The Sun.
London, England, 1842-06-04 00:00:00

MAJOR] T Y—NOES,
Aciami, Sir Thomas illower, Sir James

Acton, Colonel
Allis, John Peter
Bagge, Wm.
Panes, George
Baring, W. B.
Blackstone, W. S.
Pothtin, W. H.
Bruthertond.
Bullcr, C.
Busfeild,
Coarteris, Hon. F.
Chelsea, Viscount
Clayton, It. IL
Clerk, ir G.
..;ochrane, A.
Cripps, J.
Darby, George
Dickinson.
Douglas, Sir C. E.
Daricombe. 0.
Escott, Bichkam
Evans, William
Ferguson, Sir It. A.
Ferrand, W. B.

Grahnii, Sir J.
Granger, T. C.
Grogan, Edward
Hardy, John
!lastly, A.
Hawes, B.
Henley, J. W.
Hervey, Lord A.
Hodgson, R.
Howard, P. H.
Hutt, W.
Inglis, Sir R. H.
Jernayn, Earl
Kuatchbull, Sir E.
Lincoln, Earl of
Lindsay. H.
Lockhart, William
MacGeachy, F. A.
Manners, Lord J.
Marsham, Viscount
Martin, C. W.
Master, T. W C
W. TELLERS.
Mas:erman, John Sutton, Henry M.
‘Vorticy, J. Stuart

BRIDPORT BOROUGH.
Order read, for resuming adjourned Debate on Question
[27th Atayl, " That such inquiry be referred to the Select
Committee appointed to inquire whether such compromises
have been entered into, and whether such bribery has taken
place in the towns of Harwich, Nottingham, Lewes, Penryn
and Falmouth, and Reading :"—Question again proposed; De-
bate resumed :—Question put :_The House divided :
i

MAJORITY—AYES, 44.
Acland, Sir T. D. Changer, T. C. O'Connell, M. J.
Aglionby H. A. Greene, T. O'Connor Don
Baring, W. B. Heivey, Lord A. Pakington, J. S.
blackttone, W. S. Hill, Lord A. M. C. Parker, John
Bodkin, W. 11. Hodgson, Richard Plumptre, J. P.
Bowring, 1)r. James, William Roebuck, J. A.
Brothei ton, J. Jermyn, Lord Sanders Lord
Christie, W. D. Knatchbuli Sir L. Sutton:lton. h. X

icik, Sir George
Donibon, B.
F'. H.
ocuglas, Sir C.
Otincombe, T. S.
...volts, W.

Layard, Ciptain
Lincoln, Earl of
Lowth,r, ntonel
Mangles, K. D.
Martin, C. W.
Morgan, C

1 ufnefl, H.
Wood, B.
Wortley, Hon. J. S.
Wynn, C. W.

. ,
Gil!, 'I hos.
Groh m, Sir James

Alur—phf, F. S.
Napier, :-,ir Charles

TELLERS.
Buller, C.
Hawes, B.

Allix, John Peter
Banhes, George
Bickham
Ferrand, NV. B.
Henley, J. NNarner
Lockhart, William
WGeachy, F. A.

16.
Scott, Hon. F.
Smythe, Hon. G.
NValsh, Sir John

NORITY-NOES,
Manners, bad J.
Ititvitae, Ralph
Newry, Viscount
O'Brien, A S.
Pollington, Viscoun TELLERS.
RusiThrook, Colona! Darby, George
Bagge, W.
SPAIN.

MADRID, MAY 25.—The Deputy Esperoneda was buried
yesterday evening with great pomp—Parliamentary, civil, mili-
tary, and literary flowers were strewed along the road the
funeral cortege had to pass. A military band preceded his
hearse; many Members of both Houses followed—aristocrats
and Plebeians—beauty and ugliness—literati and ignoramuses
thronged around the funeral car. On the coffin being de-
posited, Don Eureque Gil, an intimate friend of the de-
ceased, moved almost beyond the power of utterance, tittered
amidst the religious silence of the bystanders, a farewell
ode in praise a the departed bard, whose genius the imma-
culate glory of Calderon, of Lopez de la Vega, and of
Cervantes awaited. Sio far this was moderate, modest, appro-
priate, and I had almost said deserved ; but the Deputy Don
Joaquina Maria Lopez would not be satisfied with PO little,
and rather over- did a good thing, by launzhinn- din into the
most extravagant panegyrics, more calculated' to depress
than to exalt the genius of his departed friend and colleague;
for, not content with comparing Esperoneda's fancy with that
of the living Chateaubriand, he placed his pen br pencil by t
all
the of Homer's ! Oh, rintns teneatis anszci ! It requires all
the self-conceit, all the intoxicating admiration of Spanish pa-
triotism, to mention an epic poem in celebration of one Guardia,
a National of Madrid, wounded 7th October last, and since
dead, in juxtaposition with the Iliad—with Achilles, the son of
Peleus—the conqueror of Hector and of Troy ! if poor old
Homer was ever caught napping and nodding, Lopez exhibited
himself reeling—nay, sprawling ort the ground. Homer has
never been so insulted as by his—the first poem in the world
—the firs within the memory of man—being put on a level
with one, whatever its merits may be, scarcely known beyond
the Pyrenees, and as yet not much within them. After this,
you will pardon my passing in silence the orations of Count de
las Navas and Signor Romero Larranaya, delivered on the same
mournful occasion.

---
THE MARKETS.-YESTERDAY.
CORN EXCHANGE. •
The arrivals of Grain have been this week moderate.
Wheat continues firm at Monday's prices, with only a retail
demand. Barley rather dearer. Beans and Peas unaltered.
Oats obtained Is. advance or: Monday's terms. Flour met
a moderate sale rates.
SMITHFIELD MARKET.
'I he supply being rather short, trade in general was a little
better, and prices about 2d. per stone better than on Monday
last for the best qualities, but the middling and inferior sorts
are much the tame. Beasts 435, Sheep and Lambs 8,630,
Pigs 418, Calves 418. Beef, 3s. to 45. 4d. ; Mutton, 3s. 2d.
to 4s. 4d. ; Veal, 3s. to 45. 10d. ; Pork, 2s. 4d. to 4s. 6d. ;
Lamb, 55.. to 6s.
COLONIAL MARKET.
There was little business done, but holders were firm, and
obtained full rates for all arTEAticles.
MARKET.
A fair business has been - done, and at firm rates. Com-
pany's Congou could not be had under Is. Bd. cash.
TALLOW MARKET.
There were few buyers of P. Y. Candle, but prices kept
high, and there were no tellers on the spot under 48s. 6d. per
cut. ; for delivery in last three months 495. was asked.
SPIRIT MARKET.
Rem sold slowly at declining prices. Proof Leewards, 2s. 3d.
per gallon, but fine Jamaica Rum was held with firmness.
COAL BIARICET.
Ships arrived since last mance/ .day, 170
tl. s. 41.
Hepburn Main l5 6 Walls End Helton l9 il
Helyv ell Alain l6 G Walls End Morrison;... .:7 6
Nelson's West Hartley l7 c Walls End btewaics ..
.20 3
dew Tantield liloor l3 P Walls End Whitvrell l3 6
Old Tanticld
anfleld Moor l9 C Walls End Hartlepool
West Wylam
Wylam
Walls Endelennell l6 6 Wats F.. d
lec
Walls End Halley 6 :-', Gainant :Acne . 6
Walls End Neriburt.herlaA 16 0 SOuth Garesteld

jl-try yest6rday, I:ri the east: of the:
foreigner who threw himself from Waterloo bricige, returneaa
verdict of " Temporary insanity."

A public meeting was held on Wednesday evening a,
the Crown and Anchor Tavern, convened by advertise-
meet in the daily and weekly papers, for the purpose of
considering the best means of averting the total ruin which
appears to threaten the country from the rapid spread of
distress among the working classes, and embarrassment and
difficulty among the trading and commercial classes of the
community. It was also understood that the principles
and results of the system of Home Colonization were to
be developed as the only remedy for the pressing evils
under which the country now labours. The large room
of the tavern, which will contain about 2,000 persons,
was crowded to excess, and no small inconvenience was
felt from the heated state of the atmosphere of the apart-
ment. Great numbers came and went, finding it impos-
sible to obtain admission. On Mr. Robert Owen entering
the room, he was very warmly greeted by the immense
asse:nbly. It having been duly moved and seconded,
Mr. ROBERT Owes took the Chair, and immediately
opened the business of the evening by addressing the
meeting. He said—The object of this meeting is to consi-
der, first of all, the very deplorable and wretched state
in which so large a portion of our fellow-subjects are at
this time, not only among the working, but the middle
classes. This part of the subject, I am afraid, has been
so long familiar to many of you, and it has been stated,
so often front the highest authority in the most official
' -Manner in which any subject could be placed before the
public, that I need not take up much of your time in stat-
ing the distress that now exists among those classes ; the,
rapid and downward progress of that distress; and the cer-
tainty, that unless' sonic decisive measures are speedily
taken, both the middle and working classes of this country
will be brought to the lowest state of ruin and misery.—
(Hear.) To me it has been a matter of considerable
surprise, that we could have gone on, day after day,
month after month, and year after year, failing from a
state of comparative high prosperity, till we arc now
reduced to a worse condition than any other nation in
li the civilized world, for there is no country in the world in
which there exists suffering to the extent of that now
endured by the working population of this country—
(Hear, hear)—and yet, my friends, in the midst of all
this suffering, while the people are actually dying in
hundreds, and, I fear I might say thousands, for the want
of the commonest necessaries of life, we are said, and
truly said, to be the most wealthy nation that has ever
yet existed. How is this ? How is it that, in a nation
possessing more wealth, and possessing the means
of increasing that wealth ten, nay, twenty fold,
yet, under these circumstances, if we pass through
the streets of this metropolis, we see more misery around us,
we find more miserable objects, than are to be found among
the same number in any country in the world? We have from
time to time heard great complaints from one party of the mis-
takes committed by the other. If we read the public papers
of the day, according as we take up this paper er that, we
should suppose from the paper advocating a particular party
that that party is perfectly right, and that all others were per-
fectly wrong ; that the cause of all these evils is the other party.
We may ring the changes, and go round from Tory to Whig,
Radical, and Chartist, through all the various divisions and
classes of society, and we shall find that they are all complain-
ing of each other. My friends, this is an error—an
error that ought now to be done away with.—
( Hear.) None of these parties is the cause ; it is your system
that is the cause; and till men's minds can be elevated and
raised to examine that system in which we now live, to ascer-
tain what are its principles, and what are the necessary con-
sequences of those principles, you will not know the reasons
why you are all suffering in the midst of great means to
produce abundance. I have, during the last thirty years,
explained on innumerable occasions the progress of events
as they were going forward. I stated in the year 1818—
not privately, but first of all to the Congress of Sovereigns
assembled in that year, at Aix-la-Chapelle; afterwards
to my countrymen in thirecity, and in the various
populous towns of the kingdom—that the progress of
machinery, and the progress of knowledge, would produce
a state of society in which one of three things must
inevitably occur :—Either machinery must be destroyed,
or the working classes must emigrate, or they must starve ;
unless there was a complete and entire change in the
system under which society was then governed. And I
have now merely again to state to you that machinery must ,
be destroyed, or you must emigrate, or you must starve,
or you must entirely change your system. But suppose you
destroy machinery, what will be the consequence ? It would
be a miserable expedient, for machinery, properly under-
stood and properly applied, will be found one of the greatest
blessings man has ever yet received.—(Cheers.) Will you
emigrate? It will be useless whilst machinery is making such
giant progress under the present system. You may emigrate,
and experience all the disasters and all the sufferings which
many are now suffering in the distant parts of the world to
which they are gone ; or you may continue here to starve,
as hundreds and thousands are doing at this moment in this
city, and all over the kingdom. But if you emigrate, you can-
not go in numbers proportionate to the progress of machinery ;
if you die off of famine, you cannot die fast enough to have any
immediate effect on the present system. This being the case,
why expend all your strength, and talents, and powers, in
useless discussions? Not only are the discussions between
party and party useless, but I have no hesitation in saying that
all the discussions that have taken place for a considerable
time in our own Houses of Parliament, in the Chamber •f
Deputies at Paris, and in the Congress of the United States,
are mere words, and have no effective meaning with regard to
the relief of the populations that are suffering from the progress
of ill directed scientific power. lit all that has been said in these
public assemblies, which are called by each country great
and intelligent, you cannot find one practical speech from
a single member of either of them, bearing on the re-
lief of the people ; yet they are the three first assemblies in the
world. You must then, my friends. look to other measures ;
you must look to yourselves.—(Cheers.) Can the two Houses
of Parliament create anything tor you? Can they create you
food, can they build you houses, can they make you clothes,
can they supply the wants you now feel? Can the Chamber of
Deputies do it? Can the Congress of the United States do it?
There is not a member of any of these assemblies for whom
you are not obliged to find clothes and houses, the means
of amusement, and all the wealth they possess; how unwise
is it then to look to them for that which you provide for
them, and which they cannot provide for themselves?—
( Cheers.) I wish I knew how to convey to you the 60 years
of experience which I have been slowly and gradually acquir-
ing of your present condition; of the causes of your distress,
and of the means of removing it. Why, whenever men
can dismiss from their minds the errors which have been
infused into them by the system in which they are all in-
volved, We shall discover that there is nothing more easy or
practical than to place you all—yes, I sly all—in a condition
of most desirable independence. —( Hear, hear.) Have you
ever heard any Member of the House of Commons, of the
Chamber of Deputies, or of Congress, stating simply, and so
that the public might understand it, that only two things are
required of those who govern? One is, that they should form
effective arrangements for insuring a good, useful, and valu-
able character to all who are born. Have you heard any such
principle propounded? Yet it' is the first thing requisite
to relieve us from our present difficulties. We want. above
all, to give a superior, sound, practical, education to
all ; and the science by which this can be effected
is as certain as the science of mathematics. There are
means, and obvious means, by which, by taking children
from their birth, they may be so trained, so educated, so
placed, that every one of them shall obtain a superior and
valuable character. Tell me this is not to be done ! Who will
venture to say so? I have tried the science in practice for fifty
years, and have never failed in it, and I will undertake to deve-
lope the means by which any Government, and -all Govern-
ments may train their population in such a manner that all of
them will be better than any individual who has yet been
trained under the old system of society. Look at our unfor-
tunate fellow-beings who have the misfortune to be born
in the lowest, the worst, and the most vicious part of
this metropolis; examine the results produced by. the ex-
ternal arrangements • around the children so born and
so placed. Are these children worse than the children
of the aristocracy, are they worse than the children
of the Quakers? No! they are precisely the same;
they are of the same flesh and blood, have the same
faculties, both as to number and kind. Look, then, at
the children of the aristocracy, and of the Quakers, and
see how different these arc from the inhabitants of St. Giles's
and other similar places. How many of one class are subjected
to all manner of' sufferings, to all manner of punishments, and
to ignominious deaths, while of the other class not one in
ten thousand experience anything of the kind. And yet what
is the education given to the children of the aristocracy, and
to the children of the Quakers? It is an education under a
system of the grossest error—a system which calls vice virtue
and virtue vice.—(Hear, hear.) I am not speaking either
against the Quakers or against the aristocracy, or against any
division of society ; I know well the causes why all these in-
dividuals are as they are, why they think as they
do think, why they have the appearance, physical and
mental, which they possess, and why their conduct differs,
one party from another. The whole of this lies before me like
a map.—(Hear, hear.) I know how they are produced, and
could easily produce them. But rejoice with me my friends,
that the means are discovered by which the children of the
whole population may be trained from iufancy to be far superior
to the children of any parties, classes, or sects, in this or any other
country of which we have any knowledge. This is a science
which, when comprehended and practised, will be found of far
more value than all the other sciences put together. This is
one step which all Governments have to accomplish, and what
is the other ? It is to create wealth, that those who have been
thus trained and educated to be made reasonable and ra-
tional beings, shall be surrounded with all the natural
comforts which the progress of civilization is capable
of affording to every one of them. Is this difficult? Why
how is it possible you can have remained so long in this
country and not know that from a long period past the only
real cause of the poverty of the country has been the excess of
its real wealth ?—( Hear, hear.) Whenever we have had a
great surplus of all the most valuable kinds of wealth, that has
been the period when the industrious classes have suffered the
most ; and when the greatest numbers of them were dying of
famine, the farmyards were full, and the warehouses over-
loaded. What is the case now ? Why there are houses, in
thousands, empty, throughout all the manufacturing districts,
and yet there are as many thousands of our fellow-subjects who
have not where to lay their heads, while the houses are regu-
larly going to ruin, and tumbling on the heads of those who
own them. But who is to blame for all this? Does any Geo
vernmrnt know how to relieve you? They have no practical
knowledge of it—it has not been their business—they have
been trained up to be politicians and not practical men
knowing how to educate, and create wealth, and to make
such arrangements that education and wealth should he so
combined that. all might derive advantage from it ; and,
therefore, I stand to this, that all who look for relief from them,
are locking for relief where it is utterly impossible it can be
found.—( Hear.) You must count on yourselves for the education
of your children ; you must employ yourselves in creating real
wealth. I have tried again and again ; I have placed my ideas
in w , in alrce.,t every variety of phrase I
could`devise, but T found that the only way to accomplish the
object was to begin the practice of the pm:l6pin myself. I

tried the practice in Manchester for ten years, commencing
when I was twenty years of age. I afterwards tried the
practice on a much larger scale in Scotland for twenty- nine
years, and there I had proof upon proof, beyond the possibility
of a doubt, that anything might be done for any population
by the practical adoption of those principles; that all
might be made industrious and cleanly in their habits;
that all might be made to produce more wealth than they
would wish to consume, and that all might be trained
to live in harmony together. I thought when 1 had shown the
results of ten years' experience in one place, and of twenty-nine
years in another, that there would be no doubt of the results;
and I then thought it my duty to go into the world and declare
these glad tidings to the human race, that all men might in a
short time have the benefit of a superior education, and of
superior productive employment.--( Cheers. ) I found in
every assembly I attended that these principles were al-
most universally approved; all seemed to wish to carry them
into execution ; but it has not yet been done, and I find that
unless I again—even at the advanced period of life at which I
have arrived—commence these practical operations, to show how
easily the formation of human character and the manufacture of
wealth may be carried into practice; how delightful they
would be When combined; and what desirable results would
follow from their combination,—l find that unless I do this, I
might pass out of this world, and that the principles I ad-
vocate might be known and spoken of, but the practice of them
would not be understood. I have therefore commenced a Home
Colonization Society ; and there is now in Hampshire the nucleus
of a Home Colony. We know what it is for the inexperienced
to go to a foreign colony, and what they suffer in climates other
than those they have been accustomed to, and countries whose
habits are opposed to their own. Though we hear of the few
who do well, yet we never hear of the hundreds, and of the
thousands who die miserable deaths in thus emigrating.
I have no objection to emigration, provided it is necessary,
and that our fellow subjects who do emigrate, are
trained as all human beings ought to be trained;
they would then carry with them those qualities, and
that knowledge which would be of service to them and their
children, and the inhabitants of the country to which they may
' emigrate. But there is no necessity for roreign emigration at
present, nor for many years to come.—( Hear, hear.) It was
only the day before yesterday that I passed from the Home
colony I have spoken of through a country which appeared
to be devoid of inhabitants. I saw now and then a
house, and now and then an individual appeared, but, gene-
rally speaking, it seemed deserted. We have now secured 1,200
acres of land, which used to maintain only four or five farming
families, while they may be made to maintain 1,200 individuals
in high comfort.— (Cheers. ) And every 1,200 acres in Great
Britain are capable of maintaining the same slumber. The
country is not cultivated, it is merely scratched; we have
only a miserable crop from the surface of the soil.—( Hear. ) I
have stated to you what it is that must be dune, either by the
Government er by individuals, and which it is better
should be done both by Government and the people.
(Considerable confusion arose at this part of the speech, from
the crowded state of the meeting and from individuals calling
to have the windows opened.) I wish (said Mr. Owen) I
could at once introduce the spirit of the system I am en-
deavouring to advocate, among you. I could wish that all
would make allowance for each other, and accommodate each
other as far as the nature of the room will permit. Till
we understand this spirit we shall never be able to overcome
all our difficulties. If that spirit could be infused into the
w orking population of this country their difficulties might be
put au end to in a very short period indeed. I will not
tak e up more of your time. having occupied it already for an
unr asonable space ; but I have not met you for a long period,
ande your condition is so alarming, so serious, that I could not
long er remain without being desirous of placing these simple
facts before you once again. Whatever you may do, I shall
return to this colony in Hampshire, and do all in my power
to show how easily a good character may be formed for all,
how easily wealth maybe created for all, and what a delight-
ful state it is to live in harmony together, from understand-
ing what our nature is.—( Loud cheers. )
Mr. 1,1.01-11 JONES moved the first resolution. He felt much
grat itied in having been called upon to introduce it to the meeting,
which was one, not of any political party existing in the country
at this time, but one called with the intention that all party and
political feeling should be laid aside. They were not to look
at each other as political partisans, but as men sympathising
with each other's sufferings, and anxious to remove each other's
difficulties. lie then read the resolution r—" That poverty and
destitution among the working classes, and bankruptcy and im-
pending ruin among the middle classes, prevail at this time to a
most alarming extent, and are continually increasing, whilst the
most superabundant means for the attainment of a high degree of
permanent prosperity for all, are unemployed or misapplied." He
thought it would not be necessary to adduce any great number
of facts to prove the first part of this resolution. The state of the
country was proved by every newspaper—those daily and weekly
records of the condition of the nation. Let them read the con-
dition of the people of Manchester, of Stockport, of Bolton, of
Paisley, and of every one of the great towns of this kingdom
which has been said to be the richest in the world.—( Hear. )
Let them read the Report which had lately been presented to
the Houses of Lords and Commons, as to the condition of the
hand-loom weavers ; and if it were possible to find greater
tlestituticn in any age or in any country, let it at once be stated,
in order that they might keep themselves in countenance
with the world.—( Hear, hear.) Let them read the moral and
physical condition of the working people in the mining dis-
tricts, both sexes working absolutely naked in the mines to-
gether.—(Hear, hear.) The most savage people on the earth
Lad a more exalted morality than existed amongst the mining
population of this country.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to
Paisley, they had been informed by the newspapers, that a
short time since a quantity of bones was exported from Ame-
rica, for the purpose of relieving the distress of the manufac-
turing population of that town—( Shame)—one of the largest
towns in this rich and wealthy empire—exported as charity—
( Hear, hear)—and the industrious and comparatively et:-
enlightened population of that town had to fall, as it were, on
their knees, and return thanks for the boon they had received.
This state of things was. if possible, daily growing worse and
worse. If, as they were told by a Minister of State, the
only course open to them was to trust to a periodi-
cal recurrence of prosperity, it was useless to talk about othes
remedies; but if it could be proved that they had the meant
of relieving the distress ; that the possessors of wealth at. leaso
bad the means at their command, there would in fact be ng
ground for despair. The proper application of wealth bein-
clearly and distinctly pointed out, there ought to be no hesie
tation on the part of its possessors to apply it for the relief of the
deep sufferings of the people.—( Hear, hear.) To enumeratd
the various benevolent societies existing in this country would
occupy more time than was then at his disposal. He woule
therefore draw the attention of the meeting merely to one
branch of their charities, one stream of their benevolence, and
point out the vast amount which was expended to little pur-
pose abroad, whilst. it might be applied to relieve the distresses
of our own countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) It would be familiar
to the meeting that there were a number of societies, composed
of English gentlemen and ladies, who had been all over the
earth to look for objects of sympathy. Like too many re-
formers, these parties neglected reforms at home, whilst they
were busy in effecting reforms abroad,—(Hear. ) They
had neglected the condition of the people who had
created their wealth for them, whilst they had squandered
it upon persons who were thousands of miles from them, and
wkose claims, however strong, ought not to prevail over those
of their own wives and children—of their own countrymen, who
were continually appealing to them for relief.—( Hear, hear. )
It appeared from the Report of the British and Foreign Bible
Society, published in 1835, that up to that period, when it had
been in existence 31 years. the Society had expended two mil-
liens of money. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts in the year, 1837, expended 55,000/. The
Baptist Missionary Society, in the same year, expended.
20,00td. The London Missionary Society, in the year follow-
ing, expended 77,0001. The Church Missionary Society, in
the same year, expended 91,000/. The Wesleyan Methodist
Missionary Society, in the same year, expended 100,0001., and
the Scotch Church Missionary Society expended annually
above 4,0001. It should be observed, too, that very little of
this money was expended for the purpose of promoting religion
amongst their own people.—(Hear, bear.) Every year, half a
million sterling was expended for the purpose of extending re-
ligion abroad ! The fact was almost incredible, when our own
population were perishing in the midst of ignorance, and for
want of the common necessaries of life.—( Cries of " Hear.")
It appeared from the reports furnished, that the Societies them-
selves were beginning to discover that tbis lavish expenditure
upon foreigners, for the purpose of religious instruction, had
not done that amount of good which the benevolent founders of
the Societies anticipated that it would produce.—( Hear, hear.)
lie had in his possession the Baptist Magazine for July, 1839.
which contained a letter to these Societies, entreating them to
take some steps for preventing drunkenness amongst the popu-
lation of the British Isles, in order that the population abroad
might not be contaminated.—( Laughter.) 'f he best authori-
ties on the subject had stated, that the English had introduced
amongst the heathen, not only all their religion, but all their vices,
and that they had polluted and were exterminating the native
population. Why had they not first expended their money
to improve their own population ? If they had instructed their
own people—if they had eradicated the vices existing amongst
their own countrymen, they might then fairly direct their at-
tentior. to other countries, and they would then be able to ele-
vate, instead of corrupting and destroying, the population of
those countries.—( Hear, hear.) What then did they demand ?
Looking to this lavish expenditure—to the amount annually con-
tributed, and the little good which had been done—and remem-
bering that the contributors were the producers of our wealth,
and the neighbours of those who expended it, they mended that
it should first be employed in elevating the moral and physical
condition of the people of these islands.—( Cheers.) They might
tell them that the heathen were languishing in darkness;
but they would reply that their own population were
shrouded in ignorance. 'They might tell them of the importance
of providing spiritual salvation for persons abroad; but they
would point to their own wives, their own children, their own
fathers and mothers—to all who were dear to their hearts,
perishing for want of the commonest necessaries of life.—
( Hear. ) Truly had it been said—
" Asses, swine, have litter spread,
And with fitting food are fed ;
All things have a home—but ore,
Thou, 0 Englishman, hest none !"—( Hear.)
And yet they were a wise people, an enlightened people, a rich
people ! One would have thought, from a debate which took
place in the House of Commons the other night, that they were
too rich. In a discussion about sending a Bishop to the West
Indies, a Noble Legislator had declared it to he scandalous that
an enlightened and rich country like this should talk about a
salary of a few hundred pounds as the stipend of a prelate.—
(Laughter.) This occurred in the very same month that the
population of Paisley had accepted P charitable present of bones
from the people of America.—( Hear, hear.) It had been clearly
proved, then, by what lie had stated with respect to the
various benevolent institutions to which he had referred—and
no doubt they had been established with the very best intentions
—it had been clearly proved that they had the means of benefiting
their own population, and it was equally clear that they ought
to ripply them to that purpose, and to that purpose only. When
they had set their own house in order, it would then be time
to go forth and assist others in putting theirs in order. That
man should be denounced as a traitor to his country, who ran
a:ter Calmuck Tartars—who went east, west, north, and south,
to expend British wealth, whilst the producers of that wealth
were languishing for want of the commonest necessaries of life.
—(Loud cheers- )
Mr. A. Coetreeaa, in rising to second the resolu-
tion, said, it was a gratifying sight to ace thousands of
his countrymen assembled for the purpose of proposing
plans fur averting the ruin of the working and middle
classes of this country. It was an index that they were
approaching a neVi era--as era is wbicb all claws would

" That since 183 ti more than half the master spinners have
failed ; 29 firms, including 40 partners, are in this list ; the
machinery of 17 large mills has been sold by auction, and4hat
of four mills by private contract ; eight firms have effected a
composition with their creditors.
" That there are now standing untenanted not less than 3,000
dwelling houses, besides mills, warehouses, and public houses.
" That in one township alone, viz., Heaton Norris, there
are 3,500 houses, out of which there are untenanted about 700,
there are also nearly 800 compounded for, and 1,000 excused
from paying rates on the ground of their being too poor ; solthat
the burden of paying the rates fails on no more than 1,000 per-
sons, many of these persons being in as bad, and in some in•
stances a worse condition, than the paupers themselves.
" That in February last, there was collected within a few
weeks, by some generous and humane individuals, the sum of
5,0004 for the relief of the suffering poor.
" That in the week ending 19th February, 1842, the number
of families relieved was 3,473 ; the number of individuals,
14,424; the average income per head being 9d. 9-10ths.
" That owing to the loss of wages consequent upon the stops
ping of mill., the reduction in the rate of wages by lost time, by
reduced number of hands, and other causes, the total loss to the
inhabitants of the borough is 5,483/. per week.
" That cottage and messuage property has depreciated in
value, in some instances, as much as 130 per cent., and the
average may be fairly taken at 75 per cent.
" '1 hat there are now walking the streets, for want of em-
ployment, no less than 5,000 persons, who are suffering the
extreme of human misery, and privations of the most alarming
nature."

The document concluded with these words We, your
memorialists, respectfully call your attention to these facts,
and trust that steps will be immediately taken to relieve the
unparalleled distress existing in this borough, and your me-
morialists will, as in duty bound, prey, &c."
The only means adopted to relieve this distress (continued
Mr. Campbell) was the issuing of a Royal Letter to the bishops
and clergy, to make a collection in the churches and chapels
throughout. the country.—( Hear.) But any mere temporary
relief, however liberal might be the subscriptions, was wholly
inadequate to the necessities of the people.--( Hear, hear. )
In his opinion, it was not money alone, but land which "
they required—lard, skill, labour, and capital, from which
all wealth must lie raised.—( Hear, hear.) There was no ne-
cessity for either Englishmen, Irishmen, or Scotchmen, leaving
their native country in snatch of subsistence in the colonies.
—( Hear, hear.) They had more than an abundance for
all in this country; they had land sunicient, even with the
present knowledge of agriculture—which was as yet in its in-
fency—to maintain, according to the best authorities, a popula-
tion of 120 millions, and whilst there was this abundance of
means, let them take care that it. was speedily and effectually
applied to relieve the distresses of the country.—(Cheers.)
Dr. SLEIGH said, differing as he did on many points with
their respected Chairman, he could not resist the temptation
afforded to him by this meeting, to raise his voice against the
apparent callousness evinced by those who ought to come
forward to relieve the distresses of their countrymen. He had
supported the present Ministry at the late general election,
because he believed they would provide for the wants of the
people, instead of which, they proposed to continue the infernal
Poor-law, and were continuing the still more infernal factory
system of infant labour.—( Hear, hear.) He desired to take
that opportunity of expressing how touch he was ashamed of
having been instrumental in bringingthat Ministry into power ;
it had taught him a new lesson, that until the people were fairly.
freely, and folly represented, there was no hope for the people.
—(Cheers.) fhe only remedy which had been proposed by
the present Government was one which must bring increased
distress on the honest operatives and workmen of the country,
introducing, as it must, a system of foreign competition, which
could not but tend to reduce the wages of the axtisan.—( Hear,
hear. ) If the people were fairly represented, such a remedy
could never be proposed. Let the people declare their opinions
on that subject, and numbers of influential men would corns
forward to direct their energies in the right course. He mould
not further detain the meeting. He could not avoid taking
advantage cf an opportunity of refuting sentiments which he
believed to be injurious to the best interests of the country.
The resolution was then put from the chair, and carried
unanimously.
Mr. FLEMING then rose to propose the following resolution
" That none of the ordinarily proposed measures—tinantied,
commercial, political, or theological—are competent to effect
substantial permanent relief from the increasing difficulties
and sufferings of the middle and working classes."
I Before he proceeded to endeavour to substantiate this proposi-
tion, he begged to state that while pointing rut the defects of
the propositions to which he should refer, he did not do so in a
fault-finding spirit, nor did he accuse any individual of die.
nonesty ; or of a want of benevolence ; or of a desire to harass
the people in the alarming state in which they were described
to be ; he believed they acted as they did, simply because they
knew no better.—(Hear, hear.) During the Parliamentary
recess he had had an opportunity of conversing at considerable
length with many of the leading Ministers of the country, and
he found each and all of them most. anxious to do the best they
could for the people, but they were hampered in their movements
by the particular interests:and feelings of theirre.spective parties.
1 he distress in which the country was placed had brought for-
ward a great many doctors, every one believing that his own
nostrum would cure the disease. The remedies proposed might be
placed under the head of financial, commercial, political, and theo-
logical. It would not require much logic to show that the titan-
tie' remedies proposed would not afford any substantial or perma-
nent relief to the working classes.—( Hear, hear.) The single
measure that the present. Alinistry had proposed could not be for
the permanent relief of the people, inasmuch as the Ministers
therweelves said that the measure was only to last five years. But.
would the measure be a remedy at all? They had heard that.
the working classes were by thousands living on charity, and that
hones had been sent them °from America. 'the imposing of this
new tax, although it did not touch the people directly, would not
benefit them at all. Would the imposing of three per cent.
on all incomes above Lain a-rear benefit the middle classes?
No, it would nut.—( Hear, hear.) lie would not dwell longer
on that point, but would come to the commercial remedies
proposed. One was, that a reduction should be made in
the tariff, which was advocated by a large party ; another
was the tree importation of foreign corn ; and another, taking
away the people to make food fur themselves in some
other country than this. Now here they had three plans. One
was for the introduction of foreign manufactures and raw mate-
rials ; another was the introduction of foreign food ; and
the last to take away the people to other countries to make
food for themselves. Every one of these propositions proceeded
upon a fundamental error. It hail been represented at public
meetings and in Parliament, in pamphlets, and in every other
shape, that this country was unable to support its own popula-
tion. Upon that assumption they had these propositions to
bring foreign food, or to send the people away to make food
for themselves; and to these propositions, the answer he gave
was, that they were unnecessary, arid would not prove a relief
to the country. They had heard it stated that night, and the
statement rested on the authority of nearly all the writers
on political economy, beginning with Mr. M'Culloeh—
that this country possessed ample means, without touching
the waste and uncultivated lands, to support a population of no
less than a hundred millions of people. They had now bun
twenty-seven millions, so that no man of common sense
could say that this country was unable to support her
population. He would not go into the examination of .
the details of the measure, because if a measure was.,
bad in its first principle, it was no use going into
its details.—( Cheers.) If a man were to begin a calculation
by supposing that one and one made three, and made all his
calculations upon that supposition, the moment they detected
that supposition to be wrong—the moment. they demonstrated
this, no matter how precise and complete the following calcu-
lations, they would say it was of no use following the calculation
as the beginning was wrong, and consequently the rest must. be
so.—(Hear.) Upon this fundamental principle did he attack
this proposition, and he called upon the Government to prove
that this country was unable to maintain its own population.
If that could not be dune the question was decided at once, for
if the country could support its population there was no neces-
sity for an importation of foreign food, or of sending the people
from their native land to make food for themselves abroad.
But he subjected to the latter plan still more than the former
one. By a document which he had received from Liverpool.
stating the present condition of Vauxhall Ward, containing 5,000
per eons, he foundlettershad been receivedfrom emigration agents
I which stated that the proportion of English emigration to that
of Irish used to be, in former years, one to three, but that the
last year it was very much altered ; and he found that now
there were as many English as Irish leaving this country for
the United States, and who were they that emigrated? The
very poor could not go, as they had not the means, and
the very rich did not go, for they did not need to do so at
present.—( Hear.) Well, then, es ho were the parties leav-
ing the country? He would tell them who they were.
They were the small farmers and small capitalists of every trade.
The industrious, the skilful, the honest arttean, and mechanic
also, were obliged to go, with their little saving!, out of the
country, to other countries, to find that employment and that
kind treatment which was denied to them at home. These were
the parties who would place foreigners in still greater competition
with us. They went abroad to assist their best rivals ;to en-
able America to rival the manufactures of this country,enabling
them tobring more wealth into the market, and successfully com-
pete with the manufacturers at home.—(
befe Hear,ar hheaimr.i)
lie was happy to have the opportunity of seeing
metropolitan audience—men whowd-ouelxdarme flinecetlohne the subject,
of
and argue from first principles, an
the leading parties in the country—those at whose disposal the
immense wealth and energy, and natural resources of the
country were placed. They must begin to take into their
consideration the inutility of the nonsense nightly spoken-
i n botho Houses Parliament. He had lately listened
to mof the of
speakers assuming airs of wisdom, yet dealing
s
forth such absurd fallacies, so foolish in themselves, that thee
were enough to make apereonb(luashe to anotherthatbelived inguthesetnioinne, tweeilt
wascen thertu century.—(
eers.) He now m
remedy.
The political and theological remedies
were two ticklish points to touch upon ; still, as he stated
at the commencement, he did met intend to attack
motives. He hoped those Rho were opposed to him on these
points would hear him with the same patience, speaking against
their opinions, as they had when lie was speakiog in favour of
the views they themse'lves entertained. Now, the Learned Gen-
tleman, Dr. Sleigh. spoke of the evils of the representation.
They had a great number of parties in this country who were
agitating about this. They had the Complete Suffrage party,and
they had the ITniversal Suffrage party, or Chartists.—(Cheers.)
lie had no doubt those parties meant well. He gave them all
honour for the determination, perseverance, and patriotisen
—for to be might call it,—with which they had borne unflinch-
ingly so much suffering in support of their opinion!. He Oil
happy in knowing, end proud to know, some of the leaders
of almost all the sectioes of this party in the country, and tkis
made him feel that those men did not intentimeillY
do wrong. This made him believe that nearly every onof them was honest, and sincere in the opusiots
they held as to the political remedy swift, reililvdt