Star.
London, England, 1830-02-13 00:00:00

continue—and, probably, in time, involve all the Powers of his eyes to the foreign policy of this country. On all oecasionsigilis. I
Europe. If some arrangement he not come to as to this island cessions upon foreign affairs this demon was stroked, and now it ap.
what will then be the consequence P—Nothing but an inter., peered to have risen from Austria. Now ow. he tiould,y
assuteupon thlshhu,polthnat;
mitioble war, and the massacre of a people united by religious remove his apprehensions, and
Wings, by language, and manners. This is a state of things Austria just as much
ltfo—do with, the settlementtoofspeahGreeces4thas
'Stbich cannot and which must not, be allowed to exist; and I there. the noble baron had h se path ps, indeed,
.fbte think that it is the duty of parliament to interfere and put an exact precision, not so much. (Hear, hear.) And here he had no
"end to It. What has given rise to such an unfortunate event I hesitation in avowing, that this country never;n contemplatedsf the sup.
cannot say ; but, probably, it is partly owing to that evil genius Posed or suspected interference with the Internal affairs
who has hovered, though unseen, over that unfortunate country ever e deprecated all such interference, and would say, for GOD'S sake,
since the 6th of July : let the Prince and Greek population settle their own internal sithks ;
Infest se septus !whelk mirabile dicta a and let nobody dream of forcing upon them the free institutions of
other states, however admirable, but leave them to themselves.
Per medics, miseetque tins; neque cernitur ulli
(Cries of " hen.') Let these apprehensions of unworthy in.
One thing, however, I must deprecate—and that is, any attempt to terference be banished from the noble baron's mind, for he
restrain the liberty of the new state, or impose on it institutions would find in the end they were utterly unfounded. (Hear,
,which are unsuitable to the wishes of the people. Surmises have hear.) He regretted to' observe that the noble lord had not
gone abroad that some such attempts were in agitation, perhaps to omitted this opportunity of renewing his reference, and giving hints
please the pope, for 1 can hardly think that any other power, to him (Lord Aberdeen) respecting certain opinions which he bad
even Austria, would be afraid of the contagion of liberty in that
region spreading into her own dominions. If such ad i on a fanner occasion expressed on the subject of the integrity of
illustlaff the Turkish empire. He had avowed, in common with his
principle si-ould be acted upon, I trust it will not be sup. noble friend near him, a desire to preserve the existence of that em..
ported by either house of parliament ; but, on the contrary, that
they wlli interfere on be PeoPie• alf of an injured and oppressed Aire, and he had on the present occasion no objection to repeat the
same expression of opinion, accompanied by his regret at the chariot
I trust, above all, that no government will be adopted which to which Turkey had risked her exposure by the late war with
is not fully adapted to the wants and wishes of the people.
-Russia. He said this, not from any love of the Turkish govern.
I have detained the house longer than I intended ; but I trust that ment,—Gon forbid ; for he had seen and known enough of the bar.
your lordships will excuse me on account of the importance of the heroes effects of these systems of rule, and the horrid excesses to
subject, and that you will not give countenance to any arrangement which they had often led, to feel any particular attachment to
which shall not have in view the independence of the people and them ; but he would ask their lordships to give him leave to
the establishment of free institutions—(Hear, hear.) The noble say, that even the improvement of such a country as Turkey might
lord then concluded by moving the following resolution t•'' That be sought at too high a price' and be obtained too dearly if ware*
DO pacification or settlement of Grzece will meet the approbation of at the risk of a general convulsion of the civilized world--(Herat:)
this house; or be advantageous to the interest of Great Britain or the The destruction of the Turkish power involved a mighty change,
honour of the government, which does not give to that power a and the apprehenaionc of it more or less were topics, into the con.
sufficient extent of territory, by sea and land, to form a stable go. tideration of which he should not now farther enter. But when
veroment ; that full power will be given to the people of that coon. the noble boron adverted to these opinions upon the polio iof up.
try to adopt such institutions and such a constitution as nay be holding Turkish dominion, as being something new, he really
suitable to the wishes of the great body of the people, and Bath as went a little too far, and must have for gotten that they had lone
may prevent all interference of foreign powers in their domestic prevailed, and were always Maintained by British statesmen,—
concerns." -by none too more strongly then one right honourabhonourable- ttle-
• . .

The Earl of ABERDEEN had hoped that his majesty's assuiance
of unremitted endeavours for the pacification and final settlement of
Greece' and his confident hope of being able to lay early before the
House all the papers and documents on .he subject, would have
been sufficient to repress for a time the least impatience of any noble
lord to enter into a discussion on the subject. But the noble lord
opposite could not resist the temptation of such inviting matter, and
had treated the subject in a manner certainly most unusual, and
which could only be justified by well-founded suspicion of his ma-
jesty's
advisers. That suspicion the noble lord had admitted,
and he must either suppose that his majesty's ministers were
indifferent to the honour of the crown, or unwilling to carry into 1
effect those stipulations by which they preferred to be bound.
What right had the noble lord to entertain any such suspicion from
any thhig.that had passed, in which his Majesty had been advised
by his present ministers ? His Majesty's ministers, if they had
not been sincerely desirous of carrying into execution the treaty
of London, might have forbad the departure of a single soldier
from France to go to the Mores. His Majesty's ministers did not
oppose that expedition, and thus gave a proof of their desire to
execute the whole object of the treaty. Therefore their acts had
afforded no ground for suspicion of their sincerity. But if the
noble lord's motion was unusual and extraordinary in the lonsent
stage of negociatlons, and after such assurances from the 'Throne,
it was still more astonishing, when its real character was considered.
He was surprised that the noble lord should have shown a desire
to sanction an act of wanton apoilation of a friendly power, without
any principle to justify it. Indeed, he felt called upon to say,
, that the noble baron appeared, throughout the whole course of his
speech, instead of supporting the treaty of the 6th of July, to have
actually forgotten its very existence. What proof had the noble',
baron that the treaty had In view the independence of Greece, when
its avowed object was the pacification merely of that portion of
the world ? There was no,doubt various motives entering into the
spirit of the friendly powers, when they undertook that pacification,
but not one of them extending to this degree of independence which
I was now described to have been the basis uponwhich the contracting
parties relied. With reference to the manner in which the treaty
had been always attempted to be carried into effect, he would aver,
and on that issue fearlessly abide, that wherever any part of the
treaty had been deviated from, it was invariably in favour of the
interests and feelings of the Greeki people—and always with a desire
in that respect to go beyond, far beyond, what the framers of the
treaty could have ever entertained the shadow of a hope of accom-
plishing. The noble baron had further bald, that there appeared to
him to have been an unnecessary delay, perhaps unintentional,l
in tile execution of the treaty. Now, without wishing to I
enter minutely into its provisions, or to criticise them too nar- I
rawly, he would ask their lordships, considerately and candidly,
to reflect on their bearings. The objects of the treaty were far
from being very palpably defined, and equally vague and uncertain
were the means intend for its execution; it was obvious, then,
that many difficulties were likely, indeed almost necessarily, to be
expected in the prosecution of such a work. When they considered
these important facts, and then recollected what steps had been
taken in execution of such a treaty, he had no doubt they would
conclude, that in the two years which had elapsed since its enact-
ment, as much had been done as could be yea onably expected
within that period. But the noble baron expressed an opinion that
this country was indebted to the anus of Russia for the progress
which had been made towards the execution of the treaty. In this
supposition he begged to assure him he was greatly mistaken. There
.was, on the contrary, not a shadow cf doubt, that had it not been
for the war between Russia and the Porte, the execution of the
treaty would have been earlier attained ; but the result of tat war,
unsatisfactory as in some respects he was prepared to agree in view.
hig it, had not had the lightest injurious operation, so far as re-
prded the affairs of Greece; and so the noble baron would find,
when he had all the papaw before him, with adequate aultentic
1 ' information upon these points. In endeavouring to follow the
noble baron through his speech, he confessed he was not without 1
difficulties to encounter, for he had begun with a recital of facts so
confused, both as to manner of arrangement and time of occurrence
that it was really a work of labour to place them so as to admit of a
regular reply. He had all through, indeed, accused his majesty's
ministers, not only of a gross neglect of the principles of this treaty,
but also of the most glaring impolicy in following up the events
after the combat of Navarino. He should like to ask the noble baron
notwithstanding he professed to be so well informed upon the subject
whether the present administration had not, after all, little to say to
the execution of the treatyuntil some time after the battle? Perhaps it
might have occurred to the noble baron himself to know, that when
the present government were charged by him with stigmatizing the
officer who commanded on that occasion at Navarino, they had not sent
out any authority to cause inquiry into the particulars of the transac-
tion. As to the gallantry of the particular action, never bad he heard it
doubted : with its justification it seemed there were:contending opi.
Mons, but with them this government were not identified. It was
said, however, that when at first a proposal was made to them, to
concur in the expedition of French troops to the Mores, they had
objected,—no doubt they did,—because at that time a preconcerted
plan had been arranged by the three powers for the execution of the
treaty, which was intended to be effected by a naval blockade.
Were they not right in adhering to the means so strictly specified,
and did not the admiral and the niche effect the evacuation before
the French expedition had eventually arrived ? On that ground,
therefore, no just cause of complaint could be substantiated against
them. The noble baron had, in another part of his speech, urged
the necessity of extending this new state, so as to comprehend the
island of Candle. This was, perhaps natural enough from a noble
had who had declared it would have given him pleasure to have seen
a Russian army ehter Constantinople. Entertaining soh an opi.
nion, there could lie no great delicacy or difficulty in his mind about
thropossesaion of a place of such minor importance as Candia. But
these were not speculations into which the government ought to
be called upon to enter. All they had to do was with the execu.
don of the plighted engagements of the crown : they ought
not, at all events, under the provisions of this treaty, to be called
spa to seek for hew and chivalrous adventures. Indeed, he must
sepia, that upon the whole of this subject the noble baron was but
Tory Imperfectly informed, or else he would not have talked as he
had &se of Candies. It would surprise their lordships to know how
the existence of any war in Candia was to be attributed to Great Bri-
tain or to the allies, or how they could be called upon to interfere
for its suppression. Candle was, however, not, in point of fact,
in • state of war; but, on the contrary, perfectly tranquil. In
the mountainous districts, as was too frequently the case in Tur-
kish territories, there were occasional disturbances, but of war
there was none. The state or Candle, as connected with this
question, was simply this :—During the operation of the block.
.ads, it hadl become necessary to expel a nest of Greek pirates, and
to drive than from the pans which they had infeste& Some of
them fled to Candle, and there dropped a cinder to excite the flame
of civil war. If it suited the purpose of the Greek provisional
Government to keep up this kind of war, the case would not
be altered, for, by so doing, this would he departing from the
'spirit in which the treaty was framed ; but, in point of fact, the kind
et hostilities which had prevailed in Candle, was entirely at an end.
'!he oldact of the treaty was, he must repeat once again, to allay,
weafte olikindle a flaine between the Greeks and the Turks; but
au' -
_des were actually carried into Candia by the Greek
they had no connexion with the objects of tbe treaty,
mew, they were ho be attributed to the' nduct= of Bag-
'Nod Wallies. In the same tone of error with his preceding
Obsievadoos, the noble baron had alluded to a power, which was
inant limsearate even than any of the rest he had listened to, noisily,
'that Irbil* went to convey an idea' that the course shout to be
tatnaettowards Greece by the friendly posses, wis one tending to
pealed@ the possibility of her enjoyments of tree instituilons,and Oat
Ildsoartetwas al bused td the influence of that demon of &OP po-
-1 Bey, *kb sheared ever to hatun'thi noble baron when be turned'

ly te... gene,
man, whose opinions must be certainly as much deferred to
by the noble baron as by any other man—namely, the late Mr. Fox.
(Hear.) That eminent man maintained those opinions, not out of
any love for the Turks, but because of his desire to preserve the
peace of Europe. (Hear, hear.) The noble baron had lambs
taunted the present ministers with what he was pleased to call then
insufficiency, and utter want of influence over the councils et
other states. To these taunts he would merely reply. that be
knee the noble baron, with all his affectation of want of sources,
had good information of passing events, and ought to know whs.
was the real isfiuence held by this country upon the Continent.—
Had they, indeed, as had been imputed to them held out meow
ragemcrt to distant power to concede to her opponent, while
they were seemly stimulating het to resistance, then they would
deserve to have been despoiled of their influence ; but he defied the
noble baron to tit proof of such treacherous conduct. Indeed, so
contrary was the .reputation to the fact, that most certainly at the
commencement of the late Turkish war, and even before it, the
British Government most clearly foresaw the result of the struggle,
and had endeavotued to avert it. Throughout that war, and when
it was to be recollected the difficulty of regular communication
with the Turkish Government was increased by the absence of the
ministers from Constantinople, this government had always pressed
the urgent necessity of a pacific policy upon the Porte. They
had done so strongly at the time when the termination of the first
campaign was supposed to have given the Sultan an advantage
I OM Russia—an event which had never deceived himself or his col-
leagues. They had never deluded the Porte, or ceased to press
upon the Turkish Government the policy of ueopting the pacific
overtures held out by Aglaia. If on these occasions qualities of ob-
stinacy and an infatuated
,perseverance in a hopeless struggle had
marked the policy of the Saturn, the British Government, which to-
gether with the rest of &aye beheld the contest always with unea.
sinees were at all events free from all responsibility for consequences,
which they had done all in their power to avert ; what became, then,
of the charges of, pusillanimity, and imbecility, and want of influ.
ence in the scale of nations, which the noble baron charged against
ministers ? They were all gratuitous assertions; for although
their insinuation by the noble baron was calculated to produce a
painful effect on their lordships' minds, still he could remember
that they were not now heard for the first time. He had sat in that
house for 25 years, and these accusations he had invariably heard
from the noble lord under ail kinds of circumstances, and in
every variety of government,—in peace or in war,—when Eng.
land had allies, and when she stood alone,—when she was
snuggling, and in the hour of her greatest triumph,—when it was
the lot of his noble colleague near him to have finished his glorious
career by giving peace to Europe in the capital of England's longest
enemy. (Hear.) Recollecting these opinions of the noble baron,
he hoped he would excuse him on the present occasion if he waited
for his proofs before he attended seriously to his assertions. While the
present Government was led by his noble friend, it would be rather
odd it should be exposed to the odium of pusillanimity, at least, to
the courts of Europe. What was the rolvuntege of the real power
and inexhaustible resources of this country, if they did not enable her
to pursue a course which to feebler poor rs was impossible ? The
noble baron was, indeed, much mistaken, if he thought the policy of
England was misunderstood by any of the other powers of Europe s
let him refer, as he might, to the best authority, and he would find
that Great Britain bad lost nothing of her wonted influence by pur-
suing that even and temperate policy, which, with a just attention
to redeem the obligations incurred by the Crown, had preserved the
general peace of the world, and amid conflicting difficulties.—(hear,
hew) In this policy they meant to persevere, knowing it would be
respected by those who were best disposed to act wisely, and whose
respect was most valuable ; and, above all, they were determined to
abstain from that restless, unsettled, and meddling policy, which
was the snout likely to embroil nations in perpetual war:—(hear,
hear.) Indeed, the noble baron seemed more disposed to rest hL
motion upon the faith of precedents, than on his arguments, and had
therefore laid no solid ground tor its adoption. Under these decant.
stances, feeling that he could not more particularly explain arrange.
merits which were in course of settlement that he could not even ip
more fully into the correction of the noble baron's errors, or explain
away by further facts his misapprehensions, he must entreat their lord.
ships not to vote upon suspicions which were manifestly unfounded,
or alleged facts that were alike unwarranted • but to wait until the
time arrived when the fullest information could be given, and a hich
he promised them would show a very different state of things, and
conduct them to a very different result, from that pointed out by the
noble baron's resolutions, to which he now, in conclusion, begged
leave to move the previous question.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE had heard, indeed, that the
government had interfered; for when the Russians were at Adria.
nople, they had intimated, that if they proceeded to advance upon
the capital, the fleet of the Dardanelles would sail up to Constan-
tinople, and realm its occupation. The result, however, was, that
this d version was not three card until it became useless, and it was
therefore more important ti erect a barrier now in Greece, when it
was seen how that of Turkey had been overthrown
Lord MELBOURNE raid that, in his opinion, the great question
on the Turkish war was, whether the integrity of that empire was
worth preserving at the risk of a war with Russia ?—(Hear.) If,
upon that question, ministers had made up their minds in the
affirmative, they ought to have pursued their object at all events.
Such, he believed, was the view which the noble duke took of the
question.—But, if government had derided not to abide the risk,
they ought not, in any case, to have given the least encourage-
ment to the Turks to resist, as, unfortunately, some expres.
scone in the speech of the noble duke, at the beginning of
the session, had the effect of doing. He should not now thecuss
the question ; but he wished to call the attention of the House to
one Important fact. Turkey had been represented as playing the
most blind and stupid part throughout this war • but war this the
fact ? Towards Russia only was she undoubtedly blind ;—itnnie.
diately after the noble Duke came into power, she published that
violent paper of Alterman which gave the Russians a right to go to
RN. But wbatwas the conduct of Turkey toviards this country sod
fence?—She bore every thing, She bore the protocol signed by
the noble Duke; she bore the Treaty of July ; she bore the ex-
pedition to the Mores. The only solution of this incept&
tency was, that she was encouraged by this country and
France to resist Russia. lie did not mean to say distinctly that any
pledge had been given—he would not impute such perfidy towards
Runde to the British government ; but he fully believed that the
Turks were given to understand that if they resisted they would, be
supported Ilia noble friend, the noble secretary, had taken credit
to ministers for going farther than the letter of the treaty ; but
was it forgotten that circumstances had very much altered
since the making of that treaty ? With respect to the:new
State, he hoped that it would be made not a blot in the list of
States, or an incumbrance amongst the number of our friends, but a
substantial and usefid ally. He was glad to hear that there was no
intention of interfering with the internal government of the new
state, but that It should be at liberty to adopt such institutions as it
pleased. That was the right course for this country.to pursue;
and he was delighted with the distinct assurance that there was re
intention of interfering with the internal affairs of the new stet
Lord NRICH congratulated thegovernment e
claration of nee ty,
' of
used

my noble friend has afforded, yet as some things have been stated
sloop be sat down, more particularly by the noble lord upon the
Mead bench, whom, if he will allow me, I will call my noble
hied (Lord Melbourne) 1 shall trouble you with a very few words
apett.this occasion. My Lords, his Majesty, in his speech from the
ihrone,dellvered upon the first day of the session by the Lords
Commissioners, has stated to you, that he had concerted with his
allies a plan for the pacification of Greece, and in order to
Sol* into effect the treaty of the 27th Ca July ; and be promises
you be will shortly lay before you all the circumstances necessary
to enable you to form a judgment upon the course which he will
pursue with respect to these transactions. The noble lord comes
down and tells you, " don't wait for the communication which
the King has promised in his gracious Speech to you ;
don't wait for the plans, but at once adopt the proposition
es stated by the noble lord, and resolve that the plan of the
f
t whichi sfyyo uth toteh
theehonour
befloocodret ho." sy
kocoue
se nktotrnyo.wy'
o'
us7h'crtaii.h ?
which not
rt
her propositions wall,n
upon s a
miti
11ee
or no the plan is irrevocably fixed, and without knowing whether the
plan upon which you resolve will have any influence upon our pro-
ckedings for the future. But I ask whether this is a situation in
which the house ought to place itself? or whether it is consistent
with its dignity to come forward and enter into resolutions such a•
this, without knowing whether the crown would alter one tittle of
the arrangements which it had already made ? The noble lord
alludes to the resolution of 1827 ; but what can be more ridiculous
than that resolution, except that which the noble lord moved
tonight, and by which 1 would call on your lordships to
vote that you had lost all confidence in his majesty's ministers, and
particularly in myself ? To prove that, however, what dues
the noble lord do ? Why, he collects stories from newspapers,
and makes a statement with an absolute contempt for dates
and facts. My noble friend (Lard Melbourne) says thtt the
Turks were encouraged to publish their hatti-scheriff or ma-
nifesto, or whatever it was, by the circumstance of my coming
into power. Now, my noble friend says he is well informed
upon this subject • but if he consulted with the sources of
his information a little more closely, he would find that the
manifesto was published before the parliament met, or I was hi
office. The offence, therefore, was not in any thing done here is in
the King's speech, for that was delivered before, the King's specter
being delivered the 29th of January. The truth is, though it 11,4.4
not published, that the hatti-acheriff was delivered to the Grand
Seignior long before the Ministers left Constantinople. Now, to
charge me in this way with that with which I had nothing to do. is
what, I must say, something like being too bad—(A laugh). The
noble lord alludes also to Navarino, and asks why we did not block.
ado the Dardanelles, and why other consequences did not follow
with which I have just as much to do as with the hatti-scheriff?
The order was given by the preceding government ; and they
sod very properly, to show their determination to carry into
Abet the treaty of the 27th of July. 1 have followed their
At eeryie and have not advised the blockade of the Dardanelles,
but accommodated myself to citeumstances. Our principle was to
mho hostilities to the circumstances wuich rendered them neceso
vary. Ido not mean to reproach the noble viscount fur the Ines.
sures which he has taken, but I will say, on the part of the present
government, that they ave not forfeited the confidence of the
country, and that they could not forfeit it by measures of which
others were the authors. The noble baron has brought a variety
of charges against the government, into the details of which
it is impossible for me to enter without laying papers before the
house, of which they are now in possession. Tins much, however,
I will say, that there is not one of the acts alluded to by the noble
lord which 1 could not justify in the most satisfactory manner, if
brought before your lordships in a tangible shape. But the
noble baron had alarmed us on account of the Russian war.—
Again, I would beg to remind him of the importance of facts and
dates. He would beg to tell him that the ambassadors of the three
Powers retired from Constantinople in December, and that 1 did
not come into office until the January following. (Lord cries of
Hear, hear). From the time I caine into office I omitted
no opportunity of communicating with the Pelt:, and of doing all
that could be done by the influence of this government to prevail on
the Porte to give to his Russian majesty the satisfaction to which he
was entitled. His majesty's government did all that they colud,
but in vain, and, having failed in that object, it was impossible
that they could prevent the war from taking place.—(Hear, hear.)
It is quite a mistake to suppose that we had ever been deceived as
to the result. For my own part, I never dreamt that it could
have teiminated otherwise, and I could produce many proofs,
If necessary, to show not only that I thought all along that
the war must come to the one result, but that It ought to
have come to it in the course of the first campaign. I should have
felt that I was abandoning my duty if I had not exerted-myself
all along with the Porte for the purpose of bringing about a peace.
But the noble baron says, " Oh ! your language led to the war."
On the contrary, I maintain that our language neither could have,
nor was intended to have, any such effect. We were most
anxious to prevent war. (Hear, hear.) When I say that we were
most anxious to prevent war, let me not be mistaken. Imu a
firmly believe, notwithstanding the distress of this country,
that there 'never was a moment in her history when she wa
more capable of embarking in a war for any legitimate object.
I do most firmly believe that there never was a period when our
resources were more available, or when her establishments were so
effective. No. Ido not even except that period when, as the noble
baron has said, she was capable of contending against the world is
arms, But, taking all this into consideration, there were still other
questions to be asked. In the first place, would it be a just war:
—(Hear, hear.) It would not, for no one can deny that the first
insult proceeded from the Porte. In the next place, would it
be a politic war ? We were engaged with Russia and France
in the endeavour to accomplish the settlement of Greece—an
object which the Parliament, if not the people of this country,
bad deeply at heart. We had to consider what the effect cf a
war might be upon that object ; and seeing that such a war must
sooner or later embroil the whole world. we were bound to consider
deeply all the consequences before wo meditated war. After all, the
Turkish power still exists in Europe, and there is every reason to
hope that the Sultan will be able to establish himself In a little time
so as to be able to act his part in the general system of Europe...a
The noble baron blames us also for not having carried on active
hostilities against the Turks, in pursuance of the treaty of
the 6th of July. If there was any principle which the right ho.
pourable gentleman, with whom an these transactions originated.
insisted on more strongly than another, it was the principle
that the treaty should be carried into effect without any act
of hostility. I know this to have been the cue, for I received
first instructions on the subject, which were distinctly to that effea.
But that is not all. The treaty itself provides that we should rot
mix ourselves up with any of the hostile attempts of the part!es.
The government did contemplate ulterior measures, ttntd tit
battle of Navarino was ore of the results. And here again I sock!
call upon the noble baton to ambit to facts and dates. It is Ira,:
that an arrangement was made with the Egyptian troops for Vie
evacuation of the Mores, and it is true also that troops were sect
to compel that evacuation—but, at the time the troops were sell.
it was not known what arrangements were made upon the sub-
ject. Such, IWI assure the noble baron, was the train and order
of the facts to which he has alluded. I say, that throughote
the whole of those transactions we were guided by the spirit of re.
treaty,:and of the declaration made by his Majesty to L'arliainest.
Our object was a peaceable settlement of Greece, and not a distwb-
ance which might promote the purposes of extensive empi e. hits:
again, the noble baron has accused us of omitting to• include tote
island of Candle within the new territory of Greece. This is hard.)
fair—thi noble lord knows as well as I do that the Protocol of thL
27th of Meech did not include that island, so diet Candia was
omitted by the coMbjned act of the Allies. But he says yea ought
to have made a new arrangement, which should include it. Tee
noble baron should reflect, however, that, if we were resolved to
give Candia to Greece, we must first conquer it front the Turk..
—(hear, bean) And, as I have said 'Were, neither the terms nor
the spirit of the treaty could justify us in conquering any thing for
the Greek's. For the reasons which I have already stated, and
which I Could prove still inure distinctly If I had the papers be.
fore me which are at the command of the house, I shall conclude
by moving the previous question upon the resit:wive of the rued,
baron. —(bw, heo.)
Lord HOLLAND said he should not press the house to n diet.
eion, but would willingly acquiesce in due previous queNtion..if i.e
did not wish that his motion should appear upon the Journal.. lie
wished at the nine time to offer one or two words upon abet h:1,l
(ellen from the noble duke, and a noble earl, in the course of tbr
debate. The noble cad (of Aberdeen) had given him credit for
sources of intelligence which he did not possess, and had claimed to
himself an authority in which he was equally mistaken. He had
quoted the opinion of a distinguished relative of his. to whom
he could not allude, even at this distance of time, without feel.
ings of strong emotion. The noble lord had assumed that
Mr. fox was favourable to the policy of mainaining the integrity
ig the Turkish empire, and was even willing to guarantee it. He
ILOrd Holland) could not pretend to recollect every expression
which had (ellen from his distinguished relative, nor all the co•
ctunstancee which might colour his opinions at different Chess
nut this he could say, that it was his uoifonn wish to ace the
Turks driven out of Europe—(hear, hear.) The noble earl bah! up
let be =. 31i. Fes's opiltione
ha 1
••

intention or unerterui_E waw !Hi lIIWAINO. mg..le VS lgli AM.I 6%.1.y. . •••••" •.• ••••• •••-- - -- • • •
Loud GODERICH congratulated the meat upon the de- his hoods; but did he an to say that he knell, Mi. `no's opinion,
elaration which they had made of neu •Ity. as concerned the ih- how than he (ill' Holland') ? Ir a contrary sentiment hall ait•
.
Eed
taroal Akin of the new government of ' . He hoped, hmrsver. or any time In soy of Mr. Fox's speeches, the smell !haat
thst our legitimate influence would be used to prevent any other ve been ill POW, and the tenor of hie sentiments Mistakvn.
power. Nom shackling that people In the choice Of their imthutiods. h *Urban Egypt had fallen tate the hands 04. the
We Might to persuadethem to adopt our owWinititudons,lrit np r.it, Mr, Fox depleted that event, as injurious to the
only to *ow the world that we boar with dies* lees as grievances, loteresti tierh country in the war she was then prosecatias, he
led
001 than . them isiblviings. Such * gift to the'new stfte irony, iinil .Pa aiU riteageSiOn• that It was ilk*_tia le td to 'l44'
be t with ',glans' grawillSyl sad the public.intswthc— I.', 1 Tvriusa etialdre. Until qse ie.cs,rl ii.sd sunsd in
'lord an ' tb• notiook: - • : alai t the *Wit" of the I\i/Vphfiluilre !fp NWAV to
1;140TClitl-- Mie La*, sitoolordectly , OA iicAer In 'EttroPe, efch a *kins* bad -mow Iwo
I " with :g.e'defenee of ale Wittman 'lMileir the speedit' Of sio - ithin the Walls of Parlismentat Lead' lie could say that