The Sun.
London, England, 1820-10-17 00:00:00

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1820►.

jections to stop the mouths of the witnesses on
this tender subject. If a witness, for instance,
says Raganti offered money to induce persons to
depose against the Queen, an objection is imme-
diately taken that Raganti has not been proved
to be an agent under the Milan Commission, and
therefore no evidence can be received as to any
attempt on his part to suborn witnesses. It is true
that Rastelli says that Raganti came to him and
desired him to come before the Milan Commis-
sion, and that it is, therefore, in evidence that
he was actively employed in procuring witnesses,
but then being actively employed in this way, is
not being an agent, and the-most extensive sub-
ornation on the part of Raganti would not be the
act of the Milan Commission, but his own. The
strict rules of evidence observed in the Courts
below must not be departed trom ; for though
the whole of the .proceedings are a violation
of law, and the Queen has been- deprived of
its protection, none of its technicalities can• be
departed from, when she wishes to unmask the
conspiracy against her.—Who is the prosecutor ?
has been again and again asked. Aye, who is
the prosecutor ? The State, we are told at one
moment—the next, the House of Lords, who are
also the Judges—and then Ministers are- ho-
noured with that title. Who employed the Mi-
lan Commission ? Ministers, or at least the head
Minister of the Duke of Cornwall. But who em-
ployed Baron Ompteda ?—Who emuloyed Baron
Reding ? Who employed the ganoverian and
Wurtemburgh Ministers ? Who, by money and
threats, prevailed on witnesses to come here
Neither the State nor the House of Lords,
nor Ministers could employ these Hanoverian
Ministers, because they have no power over
them. Then there is some one behind
the curtain, who has power to put these
servants of the King of Hanover in motion.
But though this unknown enemy may employ all
the resources of corruption to destroy the Queen,
how is she to reach him ? We only know acci-
dentally that Hanoverian Ministers employed
money arid threats to procure witnesses, from its
having come out in the cross-examination of a
witness for the prosecution. But though the
Queen had hundreds of witnesses to prove that
Hanoverian Ministers had been guilty of the most
shameless subornation, by the rues for which the
Counsel for the prosecution contend, she could
put no questions to any of them ; for these Mi-
nisters have not been proved to be agents of the
Milan Commission ; and we have nothing to do
with any subornation on the part of any such Mi-
nisters or their employers ; for what have we to
do with the King of Hanover ?

[New Times.]
If the forms of the Lower House preclude any
discussion of what is going on in the Upper, we
hope that those forms will be most timorously en-
forced. No indulgence must be ;hewn, at a
crisis like the present, to the unlicensed itch for
declamation, which can only be gratified by
pouring forth abuse on honourable men and ve-
nerable institutions. The peace of the nation is
not to be complimented away to gratify vanity or
to satiate malignity. Not that we 'are in the least
disposed to decline any argument that can fairly
be raised on the actual state of her Majesty's
case. With that case, as it now stands,
conspiracy can have little or nothing to do ;
for the proof of adultery has been most satis-
factorily established 'by the Queen's own wit-
nesses, and if her Counsel can ever establish her
innocence, it must be by completely overturning
and annihilating the evidence of Lieutenants
• Flynn and Hownam. We do not deny.that they
may do this ; but we say, that the question which
they labour to raise about Rastelli and the Miian
Commission (futile, frivolous, contemptible ques-
tions at the best,) vanish into total insignificance,
when we look at the tremendous fact of jive weeks
nightly cohabitation with Bergami in a closed
tent. Then as to the subordinate, but concurring
and corroborating circmustances, every new wit-
ness for the Queen strengthens some of these
points against her. Thus the witness exa-
mined yesterday proved that the " goitlefolks "
at the Barona who did the future Queen of Eng-
land-the honour of visiting her, were the land-
lady that keeps the Christopher public house,
and her daughter, the wife and sister of
another publican, his daughter Marian, " the
flower of gentlefolks" in that neighbourhood, and
Miss IVlarian's brother, or cousin (we know not
which), Master Giuseppe. Lastly, it will no
doubt be said, " the people" demand the Queen's
acquittal: and the persons who may perhaps
make this broad assertion are the very individuals
who best know what tag-rag and bobtail proces-
sions they have headed to Brandenburgh House,
and how completely the respectable part .of
the population have kept aloof from those dis-
graceful measures. Compare the property of the
Addressers in any parish with the property of
those who maintain a just and reasonable silence,
awaiting respectfully the just judgment of the
Legislature ; and it will clearly be seen that the
Nation, that is to say, the property and respec-
tability of the Nation, is for degrading the
Queen, if she be guilty.

A CAPITAL RECOLLECTION !—The very last
Prize of 30,0001. was Sold by CARROLL, who has
now a choice selection of Tickets and Shares, at
his Fortunate Offices, No. 19, Cornhill, and 26,
Oxford-street, where the Public may obtain the
two Prize's of 20,000/. and the other Capitals,
which must ALL be drawn To:Moßßow, when
the Lottery finishes.

WEEKLY RETROSPECT.

Never has the public attention been so exclu-
sively occupied by one subject as by the Parlia-
mentary Proceedings of the past week. The
Loyal and truly Patriotic, under which defini-
tion we must include all the moderate, and those
who wait in silence for Legislative Adjudication,
have felt anxious for the development of truth,
for the fair vindication of lIER MAJI:STY'S fame,
clear of all legal quibbles or, Old Bailey acquit-
tals, and for a rational and pe'rmanent stop to the
train of events so intimately connected with the
public tranquillity. The Dtsloyal, indeed, have
had a very ditierentSeeling, amongst whom, how-
e-fer, we do not class the thousands led by mis-
judging enthusiasm, by the novelty of seeing a,
QUEEN, by the rarity and length of the ride, or
by the vanity of displaying themselves, on
a visit to Hammersmith—but it is not the less a
fact that in the early part of th.: week the Radi-
cats, amongst whom we class many loud profes-
sors --of Reginal attachment, were very much
alarmed lest the Peers .should throw out the Bill !
That Bill, which the Loyal only wish should
pass in case of proved immorality, the Radicals
look forward to as a rallying point for riot and
revolution. In stating this we should feel sorry
were it to operate on the mind of any individual
as a reason why Truth and Justice should yield
to popular clamour—but, as the fact is well
known, it may well operate as an incentive to the
strictest watch on the part of Government, and
as a preparative and stimulus to active exer-
tions on the part of the Public at large to check
the first symptoms of riot or confusion.
The alarm of the Radicals, towards the end of
the week, respecting the issue of the Bill, is per-
haps not so great—at least we understand that a
considerable change of opinion has taken place
on the Stock Exchange, where the downfall of
public character or of private virtue is-only con-
sidered as pastime for Bulls and Bears ! In the
middle of the week we hear that 131. have been
paid to 'receive 1001. when the Bill shall receive
the Royal Assent ! But the difference in the odds
has, on Friday and Saturday, undergone a chancre.
Great, indeed, must be the interest taken on that
subject, when a most important fact, relative to
the general welfare of the Nation, has been suf-
fered to pass down the stream of Time with
scarcely a comment. We allude to that most im-
portant fact, illustrative of our increasing prospe-
rity', that the sum total of the Revenue for the last
year exceeds that of 1818 in the proportion of
600,0001.; and has, by our Constitutional and
Commercial Elasticity, bounded beyond that of
the intermediate year, 1819, to the very import-
ant amount of 1,700,0001.
This is a most material consideration. We
have not only overcome those circumstances
which depressed the revenue of 1819 below that
of the preceding year, put we have also exceed-
ed that
,year to an amount which is highly tlat-
tefing. Nay, the very mode and manner in
which this amelioration has taken place, are fit
subjects of congratulation. It is very true, in-
deed, that the Customs of 1820 are less than
those of ,1818, in the sum of one and three quar-
ter millions. But this diminution may, to a great
extent, be accounted for by the reduced prices
of such articles of Import and Export as pay
ad valorem duties. Nzty, this seems even more
confirmed by the fact that the Excise have in-
creased FOUR MILLIONS!
- The increased internal commercial activity is
shewn by an increase of Post Office Duties ;
whilst Commercial Improvement is shewn by the
fact of Stamp Duties diminished. This is evi-
dently connected with diminished Bankruptcies;
and it must not be forgotten that both the Asses-
sed Taxes and Land Tax have also increased,
though not to a very large amoutit.
Upon the whole, it is gratifying to see that our
total Revenue is now FIFTY MILLIONS AND A
lIALp--less indeed than our annual expenditure,
including interest of Debt and Sinking Fund;
but we must not forget that the last quarter's
Revenue gives a surplus of 1,300,0001. over the
charges on the Consolidated Fund, thereby re-
ducing the issue of Exchequer Bills to that
amount. _

If we may here compare small things with
great, it is not. a❑ unimportant fact that the re-
ceipts at the Birmingham] Musical Festival ex-
ceeded 9000/., clearly illustrative of the increas-
ing welfare of that town, so closely connected
with some of our most valuable Manufactures.

FOR THE SUN.

ADDRESS 'l'o THE QUEEN.

EDITOR—" The Address to the Queen is
Ping lwrlure,rrn for Siatures." Probably you are nut aware
the manner and plan in which these Addresses are concerted ;
but 1 can tell you, and you may prove the correctness of my
statement at any time, if you choose t walk for an hour or
two down Oxford-street, Piccadilly, or Tottenham Court-
Road: at one, two, or ni.ire shops in each of these streets.
.
a notice—" The Address to the Queen is lvit y, here for
signatures," is hung out at the dour, ass -a Sign ---of what—that
the Address is obliged to beg for sit:natures ; and then how is
it signed- ? If Jail Ketch walks down Tot t enbankcon rt-road,
he can go in and sign the Address to the Queen ; as he conies
hack he has only to slouch his hat,and arrange his dress a little
different, re-enter, and sign again. This may be repeated
daily, with a fai.e address; for none will take the trouble to
find outwhether it is correct.

OBSERVATOR.

presented to
The folioN6lgAddiesses are to be
her -.NIAJ ES T to-morrow

From the Coachmalters, Cricklade, tireenoclt, the Roman
Catholic Congregations in the Metropolis, Leit hot., (N. t;,)
the Dulles of Camberwell, [population of Camherwell, St.
Andrew's, Holborn; Maidstone, Southampton, Newlen,
Cornwall ; Leominster, Clifton, near Bristol ; I;it-
rtey, Hull, Cirencester, Kidderminst,er, .Sawyers of the Me-
tropolis, St. John's,- Wapping; 'I rittlesineu of Spalding,
Horsham, Bridgwater, and Paisley.

[PRICE SEVENPENCE.

PARLIAMENT,

R 0 USE OF LORDS-YESTERDAY.

THE QUEEN'S DEFENCE.

[Continuation of Yesterday's Proceedings. 3..
The Marquess of LANsnowN understood the ex-
planation of the Noble Earl (Liverpool) to be, that
their Lordships had entertained the Bill on the
grounds he had stated, and called the party to the
Bar. If that House was placed in the situation of
having, for the convenience of its own proceed.-
ings, created the parties to this bill, and placed
them at its Bar he thought it was incumbent on

their Lordships to ascertain in what way the
case for the Bill had been got up. He could not
understand how the Noble Lord could have felt
any of that astonishment he had expressed. at
this question not having been started before, con-
sidering the frequent allusion which had been
made to it, both by Counsel at the Bar, and by
Noble Lords in the House; and their proceed-
ings on Saturday had naturally raised the quas-

tiou, whether this House or some unknown being.
were the prosecutor ?, The case -for the defence
at present was, to prove a conspiracy ; for that
purpose it was necessary to establish the agency
of parties, and that could not be done unless the
party or principal were known. He therefore
considered that this House having instituted the
inquiry, could not have for its object any thing
but the discovery obi truth, and it ought to ex-
plore it by all possible means. He could not
but consider that they ought to have before theta
that part of the correspondence between Colonel
Brown and Mr. Powell, relating/to the abstrac-
tion of the witness llastelli, which he thought
most important, as leading to the ascertaining of
the truth in this particular. Wi4h respect to the
distinction taken by his Noble
_Friend (Lord
Calthorpe) between a Minister of the Crown and
a Minister of the King, it was one in which he
could not concur. The Noble Earl was - there
as the Minister of the Crown, and was only
known there as such, and he felt assured that the
Noble Earl himself would not submit to be consir
dered in any other character.
The LORD CHANCELLOR thought, that the
cross-examination of Pomi ought lo proceed. It
was'not fit that the regular course of the pro-
ceeding should be interrupted. Those who ad,
i vised this measure, were answerable to the coutt-
try for instituting its anti would cheerfully meet
their responsibility, when the period arrived
when that question was to be entered into.. The
House ought, however, now to proceed in this
inquiry, regularly ; and his Lordship was sure,
that whatever might be said by the world, the
case would be impartially determined in the re-
sult.—(Hear, hear!)
Lord CALTHORPE objected. to. this Bill being
brought in. solely. under the influence and sup-
port of his Majesty's Government, in preference
to the personal character. and responsibility of
an individual.

Earl GREY had -been from the first against
the Bill. 'lle thought answers ought to be given
to the 'questions which her Majesty's Counsel'
wished to put. As yet, it was not seen who was
the principal or prosecutor. lie took it for grant-
ed, that where there was an agent there must be
a principal, but the proof of their connection
would be impossible, unless the principal were
known. It was said that the Government were.
the principals, for it was admitted that Colonel
Brown, who was at the head of the Milan .Corn-
mission, was their agent. The other actors un,
der that Com Mission appeared to be the subor-
dinate instruments of Colonel Brown. When
proof then was offered of the most sharneful bri-
bery and corruption on the part of one of the
subordinate agents, he (Earl Grey) should con-
sider the charge of corruption brought through
the medium of agency directly home against the
Government. Not to suffer then a question •to
be, put,-the answer to 2shich.was of ' .vital conse-
quence in the consideration of this question,
would, in his opinion, be at once a subversion of
every principle of justice... So decided was hi 3
opinion on this subject: that if the House should
decide not to suffer the question to, be .putrhe
was determined to submit a motion with the view
to have the whole matter traced up, to its com-
nieticement.

The Earl Of CARN4RVON contended that un-
der the present circumstances .the name of the
principal should be disclosed, but at all events it
was proper to inquire to what extent the agency
had been carried. It appeared to him that the
connection had been presumptively proved be-
tween the agent and the principal, without any
teference to the Milan Commission. It was in
their Losrdships' recollection that a witness had
been compelled by a foreign Government to go
to Frankfort and submit to an examination by the
Minister of the King of Hanover.
The Earl of LIVERPOOL was understood to ad-
mit that the Witness had been examined by the
Hanoverian Minister, and to offer some explana-
tion of that transaction.
The Earl of CARNARVON resumed.--The ex-
planation attempted by the Noble Earl was not
at all satisfactory, The' Minister of Hanover
was connected with others, and he (the Earl of
Cproper influence, and that the Minister in ques-
tioairlnha:vdeint) contended that this was a most ini-
o right whatever.to interfere. It was
of no consequence whether
.this agent was under
the direction of Ministers or not.. The presump.,
tion was, that he had been under that influence,.