. The period has at length
arrived when an Administration, in promoting the best
interests of mankind, has not even the trouble, to direct
pubic ripiriienit has only to folloW it (bear); and trust-
ing that here at length we have an Administration that
will follow the march of the age, I have resolved to give it
my humble support, for the same reasons of public prin-
ciple which have induced the Right Honourable Gentleman
(Mr, Peel) to abandon that Administration. Upon the
same grounds of a great public principle which have led
the Right Honourable Gentleman to withdraw from office,
do I give my'support to the Cabinet, as at present con-
stituted ; not entirely, perhaps, upon the foundations of a
complete concurrence upon abstract principles, but as the
best opportunity that I ever enjoyed in my life of doing
something practically to promote the most important:—
beyond all measure, the most important—interests of the
nation to which I have the honour to belong. Ido not
propose by any means at present to debate the Catholic
Question, nor do I mean to allude to that question parti-
cularly, as connected with the formation of the presents
Cabinet ; but, I must observe, the opinion of the public
will be, that there are now stronger hopes of a conclusion
to the differences that have created so much division in the
nation upon grounds which ought never to be suffered to
exist in any civilized country. A dawn of hope at least
now opens for those who have struggled to promote har-
mony, and peace, and knowledge, and, consequently, reli-
gious and moral improvement in the nation. This opinion
will, in the meantime, do much for the best interests of
the country. I give the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel)
credit for the integrity of his motives, and I am sorry that
he should have found himself compelled, by his principles,
to abandon his office. By his retaining that office, he
would, no doubt, have more influenee in promoting those
minor ameliorations to which his attention had been so
zealously and usefully directed. But, I hope, that although
he has quitted office, he does not mean on that account
to discontinue his exertions for carrying into effect the im-
provements which he contemplated when in office. That
course of conduct the Right Hon. Gentleman has still in
his power to pursue, and his labours in that respect will
still be most useful to the country. But if the Right Hon.
Gentleman means to say that his late Colleagues resigned,
one and all, on the same principles with himself, I have
only to observe that I never was much disposed to throw
even justifiable reproach upon any one. Here I take it for
granted that reproach would be unjustifiable ; but allow-
ing all the credit that can be claimed for good intentions on
their parts, I still cannot help saying that, in my opinion,
their retiring was a most fortunate event for the country ;
for by that means-a great obstacle, as I conceive, has been
removed to the adoption of measures, particularly with re-
spect to Ireland, which the circumstances of the country
render almost absolutely necessary—things being in a state
in which it was impossible that they should long continue.
The truth is, that the march of civilization and enlightened
principles cannot be entirely stopped in a civilized country,
'and a decided opposition to it may be attended with the
most direful consequences ; but wisdom and ability may
turn every thing to the best. and most useful purposes.
It is on that ground that I am ready to take an interest
in the success of the Administration as at present formed ;
and as I did on principle for some time support many
ef the acts of the most liberal portion of the men who
Compose the present Administration, it cannot he surpris-
ing that I support them now. On principle, therefore,
lam interested in the success of the present Administra-
tion. I know that abstract principles can seldom be acted
upon• to their full extent ; and I adopt this as, for the pre-
sent, the course, which, practically considered, prothises to
be of the greatest benefit to the country. The state of the
country is, at present such, that it requires the concur-
rence of all the ability and principle which can be brought
into the public service. Whoever looks at the state of Ire-
land—at the foreign relations of the country—at its do-
mestic situation_and at the qUestion as to the policy by
which the nation ought to be regulated, with a proper
regard to all its circumstances, both within and without,
can hardly fail to be fully sensible of the great importance,
at this moment, of having a powerful, liberal, and united
Administration ; and, I cannot help thinking, that for the
purpose ef carrying into execution the best measures for
the benefit of the country, it is, at this moment, of the last
consequence that the country should have an Administra-
tion—not splitting upon the greatest points of public
policy, but firm and united on the most important princi-
ples. As for myself, I have, all my life—except, perhaps,
in some cases, from deference to the opinions of those for
whose judgment I had the highest respect—taken, on
great occasions, very decided steps, and have never failed
to support the Throne when his Majesty appeared to be
exercising his just prerogative ; and, in the present in-
stance, I think his Majesty has only exercised his just and
undoubted prerogative in selecting for the Head of his Ad-
ministration that individual whom he thought best calcu-
lated to confer the greatest benefits on the country. The
Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) says that he sees symp-
toms of a determination to. have only those in office who
were prepared to make the fullest concessions to the
Catholics. Without saying that the carrying of the Ca-
tholic Question ought to be a sine qua non of Administra-