Star.
London, England, 1808-01-22 00:00:00

could form a judgment. It was his belief that,
time of Lord Gambier's arrival, the Danish
A was in no farther state of preparation than it hed
seen for a considerable length of time previously.—
Cereainly he did not wish the House to take his belief
tthority ; but it was necessary that the contrary
l be shewa. If, however, there were no just
grounds for believing the hostile intention—if no par-
' preparations of the navy were making—if the
I was away from Zealand, and in Holstein, and
was the case in the King's speech, the original
tdsareabandoned, surely something was required
7 of proof; to justify the measures of Ministers.
writers cn the law of nations had laid down in-
oveytibly the necessity of an extreme case to jus-
such a measure. It was allowed that you might
neutrals, seize their property, and occupy their
:ory, if you had proofs that their possessions were
t to be used against you by their consent, to de-
your mast valuable interests. But until those
none had attempted to justify such harsh, cruel,
ttraordatary proceedings, but with the utmost
Less of limitation. Now, there might be proofs
I, of which he could know nothing, which
manifest the designs of Denmark and our own
7. All he meant to say was, that this measure
irefessedly carried iato effect with great con-
aid deep regret ; but as far as he could at pre-
Te, with such means of information as were at
it afforded him, totally without proof ; there did
ippear any reasonable presumption or probabi-
tothing but a bare possibility. On these grounds
ist have acted against all written and received
-ity, and contrary to the acknowledged princi-
)f universal and immutable justice. You say
:e would have had that fleet, and Denmark would
given it up to France. Did Denmark manifest
I- conduct such an intention? Could she have me-
al it by having Zealand unprotected, and sending
:my into Holstein ? But then it was said that
amerk could not resist those mighty French armies
ideated Austria tied Russia, and had ovcrt:irned
:enquered Prussia ! Then again it was presumed,
:vhatever may be said of the Danish intentions,
lossession of Heletein by a French force must
been followed immediately by the possession of
nd ! Upon what principles of military science,
• geographical knowledge, was this monstrous
iniption thunded ? No---et could not be the wish
•inisters, for they upbraided Denmark with her
Laving aecepted their offers of negotiation and
and twar assistance to defend Zealand in
a case against France ! They thought then, that
their '20,000 or 30,000 men, in addition to the
a! forces, they could defend Zealand against
ice, or they meant nothing. What must a re-
ing man imagine of the minds of such persons,
could think and act in such a manner ? Did they
we that .Zealand is an Island, and that there are
sea-passages letwcen that island and the main
; ene of them of six miles in breadth, where the
-ems are pretty strong ; but the other of not less
sixteen English miles, that is to say, only five
:s less than the Straits between France and Dover?
ich a diseance by water were ineffectual to secure
land disposed to resist, and occupied by a supe-
force, what could they say to ties argument
: stands between France and England ? But then
T might be a march over the ice ! What would
aid of military operations over sixteen miles
-oxen sea, ihr the purpose of besieging Copenha-
; of the establishment of magazines and other mi-
ar erovisions necessary for such an undertaking !
I if, in the uncertainty of the weather, this be-
ing force were locked up in Zealand, the waters
a an the force blockaded, a fortunate occurrence
!ht take place ; but what was it, beyond a bare pos.
such as a wild imagination might be sup-
:d to reckon on ? But to make an assertion out
ich materials, and to publish it in the name of the
:reign, was almost beyond belief. He thought
there did appear in the minds of the Danes a
iosition to resist the hostility of France. There
aired no reason for attacking her by force ()farms,
any probability of an unfair influence fromßussia.
wish could he have to undervalue Denmark con-
;d into an enemy ; but he thought there were
rocans in our power of averting that imputed
tin, the means of preventing which all seemed to
k of with so much regret, and as being justifiable
by a hard necessity, of which no sort of proof'
before Parliament. He milsht be told that in
he said, he spoke without sefficient grounds
the grounds th!tt were before him, he was con-
d that all the world, that the hearts and consci-
of :ill who heard him, were against it. Other
nds, he would repeat, there might be. Let Mi-
rs bring them forward; if not, let Parliament
for them. He was not ignorant of equivocal
in:stances in the conduct of Denmark ; but they
wide indeed from plans of settled hostility, such
)uld authorize the slightest part of the conduct of
sters. The situation of Denmark was extremely
:al—it was natural that she should wish to pre-
her neutrality—she had occasionally adopted a
lact favourable to the French or to the British
ests ; and each had in turn remonstrated. Ano-
mode of justification had been used—from paral-
sses on the enemy's part ; but this argued little i
;hose who used it. One immoral act could not
;1:: another. • If we act wrongly, let us suffer the I
thy ; but do not let us disgrace ourselves by
Jiag the precedent of those against whose sills-
/:1C: we declaim,'
My Lards, I hope we are not to be again told
our conduct us Denmark was just because the
:my acted in the same manner to other powers. In
sttack ueon Turkey we acted in conjitnction with
is ; and the Officers who commanded there had
• orders merely to go the letagds of obtaining the
Invent of the Turkish treaties with Russia: if
atsaek was TM it on this occasion, it was not au-
ised by hlinisse-s. I rejoice, n:y Lords, that th'e
!ch does not f:ritlt the door against negotiations
ie:tee, 'Ten an hen's-arable basis. Peace, my Lord,
nerd desirable, hut to this sentiment there is one
:etien through. eut the emintry, ramely, that Eng-
' :tr.ci l'a:esce :Ilene were to negotiate on a footing.
astalita.- I ;-tperave highly; My Lerds, of the pa=
is ;tad nclsle line el' cenduct. I,y a Noble
ea the representative or a most eateasive and po-
rts county (Lord Milton) • his language
censtisatests, On the suialeet•Or peace, was 'not
greet and inagnaftlehtiria; 'tsar just and prn.
Who 1s there who can deny that peace is

desirable ?. Who is there to-day who looks, round
him and sees all Europe joined against us In univer-
sal war, can look without horror upon the idea of
a rupture with America? On the subject of peti-
tioning for peace I have to observe, that although
I approve highly of the exercise of this valuable
constitutional right, yet I disapprove of it on such
an occasion, because these petitions may convey to
the enemy exaggerated accounts of distress, and I
therefore concur in the opinion of the Noble Lord
before alluded to. I hope, however, that no counte-
nance is given, either in or out of Parliament, to the
idea that no peace can be made ; nor is it correct to
say that a basis must be agreed upon before Negocia-
tion. My Lords, in nine out of ten negotiations, nol,
basis has ever been admitted so early. It is equally
incorrect, my Lords, to refuse a mediator until we
have proofs of his impartiality. A mediator is not an
umpire ; the mediation of Powers is often accepted,
who it is often known will join one of the parties in
the event of the Negotiation being broken off. My
Lords, I cannot consider the emigration to the Brazils
as being fraught with the advantages to this country
held out by Ministers. We read in Sir Geo. Staunton's
account of the Chinese Embassy, that he always
found the shops in Rio Janeiro glutted with British
commodities, brought them by neutrals at a cheaper
rate than by British vessels. How then will our
commerce revive by this boasted emigration ?" His
Lordship defended the conduct of his late colleagues
respecting America, and concluded a most animated
and impressive speech, by a warm appeal to the
House on the subject of Ireland—,, Let us consider
the question of arming the Irish nation in their own
defence" his Lordship said, as brothers, and not
as Legislators. Let us not heap upon them conces-
f ! sions when it is too late : let us not drive a few nails i
into the sheathing of the vessel, while her timbers are
starting from stern to stern."—( Hear ! hear ! hear ! )
Lord HAWKESBURY defended the attack on
Copenhagen. They could not state their authority,
nor lay their information upon the table, from obvious
motives ; but they had information that justified their
proceeding. He enumerated the several heads of in-
formation. First, they learned that there were secret
engagements at the Treaty of Tilsit ; and that the
view of the parties was to confederate all the powers
of Europe, and particularly to engage or seize on the
fleets of Denmark and Portngal to annoy this country.
They heard this from their public Ministers then
abroad.—They heard it from their faithful ally, Por-
tugal. They also received information of the hostile
intentions of Denmark from a quarter to which they
had often been indebted for the first knowledge of the
designs of Bonaparte ' • from, or rather through the
disaffected in Ireland. They learned that Ireland was
to be attacked from two points—Lisbon and Copen-
hagen ; and they never found the information of these
persons, however they came by it, false. And, finally,
they had a confidential communication, that in the
council of the highest authorities in Copenhagen, the
Imatter was discussed, whether, on an option being put
to them, that they should join either England or
France, an option which they understood was to be
put to them, they resolved that they would join
France. Having learnt this, Ministers would have
been traitors if they had not taken steps to secure the
fleet. The Noble Lord then went over the several
other topics of Lord Grenville's speech—Portugal,
America, the Orders in Council, and the State of
Ireland. On the two last he declined saying much.
The one would come regularly before them on a fu-
ture day, and the less that was said of the other the
better.
Earl BUCKINGHAMSHIRE explained the
measure of our sending a force to Madeira, in 1800,
which had been alluded to by Lord Hawkesbury, as
similar in principle to that of seizing the Danish fleet.
And he jeined with Lord Viscount Sidmouth, in ex-
pressing his disapprobation of that measure as left un-
explained.
The Earl of LAUDERDALE answered Lord
llawkesbury in a speech of considerable length—and
strongly urged the Constitutional necessity of a Bill
of Indemnity for the Orders of Council.
Lord MULGRAVE said, that neither at the time
of rejecting the Russian mediation, nor at this mo-
ment, had Government an v copy of the secret articles
of the treaty of Tilsit. (loud cries of Hear! hear !
from the Opposititm.) They were in possession of secret
projects (hear ! hear !), but could only' assert, not ad-
duce proof of their nature.
The Amendment, and another Amendment by
Lord Grenville, declaratory of the opinion of the
House, that it would neither be respectful to his Ma-
jesty, nor becoming the dignity of the House, to give
an opinion as to the propriety of rejecting the Russian
mediation, till the papers relative to that question
were before the House—were both negatived without

a division.
The Address was then agreed to, and ordered to
be presented by the Lords with white staves. '
Adjourned at three o'clock this morning, till Wed-
nesday.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The House was summoned to the House of Peers to hear hisi
Majesty's speech.
The SPEAKER informed the House that he had, during the
recess, issued new writs for the Boroughs of Beaumaris and Ta-
vistock, and for the city of Lincoln ; as also for the Irish Coun-
ties of Monaghan and DonnegaL
New writs were moved for and ordered for the Boroughs of
Michael, Stamford, and Clithero.
Mr. Pot -o thy, Mr.Tietney, and several other Members, took
the oaths and their seats.

THE ADDRE'.
The SPEAKER read from the chair a copy of
his Majesty!s speech. Aftcr which,
Lord HAM tf,TON rose to move the Address.—
He commenced by saying, that he should endeavour
not to detain the House long by entering into details,
or by explaining circumstances with which they were
already stifficicatly acqua:nted, and of which they
were much better judges than he was. It was already
known, and obvious to what is the present situa-
tion of Europe—what is the nature of that danger
with which the country is now threatened ; how in-
vetcrate and implacable the enemy is with whom we
are contending, and how powerfid he is at the present
moment. We all knew the cause for which we fight
'and the take for which we are contending—it was
nothing less than the honour and independance of our
country. We knew also that it Was the fate of the
country now to stand alone, unsupported by allies,
and to rest uponits own spirit and' resources as to the
only hunian means ofbringing it with honour and se-
curity.from the contest ill which it is now embarked.

While we relied on our great and grewing resources;
we could not be insensible to the gigantic power of
our enemy, which had already overwhelmed almost
every nation on the Continent, and robbed them of
every . thing like independence. In a situation se
alarming to the world, and of such difficulty for this
country, there could be but one feeling—that we are
nationally and individually bound to make our great-
est exertions against an implacable enemy, who is go-
verned by no other principles than an mordinateam-
bition, and a hatred to the independence of all nations,
but particularly of this country, whose freedom and
there energy w
ahads so n
o long
other
waydefie ttiohoipspio)ozeseurcahndanheinsonmiyal,icheot;
by animated and powerful exertions. If we were not
to be sincerely animated, from a sense of our actual
situation, faint-heartedness and listlessness would con-
duct us to our ruin. (Cries of hear, hear !) There
was no midway for us—we could adopt no middle
course—either we must be determined to pursue that
contest which the inveterate hatred of our foe renders
necessary, or else we must be prepared to see the
country dishonoured, if not lost. In such a situation
it was, however, a matter of the greatest consolation,
pride, and triumph, to look at the actual spirit and
resources of this nation. While we could not avoid
deeply lamenting the calamities and the ruin which
had overwhelmed most of the nations on the Conti-
nent, we could not, at the same time, avoid feeling
extremely thankful for the very different situation in
which we stood, from that in which the greatest na-
tions upon the Continent were now place.d. The ob-
jects for which we had engaged in a just and defensive
wer had not as yet been torn from us by the power of
our foe ; but on the contrary, they had taken deeper
root, and had acquired additional strength. The more
we had considered the causes for which the war was
carried on, the more were we satisfied that our honour
and best interests were involved in the issue. This
country had no cause to be dispirited as to the final
issue of the contest it was engaged in. In the long
and arduous war it had already waged, it had gained
many advantages, and conquered many valuable set-
tlements, but had lost nothing. It had inflicted blows
upon the enemy in every quarter, but received none.
[Hear ! hear !]—As far as the events of war had
gone, the enemy had not had a single triumph to boast
of ever this country ; and, while their commerce was
almost annihilated, ours not only continued in full vi-
gour, but was constantly increasing. Our navy had
not only gained the most signal and glorious advan-
tages, but had swept every hostile fleet from the face
of tlie ocean, and now rode triumphant in every sea.
The war, which to almost all other countries was
such a grievous curse, was, comparatively, to this
country, a blessing. Notwithstanding its additional
expences and burdens, it appeared still to be ate great
channel and support of our security. In considering
war with respect only to the expences which it occa-
sioned, we must recollect that a state of peace, in the
present situation of the world, would be attendedwith
perhaps as much expence, but with ten times as much
danger as a state of war. In such circumstances, and
after the occurrences which had lately happened, he
trusted the House would applaud the firmness and
decision with which Ministers had acted, sand that
they would approve of what they had done, and were
now doing.—[Hear! hear! from the Ministerial Benches.]
—He thought they had done their duty, and that they
merited the confidence of the House, and of the coun-
try. 'After the public documents of which the House
1 and the public were in possession, he thought it
would be unnecessary for him to go into any length
of statement. He felt, as the House must undoubt-
edly do, great regret and concern at the failure of
I every attempt to conclude an honourable peace ; but
when they felt regret upon this score, it was a regret
I entirely unmixed with any reproach to Ministers, and
which was combined only with a feeling of gratitude
to his Majesty, for his benevolent wish to restore the
blessings of peace, if peace could be obtained con-
sistently with our honour and security. After what
the House was already informed of from his Ma-
jesty's Declaration, and what was notorious to the
whole world, of the conduct of the enemy and of
Russia, subsequent to the unfortunate negociations
at Tilsit, he thought it was impossible for any man to
! doubt what was the inclination of the Northern
Powers, subsequent to the peace of Tilsit. It ap-
I peared to him so perfectly clear, that he could not
suppose it was possible that it could be mistaken ;
nor world he, even in argument, presume that a se-
cond construction could be put upon it. If, however,
any Gentleman in that House should state another
opinion on the subject, he trusted they would be fully
answered ; but until he heard such opinion stated,
he could not presume it. It had perhaps been one
of the principal causes of the misfortunes of the other
nations•on the Continent, that they thought them-
' selves bound to adhere to a rigid and blind observance
of the old rules of war and customs of civilized na-
tions, while they were contending with an enemy who
held those laws and customs in the most sovereign
contempt, and who never hesitated to violate them,
when that violation could -be made in any way
subservient to his purposes. It was, perhaps, by
carrying this attachment to old usages to a blame-
able extreme, that the rest of the nations had
brought upon themselves the calamities which now
overwhelmed them. England had always prided
itself on the justice of her conduct, and he trusted
that she would not now be blamed for having,
in one memorable instance, anticipated the designs
of her enemy. He well knew, that both in the
judgment and feelings of the House and the coun-
try, the prosperity of the nation and its interests were
inseparable froM its honour and good faith. [Hear!
hear! from the Ofifiosition. lock.] But when, in sub-
stance and in reality, honour and gocd faith were al-
ways attended to, it was not by mere words and
empty sounds that the nation, and those who were
entrusted with the administration of its affairs, were
to be turned from measures of just and necessary de-
fence against the machinations of their enemy. He
hoped and trusted that this country would neverhe
cursed with a timid and irresolute Government ; with
a Government that would be inactive when they
ought to be decided—who would spend that time in
argument and discussion which ought to be spent in
prompt and vigorous action—who would hesitate to
act as their country's honour and security required,
either from the force of an argument, or else for fear
of an argument which might arise in future. [Hear,
hear! As to the expedition of Copenhagen, he
thought it was one of those measures of which the
best criterion • was its success. He Might challenge

the annals of the world to shend
more prayers and intreaues were ina,k
or more forbearance and moderation al,
Administration had collected abundant r
a force which Denmark might liav:‘
without d gradation. Asto the conductof
the long connection wi:•ch she bad had Nril
try, she had now taught us one lesson, •
the last which we woul,l require—dl;;,
ready we might be to. assist the Contir
when .in distress, yet it was to ounel.
ourselves alone, ghat we must lock for
of British interests, and for our own
security. Accustomed as we had
to events which baffled all human
yet we did not expect to see the
Russia put his hand so suddenly ts
dation of the Cratinent. We did not
him so immediately turning from the al
had protected, and from the friends v.-
ported him, to crouch under the throne
per whom he had so recently defied a:
Although the country had been t!tus
abandoned 13!. whom she
and respected, yet they had tea times •
lament than we had. Of ail de pitiful
the Emperor of Russia had recourse to
Manifesto, that concerning malhime
injuries he alledged to have received,
completely ridiculous. The firmness w
of 'Sweden had shewn entitled him to

and support ; and he trusted that, in
towards that Prince, we would short
we did not make our own immecliat

the measure of our good faith and frieni
to the Orders of Council, he conceived •
precedented and outrageous violence
had left to neutrality only a mere nal

his conduct had forced us to consider ,
but two nations upon the sea, ourselves
miss. He was well convinced, that
situation of affairs, some of the channt
nf..ree must be suspended or varied fro:
but, notwithstanding the temporary
some branches of it must sustain, it
proved that the general course of our
of our resources had (as if in defiai,
and flourished during the very time that
was exerting all his power, his malice,
tice, to crush and overwhelmthern. Aft
observations on the different points of
concluded by moving an Address /
' usual, an echo of the Speech).
Mr. ELLIS seconded the illation,
from the admirable manner in which
had delivered his sentiments, little ref
to state. He thought, however, that.
entitled to the gratitude of their country
and alacrity they had displayed since
occurrences after the last Session.
this opinion sincerely, being wholly
connected with Administration.
their foresight and perseverance, in •
enemy's projects ; as, had the Northern
carried into exeeution, it would have 1'
most stupendous confederacies ever
Great Britain ; because it was backe,
and devised, by France. Ministers
also for Iszvitvg information relative
puladons in the treaty of Tilsit, and had
any farther information in the month
would still have been justified in persit
pedition against Copenhagen ; as, hi
not taken place, the plans of the eta
been materially corroborated and cot
agreeing with the obsei:vations of his '
the conduct of Russia, he turned to the
this country stood with Amerien. Tit
of peculiar delicacy, though a goed
ranee had been exhibited open it. HI
ever, that the concession cf his Mai,-
and the voluntary retribution for the
gratefully received by that people,
sential rights of Great Britain mir
any adjustment of the differences.
in praise of the Orders in Council, ci
-decrees of France, contending that
rect hostility to all the machinations
that country, and also suggesting thi
solute necessity that existed for their
scrupulously enforced, as the Freni
levelled solely and entirely at defeat.
cial superiority of this country, if not
entirely : until the result of that experi]
known, nothing but uncertainty must p
several farther observations, the Her
concluded by seconding the motion.
Lord MILTON said, that there was
Majesty's Speech, and one point whir'
those who supported the conduct
which he could• by no means agree.
that his .Majesty hesitated to accept
Russia for peace, until he should be
were the secret articles of Tilsit, what
tion of Russia itself, atid how far it
mediating fairly and impartially bet.
and France. This objection appeared
plausible than just. If Russia had
arbitrator and: umpire between the
parties, then it might be necessary to
she was in a situation to arbitrate
when Russia had only offered itself 3!
engaged merely- to use its good offii
reconciliation, .it did not appear nei
what was the real strength of' Russi
was able to support her mediation by
he sincerely wished for a peace th
able and secure, -he still retained tl
had before publicly expressed, when .
think that promoting a clamour for p
way of obtaining it. He was, howe
nished, when he heard such glowir
the state of the country, and the pro
merce. He was at a loss to know hi
could be said to be in so prosperous
it was known that almost every
against our manufactures, and that
nufaCtureri were already thrown ou
When this was the situntion of frit
thought it was surprizing that it she
as flourishing. He had been in hope
would have contained some expressi
peace, if it could be accomplished alt
the country had reason to expect ;
pacific expressions, the Speech was
and in the language of menace, n(

they cod
• at the tire
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been for I
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enemy w
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