The Sun.
London, England, 1827-05-26 00:00:00

UttnOit use'

s , shi
laension-r- ertaanty-over every contract, and infused appree
the sub' ato every mind about to form arrangements on
object' sect of land or its productiOns. Whether or not the
deg. aons he had urged should be
conceived to possess any
to
,see of validity, there was one observation he had to make,
. which he did not anticipate resistance from any quarter,
AamelY--a reasonable delay, that could militate against the
interest of no class in society. He attributed the clamour
that, had been raised against the Corn Law, to the depressed
state of trade and manufactures. If they but once more
but ived, and were prosperous, the Legislature would hear
! few complaints against the Corn Laws. In every
'view that he could take of the subject, it was his full per-
alrasion that the present measure would prove most mis-
.hievaus; tact he therefore, felt it to be his duty to object
toning into the Committee.
~,'be Duke of SOMERSET said, that in 1815, he
P°Sed the introduction of those bays, then perceiving
blest
pernicious tendency, though.not to its full extent. In
''"elaa_ Session of the last Parliament, he advocated, as
is7aglY as he could, the immediate revision of the Corn
PItI'M -Subsequent events had shown the necessity there
-faco
it such a measure, as the distresses of the
country had
lived. His Majesty's Government to do, by an Order in
9, that which might sooner and more beneficially
:164'e been done by enactment. It was now at last proposed
fttWafford by enactment a velief to one part of the commus
Y• For this purpose a 13111(bad been. brought in by the
'th
' ate Administration.. This Bill had not been hurried
brough Parliaraent. Not only the representatives of the
Ple, but the people themselves, bad had full time to
nk of t, and they had expressed their' thoughts with
anfficient freedom. Public Meetings had been called ; the
•Paesi had teemed with observations on the subject, and the
table of that House had been loaded with petitions. At
last the
_Bill had come up, amended and revised by the
atatescoen and agriculturists of the other House of Parlia-
bleat. It might, then, have been expected to have been
l'eeeired as a measure that, of all others, was the most
Ranted. But instead of this, it was assailed as the most
Pernicious measure that could have been introduced. It
seas assailed by arguinents that had long ago been
answered—by facts that bad been long ago explained—
prejudices that had been long exploded, and by
fes4ings which should not be found in a British
House of Parliament. One principal objection which
had \been urged
against :In measures of this kind
was, the vast debt under Witielt this country, laboured.
abinw the way to inak.e a heavy, debt either pay-
tohiet* supportable, was to i ncrease the resources applica-
eks. .tbe Payment of its i nterest or its principal, The
tti7sal a of foreign corn, ( na payment of a duty, tended to
• 5 increaae in various we Lys. It promoted manufacturing
by •
by es It afforded a di red revenue to the state. Then,
(lit' adlug to reduce thr a prices of all home-made comma.
trade ofd and articles of Tiritish produce, it encouraged the
soilau°f exportation, a' nd increased the real wealth of every
ruer
of those articles. Viewed in this light, the
magnitude and weir eurnents in Favour ,fit of the national debt were strong ar-
tof the admission of foreign corn. Again,
had been ale, u urged of
as most material, that foreign corn was
ies.q.' Paid for in money and not in manufactures. The
, istln' upo A this
argument , reverting to the old ex-
of dins .
°fa., alone about the balance of trade ; if. it were
itemo,a' c("nseetience to a country in what way it paid for its
were ' ‘l---as if in the traffic between nations, gold and silver
akiesnt mere commodities, to be bought and sold like others,
6 '''Y estimable in proportion to their quantity and !•ela-
ve value.
Oh ! but, it would be said, this is political
sete°,,a4nY, Cud it had been of late the practice to inveigh
'&7'l4 'political economy altogether. ' Some thought it
-:a44ttaphysical, others that it was revolutionary : some
syTte against it because they were against all change. There
e'e lo this country those who, in their dread of move.-
431''' Ivould prohibit all improvement. As soon as any
4'teration was proposed, they said it was like the French
;7_u,ton. 111 r. Burke was
. sufficiently adverse to the
.4 tats
s, revolution, but he neither proscribed improvement,
thought ill of political economy. He called it a new
~i!enee, and he acted upon its principles with regard to
',very subject. At Lis suggestion, in 1772, those old
trade in
laws were repealed which shackled the internal
In' in provisions. Mr. Burke did not reason like our
Free sticklers for old regulations; his dread of the
t!,°,91 revolution was founded on deep thought, not on
tinUnish apprehension ; he could distinguish between a re-
tails., isnprovement and an extravagant attempt. But, as he
racer'fe observed, modern sticklers for old regulations
ed against political economy. And as it was closely
enett Zed with the present subject, be must say something
nt its Inuits. The political world owed a great deal to
political
cenw-nYs and the writers'on that subject had pro-
be,'
m gated several important discoveries. Amongst the
trade ire several
he considered to be the doctrine of free
ges '
stain former times, we. had had great sovereigns and
bri'llt tesmen ; but neither Henry VII. nor Queen Eliza-
-11 is ewer thought of free trade. Neither Bacon nor
iau--ei'h she thought of free trade. It was above the age
genius
y lived ; .it was a discovery reserved for the
Liana °f the 18th century. Henry the Seventh's restrice
sss uPon agriculture, and the monopolies authorized by
ee'l Elizabeth, would not be endured in modern times.
poke hy would not they be endured ? Because such a
et°, Y had been exploded by the writings of the political
14 (st,tai'StS* It was to those men, reviled as they had been both
War 'ls.'.and and in France, it was to those men that we owed
The security against the return of such absurd regulati. ons.
aud Plekrit Bill was very
,c, litelligible• concise : its principle was simple
The duties payable by the schedule were
„ a4Justed as to ensure a supply, and to exclude a reds:end-
,arei of each sort of grain, And they admitted of being
racy ltd in tables of easy reference and undoubted emu-
,:ela),;, And its having undergone alteration without being
prs"ses'ed nugatory, or perverted from its purpose was a
,s"",z.of the solidity of its basis. He concluded by express-
'`'glis decided intention to vote in favour of the Bill.
Bill all STANHOPE said, the principle of the present
440 Was completely subversive of that of 1822, whys was
la,-Pte4 by Parliament, after deliberate investigation:-
1,0! Principle of the present measure was to allow im-
bi, tation at all times, subject to a fluctuating duty.—
v e state of uncertainty in which the agricultural interest
s'it'uld be, kept under such a system,
'"), great evil. Farmers would providently reduce their
must be productive.
py'eaditure to the lowest possible scale, and would em-
u no more labourers than were absolutely necessaryn7a-
tio esonseluence would necessarily be,
nie
mu '''t the burden of the poor's-rate, already sufficiently.
an aug
(1.-e'vs°4B- It never could happen except, under extsaor-
atl eircurnst s that 60s. would prove a remune-
' -ng price "cc
' let their Lordships consider what
relv°,4,,id be the e Theqn nee cf aihnitting the importation of
I' -", ''bject toonseconsequence
of 203., when the price reached 60s.
w° %rite", 4 duty
examined
Pros si ses who were t
brought
e was
zsarter, to
this country,including all expenses, at 425. per
this Therefore, nen the price should arrive at 60s.
slot e-(1) entry, that wheat might be imported (duty in-
l'ss-i at no more than 425. per quarter.—(Hear.)-
I(ii !e were two circumstances which ought to have deterred
4.4mi:titers from bringing- forward the present measure. One
reps, e '.-et Passed a few years since respecting the cur-
sena wuieh a high authority in that House had properly
ty4n3 an edict of confiscation ; and the other was the
seriat).'e of what had happened from the allowing the im-
eiisaioinn of fdreigrt wool. The consequence of that per-
V`llooli 4 bad.'sheen a great decline in the export of our
kat
.11aanufacture. The market, also, was at present
4,11 te,ked `sixth wool, that it was become almost an un-.
stir ,e article. 'He did not mean to dispute the power .
authority of Parliament; but that power ought to be
exercised
for ‘4,oti;:9-14Y, for the benefit of the people, in trust
-.'t= was held. If their Lordships should
consent to Not, , . be acting for the present Bill, they would not
lie could prove, eron: ih.lsenefit
_of the community—
table of the House, thatrunaller of petitions lying on the
been
rtdh of
no means the worst, one-foe nnse districts, and those by ,
the labouring poor had the whole number of
consequence of the low price eoPfrived of employment, in
*fleet of this measure, which, it we. °"4 generally beneficial, must be to rah: The immediate
telaiid, would prove so
Profit' of the farmers must be redueeed poor-rates. The
landlords would fall MT, and ultimatcetalsee. rent of the
Increasing population, theme would beef} diminished With, an
f
tlaloynient ; pauperism would be seen stalkiesll-IC.llls 1
nee land, exciting in the first place discontent, andt throw
i
~xt, by a natural consequence, open disaffection. This
Zhis firm and honest conviction, and his first wish ryas
oavert such evils as must necessarily ensue if the Bill
th I't Past into a law. A revolution ill the state must
he
°! necessary consequence of a revolutions in the property
,foadduals : the beginning of such a revolution was to'
let found in any measure which tended to impair the seen-
th:t°,f,Property ; and nobody, he thought, could doubt
bilorl'in' Bill would produce that insecurity. Ile ealled
vii
,ti, Ireir Lordships, as they would save the country from
ttn revolution, and bankruptcy—to give this measure
et most decided opposition.
NoZord
BEXLEY rose, but spoke in a very low tone. A
tapper e Earl (Lord Stanhope) had said that corn had been
,0 at the price of 225. Per quarter. It was true, li-
it
_IY, that some corn had been imported at that price ; but
Noll
uot to far true as to warrant the inference which the
raj: Earl sought to draw from the fact. He aught in
foreto have stated that the corn was of bad quality,6 and
for qataaged ; and that it was proved by the evidence be-
h cei !he agricultural committee, that proved,
foreign growers
tlai'. Government to despair by the resolutions ado it (1 by
18 This measure arforded as great ipreotec-

tion as Was necessary for the interests of the land. With
respect to Ireland, the- change in the old system had been
most sensibly felt. In the three years ending 1816, the
average exports had amounted to 3,012,000/. ; but for the
last year they amounted to 7,000,0001. The present mea-
sure was calculated to extend these advantages, and by pro-
moting the agriculture, to improve the condition of all the
other manufactures, on which the tranquillity and prosperity
of that nation so mainly depended. As to the effect
which might be produced on the woollen-trade, he wished
the House to keep in mind the fact, that wool was not
here, as it was in other countries, the principal part of
the produce of the sheep, or the chief source of the
grower's profit. In 1822, previous to the reduction of the
duty, the Southdown wool sold for 16d. • a pound, which
made the whole fleece worth just 3s. 4d., at the same time
the mutton of the same sheep fetched 40s. In 1826 the
price of wool had fallen to 9d., the fleece was worth but
2s. 2d., but the mutton sold for 21. 6s. Bd., so that the
value of the whole sheep had considerably increased. He
was convinced that none of the corn laws which bad been
introduced had ever deserved to be compared with this.
For his own part he confessed that he was very much at-
tached to this measure. He looked upon it as the last pro-
duced by his Noble Friend (Lord Liverpool) and regarded
it in the. light of a legacy from that Noble Lord. He was
far from saying that this measure, or any other of human
invention, was altogether perfect ; but he was quite con-
vinced that it was infinitely better than any which had be-
fore been brought forward.
The Marquis of SALISBURY, as we understood, op-
posed the measure.
Lord ELLENBOROUGU agreed with the Noble Vis-
count (Lord Goderich) that the present Bill was susceptible
of very considerable improvement ; but he could not go so
far as the Noble Lord (Bexley) who had spoken last, that
it was one of the most perfect,productions of the human in-
tellect. He was obliged to consider the Bill as ane brought
there for amendment. It was not his intention now to
propose the alterations which he thought necessary ; but
he shouldhiostpone, until it was in the Committee, the de-
sign he bad formed for making the Bill what it ought to be.
In its present shape in that Committee it would have his most
determined opposition; and also at the third reading, unlesshe
should first succeed in introducing the improvements he al-
luded to, and of which, as the Noble Viscount said, it was so
susceptible. If the Noble Viscount had known this House
better, if he had been better acquainted with its quiescent
nature, its sedative'habits on all subjects, he would have
known that, on no occasion whatever, was the acrimony of
party feeling allowed to interfere with the discussion of
momentous topics, and his deprecation of such acrimony
he would have known was altogether unnecessary. But if
in this respect he had shown himself to be only a young
Peer, he (Lord Ellenborough) thought he had in other
respects proved himself to be also a young statesman for,
in the conclusion of his speech, he had alluded to the dis-
tress recently experienced by the manufacturing classes, to
the exemplary fortitude and patience with which they had
borne their sufferings, and bad expressed a conviction that
those sufferings were now about to be relieved. Yet the
Noble Viscount having this hope and this belief, thought
that, on these grounds, he was entitled to ask their Lord-
ships to pass a permanent law in order to relieve distresses
which he had made a strong point of insisting were only
temporary. The- Noble Viscount could not have
forgotten that in 1815, when petitions . from every
part of the country against the then Corn Law
loaded the tables of both Houses of Parliament, he
resisted all inquiry. The universal complaint, and op..
position, and outcry of the nation produced no effect what-
ever on his mind. He adhered to his resolve, and nothing
could shake it. In 1820 his mind was changed, but
that change was effected by a circumstance which was al.
ways found to have a very considerable influence on a mi-
nister, however determined he might be—he found him-
self in a minority. From that period his affection for his
Bill of 1815 was turned to hate; and among all the at-
tacks (and they had been many) which had been made
against that Bill, none had been heard more acrimonious
in tone, mere hostile in spirit, than. that which the Noble
Viscount had himself made to-night. But let him remem-
ber all the circumstances which had taken place eincelBls.
Let him consider the effects of the fluctuation of the cur-
rency—the alteration in the manner of taking the averages
—and he would find that those alone were sufficient to ac-
count for all the difficulties which had belle found in the
progress of the measure. Then' came the Bill of 1822, the
effects of which, notwithstanding the delay which had
taken place, had been in some respects not disadvantageous.
In 1815, the principle of prohibition had been called into
operation ; in 1822, they had conceded to the scheme of a.
graduated scale. With respect to the present scale, he
must say that he was much disappointed at the shape in
which it had presented itself. This question was not like
one affecting the sale of any manufactured articles : it was
a great constitutional question. No one could look at the
increasing manufactures of the country, without seeing that
a great power was growing up which claimed a preference
over the agriculture : and it was obvious that the measure
now brought into the House had for its first object the
advantage.of the manufacturing over the agricultural inte-
rests. Another point of great importance was, that the
question was an Irish question. The imports of that coun-
tryh;tl been gradually increasing for the last eighteen years.
The improvement iq agriculture had been of the most
striking and satisfactory .kind,—the increase in manufac
tures had been the natural consequence of that improve.
ment, and to these their Lordships must look as the means
of maintaining and increasing the prosperity of Ireland.
He was not, he confessed, bold enough to lopk unconcer-
ned at an act which might, as he believed would, shake
that prosperity. He did not say that this consideration
would of itself, be enough to induce him to negative the
Bill, but it made him reganl it with serious apprehension.
He would look at the details with a manly and disinteres-
ted view, and he recommended it to their Lordships that
they should not allow themselves to be deterred from the
same object by any thing which might be said of them else-
where. He respected the rights and privileges of the
House of Commons, but he respected no less the privile-
ges of the House of Peers.

The Marquess of LANSDOWN.—After the full, able,
impartial, and convincing statement laid before your Lord-
ships by my Noble Friend (Viscount Goderich), of the
grouuds upon which he calls upon your Lordships to assent
to the commitment of this Bill, and more especially after
the intimations which you have had from the Noble Baron
who has just sat down, and the Noble Marquess who pre-
ceded him, of their inte,,ion to acquiesce in the motion
before your Lordships, I should think it unpardonable in
me, this late hour, to occupy your Lordships' time
fir
more than a few minutes, with any statement or argument
in support of the course which you are now called upon
to adopt. I shall, howeve., in the first place state, that
the Noble Lord (Ellenborough) did very much misrepresent
my Noble Friend, when he said that Noble Lord adverted
to the state of the manufacturing districts, and made it the
foundation of the measures which he proposed. When that
Noble Lord spoke of the manufacturing districts, and of
the distress which has unhappily prevailed among them,
although now fortunately diminished, be adverted to it only
as a ground—if he wanted any ground—for the interfer-
ence of Parliament upon this subject, ant, as deserving
of your most serious attention whenever the situation of
those manufacturing classes shall come under your conside-
ration as a separate interest. He did not, however, coins
before your Lordships, for the purpose of arguing that the
interests of the agricultural classes of this country were to
be sacrificed to the commercial?? No. My Noble Friend
knows the value and importance of that class too well to
contemplate such a project. He knows too well the im-
portance and the value of that agricultural portion of the
community, through whose influence the Aristocracy of
this country have mounted to the pinnacle of power, and
through whose means the manufactures of Great Britain
have been promoted and extended—by whose assistance
this country has been enabled to convey her produce to
every country of Europe and every quarter of the globe,
and whose prosperity has at once contributed to our wealth
and formed the support of our power. The Noble Lord
has observed, that there is no difference between this mea-
sure and that of 1615, and that of 1822 ; find he has
asked why those measures might not be tried rather
than enter upon any new and unknown project.
But, my Lords, there is a great difference—those
Bills held a prohibition to be absolutely necessary in
every case short of famine, while the present measure per-
mits importation under a graduated scale at all times, whe-
ther of want or plenty; and yet, at the same time affords a
most effectual protection to the British agriculturist. I
am ready, my Lords, however, to admit the principle laid
down and argued upon • by the Noble Baron (Lord Ellen-
borough), that this country might depend upon other
countries for support ; and I am ready to contend, that
the richest country in the world ought, in some degree,
to depend upon other countries for some of the articles of
its consumption, because, if it can apply its capital in such
a manner as to produce those things which are almost ab-
solutely necessary to other countries—if it can bring its
capital to bear in the support and encouragement of other
trades, the country is benefitted by this employment of its
capital, and the very class most interested is benefitted by
the reaction of the capital in such trade. And, I must
say, that the arguments of prohibition, I have heard upon
this subject would, in a great degree, apply as much be-
tween county and county in England, as they would be-
tween Great Britain and the world. It is said to be es-
sential to protect the agriculture of England against foreign
competition ; but if you were to take Lancashire, or York-

their
shire, or any other counties, and shut up agriculture
frOm any 'connexion with each other.a-if you were to pro-
hibit their intercourse, and stop the interchange of their
agricultural produce, there would soon be such a glut, that
ruin and impoverishment must be the consequence of the
prohibition. A Noble Lord has asked, whether this Bill
is intended to benefit the agricultural class, or the gene-
ral interests of the country ? It is a Bill for the, advan-
tage of all; and such, I am convinced, it will be found,
when its provisions are maturely considered. But, my
Lords, a bill even for the advancement of particular inte-
rests, may prove disadvantageous to those it'was intended
to benefit. A state of forced encouragement which out-
runs consumption—a succession of favourable seasons—
various circumstances, may combine to produce a glut;
and the effects which I have described. This state of
things has been repeatedly produced in this country. We
saw it in the year 1815, in which, in spite of a
state of law, affording every protection to the agricul-
turist, the greatest distress prevailed among the landed in-
terest of the country, and the whole of the agricultural po-
pulation were absolutely left almost without the means of
subsistence.—(Hear.)—ln a country like this, where so
much larger capital is vested in manufactnres, and where
an equally larger capital is vested in agriculture, free inter-
communication with other countries can alone enable either
to flourish, and prevent those disastrous transitions between
a glut and a scarcity, which we have witnessed in 1815,
and other times in this country. A Noble Lord has ob-
served very properly, that there is no class in this country
which has not complained of distress, and applied for
relief—a clear proof, in my opinion, that from the two
sides, if there are two sides in the question—there is
equal danger to be apprehended from the state of the law
as it exists. In that state, either side is alternately,
placed in a state of jeopardy, and the rise in their produc-
tions, consequent upon too great encouragement, must
lead to a glut as pernicious as a scarcity. 'lt is true, that
every class have called upon the Government to consider
the state of this question. So called, I Myself, and I
have, in common with others, supported this and those
other measures of the Government connected with
the reciprocity of national advantages. I pressed it upon
the attention of the Government then, and I support it
now, because I think that there is no more natural or fit-
ting time in which we can be possibly called upon
to discuss the question. But then we are told, what is
there wrong now ?—are not prices such as you wish?—
why n4t wait and see how matters turn out—why not wait
the result of the labours of the Fiance Committee, which
I apprehend is to be called upon to apply itself to a very
different object ? And are we then, my Lords, to lose the
present opportunity, and wait till famine or distress drives
us upon considerations of relief ? Is it, my Lords, for the
time when domestic misery and public distress rouse the
feelings and the passions of parties in this House? Is it
when the passions are aggravated, that we are to debate
this subject? Are we for the time when all are interested,
or prejudiced, and intemperate within doors, and when all
is violence and mis-statement without, to exchange that
moment for the present period of temperance and tran-
quillity? The change, my Lords, which we now con-
template, has been long expected, and is even required from
us. This, then is the time to deliberate, when all are at-
tentive, and .I may say, acquiescent; and when the feeling out
of doors is such, that I may venture to say, it would be almost
impossible to obtain such a state of things at any other
peric,l This Bill makes no sudden changes--it pro.
fesses, my Lords, aiid is intendel to avoid 'them. This
is not the first time that the principle has been as-
serted. The Report of the CoMmittee of 1822 ad-
mits it in express terms, that a different system was
desirable. It admitted that the system which it consented
to propose had no solid foundation ; and it is for us now,
though late, to establish a basis upon which the affectioni
of the people may rest—upon which all the contracts and
agreements between landlord and tenant, upon which all
the speculations' of trade may at last repose as upon a secure
and solid foundation. Admitting this principle—that it is
not, expedient, to effect any sudden cha.nges—l think it will
be admitted that the Legislature are bound to consider the
state of all existing interest S---that they are bound to con-
sider the state of taxation. It will be found that those in-
terests are effectually protected by the provisions of thin
Bill; •- and I declare most solemnly that, if I could be
brought to believe that one acre of land would be thrown
out of cultivation, or a labourer out of employment, by its
effects, nothing could induce me to vote for its passing into
a law. Great principles, sometimes, have been subjected
to the danger of being contemned and slighted by those who
understand not their application, from the want of a proper
attention to the artificial state of society for which they
Were intended. Nothing cquld be, more absurd than to
suppose that man could be driven all at Once out 'of his
habits, and all notions by new theories, however just in
principle or advantageous in effect. In all great changes there
is a mass of misery and suffering painful to be. contemplated ;
and although the results may be ultimately beneficial, it is
wise and prudent to guard as much as possible against those
consequences, which, although attendant' tition all political
changes, must be yet always deplored. I believe that this
Bill, as far as human power can, does guard against such
consequences. In Ireland feel 'confident that its provi-
sions will be most beneficial. Now that I have adverted
to that country, let me call the attentioi, of your Lordships
to, the statement of the Noble Baron, wheie he contends
that a country must be blessed that 'produces inure than its
inhabitants are able to consuine, If that be the case, my
Lords, then I must say, that Ireland enjoys more of that
of blessedness than any country on the face of the earth—
(heir, hear, and a laugh) ;—and yet, which of your Lord-
ships connected with that kingdom would not be willing
to exchange all the landed prosperity of Ireland for a very
small portion of the manufacturing difficulties of this
country.—(Hear.)—lt is not upon the gross production
that property depends. It is upon the combination of 'all
advantages, united with that reciprocal interchange which
this Bill goes to secure, that the happiness and prosperity
of Ireland is to be accomplished. As long, my Lords, as
the National Debt continues to press upon us, I fear that
we cannot look to any different state of things in the con-
dition of our currency; and I must only conclude, by
trusting that your Lordships will not refuse to go into
the Committee; that you will give the country the
benefit of a settlement of this question,, by what may be
called nearly the last 'of your Legislative Acts—so near to a
prorogation, and by giving to the farmer a knowledge of the
value of his produce, and to the speculator a proper sense
of the ground of his operations, prevent the necessity of
those interferences which every man must lament—inter-
ferences which' I myself objected to last year ; but as giving
a power beyond that which the Legislature had considered
unnecessary, but which Parliament, under the circum-
stances, was compelled to adopt. By, however, permitting
that interference, you denounced the law as it then stood •
you held it out as unjust, as unconstitutional, and os
inef-
fective—you are now called upon to remedy the evils which
you conferred, and by putting the regulations with respect
to the agriculture of the kingdom upon a proper footing,
leave the people in possession of an efficient law, rather
than the Government in the pos-ession of an unconstitu-
tional power. The Noble Marquis was listened to with
deep attention, and was loudly cheered when he resumed
his scat.

The Earl of ROSSLYN was convinced that the law as
it stood was so far before the present Bill, that it was much
better calculated to prevent fluctuation in the prices of pro-
duce, and consequently the inability of the farmers to pay
rents, and ,employ agricultural labour. His Lordship en-
larged on the advantages of keeping all the lands in cultiva-
tion, .and thereby preserving the country in perfect inde-
pendence as to foreign powers lor the support of the popu-
lation.

Lord REDESDALE opposed the 13illl.
The Earl of CAERNARVQN supported the Bill.
The Earl of DARNLEY supported the Bill.
The House then divided, when the numbers ureic—
For the Committee l2O
Against it

Majority for the Bill .
The House adjourned at One o'Clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, MAY 25.

The SPEAKER took the Chair, this day, precisely at
Four o'clock, and the House proceeded to business.
STIRLINGSHIRE ROAD BILL.

On the motion for the second reading of the Stirlingshire
Road Bill,

Mr. FERGUSSON proposed a clause to exempt the
Carron Company from toll, in conformity with some pre-
vious agreement. The Honourable Gentleman concluded
by moving, that the clause should be added to the Bill by
wa} of rider.
Mr. HOME DIstIMMOND opposed the motion on the
ground that the introduction of the clause proposed by the
Hon. Gentleman would subject the county of Stirling to a
perpetual burthen, by obliging those persons entrusted
with the repairing of the road, to take the materials from
the Carron Company.
The clause proposed to be added to the Bill was nega-
tived without a division.

Sir W. GUISE brought up a petition from Burton,
Gloucestershire, praying for the repeal of the Test and
Corporation Acts. _ _

Mr. PORTMAN presented a similar petition from Dor-
chester.

A Message from the Lords brought up their Lordships'
assent to several Private Bills.

Ns. C, N. PALLNER prceented a petition frucd the

Difientere of the County of Surrey, for the repeal of the
Test and Corporation Acts.
Mr. C. N. PALLMER brought up the report of a bill
to regulate the carriage of goods.
Mr. SOLICITOR-GENERAL brought up a report of
a bill to prevent arrests for debts under 20/. upon mesne
proCess, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read
a second time on Monday next.
Colonel SIBTHORPE presented a petition from Lin-
coln, praying that a duty should be imposed on foreign
wool.

Mr. CURWEN presented a petition from Bluni.er-
basset, in the county of Cumberland, praying for the re-
peal of the Test and Corporation Acts. A similar peti-
tion was presented from Haylesbury, (Wilts.)
Similar petitions were presented from Wickly in the
county of Glamorgan, Newport, in the Isle of Wight, St.
Ives, Eye, in Suffolk, and Royston, in Cambridgeshire.
Sir N. COLTHURST presented a petition from the
Dissenters of Cork, praying to be exempt from serving the
office of Churchwarden. •

Sir J. WROTTESLEY brought in the Bill for regu-
lating Elections in Coventry.
Lord MOUNTCHARLES presented a petition from the
Grand Jury of the County of Donegal, praying the House
to pass an Act explaining the powers of Grand Juries.
Mr. J. WOOD presenting, a petition from the Dissen-
ters of Horwich, Lancashire, for the Repeal of the Corpora-
tion and Test Acts.

Lord ALTHORP presented a similar petition from Long
Buckby, Northamptonshire, and another from Thame, in
Oxfordshire.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL presented petitions for the
Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, frog' the Dis-
senters of London and its vicinity, from Hale Weston,
in the County of Huntingdon ; from Cross-street Chapel,
Manchester ; and from the Borough of Wallingford. Obser-
vations were made as to the feelings of the Dissenters upon
the Catholic Question, but he believed that the Dissenters,
like other classes of the community, were very much
divided on that question.

Mr. HUME presented a petition from the prisoners in
the gaol of Aberdeen, praying to be allowed some means of
support whilst in prison, and that the House would consi.
der the expediency of revising the laws connected with the
smuggling of spirits.
Mr. HUME also presented a petition from a parish in
the county of Galway, praying for the repeal of the Church
Rate Bill, and Parish Vestry Act.
Mr. HUME moved for a copy of the evidence given to
the Committee appointed to inquire into the state of free
labour in Trinidad.—Ordered.

Mr. J. W. DENISON presented a petition from King-
ston' Surrey, praying for the repeal of the Corporation
and Test Acts.
WATER COMPANIES.

Sir F. BURDETT presented a petition from Westmin-
ster, with respect to the conduct of the Water Companies.
Mr. HOBHOUSE supported the.prayer of the petition.
Sir F. BURDETT gave notice that he would move that
the petition should be referred to a Committee on Monday
next.

Lord. CASTLEREAGH gave notice of a motion re-
specting the Constabulary Force in the County of Down,
cu Thursday next.
General GASCOYNE presented a Petition from Liver-
pool, praying for the repeal of the Second and Third
Stamp Receipt Duty.
Mr. MARTIN presented a Petition. from Tewkesbury,
for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts.
Sir G. HILL presented a Petition fic,:a the Ctlpora-
tion of Limerick, against the Salmon Fishery Bill.
Mr. ROBERT GRANT prepented a Petition against
the Salmon Fishery Bill, from several proprietors of fisheries
in the Counties of Cromarty, Inverness, Nairn, Ross,
Sutherland, and Moray..
Sir C. BURRELL presented a Petition from Bramber,
in Sussex, praying for a Duty on Foreign Wool.