The Sun.
London, England, 1842-11-14 00:00:00

PUDLICATIONS.

son, Walsall ; ReV. J. Green, Vppingham ; Rev.
James Hawkes, Nantwich ; Rev. J. Palmer, Dudley ;
J. P. IVillans, Esq., Huddersfield ; R. R. Moore,
Esq., Liverpool; J. H. Roby, Esq., Newcastle-under-
Lyne ; an•i Mr. Henry Sefton, Stockport. Mr.
Sefton's letter mentioned the registration of 1,213

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with AFTGBANISTAN and CHINA, addressed to
Rear-Admiral Sir 'Edward Tucker, K.C.8., be ROBERT
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members of the League there. The Secretary also
announced the receipt of registration fees from Bil-

ston, Sheffield, Stockport, -Nantwich, Wirksworth,
and Sabden, besides a great number of applications
for registration cards and sheets, the supply of which
had been somewhat retarded by the necessity, of
having new plates cut. These announcements were
received with great applause.
HENRY RAWSON, Esq. moved, and JOIIN
Esq., seconded the appointment of the following
gentlemen to be registrars to the League, which was
agreed to with applause :—Mr. J. Dean, Collie; Mr.
J. Chadwick, Eccles ; and Mr. J. Wragg, Bury.
The CHAIRMAN said they had been honoured by'
the unexpected visit of the Rev. Mr. Shepherd, of
Bury, and he begged to introduce him to the meeting.
The Rev. Mr. SHEPIIERD was received with loud
applause. He said it afforded him great pleasure, as
a minister of that Gospel which offered peace and
happiness to all mankind, to come forward in behalf
of any, cause that had for its object the protection and
the welfare of- his fellow-creatures. He was happy
to inform them that they had a delightful meeting at
Bury last night.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) Their
lecturer was present on the. occasion, and he was sure
that that gentleman's arguments produced a powerful
impression. These were followed up by an able speech
from Mr. Witi!:er, M.P., who pledged himself to the
movement, and he was appy to say that cards were
taken by persons presentf which, when filled up, would
contain sulescriptions to the amount of 5001.—(Ap-
plause.) He had felt a great interest in this move-
ment from the first, and he had endeavoured to bring
it forward in that place where his fellow-creatures
met with him on the Sabbath to receive the bread of
life.—(Hear. hear.) He did so, feeling it to be inti-
mately connected with the present as well as future
destiny of these persons.—(Applause.) He had been
frequently taunted with coming forward to meddle
with political questions since he had done so to be sure
—(Hear, and laughter)—but he should like to ask
what could they meddle with that was not political ?
—(Hear, hear.) If they endeavoured to avoid
meddling with political questions, it was clear, for
instance, in the first place, that they could not
get married, for that' was political.—(Laughter.)
Their little children must not he registered
at their birth—that was political.—(Hear, hear.)
Another thing, they must not speak of the Sabbath-
day ; Sir Andrew' Agnew had made that a political
question.—(Great laughter.) They must not read
the Bible, for the Queen's printer had made that a
political question.—(Renewed laughter.) If any per-
son died he must not be buried, for his death would
have to be registered, and that was a political question.
—(Applause and laughter.) It was clear, therefore,
that religious persons could not avoid politics more
than other persons ; and what question could they
entertain of more vital importance than this was ?---
(Hear.) It was the cause not only of humanity and
justice, but it was the cause of God.—(Hear, hear.)
He had seen much of the misery which existed be-
cause of. the injurious tendency of the Corn-laws.
It would have grieved the hearts of every lady and
gentleman present to have witnessed their late meet-
ing of Sunday scholars ; to have listened to their tales
of distress—distress which had. by their own con-
fession, not only prevented the poor people from
getting food, but had deprived them of raiment, and
hindered them from attending to the worship of God.
If ministers of religion were not to come forward on
such a question as this, he did not know when they
should come forward.—(Hear, hear.) As he
knew there were other speakers to come before
the meeting, he would not longer' occupy their
time than to say, he recollected reading some time
ago of a cobbler who did not like things to be
altered for the worse, and after the appointment of a
certain Noble Marquis to be ranger of Richmond-
park, he commenced an action against him for stop-
ping up an old footpath, and the Marquis was cast.
An individual afterwards asked him how he could
think of daring to go to law with a Marquis ? " Be-
cause," was the reply, " I did not like to leave the
world worse than I found it."—(Applause.) Now,
if we did not abrogate the present Corn-laws, we
should all most assuredly leave the world worse than
we found it---(Hear, hear)—because the Corn-laws
now in operation were certainly more injurious than
any of those which had preceded them.—(Hear, hear.)
He considered these laws to be most unjust in their
origin, injurious in their operation, and ruinous in
their consequences to the whole cdmmunity.
Here there was a cry of want of room in the meet-
ing, and it was stated that, notwithstanding the wet-
ness of the evening, many persons were outside un-
able to gain admission. The interruption having
ceased, I
. Mr. 3.• S. BUCKINGHAM then presented himself,
and was received with the most enthusiastic cheering.
He said he had accepted with the greatest pleasure the
invitation tendered to him to attend that meeting,,for
the purpose of offering to those who mere assembled
some (Allis own experience with respect to facts bear-
ing upon this question, and also to tender to them,
with great deference and respect, the opinions which
these facts had led him to form upon the subject.—
(Hear, hear.) His name, he believed, was sufficiently
familiar to most of them in connection with the great
question of free trade in general—(Hear, hear)—for
it was that which had brought him first to Manches-
ter some ten or twelve years ago, and which had led
him to witness in this then thriving and opulent town
—more so, he grieved to, say', then than be had reason
to believe it was at present—a degree of enthusiasm
manifested upon the subject of free , trade to the
eastern possessions of Great Britain, and to the great

OPINIONS OF THE TRESS.
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41
COUGHS, 'OO-6-5-i, INFLUENZA, HOARSENESS,
ASTHMA, AN D II WIPIENT CONSUMPTION.
IMCO'
S ESS EN CE OF LINSEED is an in-
L-3, valuable remet 13. Price Is. lid. and 2s. 9d. per

From time immem 31-;a1 L.
Bottle.
in the form of tea, an 'd‘ its beset. virtues in the cure of CouAs and Colds ; but previous to the
-weed has been proverbial for its
discovery of the pres( .rt dent cal Essence, it was merely used
Essencecontainsall Linseed in a
Essence
Coughs which has y
highly concentrated . 'orti 1, combined with other reedicinals and
herbs, producin,g the me st certain and efficacious remedy for
Children's Coug as, as recent ones in Adults, will be re-
moved by a few (lop ,es of k limco's Essence of Linseed (frequently
by the first) ; of 1 standit, ig Chronic Coughs may require per-
severance, but 11- ,ey ultinia rely yield its powers.
to curative
Asthmatic p lie
ers„ns, who previously had not been able to
down in bed, 1 Aa-:e received the utmost benefit, and others suf-
fering from I•afiuenza have speedily cured by tit' •valuable
I, een
medicine. ° ht ens discovered.
Children's limited. This

nacy, England's selfishness—not England, perhaps, but
a section of it, and that section the most powerful, be-
cause the law-making was in its hands—that the trade
was not five times as extensive as it was. And why
so ? Because with all our disposition to sell goods,
commerce could exist only by exchange, so trade
could consist in a pouring in on one side, with a pour-
ing back on the other, and since of that pouring back,
grain and cattle formed the most considerable portion,
and these were by the existing laws prohibited, a limit
to the exports must be fixed by a limit to the imports,
and that limit was fixed by British laws.—(Cheers.)
On the question of free trade there was hardly a per»
son in America, even those who had set up manufac-
taring for themselves, and might be supposed to be
swayed by their own interests, who had not cried out,
as the watchword of America, many years—" Free
trade and sailors' rights," meaning free trade with all
the world, and sailors' rights to go with their ships
wherever the water washed the fringe-work of this
globe.—(Applause.) And they were opposed to any
impediment put in the way of free trade, or carrying
—for carrying was free trade. Manufactured goods
must be sold, and when sold they must be transported
to the countries 'where they were sold, and ships must
be employed. Therefore, " Free trade and sailors'
rights," almost every child in America had been taught
:to cry out, as the rallying point upon which the whole
nation must rely. As far as the people were con-
cerned, therefore, no nation was more hostile to tariffs
in general, or more inclined to free trade ; it was their
interest, and the interest of every country that had
more within it than it could itself consume; and if
trade were entirely unrestricted, such nations would
prosper. He had made most extensive journeys in
America, and was surprised, first of all, with the vast-
ness of the country. It was more than 2,000 miles in
length, and more than 1,500 in breadth. It comprised
26 States, and three territories in a state of initiation
to become States. These were, on the average, as
large as England ; a very few were smaller, sev,eral much
larger; but, taking the average or menn,of,the.whole,
they were as large as England. Now, in thqse .terri-
tories and States, their extension over. :a vast area
would be but unimportant, if it were not accompanied
with fertility of soil, and great activity and energy
in the population. Of course mere extent of territory
was nothing. Arabia was a large country, but
nobody talked of trading with it, because it produced
very little. But if there were added to extent of soil
great fertility, and the p:oductive power of the people,
then trade was only wanting to make that country
flourish. Everywhere over the country, from Louisi-
ana in the north, to Florida in the south, and from
New York to the westward, beyond the Mississippi,
there were millions untold of acres, covered with a soil
of from ten to fifteen feat deep, and yielding forty,
forty-five, and in some cases fifty bushels of grain to
the acre. The average capacity of England, taken on
the authority of Mr. Webb Hall, one of the first
authorities on agricultural matters, was but twenty-
six bushels ; and he was prepared to prove to any man
who doubted it, that the average capacity of the
United States amounted to, near forty bushels per
acre. By this increased capacity, the twenty-six
States might be said to be equal to fifty two ; for
New York, though not so large as Virginia, Louisi-
ana, Winconsin, Michigan, or Ohio, contained thirty-
three millions of acres, and Pennsylvania thirty-four
millions. Ireland, a most rich and beautiful country,
and a valuable ally of Great Britain, contained only
twenty millions of acres • and England, Wales, and
Scotland together, only forty-four millions. These
facts would show the almost infinite capacity of pro-
duction in America. In travelling over the western
States, the question of trade with England perpetually
recurred ; and the large proprietors used fre-
quently to ask him, "Do you see any chance of the
people of England compelling the Parliament to re-
peal your Corn-laws ?"—for they understood enough
of our system to know that Parliament originated
nothing of itself. ThiS they thought a great ano-
maly, and he was unable to give any explanation of
it. "First of all (said they) you issue your writs,
directed to the inhabitants of the different towns and
districts ; they seek out the wisest men and send them
up to Parliament. Perhaps they do not always select
the wisest men ; but the
:theory supposes they do.—
(App"ause.) It :is true, sometimes money goes for
wisdom, sometimes corruption, and various things.—
(Applause.) It is true, the millions of the people
cannot.take part in a deliberate assemblage of legis-
lators ; therefore, recourse is had to representation, in
order to select the best and fittest men to represent
the interests of
,the whole body, to Speak their voice,
and to. legislate for them. But the droll part of the
alwayssamielov
tet el y
matter is, when all the wise men, who have been
selected on account of their wisdom, are assembled,
they fold their arms and say, 'Don't let us do any-
thing until the foolish people, who sent us here, kick
us and compel us:—(Applause.) When they cry out
that a thing is necessary, tell them it is not the proper
time. If they insist upon it that it is the proper time,
tell them not to be in too great a hurry; and so coax,
cajole, plead, and persuade, and put them off in the
best way you can. When you cannot help it, when
they speak of a civil war, and we are on the eve of a
revolution, then say the time is come when something
must be done; and then determine that the smallest
amount of what they want is that which ought to be
done."—(Applause.) He had never been able to
make them understand how it was that when the
wisest were sent up to make laws, they always waited
until the most foolish saw what laws were so bad that
they required to be repealed, and drefr out a sketch
for them by petitions, memorials, and deputations,
and, in fact, did their business ; so that, after all, the
great object in sending them was to acquire honour
and distinction for themselves.—(Applause.) lie was
happy that that did not apply to all ; there were two
gentlemen present who were noble examples of what
Members of Parliament ought to be.—(Applause.)
They were now in a minority, and that minority con-
tained some little better than the majority ; but these
were the salt of the earth, without which it would lose
its savour. In the House of Lords it was supposed
that in hereditary descent the requisite wisdom would
be found; in the Commons it was sought through re-
presentation ; but they always waited until the pres-
sure from without compelled them to yield to the
public demand.—(Applause.) He had been asked if
he saw any probability of the Legislature of England
removing the restrictions on the trade in corn. He
had answered he feared the day was not so near as
could be wished ; still, when he remembered that all
the great evils which had pressed on this country had
been;'at one time of their history, apparently incur-
able, and the people apparently in despair, yet in. the
progress of things, a little band had taken the question
up, and leagued themselves with other little bands ;
like a direle occasioned by a stone thrown into water,
their efforts had gone on increasing, until they em-
braced the whole community, and then the fabric fell
to the ground. Thus they had seen the Parliamen-
tary representation improved—certainly it was not so
good as it should he, but it had been rendered better
—(Applause.) They had thus seen the slave-trade
i lawsndsomethingiviodfutahl
es likeat
stood
odd.r religious
dr
yel qiskhueoa "eyadr
thatrecognisedtyr
s,ae r
were first
and slavery abolished, religious tests put down, and
,titlreammopslteudpo-nhi;llyNevtortkhetihratspcioruit,ldtbhee conceived;
individuals
at, trampled
and the genuine justice of their sbit'tyo nwt eha scle,
triumphed. And this, he predicted, without
cause ulti-
assuming to be a greater prophet than others, would
be the result of the labours of this League, whose
voice, going fortis from that hall, would be responded
to, not by 48 letters which they had received that
morning,.but by 4,800 ; and they would have to em-
ploy additional secretaries to read them--(llear)—and
Manchester would gain immortal honour by being
the rising star whOse light would be shed all over the
country, until not a man nor woman would stand up
in defence of these odious laws.—(Applause.) He
had told them in America he feared this event was
not so near as they could wish, yet the history of
England was full of proofs that truth was great and
mighty, and would prevail ; and there being truth
and justice in the demand for an unrestricted trade
between. these two countries, he hoped to live to see
the banner of free trade waving in the wind, and both
nations recognising it as the only true bond by which
they could be united.—(Applause.) Ire had travelled
over the Mississippi and across the broad valley of
which it formed the centre ; it possessed capacity for
the sustentation of one hundred millions of individuals,
and at present there were seventeen millions in the
country. These seventeen millions, in their wants
and desires, represented a much larger number.
There were seven or eight millions in Ireland, hilt,
owing to their extreme poverty, and the degraded
state to which they were reduced by bad laws and
oppression, they did not consumeso much of clothing,
furniture, and utensils of various kinds of English
manufacture, as did a single million of persons in
America.—(Hear, hear.) I,lence the custom of a
million of Americans was worth as much as that of the
whole of Ireland ; for customers were valuable, first,
in proportion to their number, and then in proportion
to to spend, and their possession of the
capacity to
If America had coals and
minerals,there would be scarce any trade between
articles
t e theirr
w

the greater the necessity for exertion, the more were
they called upon to make it; and since it appeared
that that enthusiasm had abated, and a change had
come over the minds 'of some at least, it was most
agreeable to him to see.so large a section before him,
animated -by the same Spirit'as then, and determined
to go forward as they went forward- then, and never
to sit down in quiet until their great object was ac-
complished.--L-(Applanae.) Since that time, now twelve
years ago, he had had twelve-years' experience, and
that experience had'heen more than usually diversi-
fied: Because, first of all, it had led hini over every
part of the kingdoin ' a for he had begun at Liverpool
and Manchester, and had afterwards gone through
every part of England, every part of .• Seotlande anal,
every .part of Ireland, except the extreme south; and'
all' the varied experience which that tour -had given
him, had served but to rivet his- conviction stronger,
and to add new testimonies not only to the value of free
trade in general, but of free trade in the food of man
in particular.—(Applause.) Subsequently to that, he
had had the opportunity of sitting side by side—he was
proud to say it, with•his Hon. Friend on his left Mr.
Brotherton, in the House of Commons—(Applause)—
and there, as his friend knew well, they had had the
opportunity of hearing-all that could be said against
the principles of. free trade, and he confessed he never
heard an argument there worthy of answering.—(Aia
plause.) They were so contemptible—either so false
in fact, or so contemptible in reasoning—that the pro-
per'way to treat them was to turn aside with scorn.
They were-not worth the attention of any man claim-
ing to be a man of intelligence ; and the wonder al-
ways was to him, how men professing to be men
of intelligence, many of them having had ' a uni- •
veasity education, and some heving won the great
honour of . senior wrangler at Olford or Came
bride—(Applause)----hew they
.ventured to keep a
grave face, and make the assertions which they did,
and expect any person to believe them.—(Applause.)
Arid for a time, he had thought it was a kind of ex-
peeitneat to
.see how far authority and station would
go, in exacting a sort of base and slavish . homage to
dogmas and fallacies the most absurd he ever listened
to. And certainly the experiment had suc-ceeded; but
if he had'been told beforehandthat such men, a leader
of the Cabinet, fee instance, or of the Opposition,
would say,auch and such things, and that those things
would be supported by men who were selected from
among their respective communities as the wisest men
to go
.up to Parliament and take a share in making
the laws, he should have conceived it quite impossible,
aild should have been ready, according to the approved
English method of supporting an; opinion, to hare laid
a wager of a hundred to one., that. such. a thing was
utterly impossible.—(Applause-) Nevertheless, he
had seen it, and was, therefore, compelled to believe
it ; and, after all he had. heard . during the six years
he had sat in that great assembly of ." potent, grave,
!) and reverend seignors(Apoause)—he confeseed
he had not heard a single argument to shake his faith
for a moment in the great doctrine, ..that free-trade
•was designed by God in the way, that he had formed
the globe and varied its preductions ; that all history
tended to show the wickedness as: well as •the folly of
monopoly; and that.they were the only true friends
to the human race who set their sheuh:ers to the wheel
to destroy these monopolies, and to introduce a free
exchange of, the produce of, all 'nations.—(Applause.)
Subsequent to that, he -had had -
.another : sphere of
experience,'ucross the Atlantic, in the United States
of Anerica:-(Applause.) And •he might say,
without- arrogating to himself any merit on that
account, that -his was not a flying
steam-boat
visit, to run on railroads,here And there, look out at
the windows, end then come home, and give some de-
Scription of 'the country ; but it was a careful, delibe-
rate, and patient investigation ; and if they only gave
him credit for possessing the average amount of abi-
lity to observe, and the average amount of veracity todescribe what he had observed, they
could not but ad-
mit that his opportunities had been very great. And
though it was-very possible for a man to form a tole-
rably accurate conception of countries by the books
that described them, yet every one who had tried the
experiment knew that seeing the. .places themselves,
going through the country, and bolding personal
shbnolaoo:toedto.
communication with the people, put
session of a thousand things,- and created a variety of
a person in pos.
impressions which no amount of reading could sug-
gest.—(Applause.) It had
him—
and he agreed in it=that it would be becoming in
him, and would advance the interest' of the great cause
they espoused, were he to confine himself to what he
had seen in America, and the observations which his
been suggested to
opportunities had enabled him to make-as to the great
resources of that country
in-
jury which both America and England.suffered from
the folly of one or both of - their Legislatures ; for
those who placed hindrances in the way of the in grain, and as to the
ex-
change of the produce of one man's labour for that of
another, were equally wicked' and foolish, whether
monarchicaharistocratical, or republican.—(Applause.)
After all, it came to this, as a political question ; for
he agreed with the Rev. Gentleman who had just sat
down, that there was scarcely any topic they could
pc
ot
es (el d.
speak of or introduce, but was more or less a• political
question. Some. understood by politics one thing, and
it to mean the broils in
with which politics
necessary or indispensable. Politics, as he Butunder-
,aonimoot,filtiesentrif,eese,onam7cedosnunipie.ruptioil ,
that connexion was
government was to decrease as
government, and the great end
tcnteoafnht
human
nan
much as, possible the amount of evil in the world, and
to increase as much as possible the amount of good.
:_—(Applause.) -No man would say that politics, in
that sense of the term, was unworthy a minister of the
astirldobitie
Gospel, a female at the head of nn establishment, or
the youngest child that could lisp a truth at all. We
were all, by duty as well as by interest, deeply bound
to do all we could ; first, in the limited circle 'in
which we moved, and then in the more extended
sphere of influence in which God might plant us, to
diminish the amount of suffering among the human
family and increase the amount ofhappineSa. God having,
created us to that end, and given us a capacity to en-
joy pleasure, politics-, in that sense of the term,. was
not only not objectionable in connection with any
pursuit whatever, but it was the bounden duty of
every man to attend to it. He who understood it
most distinctly, and pursued it with the most inte-
grity and purity, was, likely to effect the greatest
good ; and he who shrunk from it as something
with which he had no concern, profesSed and con-
fessed himself a selfish and unthinking being, unable
to do good*, others, and, therefore. deserving : of be-
ing cut off from that good whiCh others did to'him,—
(Applause.) On his visit to America, to which he
would now briefly confine himself, he had no sooner
landed on the shores of that country than- he was
struck with the amazing energy and activity that
were manifested in everything he, saw around him.
He -saw in that
.country a capacity, so far as the dis-
position and enterprise
.. of the people were con-
cerned, for . the most extended and advantageous
trade that a country could carry on ; and, in harmony
with thatdiapositionehe learnt that there was scarcely
a sea which washed any portion of the globe where
the .Aineriaan. flag was not seen, and American en-
terprise had not penetrated. But, he said to himself,
in the nature of things the commerce between Eng-
land and America ought to be not only more. than
that with every other country, but equal to that of
all other countries in the,-world combined.
And why ?
Because England speaking the same language, • pro-.
fessieg the same religion, enjoying the same literati
ture, sprung from the same-stock, and, to a very
great degree, having the same manners and customs,
had ,in addition to all these bonds of sympathy, the
power, from her mineral wealth and the capital and
skill by' which it, was directed, the power to supply
America much-cheaper and better than she could sup-
ply herself, with almost everything, whether apparel,
furniture, instruments, for agricultural purposes, or
the implements which artisans of every class would
need; whilst that in which England was particularly
deficient, the power of extending her territory, and
increasing the amount of her produce, God seemed to
have given to America as that which she was to repay
to us in the largest amount that she could send out,
for the resources of that country in the. produce of
grain and cattle were absolutely boundless and un •
limited. Seeing that those elements existed, and learn-
ing on inquiry that the commerce with England -was
far less, not only than it ought to be, but less than it
had been in some former periods, he had asked himself
what could be the reason, and no American whom lie
consulted but lamented it as well as he did, and saw as
clearly as he did, that the cause was England's obsti-

1 the two countries; it was because each country pro.
ducel in abundance what the other was deficient o.
that they were marked out for trade. In this country
the warehouses were weighed down with productions
we could not consume, and mills were going without
any profit at all. Not only content to hold their own,
but being patient under daily loss, in the hope that
things would mend, and to see on the other side the
Atlantic waving fields of grain, ripe for the sickle, and
hundreds of quarters rotting and wasting for -Want of
some foreign market ; to see besides millions of acres
of land lying waiting for the spade or the plough-
was really enough to try the patience of an angel, and
he was astonished that the stones in the streets did not
rise up in mutiny, and that every man, woman, and
child, was not in arms.-(Loud cheering.) Suppose
that in Manchester the hatters on one side of the
street were prevented from exchanging their goods
with the shoemakers on the other, by a line of police-
men, or dragoons, or yeomanry, stationed in the
middle, this would be very hard, but hats and shoes
might be done without. But change the case, and
suppose the supply of bread thus interdicted; the con-
sequences would be very different; fOr, as Lord
Bacon observed, " Hunger would break through stone
walls," and no rebellion was so bad to put down as a
rebellion of the belly. We had got these policemen,
whether they called 'themselves Cabinet Miniatersi,or
any thing else, in the men who made laws to prevent
the grain, cattle, and other productions of America
from coming into this:country.-(Applause.) When
he talked to the Americans of free trade, he was told
to go home, and let our Legislature show the example.
America contained twenty agriculturiAs to one ma-
nufacturer ; all the manufactories were in New Eng-
land, and did not employ so many people as hlanches-
ter. But as every one had a vote there, the ao-bricul-
Wrists would outvote the manufacturers, and admit
our goods if we would let them do so. Mr. Buck-
ingham then alluded to the appalling distress at pre-
sent existing, to the depression of the shipping trade,
as well as of the manufacturing interest ; and, in con-
clusion, urged the duty on every one of contributing
all that in him lay towards obtaining perfect freedom
of trade. At the conclusion he was loudly cheered.
JOSEPH BROTHERTON, Esq., M.P., next presented
himself, and was warmly greeted by the meeting.
He said he hoped they gave him credit for too much
discretion to attempt to weaken the effect of the ex-
cellent speech they had just listened to by any length-
ened remarks of his own. The remarks made by'a i 3
excellent friend, in reference to the House of Com
mons, had often occurred to himself ; he had often
wondered at the stupid arguments brought forward
by the monopoliats ; but there was one fallacy in his
friend's remarks which lie would like to correct. His
friend had complained that the House of Commons
did not consist of the wisest people, as it ought to do ;
now, it struck him (Mr. Brotherton) that' tlie House
of Commons was not so deficient of wise men as of
honest men.-(Laughter and applause.) Another
mistake had been fallen into by his friend. He had
talked of the foolish people sending these wise men
to the House. NoW, the fact was, that they were
not, unfortunately, sent by the people at all.-(Laugh-
ter and applause.) The Foolish people would have the
wisdom, if the matter rested with them, of sending
very different men. The mischief was with the pre-
sent constitution of the Legislature-that the Lords
were born to be legislators-(Laughter)-while the
majority of the Commons bought their constituents.
-(Applause.) It was continually urged by some of
these men that the League made it out that there
was much more distress than really existed. The fact
was that these men would not believe that distress ex-
isted. In almost every state of society some men
would be making money; but our legislators were
inclined to disbelieve every representation of distress
till all our manufacturers should have become bank-
rupts, and the whole of our operatives paupers.-(Ap-
plause.) We saw our working population destitute
of clothing; their hearths without fuel ; our work-
houses were filled with paupers; our gaols with crir
initials, and every person was complaining of distress,
from the, lowest artisan to the leading merchants and
manufacturers. Our shopkeepers found their busi-
ness dwindling away ; and they had it on the autho-
rity of the Rev. Gentleman who first addressed them,
that at Bury, the communicants of their religious so-
cieties were compelled to absent themselves from the
public worship of God for want of:clothing ; and was
all this to go for nothing ? He saw it stated in the
Morning Chronicle that, on the:2sth of March, 1840,
the number of paupers in the country was 1,200,000 ;
at the same period of 1841, the number was 1,300,000,
being an increase of eight and a half per cent. in one
year.-(Hear.) The existence of distress, then, was IRIS El FAIRS-DECLINE in PRICES.
undeniable, and there was not a person he was sure . THE MARKETS.-PRICE or PROVISIONS.-At the
before him who did not attribute that distress to the fairs and markets held in thii county during the past
iniquitous Corn-laws. He believed that nothing but week provisions and agricultural produce of all de-
the eatablishment of free trade could save the country. scriptions sold at reduced' rates, without the least
-(Applause.) .It had been observed in that room the symptom of improvement. Horned cattle, sheep, and
other night that Solomon, the wisest man cf his day, pigs have been considerably reduced in value, the
was a free-trader-(Applause)-and we read that owners finding a great difficulty in procuring some-
when the Queen of Sheba visited his kingdom, "happy what more than one-half the price obtainable last
were the nation, and happy the people, that stood year ; but the butchers persist in demanding a com-
around his throne."-(Applause.) His belief was, paratively enormous price for beef and mutton. Ex-
that by following Solomon's policy in this nation we cellent heifer beef, alive, is sold weekly from 2d. to
should enjoy happiness and prosperity.-(Hear, hear.) 3d. per pound. Why the transition from life to death
He looked upon free trade as the only means of get- should increase its value, in many instances, more
ting rid of those obnoxious tariffs which foreign coun- than twofold, we are really at a loss to imagine. The
tries, imitating our own foolish and selfish policy, had article of corn, oats particularly, is rather in a stag-
adopted against us.-(Hear, hear.) Sir Robert Par nant condition, with every prospect of further reduc-
had expressed his belief in the principles of free trade ; tion. On Saturday last oats of a good description
he (Mr. Brotherton) should be glad to see him act on were purchased freely at 3s. per cwt. ; shipping oats,
those principles.-(Applause.) He was astonished to 4s. to 4s. 6d. per cwt. 'Bacon and butter are also ex-
see the course taken by the Tory papers, some of ceedingly low, to the evident mortification of the
which advised the annihilation of the League- farmer.-Castlebar Telegraph.
(Laughter)-a policy which he thought Government The reports of the various fairs for the present
would not readily be persuaded to attempt. He congra- month are, without a solitary exception, still more
tulated the League on the impression they had made, cheerless for the grazier than those held in the pre-
and were making on the public mind in their ad- ceding month of October. Indeed, all that now ap-
vocacy of this question, and expressed his belief pears to be hoped for by the mercantile interest is,
that their labours would be speedily crowned with that the panic, caused partly by the working of the
complete success. He was happy to see so many tariff, and in a great measure having its source in the
ladies engaged in this cause. A lady had asked distemper which raged with such fatal effect during
him the other day the nature of this law; and the past summer, has exhausted itself; and that mat-
lie would give them the simple illustration he ters having, to all appearances, come to the worst, gn
had used on that occasion. He said, " Suppose the amendment may be soon reasonably expected. The
Manchester markets were insufficiently supplied with following are the latest accounts :-
food, and suppose the Manchester Town Council to FAIR or BALLA.-Farrners and o-raziers fancied in
b
be provision dealers,_ and that they sold the quartern their simplicity that the prices obtained for stock at
loaf for 9d., but that in Salford it could be bought the once important fair of Ballyheane, held in October,
for 6d. The people, of course, would be inclined to had reached the lowest point; but they were dis-
go to Salford. But suppose the Town Council had agreeably
disappointed on Monday last, at the. Balla
the power to set a toll-bar upon Victoria-bridge, and fair, where it is an admitted fact that prime beef sold
charge a tax of 3d. on every loafthat
through it.--(Hear.) Now, sup sethe condition-some
was brought at the rate of lid. per pound. There was. an abun-
people of dant supply of cattle in excellent con
Manchester were compelled to buil; their bread from
the people in Manchester, or give 3d. tax in addition generally expected-every man bean ng in view the
splendid heifers and bullocks, far beyond. what was
to the price in Salford, this was the Corn-laws."-depressedstate of trade, and the possibility of
present
(Applause.) But it was but half of it. The result but the de-
was this-the .hatters of Manchester, and the shoe- rather than wait for that contingency ;
still lower prices, deeming it advisable to sell now
makers of Salford, wanted to exchange. The hatter h of the stock left thesays--I want to buy my bread in Salford, where I was that fully five-eighths
viand proved exceedingly limited, and the consequence
Bourke, of
•Ballina, bought a
fair-
could get 201bs. for my hat, in Manchester you will green unsold. Mr. J.
only sell me 151b5., I. want, therefore, to exchange score of bullocks from .
Alr. Robert Bowen.. at five
with Salford. The answer is-You cannot do that less than 61. 10
months since no s. Mr.
; guineas per head, fur which the owner paid twelve
you cannot exchange with them for bread ; you or fourteen
may exchange with them for anything that is of P
cent. under the Peer Bourke sold some heifers at fully thirty per
no value to you, such as spices and luxuries, but not
at amount
of sheep, the very best
for bread.--(Hear, hear.) That was the Corn-laws. There was a great
they originally cost him.
-(Applause.) Mr. Brotherton concluded by pro- quality not realising more than 2d. per pound. The
posing a vote of thanks to
Mr. Buckingham, to whose over abundance
of the supply, with the scarcity of
name was afterwards added that of the Rev. Mr. Purchasers, made the trade in mutton very heavy, and
Shepherd, of Bury, for their excellent addresses. prices receded. Indeed, throughout the day, the
non-remunerative character of the sales appeared to
RICHARD COBDEN, Esq., M.P., next rose, and was
depress the spirit of the graziers-affluent as well as
received with deafening shouts of applause. He said
there was one remark had fallen from his Hon. Friend, needy-who not unfrequently poured out curses
. loud and deep on Sir Robert Pebrs, devoted head.
Mr. Brotherton, with which he very strongly con- loud
of petty farmers who drove their heifers,
curved. It was, that in the Legislature of this country
. mulch cows, .sheep, and pigs to this fair, for the pur-
there was a great disposition . to over-rate the import
pose of making out the amount of their rent and
ance of speech-making.-(Hear, hear.) He cordially
t
seconded the vote of thanks, and he hoped they should tithes, now due and payable, could not effect sales on
have the co-operation of his friend Mr. Buckingham any terrhs, even at great sacrifices.-Ibid.
on this
.question again. lie had reminded them of rAGIIMON FAIR.-The fair held on Friday in
. ds his labours in this country some years ago to open Taghmon was largely attended with all kin of
stock, but more than usual dulness pervaded every
the trade to the East, and he - thought most of the
meeting would recollect how much lie had been the department of business!. The prices of horned cattle
means, on that occasion, of contributing to the settle- were merely nominal, and very few sales effected.
ment of that important question.-(Applause.) He Mileh cows sold at from 71. 15s. to 101. Sheep 15s.
thought they invited him to a co-operation with them to 275., and `of the immense quantity, of pigs none
at a most important and rather tempting period of were able to exceed 265. 6d. per cwt. In stores there
their agitation ;in fact, they asked him "to come and was but a trifling business.- Wexford Conservative.
pursue the triumph and partake the gale." They asked . Scar fair on Saturday bore all the characteristics of
him to come and pay a few visits in their great cause
different parts of the country, and if he did he Taghmon the day previous, and, if possible, the de-
tomand and sales were yet more dull.- TVexford Con-
:would carry this important question by acclamation. ser votive. .
-(Applause.) They had heard from the announce- • BELFAST PAHL-The fair was held yesterday, and
ments made by the Chairman, and the correspondence was in all respects a very indifferent one. The show
ging " i
which had been read, some of the encoura • of horses was very poor, and few sales were effected.
s
of the times." Now he attributed much of this fee ins
The cattle market was tolerably well supplied and
to the malignity and falsehood of the attacks made of. sales, however, were dull, mid ninny beasts
the Anti-Corn-law League by their enemies.-(Hear.) 'the ground unsold.-Belfast Chron.
mes.-(Hear.) attendedere ;
driven
oil.
It was a short-sighted policy CLONMEL ,
NOKFMBER FAIR.-There was a large
on the part of their ene-
mies, from Blackwood down to the John Bull.- attendance on Saturday. Fat Cows were in demand,
(Hear, and laughter.) It was a short-si ht 1 g cc policy. and sold from Si. to 101. Mulch cows averaged from
to commence a tirade of falsehood 7/.. to 91. Heifers brought from 4/. to 4/. 103. Year-
theand slander against : . ,
League, when, if the had ling were purchased at 21. 10s. to 31. Fat sheep
y known anything of I
their fellow-countrymen rated at 20a. to 30s. .blethers found buyers at 28s.
and , the -must I
women, .ea
have been sure that directly to :los.
, p•,,- 265. to
I,s, fit for bacon, were bought at .
their calumnies were
detected they would recoil ' with tenfold force upon 295. per cwt. Good horses were scarce. The busi-
themselves.--(Loud cheers.) He moved a Vote of ness done at this fair was at lower prices than hereto-
thanks to their slanderers for the good they had :done fore.-Pipperary Free Press.

se"
-------
them.--(Renewed cheers and laughter.) But their
excellent Chairman had not ,told them all they had
done. It was right their distant friends should know
that, in contributing to the League fund, they were
snot sending money to be applied for local purposes,
but that they were labouring to educate the entire
population of these islands.—(Cheers.) They had
been labouring for years, but with what contemptible
means! • A small knot of individuals with a few
thousands only, scattered over a period of several
years, attempting to educate a nation ! Why, the
notion was absurd; and it was only a marvel they
should have made the progress they had.—(Hear,
hear.) To carry out the objects of the League
as originally designed, they needed that which
they were now seeking and obtaining—national
co-operation. And it was due to the country at
large, that they should understand that in contri-
buting to the funds of the League, they were only
-sending its reservoirs here a contribution to enable
the tour cil to spread it abroad in fertilising showers,
over the whole extent of the country.—(Applause.)
There was one plan adopted which probably most of
them had heard of. The Council of the League had,
a short time since, advertised for Prize Essays, show-
ing the injurious operations of the Corn-laws upon
farmers and farm labourers.—(Applause.) By the
first of this month, the time limited, they received a
large number. Three had been selected from that
number ; and, having had an opportunity of perusing
them, he must say that he anticipated the greatest re-
sults from their publication.—(Hear, hear.) One of
them was written by a tenant farmer in Scotland,
paying 1,5001. a year rent, and he said, " I have laid
out a large sum of money which I expect to be re-
imbursed before the expiration of my lease, and yet
I should be delighted to see the Corn-laws abolished
before the end of the next session of Parliament."—
(Applause.) Now, the League were going to print
a million copies of each of these three prize
essays.—(Cheers) He exp.ected in another fort-
night every printing-press in Manchester would he
in full operation .for the Anti-Corn-law League.—
(Cheers.) They were aware the Council of the
League had arranged a
plan for separating the country
into districts, placing an
authorised agent_ and lec-
turer over each, for the purpose of dispensing, as he
had said before' not merely a tract, but a condensed
library, on the Corn-laws. They had done the work
in the country; they had the most of the kingdom
almost complete in its organisation; and these prize
essays, in addition to the other books, should be placed
in the hands of every elector in the kingdom.—
(Cheers.) Now, the monopolist papers said they
should not be able to raise the 50,0001. fund. They
said they might as well ask a hundred thousand.
Why, the fact was, that the Council began to feel
that the money raised would be likely to exceed that
sum.—(Hear, hear.) So they saw what a capital
estimate they had formed of the spirit abroad. They
had not waited for the country to respond ; they said,
" We'll spend the money first ; we'll put ourselves in
pledge for it, and we'll trust to our bread-eating
countrymen to take us out of pawn."—(Loud
cheers.) This was eminently a question of money,
and the amount of money which had been pro-
posed to be raised, though it was an insignificant
sum in proportion to the object to be achieved,
would be a much larger fund than was ever raised
in this country before, for whatever object. He was
speaking to one of the Society of Friends the other
day, and he said the largest sum • ever raised in the
anti-slavery cause was 7,0001. Fifty thousand
at one whif, therefore, would not be a bad contribu-
tion for the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Hear, hear.).
But he was not going to tell his friends what might
lead them into the mistake that the money could be
raised without exertion.—(Laughter.) But there
was no reason why they should not raise even more
than the sum proposed. He was talking with some
friends the other day, who said the League would
raise a quarter of a million.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he
really thought if their opponents were to be con-
vinced of this they would knock under in a moment.
—(Applause and laughter.) He had spoken to a
gentleman who said it had been asked in the clubs of
London if he really thought the 50,0001. could be
raised. He was assured it could : upon which he said,
" Well, he did not think the 'Carlton Club could
raise 10,0001. to oppose the ."—(Laughter.) No—
they had spent all their money in the last elections,
and now they found it was all thrown away. They
did not know their men.—(Great cheering.) He be-
lieved the county electors were so dissatished at the
result of the last election, that, they would now Le
disposed to come to the Anti-Corn-law League in the
hopes of getting something by them, as they could not
get anything by their former friend..—(Laughter and
applause.) And after the experience they had had of
their landowner friend, who contributed h is 1001., he
should not be surprised if, before the League finished,
they should enrol the Duke of Buckingham as a
member of the League.—(Great cheering and laugh-
ter.) He begged most cordially to second the vote of
thanks to Mr. Buckingham, and deeply he felt in-
debted to him for his exhortation here to-night. Mr.
Cobden resumed his seat amidst great cheering.
Mr. Alderman BROOKS supported the vote of thanks,
and said, especially to the ministers of the Gospel
were they indebted for braving the calumnies of men
ever ready to attribute wrong motives, and taking
their stand on this great question.—(Applause.)
The motion was carried by acclamation, and the
meeting soon afterwards separated.

LOND ON :
MONDAY MORNING. NOVEMBER 14, 1842.

Mr. O'CoNNon, and every other demagogue, is
reproached with seeking power by flattering the
passions and prejudices of the people. To flatter
plssion acid prejudice, therefore, in order to gain
power, is an immoral thing, worthy of reproach.
In what respect, however, does Sir ROBERT PEEL
differ from Mr. O'CoNNon ? lie first flattered
The passions and the prejudices of the landowners
and the Conservatives to gain, and he still con-
tinues to flatter them to keep, power. He gives
up his own opinions and adopts theirs.
We are aware, indeed, of one great difference
between the men. It is not said, and certainly
not proved against Mr. O'CoNNoR, whatever may
he surmised, that he is not hearty and sincere in
believing that the scheme of policy which he
propose, and which would confer power on him,
would be very beneficial to the community at
large. But it is asserted by Sir It. PEEL that it
would be for the advantage of the community for
individuals to he allowed to buy always at the
cheapest market, and yet he opposes their demands
out of deference to the men he serves. Mr.
O'CoNNox may be sincere in his flatteries and in
his appeals to the prejudices of the multitude.
Sir R. PEEL is insincere in succumbing to the
prejudices of the landowners, and this moral dif-
ference between the two is all to Mr. O'CON-.
NOR'S advantage.
There is another difference betwixt them which
is considered extremely favourable to Sir R.
PEEL, though it appears to have no moral recom-
mendation. Mr. O'CONNOR flatters the preju-
dices and passions of the multitude, in order to
effect, if he can, great political changes ; Sir R.
PEEL does the same thin, to prevent such
changes. He wishes to keep institutions as they
are, or only slowly and covertly, as in the case of
the Canada Corn-law, to alter them. It is
reckoned a merit in him to stand by old institu-
tions, and a demerit in Mr. O'CorrNon that he
wishes to alter them.

The praise of the one and the blame of the
other• is just, if the old institutions be good, and
the proposed institutions bad, not otherwise.
Now, no man can foretell with perfect certainty
that Mr. O'CONNOR'S plan would lead to evil,
though all the moderate and the influential
classes believe it would ; at the same time, it is
quite certain that the laws and institutions which
Sir ROBERT PEEL upholds, have caused
great evil to society. Look at the load of taxa-
tion which is part of their produce. Look
at the gross ignorance, chilling poverty, and ex-
treme misery of great multitudes of the people,
which those institutions have been expressly
framed to prevent, and have not prevented.
Look at the State protecting the clergy, who
preach poverty as a virtue, in extorting, year
after year, an immense revenue from a
starving people. Look at the landowners,
secured in a monopoly of the soil, making that
advantage a pretext, and passing laws to carry
out the pretext, for stinting the people's food,
and stifling their trade. Look at the upper '
classes, particularly the landowners, claiming

honour and obedience, for the purpose, as they
say, of protecting the people, and using the power
they claim only to fleece:them, to harass, and to
torture them. Whatever might be the dire
effects of Mr. O'CONNOR'S plan to the now
privileged classes, it could not possibly be pro-
ductive of worse effects than the existing system
to the bulk of the industrious classes. There is,
consequently, no more moral demerit in wishing
to alter existing institutions than in wishing to
retain them, and on this point Sir R. PEEL has
no other pre-eminence over Mr. O'CoNNon than
that be flatters the prejudices and the passions
of those who are in possession of political power,
and anxious to keep it.

Mr. O'Cowrzon, and all that class of men, affirm
that they mean to promote the public welfare.
In general their motives are considered different,
and it is shrewdly suspected that they only
want to promote their own interest. Nor •can
we wonder whatever protestations they make at
the existence of the suspicion. So many persons
in various ages and countries have tried their
hands at schemes to this end without success; it
is felt by all reasonable men, at least when new
political schemes are broached—that society is
so extremely complicated, its interests are so
varied and so vast--so much beyond the compre-
hension, let alone the grasp, of any ordinary
human intellect—that those who propose schemes
for the re-formation of society are generally
looked on as mere visionaries or designing
knaves. No sensible person trusts them. Only
very ignorant men, or men plunged in despair
feom the long continuance of unrelieved oppreL-
sion, believes their assertions, or derive any hope
from their promises.
But if these men are suspected, none but sheer
spoonies believe the landlords and their toadies,
when they assert, or it is asserted for them, that
they have the good of society at heart. Selfish-
ness, unmitigated selfishness, is engraved on all
their acts. They aim at no other object than to
preserve their own power, secure their own
ease, increase their own enjoyment, and augmen t
their own wealth. We do not state that as a
reproach to them; it is human nature,
and it is too well known for their pro-
testations of disinterestedness to be for one
moment believed. Between them and the
demagogues there is no other difference what-
ever than that they are in possession of privileges,
and the others wish to share them. The insti-
tutions which they seek to preserve, are as ex-
clusively founded on selfishness as would be the
institutions the others propose. On this ground
we cannot see that the demagogues are more
blameable than the aristocracy ; or that those
who flatter the multitude have any greater de-
merit in their attempts to attain political power,
than those have who flatter the prejudices of the
selfish landlords to the same end.

If, as the opponents and enemies of dema-
gogues—those who, being in possession, wish to
remain undisturbed—assert the conduct of
the demagogues is so worthy of reproach, we
hope they will excuse us for saying that their
own greatest favourites are just as liable to such
reproaches as the demagogues. That the dema-
gogues know better is not certain ; but it can
scarcely be supposed that statesmen do not. We
conclude on the whole, therefore, that the former
are possibly the better men of the the two, as
they are more honest and more sincere.

The annual meeting of the Derby Liberal
Operative Association took place in the Lecture-
ball on Tuesday, when about four hundred mem-
bers sat down to dinner. Mr. THOMAS GISBORNE,
formerly Member for the county, was in the
chair, and made a speech well suited to the oc-
casion. "I can understand," said lie, " how a
King, or a Queen, or a Prince, should be a Tory.
I can understand why hereditary legislators, and
bishops, and lawyers, and squires should be
Tories; but for the life of me I cannot under-
stand why an operative should be a Tory. When
an operative becomes a Tory, his friends (if lie
has any) should begin to look after him." When
the ,Tories were in opposition, great exertions
;'were made to bring the operatives over to their
side. They were courted by Tory leaders, asso-
ciations were formed ostensibly for their benefit,
but in reality to weaken and annoy the Govern-
ment, and now that the " friends" of the lower
classes have obtained their object, all these Pro-
testant, and Tory, and Conservative Clubs,
have sunk into utter oblivion. What other re-
sult could these dupes of a political party ex-
pect ? Between them and the aristocracy there
can be no feelings in common. They are debarred
in general from all participation in the franchise,
while they are compelled to pay heavy taxes for
the support of armies, and navies, and institutions,
from which the higher classes derive all the
advantages. All the great items of revenue are
raised on articles of consumption used by the
lower classes. The taxes on malt, tobacco,
sugar, tea, British spirits, and bread, amounting
to more than twenty millions sterling, are paid
chiefly by the operatives; while the sums
contributed by the aristocracy do not amount to
a tithe of the whole ; and could these Tory opera-
tives, men, in Mr. GISBORNE'S opinion, fit only
for Bedlam, imagine for a moment that the pri-
vileged class would allow them a share in the '
representation, or confer on them additional
power, for the purpose of destroying that fabric
which the higher classes,for good:reasons,consider
the ornament and security of the country? No.
The operatives must trust to themselves and the
middle classes. They must conduct themselves
with firmness and discretion, support those who
encourage education, and thereby prepare the way
for their emancipation. They must trust neither to
Whig, nor Tory, nor Conservative. When united,
no Government could resist their just demands,
but these demands must be made without vio-
lence, without exciting fear among all persons
possessed of property, and without putting forth
wild revolutionary schemes which have defeated,
and ever will defeat, the great object in view.
On this subject Mr. GISBORNE makes the follow-
ing sound remarks :

IVe are placed in a critical position. we see on
one side a Ministry who denied the distresses of the
people, or•who, if they admitted, never heeded them,
as if they were not of the slightest importance. pwohrtoa,
n operatedce o 0
the other side we see some persons
upon by an overweening vanity— or perhaps by more
venial influences—have endeavoured to pervert the
' minds of the working classes and to withdraw their
confidence from those who have steadily and disinte-
restedly laboured in their cause. Now I warn you against
both these parties. I warn you against the Government—
though I believe it is almost unnecessary. I warn you
against those whom I believe to be self-interested, igno-
rant pretenders to an influence by which they expect
to be personally benefited. Between these two parties
it behoves us to act firmly and wisely. I hope the
operatives of this country will not mistake ignorant
and selfish firebrands for their friends. Not that I
mean to cast any. slur upon leaders that have
sprung from the working-classes. On the contrary,
I like to see leaders spring up from the operative
classes, and two very brilliant examples of that class
are now giving proof of their high qualities. But do
not let them be deluded by vain and showy people,
who come among them and tell them wild tales about
the feats they can perform, which any man who re-
flects for a moment will find to be utterly imprac-
ticable.

The Journal des Debats and the Courrier
Francais have long articles on.
(the annual re-
port made by the Administration of Customs,
relative to the commerce of France with foreign
countries and her own colonies. The resultz
shown by this document are generally favour-
able, though there is a considerable falling off in
articles of taste and luxury, which are manuffic-
tured chiefly at Paris. Both these journals take
a very sensible view of the commercial interests
of the country, and reprobate the conduct of
the selfish delegates who would repress trade,
and make the people pay high prices for almost
every necessary oflife and every article of cloth-
ing, in order that a few (lasses may put money
into their pockets, at the expense of the public.
The former journal contends that the branches of
trade which it is asserted would be materially
affected by an union with Belgium, are too
firmly based to dread competition, while others
which suffer from a want of foreign markets
would benefit largely by such a treaty. "in
Paris," continues the writer, " many hundreds
of the middle class and many thousands of tl-e
labouring class are entirely dependent for sub-

sistence upon the demand for articles of taste and
luxury, and it is of importance to the Govern-
merit, not only as regards what is due to these
persons, to do all in its power to promote their
interests, but also as regards its own stability, to
open new relations with foreign countries, with
a view of creating more extensive markets for
their manufactures. The first object of a prudent
Government is to secure prosperity for the in-
habitants of large towns, for without that poli-
tical calm is impossible."
The following article in the Cuurrier Francais
is evidently written by a man well acquainted
with his subject, and we therefore make no
apology for giving it at length. We have hopes
yet that the public press of France will over-
come the prejudices of particular interests, and
prepare the way for an enlightened system of
commerce :

The special commerce of France (her manufac-
tures, wines, and other home produce) has made a
greater progress in proportion than her general com-
merce. This proves that she is making a more sure
and rapid advancement in industry than her neigh-
bours. But it is at the same time to be remarked
that the transit trade has ceased to choose the French
territory as the road for the transport of its merchan-
dise into Germany, and by Switzerland to the Medi-
terranean. The truly barbarous state of our river-
navigation has given a preference to Trieste and
Genoa. We shall never recover this trade until there
is an uninterrupted line of railroad from Marseilles to
Strasburg and Basle. Our greatest progress in com-
merce has been in that by sea, which is increased
by 79,000,000 f., while that by land has improved
to the extent of 49,000,000 f. only. This must
arise from the nature of things, for our ports, one
only of which has a dock, and which have no
other connection with the interior of the country
than by rivers full of sand-banks, have attracted
the greatest part of our foreign commerce. When
Bordeaux, Nantes, Havre, Dunkirk, Cette, and Mar-
seilles, have communication with Paris by means of
railroads ; when Havre and Marseilles in particular
shall have had the enlargements and improvements
they require, and if, in the mean time the Legislature
should humanise the tariff, which at present shuts out
all foreign produce from France, and provokes re-
prisals against us, we may hope that the commerce
of France may not be inferior to that carried on by
Great Britain with the two continents. The countries
with which our commerce has been most active are—
the United States, England, Switzerland, the States
of Sardinia, Belgium, Spain, the German Union,land
the French Colonies. To these may be added the
less important markets of Egypt, the provinces of La
Plata, the African coasts, Russia, and Algeria. Our
trade has relaxed with Denmark, the Hans , Towns,
Austria, India, China, and Senegal. Of all these
countries, Spain is the one whose relations with
France have diminished in the greatest proportion.
This has borne chiefly on our imports from her.
This importation, which in 1840, took a remark-
able spring, fell hack in 1841 below the reach
it had obtained in 1839. This was the effect
of the political coolness which occurred be-
tween the two Governments. We should gain a
great deal by reducing the entrance duties on Spanish
produce ; for Spain has rich mines, a fertile soil, and
would, if we take into consideration our national affi-
nities, afford us a commerce equal to that which we
carry on with the English. In the first line of the
articles in which there has been the greatest increase
of importation stand cotton, silks, oleaginous fruits,
wools, threads, raw hides, and skins, common woods,
coal, tallow, and generally all the raw materials for
our manufactories. The increase in our exportations
has been, on the contrary, in great part upon manu-
factured articles, as silks, woollen-cloths, and tissues,
turnery, paper-hangings, wrought and tanned skins,
perfumery, goldsmiths' work and jewellery, millinery,
and other articles made in Paris, machinery, and re-
fined sugars. The increase upon the exportation of
wines and brandies has not exceeded 5,500,000 f.
From these facts, inferences encouraging to our coun-
try may be drawn. Since our imports are increased,
chiefly on raw material, and our exports on manufac-
tured goods, we may conclude that France has nothing
to fear from competition with foreign manufactures;
and that our manufacturers, by exacting the main-
tenance of high protecting duties, heap upon the
people at large an onerous burden, without any benefit
to themselves."

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