The Sun.
London, England, 1842-02-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, -THURSDAY - kVENING, FE

Right Hon:- Sir R. Peel, agreed to at the Chamber of Cerra.
merce, in Liverpool, in October last; and the memorialists
stated that the effects of our present system of Corn-laws. which
had been sufficiently observable for many years, had been again
strikingly exemplified during the last two years, in the course
of which we had imported largo quantities of grain from the
Continent, while none had been, or could safely be, imported
from the United States. They stated the only remedy for the
evil would be the adoption of a fixed duty instead of a sliding-
scale. The Congress of the United States of America was
now in session, and were about to take into consideration the
tariff of that country.—( Hear, hear.) On the 3thla of
June next the Compromise Act, passed under the super-
intendence of Mr. Clay several years since, would come
into operation, and under that British goods would
pay a maximum ad valorem duty of twenty per cent.
But now the manufacturers of America were urging Congress
to increase the duties on British articles, as Great Britain re •
fused to take the corn and flour of the United States, or, when
she did, it was on less favourable terms than she showed other
nations. The English manufacturers of woollen cloth and iron
articles were already in great jeopardy as regarded the Ameri-
can market. At present the United States were receiving
woollen goods from Belgium and Saxony to a very great ex-
tent, and it depended upon the measures our Government. would
adopt respecting the flour and corn of America, whether the
increasing markets of their vast territory should be closed
against us or not.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He hal
that day received a letter from a gentleman extensively engaged
in the trade of the United States which contained a useful
suggestion, worthy the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet.
It was, that charging the duties on the averages of six weeks,
should be confined to the ports of Continental Europe, whin
the Straits of Gibraltar ; but that a period of six weeks should
be extended to ports without those Straits. The object of
those regulations was to allow America, and other distant
countries, to compete with the neighbouring countries of the
Continent. Whatever might be intended in that way, of this
he was certain, that the effect of the plan would be to lower the
averages at least 6s. the quarter ; and there was as much fraud
committed for the purpose of lowering as of raising there.—
( Hear, hear.) As to the alarm which some gentlemen felt at
the idea of being dependent on foreign countries for the sup-
ply of a necessary article, he did not participate in it. The
Chancellor of the Exchequer stated on a late occasion very truly
that there had been fluctuations in the price of cotton. No
doubt of it ; and so there must be fluctuation in the price and
in the supply of every home or foreign product. But there had
lately arisen a competition between India and America in this
product, and the consequence was that cotton was at this time
cheaper than it ever had been. But if cotton had been subject
to a sliding scale instead of a moderate fixed duty, Englan:l
would never have become the country of cotton manufactures ;
but that branch of industry would have flourished in those
other soils to which the present Corn-laws were driving it.
Cotton manufactories would be established in other countries,
and the sliding scale would prevent its being established in this
country. Articles were more uniform in price when they were
not subject to protective duties, and the differences between the
prices of coffee and sugar in this country and on the Continent
proved that principle. At that moment he believed their pro-
tective duties were doubling the price in London and Liverpool.
Coffee was cheaper by eighty per cent. on the Continent than
in England, which was also an effect of the system of protec-
tion. Their tariff allowed them to import foreign coffee, but
they must first send it to the Cape of .Good Hope and bring
it back again. Now these things were so absurd that he hoped
the Right Hon. Baronet would revise the system of import
duties altogether.—( Hear, hear.) • -He -believed they were
now arrived at a critical period. The embarrassments of neer-
chnnts arid manufacturers had existed for three or four years,
and were increasing every day, and from the information he
could obtain he foiled there had been more capital lost, in the last
years than during any former period. The suffering of the la-
bouring classes could scarcely be descried, and it was most
creditable to them that they had borne them in the way they
had done. But the people now looked into the causes of these
thing's, and were satisfied that their commercial tariff and re-
strictive laws were at the root of the evil ; and the greateSt and
most oppressiin of those laws was that which excluded
corr. and flour.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that in a short
time something would be done for the relief of the suffering
people. He was altogether disappointed at the measure that
had been introduced by the Right Hon. Baronet, and certainly
he looked forward with very little satisfaction to what was be-
fore them, as no improvement had taken place in trade since
the measure had been announced ; he thought they were in a
position of the most earming kind, and he trusted something
would be done to remedy it.
Mr. H A STIE said with a view to coming to a right decision
on the subject, he had examined into some details connected
with the large and important agricultural interest. One
of the best authors on the subject, Mr. M'Culloch, in his
" Statistics of the British Empire," stated the whole rental of
the kingdom to be forty-six millions sterling, and the gross
value of the produce out of which that rental was to be paid to
be two hundred millions. He had then made an inquiry into
how much ttf this agricultural value was corn produce. The
Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorchester, had told
the agriculturists there that the law proposed by the Go-
vernment would give them protection to the extent of lbs. a
quarter; he denied that it would have any such effect.
The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorchester, stated
that the agricultural interest would have a protection of I4s.
per quarter. Now, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of
her Majesty's Government stated the other night, that his
anxious wish was to reduce the duty on corn to 10s. per
quarter. No ,v, that would. reduce the landlords' protection to
8 per cent., and he (Mr. Hastie) would maintain that if a free
trade in corn were opened, and he founded his opinion upon
a thorough examination of the Corn-laws of this country—he
felt convinced that if a free trade were opened in corn the
price would not fall ss. in the course of thirteen ears. He
found that the average amount of wages of agricultural la-
bourers in the great counties and round the large towns was
Bs. This was proved before the Committee of the House in
Pz1.36. The wages of the labourer was the same as the rent
to the rich man. Now, Bs. a week was 201. a
year ; and they had it from the Hon. Member for
Salop that, after a careful examination, the labourers in
his county consumed at the rate of one quarter of wheat per
head per annum. Now, if this Bill did what the Right Hon.
Baronet (Sir J. Graham) said it would, viz., give a protec-
tion of 14s. to the agticulturist, they had the labourer, who
had 201. a year. anti who, perhaps, had a wife and taco chil-
dren, who, altogether, would consume four quartets of wheat
per annum, the protection alone, at 145., amounting to
21. 16e., or near 14 per cent. on his income. Compare this
with the man who had 100,0001. a year. It would not bear
comparison. He (Me. Flastie) should give his vote cordially
for the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, and
he (Mr. Ilastie) only recommeeded Hon. Members opposite,
connected with the agricultural interest, to look into the sta-
tistics which he had laid before them.

Mr. O'CONNELL said. he would not detain the House
many minutes. He had expressed his sentiments so often on
this subject, that it would be superfluous for him to go into it at
any length then. He merely rose, to say,. that he should give
his vote most cordially for this motion, because lie thought it
was a vote given on principle. There was no disputing the
fact, that great distress prevailed all over the British empire
It was not-confined to any particular locality. or to any parti-
cular trade or manufacture, but it was general and overwhelm-
ing ; the details were enough to sicken the firmest heart.
Misery, destitution, poverty, and starvation, met them in every
direction. There was not the least doubt of that. It could
not be said to be a party question. It was stated on one side
of the House, and re-echoed on the other.--( Hear. )
The only question was, which side of the House was
disposed to meet that distress with a remedy. Now
what did they propose to do? It was nothing to say the pre-
sent plan would relieve them; it would not relieve them. If
they said the repeal of the Co! n-laws would not relieve them,
that was an assertion very far from proof.--( Hear, hear. )
That assertion had been made for the last week or ten days, and
the result was, there was to be no relief. Now he thought
it was a gross misrepresentation to say, the Corn•lawa were
the sole cause. He thought it was one of the evils. There
was one thing certain, if they gave provisions to the people,
they would relieve them. Did it not follow of inevitable ne-
cessity, that they would give them some relief by giving them
provisions cheaper ?--( Cheers.) What they wanted was food.
What they refused to give them was food. The question was
really this Should their Corn-laws raise the natural
prices of human food ? Would restrictive laws make food ?
The natural price of food was that which was the market
price of the produce all over the world, unfettered by any
taxes whatever ; that was the natural price of food.
Were they to have that natural price,' or were they to have
an artificial price, that is the price that these laws produced?
Of course, during the years of deficient supply, by having that
supply from one country, instead of from all, was a great loss
and evil. Thas was, there might be a deficient harvest in this
country, and there might be a deficient harvest in other coun-
tries, but that was no reason why there should be a deficient
harvest everywhere ; and by this law they were prevented from
receiving the benefit of a good harvest in other countries of the
world, and thus they kept up the prices here notwithstinding
the bounty or Providence elsewhere. The distress of the coun-
try was increasing. Did their statistics, or did they not, prove
that the distress had been increasing, year after year, and day
by day, for the last five or six years? At length it was
become indisputable, and they were actually blasting on the
otter side of the House, of the patience with which the dis-
tressed people bore their sufferings. These people were
suffering deprivation, yet all relief was kept from them, for
their purpose was to make the landed interest rich at the ex •
pense of the poor. It was a rich and poor question.--( Hear,
hear.) The Hon. Member below him (Mr. Hastie) had
drawn a comparison between the rich man and the poor one in
point of consumption. Nine-tenths of the income of the
poor man were laid out in provisions, while a hundredth or a
thousandth part of the income of the rich man was not taken
in provisions for his family. It was, therefore, a poor man's
pressure ; and, they must recollect that the poor man's pres-
sure was much greater than the benefit to the deb man. Who
was to decide this question ? Would they leave it to the
Chartists, or to them, the Radicals ? Would they be content
that the Chartists should call a Convention, and that that Con-
vention should decide whether there should be a tax on human
food? Certain'y they would not ; because they had decided no
Convention should exist. But what right hail they to a Con-
vention of the landed interest ?—( Hear, and cheers.) What
right had they to decide that question between the poor and the
operatives, who were not represented there ; but against whom
they (the landed interest) were opposed?—( Cheers.) He
meant no offence to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, because it was
human nature to be inclined to one's own interest.—( Laugh-
ter.) The Chartist operatives did the same; but he did com-
pi
nl
jatitnry ofa n
dtheir
reexses
irocni s inogf
tthhee
ppooowr e rrntahne, y a
npdos
Lesrsethdeitro otwhne
exclusive benefit.—(Loud cheers.) The entire' of the
working classes were interested in the abolition of this
law.---(Continued cheers.) He had heard it said, that - if
they abolished these laws, it would take away every advantage
of the agricultural labourer, and reduce him to want. Ile,
(Mr. O'Connell) utterly denied that the agricultural labourer's
interest had any interest in the prosperity of the landlords.
He denied that position ; they would, perhaps, refuse to be
convinced, but he had a document to show the fact, and that
was the Report of a Committee of that House, appointed to
inquire into the state of agriculturists (as we understood).
He had that Report which stated, that distress existed amongst
the agriculturist+, but that the labourers were more com-
fortable than :they had been for some time hefore. —( Hear.)
He remembered at that time, the Right Honourable Baronet
opposite (Sir R. Peel) expressed his satisfaction at the state of
these labourers. This showed that the agricultural labourers
was as much interested in cheap bread as the operatives,and at all
events that they were as much interested in dear breast as the
farmer or the landlord.—(Hear, hear.) Ireland indeed
was not mentioned in that Report, for he wgs sorry to say, the
distress there was always on the labourer, therefore he could not
introduce Ireland a; any evidence, and he therefore must con-
fine himself to this country. Well, now, looking at these sta •
tistics, would they consult the welfare of the people ? After
all, the question lay in a narrow emppass. WRulci
they still insist upon continuing these taxes upon the
food of the poor consumer ?—(" Hear, hear," and cheers. )
Discuss it as they might, introduce as many excuses as they
pleased, all the fallacies Isroeght fqrwerul to sestain the Corp-
laws hrd fallen, one after the other. I-le diit not 'think the
Hon. Baronet, the Member for Wiltshire, would now assert
that dear corn produced high wages. He (Mr. O'Connell)
rememberedthat the Hon. Baronet used to say that dear corn
made high !ages, and low prices in corn made low wages.
He 4id not thl4 that e!1 tie (Sir F. hurdett) would rulike
use of these fallacies !lbw. ' When thesi? 'falfacies iirtib-
uce(ltear; heii. '`lll6
d they failed' one after the other:—
people were
sintreawn,lisiggwafßsritl!realtitt; ttaie•ity,
ugh.'
:to
to show a cull-blooded indifferebee -es Cita' it lu
He would not say it was
an it tentional cold-blooded indifference, but it was looked upon
these suffering people as such. Let them look to these, laws,

/Why; for heaven's sake, wthy-not inakethe experiment ?
(Loud cheers.) For his own part he should not vote for the
motion if it. h.d been for a gradual reduction, for he believed
the benefit of the resolution- SliOuld be given now.—( Hear, and
cheers.) He knew an advantage would be taken of his say-
ing so, and the authority would be rated much higher than it
deserved. He thought it was now. The great importance of
the motion was immediate relef, for if they opened the ports
to-morros, speculation would have the certain effect of mak-
ing corn dear. As they had no other plan, why not adopt that
of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton ? There was noother
scheme that could relieve the (Esteem. But they had been re-
turned there to support- the Corn-laws; and they had an over-
whelming majority. Those interested in the scheme were not
represented at all. When the Right Hon. Baronet was last in
power—healid not mean the last Administration, for then he
had office, but no power—(Hear, and laughter)—when he
was last in power, when his Administration terminated, what
was the state of the country ? When it terminated, the night
was rendered terrible by blazing fires in various districts, and
the day by assaults upon the Magistrates. Members were
three ened. Commissions of death were sitting, and many per-
sons sentenced to execution. The City itself was much dis-
turb d, so that the Monarch, beloved as be was, did not dare
to visit the Chief elagiitrate. This was the state of the ter •
mination of the last Administration of the Right Hon. Baronet.
Ile (Mr. O'Connell) would implore of him not to expect an
eutharessia, or that everything would go on smoothly now if
these laws Were continued; but he might expect an overwhelm-
ing stream sf indignation from the manufacturing population,
which would lacer him down—that population driven to de-
spair by the cord d system of legislation for the profit of a
class.—( Cheers )
Col. CONOLLY said it surprised him much tohear all the vi-
tuperation which had been heaped upon Gentlemen on that side of
the House. Taking in o consideration the fact of the home market
being worth all others in the universe, he was not prepared t o
adopt a measure to ruin it altogether. lie regretted to find
the home market had been unpaired, and he had heard
the exports sf this conntry declining attempted to be accounted
for by the lion. Member for Dumfriesshire. He (Mr. Ewart)
contendel that 'he condition of the country was bad. If
it was bad, why make it worse ? He (Col. Conolly) would
go as far as any man in compassion for suffering, but he would
not lend himself to a measure brought forward for the prevention
of this suffering by involving the whole of the agriculturists
in ruin. It was a measure calculated to render us dependent
on a foreign, and perhaps a hostile country.- ( Hear, hear)—for
our maintenance. Of course, as he was an agriculturist, he
should be charged with being selfish, and he submitted, with
the Gentlemen on that side of the House. He was satisfied
the landed interest of the country stood high in the estimation
of the population. He fully agreed with the measure of the
Right Hon. Baronet, as it hell out a great portion of relief,
and did everything that could safely be done, consistent with faith
to the public creditor. With respect to the vituperation heaped
upon them, he would say that he treated it with the utmost
contempt. Ile thought the principle advocated by Hon.
Gentlemen opposite was ono of the wildest schemes from
first to last that could be submitted to the House.
He could not avoid inferring that there was a little political re-
sentment in the opposition given by Hon. Gentlemen en the
other side of the House. It was freely admitted that there
were advantages to be derived from the measure proposed by
the Hight Hon. Baronet, and however inflammable the haran-
gues made against it were, he (Colonel Conolly) saw those
advantages were admitted by the trading classes. He thought
also that it was a remarkable coincidence that there should be
a tumult at the meeting at Wolverhampton, at the very. same
time when there was a debate in that House upon the subject
of the Corn-laws—when the House was engaged with the mo-
tion of its representative, who supported the total abolition of
those laws. He wished to keep faith with the public. He was
also anxious to sustain the agricultural population of the coun-
try, and to secure support to the manufacturing in-
terests. He had, therefore, voted against all the proposi-
tions for a number of years which had been
brought forward for the abolition of the Corn-laws since the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton had a seat in that House.
He represented a large agricultural interest in Ireland, and
knowing that their interests chiefly depended upon agriculture
he was deter mistral to resist to the utmost the proposed mea-
sure.--(Cheers. ) It hod been his good fortune to travel
through almost every part of Europe, and he could not think
it would be possible to trade with the people of the Continent, from
their inability to consume the manufactures of this country.
Could it be possible that Poland, at least in our
day, could consume the manufactures of this eountry2—
He deemed it utterly impossible. The people there had advanced
nearest of any country in the world to destitution. Why should
the people of this country then expect to dispose of their
manufactures there ? It was a delusion so audaciouS—the
argument was a fallacy so extreme, that it was a matter of
wonder how any person could be a party to it. In giving the
opposition he was then about to give to the motion of the Hon.
Member for Wolverhampton, he (Colonel Conolly) felt that
he was acting maintenance of the best interests of the people
of this country. He was anxious for the welfare of every
human being in the State, and however erroneous some lion.
Gentlemen might suppose his views were, they were at least
the result of a good deal of experience, and much consideration
upon the subject.—( Hear, hear.) He would say
he had taken an honest course in sustaining the
measure proposed by the Right Honourable Baronet
at the head of her Majesty's Government, because he was con-
vinced it administered to the wants and wishes, and main-
tained the best interests, of the country ; he would therefore
resist the proposition of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton;
and he was happy to think that he (Col. Connolly) and those
who acted with him, consulted the real interests of the 1 peop.e;
and that the Right Hon. Baronet in bringing forward his
measure, had not lost sight of. that:which would resider this
entire he would appeal to. the good sense and intelligence of
country independent of all the nations theworld. On the
Hon. Gentlemen, and he was .quite sure the Hon. 'Member for
Wolverhampton would find himself in ae most miserable
minority.—( Laughter and cheer s.)
Mr. HAWES assured the House, that at this late period of
the debate, he would not interfere, but that he was anxious to
express the opinions which he entertained with reference to
the question. Ile was quite disposed to speak of every interest
connected with it with moderation, but he should at once state
that it was his intention to support the measure of the Hon.
Member for Wolverhampton for the total and immediate re-
vel of the Corn-laws.—( Hear. ) What was the state
of the present case? The amendment proposed by the
Noble Lord the Member for London had been rejected, and he
( Mr. Hawes) was now called upon by the Hon. Gent. the
Member fat Wolverhampton to support, instead of the Noble
Lord's amendment, a measure for the entire abolition of those
laws. He di.l so, and he was prepared to prove clearly and dis-
tinctly, the grounds upon which he had taken that course.
Before he entered into the consideration of the plan proposed
by the Goveinurent, he wished to •do ample justice
to the motives winch induced her Majesty's Ministers
to bring forward the proposed measure. He was prepared to
admit that the amendment of the present raw proposed in that
measure would be of service to the country—(Cheers from the
Ministerial benches l—and that there would be wed° lay the
present measure a larger trade in corn than hitherto existed.—
( Hear, hear.) He admitted fully that it was the intention of
the Government to amend the law, and that they would
succeed in doing so by the measures they proposed. He did
not think he could more strikingly illustrate that opinion than
by reading to the House the opinions of the gentlemen who are
engaged largely in the foreign corn trade. Three mereliants
admitted that there would be a considerable increase in the
trade in foreign corn if the measure proposed by the Right
Hon. Baronet became a law ; but they apprehended that spe-
culation in the corn trade would remain uneradicated, and that
the measure would cause considerable derangement in the trade.
He begged the attention of the Hon. Members opposite to
that letter, it was addressed from Rostoek, to ione of the
largest mercantile houses in the corn trade in London,
and might, in every respect, be relied upon as expressive
of the opinion; of foreign merchants with respect to the
measure proposed by the Right lion. Baronet; that letter stated
that trade was nearly suspended at Rostock in consequence of
the new Corn-law measure, and it was likely to be so until that
important question was settled, for, until 'then, the merhrtnts
there could not expect any revival in their trade—(Loud cheers
from the Ministerial benches )—as people would not wish to in-
vest their capital in speculations in corn, lest this measure would
interfere with, or impede their interest. As far as they were
concerned they stated that they did not want any alteration at
all, for they hail no doubt that, if foreign corn was introduced
into this country at a lower rate of duty than was at present
paid, it would withdraw a great deal of capital from them. The
letter then proceeded to state, that the merchants at Rostock
hoped that the Duke of Buckingham would succeed in his opposi-
tion. He inferred from that letter that they were opposed to a fixed
duty, because it would be levied upon the holders of stock, and
whilst he sdmitted that the present measure was an amend-
ment upon the present law, he should also say that the state-
ments made as well by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel),
as by the Right. Hon. Gentlem n the Member for Kent, were
sources of considerable gratification. The Right Hon. Baronet
( Sir R. Peel) slid he proposed this measure because he thought
it would be an improvement upon the present law and promote
the interest of the country, because he felt it was the best
measure he could propose ; and the Right Hon. Baronet and
the lion. Baronet the Member for Wiltshire, admitted that
the e laws were the basis of agricultural prosperity, and that
extending the trade in corn would be a benefit to this
country.— ( Hear, hear.) That was no small concession
--it was no small concession that the most sterling
of all the opponents of this measure, should now come down to
the House, and to use their own expressions, support it from
sheer necessity.—( Hear, hear.) On the entire he considered
the protection now given to corn might be, greatly regarded .as
an amendment upon the present law, but yet it was not 'con-
sistent with the interests of the people.—( Ironical cheers from
the Ministerial Benches.) The Hon. Member for, Essex
cheered that obseryation, but he (Mr. Hivree) thoniht he
was entitled to, say, when a law Was' fgesoghee Ncai an
assurance against famine., and ' when Ink fotitrilFthaethepreient
laW was admitted t ) be injurious in its, operatinot, zhe Seras-• en-
titled to say, that there were very great and ^very Material
changes necessary. He cong:atulated himself and the House
upon the change of opinion entertained by the Right Hon.
Bart. the Member for Tamworth, and other Hon. Members
on the opposite side, since this measure was underthe considera-
tio
thenoft HouseHousehenow that lastyeat theyr —(Hears hear)—and he congratu-
lated werefairly
entitled to consider
in our
t h em(e)rpepaoasti
that those epinions were entirely contradictory to the opinions
the Right Hon. Bart. and his friends then entertained upon
Right Hon. Gentleman assumed over
the subject.—(Cheers and counter cheers.) It, was a subject of
congratulation, as the Right Hon. Bart. and Hon. Gentlemen
on his side of the House had changed their opinions, that they
might to-morrow or next (lay apphrozimate to the principles of
which we had a controlhands, ever in our. e those fin. which he
.y .
and in those which no one could control,
propoed no remed s .
mercantile free and unrestricted traadned.
was desirable. T
he said some alteration
The only evils which the
The only security
against the fluctuations
the trade of this country on a broad b •
Lotions was to place disturbances trb ef'sr oi
ems,
in one
so that when wheat was
cheaP and quarter of the globe, it
might continue so in another;f brokers inasmuch, as an example
of quoting from the reports 0 hae (Mr. Hawes) might
perhaps be allowed to I- t_h_*.t example, thetigh
Se did not think it vat
_mir be
one. That from
which he should quote would ae eicsersenz of
credence as that of Alessrs. and Lane, It wits dated
the 31st of December, 1841, and. L-
as
by
by the Associated
Brokers of Liverpool. They began hy alluding to the great
fleet, and then they said th ;
commercial embarrassment.
dof broker ' qt VI AS:
sedation like theirs, compose us el,ery shade gene
timent, much divereitY gloat, of •eoneee, exist,
to to the souse, of pril4frelf;wci. I°Rle rggarded the evils
as of a temporery netnfet,.we. goon disperse, and the
mercatililp body bs restored,
were who
whilst all would gladly concur
in this hope, others there
v:tetem attempting Placed it to the effevt-ef
narrow policy, which, by
eooP
,Sgt° Noy tro withqut
reciprocating it, had at la" t,.r go War 1114
t valuable cus•
tenters deogereue
ti4seho4se rrIF said, was an anomaly
WhollY tinwerthy o an liffe_ eit was to have done so
muc for the country. e
ho ednowever, that these tiesee
were drawing to a close- hly k Rawest Nuld fincl mad};
authorities of high retreeclitlaiLl 'do apuleest opera=
tione afid induence
to "Ititettas Melt Mure se-
vere but he d'el not wls letee-iNn e House by making quo-
tation after quotition; nor yr..' refer to a reportrthough a
b th
most important one, drawn uP Y e hand-loom weavers, who
document.r
made their repert a solemnHe did teat mein, ha
seidi to tr,..,01,!7 'kir that; tie
oentiernan. - oeut4t Well ffis
lynx' no tfiuu t aware o'o
"crikPik t4i:-.44.4l4orati‘nst
of Corti-las4, trade;, and .the• labouring!
the language" was as stronges. had been, made use ofln ;
the most violent speakersß t had who had ever spoken on the que#.
tion. The Right Hon. saidthat he witched
keg corn betw. en 545. and ess. a. qua -ter. 0,1-whic Drittclolo,
was it that the Prime IditaisYq 9,t Cleewselhe'e4liesteene
.. ,