The Sun.
London, England, 1842-08-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUMTST 22, 1842.

the course of that afternoon a large body of men as-
sembled on the moor adjoining the race-course, about
three miles from the town, .some of whom were
practising the throwing of iron pikes. In other re-
spects the meeting was of a peaceable character.
BOLTON, Saturday Evening.
Many of the mills have to-day resumed work,
without having received any interruption. It is ex-
pected that all the mills will resume employment, on
Monday. An adequate force of special constables is
kept up for the protection of tranquillity.
On visiting Hyde and Ashton this afternoon, I
found a more 'general disposition to return to work,
although some hundreds of the operatives out of em-
ployment had dispersed themselves in the districts
around. At Stockport there was a general cessation
of labour. _ .

Yesterday evening the county and borough Magis-
trates issued the following proclamation :

" PROCLAMATION.

"IVhereas many of the working classes in this town
and the immediate neighbourhood have resumed la-
bour within the last few days, and it having been
made knoWn to us that others have expressed their in-
tention to begin work on Monday next, we, the un-
.dersigned Magistrates, do here call upon the well-
disposed of every class to hasten, by their influence
and example, the resumption of labour, and do hereby
declare our determination to protect, by all means in
our power, all persons who shall return to their work,
and to put down and punish with all the rigour of the
law every attempt to overawe and intimidate her Ma-
jesty's subjects in the pursuit of their lawful callings.
" Signed by the Borough and County Magistrates."
Just before closing my communication news has
been received at the Town-hall, that a large meeting,
consisting of upwards of 1,500 persons, was held at
Oldham, and that another is announced for this morn-
ing. The military have orders to be in readiness.
ACCRINGTON, Friday Evening.
Notwithstanding the former unpleasant particulars
respecting this town previously published, everything
is now quiet. Most of the mills have resumed em-
ployment, and . upwards of 1,000 special constables
have been sworn in and armed with truncheons.
Many of these are persons connected with the dif-
ferent factories.

LEIGH, Friday Evening.

The town remains tolerably peaceable, being pro-
tected by a party of the 60th Rifles. At no time has
there been a general stoppage of the works. A dele-
gate from this place stated, at Manchester, that he was
deputed by 15,000 inhabitants, whilst there are not
5,000 residents in the place.
THE LATE OUTRAGES IN NORTH STAF-

They resolved not to return to their work till the
Charter was the law of the land, and to apply, on the
following day to the Board of Guardians for relief.
The people were advised to withdraw their deposits
from their clubs and to run to the banks for gold in
order to injure the Government. The,speakers recom-
inended them not to disturb the market on the following;
day. They were to wait, as the country would soon be in
such a state as to enable them to gain all that they
wanted. It was then proposed to adjourn till the next
morning, but this proposition was overruled, and it
was agreed not to meet till four o'clock in the after-
noon, in order to give time for the arrival of the
Northern Star and the London papers, AO see what
news there ;yrs from other parts. This afternoon at
Penrylgereg about 3,000 miners and colliers asserri-
bled, listening to the harangues of the speakers, which
were nearly all delivered in Welsh. From what
could be gathered, the purport of the meeting was to
set forth again their ten-times-told tale of the distress
of the working classes, to rail against taxes and the
Government. This was followed up by rehearsing
the proceedings in the North and other parts of the
country, in order. to encourage them to persevere, and,
' in conclusion, praise the Charter, and reiterate their
determination not to return to work till their griev-
ances were removed ; and the strongest execrations
were vented on those who should dare to return to
their employment. Something was also said about
their attending the Committee meetings; and that
they have resolved to
,interfere with the paddlers,
whose duty it is to renew the furnace fires on Mon-
day mornings, in order to stop all the works. The
meeting was adjourned till ten o'clock on Monday
morning. It will thus be seen that no less than nine
meetings have been held in this town and neighbour-
hood in the course of four days, and it is not therefore
surprising that the Magistrates have determined to
put a stop to them.
The following notice has been issued by the Ma-
gistrates :
" CAUTION TO THE PUBLIC.
" Whereas information has has been received by
the Magistrates of this neighbourhood' that divers
large bodies of persons have met in a manner and for
a purpose unauthorised by law ; and whereas threats
and intimidations have been held out by certain evil-
disposed persons to deter the peaceful and well-inclined
portions of the working classes from pursuing their
customary avocations ; we, the undersigned, Magis-
trates for the county of Glamorgan, under the present
state of disturbance, unfortunately existing in other
parts of England, deem it to be our duty to make
known to the public in general, that after the publica-
tion of her Majesty's Proclamation (hereunto sub-
joined), all assemblies of persons in considerable num-
bers having a manifest tendency to disturb the public
peace, and to excite the fears of her Majesty's peace-
able subjects, are illegal; and we declare our firm in-
tention to prevent the same. And we, therefore, cau-
tion all well-disposed persons from joining in, or
being present at, any such meetings,
as they will
thereby bring themselves into peril, and incur the con-
sequences of any measures which may be adopted for
the preservation of the public peace.
" ANTHONY HILL,

ROWLAND FOTHERGILL,
GEORGE ROWLAND MORGAN,
NASH V. E. VAUGHAN,
E. M. WILLIAMS,
J. HEWITT.

" Merthyr Tydvil, Aug. 20, 1842."
Expresses have been sent for additional troops, and
unless the workmen are more peaceably disposed in
2onsequence of the notice now given, we shall have
serious doings on Monday or Tuesday.

ADDRESS OF THE LEAGUE.
At a special general meeting of the National Anti-
Corn-law League; held at their rooms in Manchester,
this 20th of August, 1842. Robert Hyde Greg, Esq.

in the Chair.
Moved by John Bright, Esq., of Rochdale ; se-
conded by Henry Ashworth, Esq., of Turton ; and
resolved unanimously, that the following address be
published to the people of the United Kingdom :
"In the present deplorable state of the country,
we, the Members of the National Anti-Corn•law
League, in special meeting assembled, whilst wholly
disregarding the wicked and calumniousitttacks made
upon us by the abettors of monopoly, feel it to be our
duty to recal to the calm consideration of all classes
the long-prevailing evils against which we have un-
ceasingly contended—evils which we solemnly believe
to have led to the existing commotions, and which,
unless removed, will inevitably involve the nation in

still greater calamities.
" It will be remembered that, in the autumn of
1838, impelled by the accumulating privations and
alarming prospects of the people, a united effort to
procure the abolition of the Corn-law was commenced
by the establishment of Associations in various parts
of the country; and in the spring of 1839 an appeal
was made to the House of Commons by a numerous
body of delegates assembled in London, to be heard
at their bar. This application the Legislature re-
fused. In 1840 another delegation assembled in Lon-
don to press upon Parliament and upon the Ministry
the necessity of repealing the Corn-law. This second
appeal was likewise rejected. In 1841 another very
numerous body of deputies assembled in the metro-
polis, and reiterated their arguments, and produced a
mass of facts bearing upon the question of the Corn-
law ' • but again the Legislature refused the act of jus-
tice demanded of them. During the recess between
the sessions of 1841 and 1842 meetings were held in
almost every part of the country (amongst which
must be particularised one comprising 650 minis-
ters of religion in Manchester, and another of 800
ministers and office-bearers of Scotch congrega-
tions at Edinburgh), proclaiming the moral and
physical deterioration of the working classes, and
the ruinous effects of the Corn-law upon every
department of industry, with the opening of
the ssssion cf 1842, 700 delegates commenced •
their sittings in the metropolis. They sought
an interview with the Prime Minister, who declined
to receive them. They published an appalling state-
ment of facts, proving the dreadful sufferings of the
great mass of the population, and the intimate con-
nexion between those sufferings and the working of
the Corn-law. The Ministry proposed, and the Le-
gislature sanctioned a partial change in the law,
worthless as a remedial measure, and tantamount to
an utter denial of the just claims of the people. Sub-
sequently, the distress of the labouring class being
intense, and whole districts being prostrated, another
delegation assembled in London, and had interviews
with the Prime Minister and his colleagues in the Go-
vernment. They laid before them the state of the
country, the impending destruction of some and the
depression of all trades ; the intense and wide-spread
sufferings of the people ; the exasperation of feeling
ar-d the hopelessness of redress which prevailed
amongst them: and the danger that some great social
convulsion would result from the infatuated resolution
of the majority of the Legislature, despite the prayers
of millions of petitioners .to maintain, at all hazards,
their destructive monopoly.
" Having thus pointed out the cause, suggested the
remedy, and foretold the consequences of delay, our
duty was performed, and we threw the responsibility,
as we now do, upon the Government and the Legis-

lature.
" It is thus obvious that we had long foreseen, and
often foretold, those disastrous effects of the Corn-law
which have been gradually developed, and have con-
tinued to increase in severity, until all the manufac-
turing districts have been thrown into a state of con-
vulsion.
" Whilst we most strongly and unequivocally con-
demn every breach of the public peace, we desire to
express, our sympathy with the unmerited and long-
continued sufferings of tho' working classes, and our
belief that the industrious population of this country,
if justly governed, would invariably be disposed to..
conduct themselves as peaceable and honest men and
good citizens.
" Finally, we consider it our duty to step forward
in the present painful crisis to declare, once more, our
solemn and unshaken conviction that the unjust and
inhuman Corn-law is the main cause of the evils
which afflict the industrial community, destroying
the profits of the manufacturers, reducing the wages
of the working men, and bringing beggary and ruin
upon a large portion of our countrymen ; and we de-
sire to record it as our deliberate opinion that the
dense and increasing population of this country can-
not be in a prosperous, comfortable, or even contented
condition so long as they
are subjected to the pres-
sure of the Corn-law ; and that there can be no gua•
rantee for the peace of society, or for the security of
life and property, whilst large masses of the people
are sinking into a state of abject destitution.
" We therefore earnestly implore our countrymen
of every class to unite with us in urging upon the
Government the necessity of immediately re-assem-
bling.the Legislature, with a view to the total aboli-
tion of the destructive monopoly in the food of the
people. " ROBERT HYDE GREG, Chairman."

THE OFFICE OF 111611 BAILIFF OF SOUTHWARK.
—As it has been very confidently stated in the City that
Mr. Harvey, the Commissioner of the City Police, will
be appointed High Bailiff of Southwark, several candi-
dates have already started for the office of Commissioner
of the City Police. The gentlemen whose names are
given, according to the forte in which they appear to be
with the Corporation, are as follows:—Captain King-
cade, Governor of Bridewell, a gentleman introduced to
the notice of the members of the Corporation by the
most eminent military men in the kingdom, under whom
the Captain fought through the Peninsular war; Colonel
Campbell, Colonel Angelo, Colonel Gaunt, end Major-
General Sir Burgess Carnac. These candidates are, we
are told, all canvassing, but the Members of the Corpo-
ration are very tardy in making promises.
In virtue of a convention signed on the 9th May
last, and which came into force on the 6th inst., between
France and the Two Sicilies, letters with patterns, jour-
nals, and printed books, may be sent postpaid between
the two kingdoms in the same manner as they have
hitherto been within the interior of France.

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.
(Continuation of Thursday's debate on the Regency Bill.)
On M. Lainartine concluding his speech advocating
the right of the Duchess of Orleans to be appointed
Regent—
M. Guizot rose and said, on entering on the discus-
sion, he would reject all that a little before seemed
likely to be included in it, such as party prospects,
and certain movements of timidity which appeared to
arise in some men's minds, in consequence of the mis-
fortune which had lately afflicted France. Undoubt-
edly, the possible difficulties of the future ought, most
especially, to occupy their attention, and God forbid
that he should utter a word—a single word—which
could weaken the impression of the immense chasm
which had been left in the midst of them by the death
of the noble Prince whom they had lost.—(Approba-
tion.) But though no enactments of theirs could re-
place him—(fresh approbation)—they ought, after
their first expression of affliction had passed, to have
full confidence in the future. If any person doubted
of this, he would refer him to what had passed before
his eyes at Paris during the last month—to the na-
tional sentiment, so profound, so rapid, and so unani-
mous, which burst forth at the moment of the late mis-
fortune—to that European feeling which had res-
ponded so nobly to their national feelings—and to that
mourning for their Prince, worn by the whole of
France with so true an affliction, and accepted with
so sincere a sympathy by all Europe. This was the
answer to the alarms and fears which had been so
universally manifested. The dynasty of 1830 had
experienced a most frightful shock, but from that
shock had proceeded the most striking consecration
of the future. The more the loss which it had sus-
tained was important, the more had the-necessity of
its presence and the greatness of its mission been
acknowledged.—(Great approbation.) The dynasty
of July had been baptized in France as well as out of
it by tears from kings and nations, and the throne
had become strengthened, and had found fresh pledges
of stability and duration from the very misfortune
they had to deplore. He would then, as lie had already
stated, set aside all extraneous matter in considering
this question, and would commenee by saying that
it was not well to attribute to the dynasty interests
contrary to the liberties of the country. He was
of the same opinion as the Chamber—that it was
in the interest and the liberties of the country alone
that the monarchy ought to spring, and that
in fact there it was that it was rooted.—(hear, hear.)
The Chamber was therefore perfectly competent to
pass a Regency Bill, and they had only to consider
how they could draw it up so as to regulate the
future. When any unusual and important matter
arose, it ought to be decided as promptly as possible
in the established order of things, such as existed
yesterday, and will exist to-morrow, and there were
no other powers, except the great powers already
established, which could legislate on such matters in a
manner in harmony with the institutions of the
country. They were themselves a marked example
of this truth, for why was • the Revolution of 1830
accomplished regularly and sagely, if 'not because it
remained under the direction of the permanent powers
of society ? Suppose that after the three days a
National Convention had been summoned to arrange
their consequences, could they believe that the result
would be the same ? The Revolution of July, ac-
complished by the regular powers of the State, had
given safety to France, and would constitute her
glory—(Loud cheers)—and yet now, after twelve
years' trial, the same powers were not, forsooth,
competent to pass the present Bill! It was con-
trary 'to good sense to say so, as well as to the
most evident lessons of history and politics.
The national sovereignty had been spoken of.
If it was intended to assert that the government
and society were not one and the same thing—
that the Government could not effect everything—
that an occasion or period might arise when society
could separate itself from the Government—he could
only say that such was his own opinion. But this
assertion, however, had nothing to do with the case in
question. If it was intended to maintain that there
were two powers in society, one constitutional and
the other constituent—one fit for working-days and
the other for feast-days—then a dictum was laid down
full of danger, foolish and fatal. He had seen in his
life-time three great constituent powers—in the year
8, Napoleon—in 1814, Louis XVlll.—and, in 1830,
the Chamber of Deputies ; all the rest, such as ap-
peals to the people, or ratifications, were nothing but
fiction and shadow. Every body was aware that
these three powers had not been anticipated. In the
present day they had three constitutional puwers—
three living arguments in favour of that system, with-
out which there was only revolution or usurpation.
(Sensation.) The Bill had been taxed with incom-
pleteness. But he replied to the objection by say-
ing that it was a correct one, and that the Bill was
left designedly in its present state. Two questions
here dominate all others. The Regency, ought it
to be conferred by right and in virtue of a general
principle, or should it be given by election and in
virtue of a special act of the constitutional powers ?
This is the first question. The second is, in either
hypothesis, to whom should the Regency be given ?
A Regency conferred in each case by Parliament,
and in reference to no general principle, was an elec-
tive Regency, and was out of harmony with the poli-
tical system of the country. The real dignity of the
constitutional government consisted, as their Reporter
had stated, in a proper division of the party and forces
of the several powers of the State. The special mis-
sion of Royalty was to bring to the Government action
and fixity. Such was the executive power—a per-
petual one—he did not hesitate to term it, and in the
ensemble of their institutions, Royalty, had not too
much authority to accomplish this double mission.
During the liing'a minority, Royalty was weaker in
this double point of view, in reality or-in men's opi-
nion, both as an executive and perpetual power,
weaker than our constitutional regime desired. Yet,
by the elective Regency, this power would still be
more weakened, and the changeable principle would
be strengthened. He therefore demanded a Re-
gency by right, for such a mode of act-
ing preserved to the several powers their
union, their proper position, and their strength.
In an absolute monarchy there was an individual will,
which frequently abused its power. In aristocratic
societies there were a certain number of individual
wills devoted to public affairs, and they might also
abuse their power. In great democratic societies, in-
dividuals were weak, temporary, and unable to exer-
cise power by themselves in an intelligent manner ;
and it was for this reason that democracy demanded
fixed and immutable laws, which it might obey with
force and dignity. He then had reason in saying that
what was now asked for was at the same time con-
trary to the interests of democracy and royalty. Why,
it has been asked, has not the office of Regent been
conferred on the mother ? That question he would
seriously reply to. Females were, generally devoted
to their family; their destiny had root in the develop-
ment of family affections. Political power did not na-
turally enter into their consideration, and in all coun-
tries, with but very few exceptions, this principle was
absolute. When those exceptions have arisen, it was in
cases where royalty was not considered 'as a patrimony.
Military spirit was talked of, and for his. part be did not
think that military spirit could ever gain much by the in-
troduction of females into politics. Under an aristocratic
or, theoretic regime a female Regency might be pos-
Sible, but the spirit of democracy was too rude to
accustom itself to the political power of a female.—
(Marks of assent.) It was only in the western coun-
tries of Europe, in England, in Spain, and Portugal,
that the Constitution admitted the political power of
females. Were such a principle admitted in France,
the day might arrive when all the western States of
Europe would be under the dominibn of women. He
would, therefore, not hesitate to say that the idea of
a female Regency stood no more chance in France
than did that of an elective one. In conclusion, he
would assert that the character of the Bill as pre-
sented to the Chamber was perfectly in.harmony with
political order, and with the actual situation of the
country. Its result would be to consolidate the Mo-
narchy, the Charter, the dynasty, and the revolution
of 1830. All the propositions in opposition to it
would, without exception, tend to compromise or
weaken one or other of those great interests. The
idea of Ministerial interest had never entered into the
mind of the Cabinet in the framing of the measure.
The Bill was no more favourable to the Ministry than
to the Opposition; it was made for the interest of the
State alone. Let it be therefore judged on its own
merits, and in reference solely to the public weal, and
totally divested 'of all Ministerial interest or party
rivalry. This was what the Cabinet expected from
the justice of the Chamber.—(Marks of approbation.)
After a few words from M. De Tocqueville,
M. Thiers rose to address the Chamber, but a
number of voices calling out for the: adjournment of
the discussion, the Chamber, at six o'clock, adjourned
till Friday. .