The Sun.
London, England, 1845-03-01 00:00:00

WINDO %-TAX.

Government that they were disgusted with what had taken
place. and that they felt themselves degraded by being com-
pelled by the Government to take the part in these proceed-
ings which they had been forced to take.—( Cheers. ) He
well knew the great power of his opponents. He well knew
the odds against which he should have to contend. ( Hear,
hear. ) Ile well knew that. he was standing in the face of a
tyrant majority—a majority which was ready at any time to do
the bidding of the Right Hon. Gentleman— (Loud cheers)—
an individual whys was so persecuted that he could at any time
command 300 individuals who would come down to that House
and stultify themselves to support the Government.—( Loud
cheers.) They heard a great deal said about the independence
of the country gentlemen.—( Hear, hear.) They were for ever
boastine of their independence at their agricultural dinners in
their village pot-houses.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) While
at the same time their clubs in London were absolutely ringing
with the most unjust, unrounded, unmerited, personal abuse of
the Right Hon. Gentleman. They heard this unbounded
abuse one day, and yet they saw on the following day the same
individuals who uttered it receiving emolument and place from
the hands of the very man they had abused.—(Loud cheers.)
He. as an humble, but an independent Member of that House.
if they had anything like independence, called upon them as
gentlemen and as men of honour to support him. Cheers.)
It was his case to-day, it might be theirs to-morrow. He
called upon them, therefore, to support him. If they refused
to do him justice, let not the Hon. Secretary of War say, as
he said the other night, that he ( Mr. Duncombe) was afraid
to have the subject elucidated, and that he shrank from stating
the sources from which he derived his information. He had
been guilty of no underhand conduct—he had had recourse to
no di rs putable means for obtaining that information—(Loud
cheers.) The persons who possessed that information he pro-
posed to call to the bar of that House ; and they might be
examined as severely as they liked.—(Hear, hear.) He
shrunk not from investigation, and let all the odium, and
a'l the cowardice, or shrinking from investigation, fall
upon those who opposed it.—(lmmense cheering.)
He should have to move for the attendance of various persons
at the bar of the House, but he world, in the first place. move
that Lieut.-Col. W. L. Maberley, the secretary to the General
Post-office do attend at the bar of the House, and bring with
him a certain book, called the " President's Order Book," and
a certain other book called the " Inspector's Order Book."
( The Hon. Gentleman then sat down amidst loud cheering,
during the continuance of which messengers from the Lords
brought down certain papers which were handed to the
Speaker.)
Mr. D'ISRAELT said that the Hon. Gentleman the Mem-
ber for Finsbury. in laying before the House the statement he
had just made, had distinctly alleged that in making that
statement he had no intention of making a personal attack on
any individual. He should have hardly thought it was
necessary to make such a declaration, had it not been
for the situation in which he was placed, connected
with the motion which perhaps originated from a debate to
which he meant not to refer. If' the case of the last general
warrant that was issued by a Secretary of State was compared
with the last Post-office warrant that was issued by the .e'ecre-
ary of State, he thought they might discover from that com-
parison that no personal imputation need be applied to vindi-
cate a public right.—( Hear, hear.) There was not
the slightest doubt that the last general warrant is-
sued by a Secretary of State was an act of tyranny—
an act of oppression and an iniquitous act, but no person
would pretend that the Secretary of State who issued it was
tyrant, an oppressor, or an essentially unjust man. On the
contrary, he thought Lord Halifax was a good-natured and
a well-meaning man. Custom freed the Minister from any
moral imputation; but when a point was called inte public dis-
cussion, he would not admit that custom and habit, though it
freed the Minister from mural imputati ,n, freed him also in a
legal point of view.--( Hear, hear. ) What were the circum-
stances under which the Hon. Gentleman brought the case be-
fore the House? It w:s a question which now not only en-
gaged the attention of the House, but interested also those of
the nation—( Hear, hear)—and he gave the Hon. Gentleman
who brought it forward credit for the same purity r f feeling
as the Minister immediately alluded to; and he was surprised
that any Minister of the Crown should have ever risen in that
House, and say that such a question was prompted by personal
motives.—( Hear, hear.) It was only in answer to such an im-
putation that he, for himself, expressed his feelings that no
personality in that respect influenced him in making a declara-
tion that applied not to the House merely, hut to a p wtieular
individual. Whatever might be the ebullition of feeling in
seller quarters, he was of opinion that the individual to
whom he addressed himself had done him justice.
The Honourable GI ntleman hail placed the question
neatly and completely before the House.—( Hear, hear.)
All he said was—ft If my letters have been opened, the officers
of the Post-office have committed a breach of privilege, unless
indeed they have done so under the warrant of the Secretary of
State. If they have done that, produce the warrant and I will
appeal to the courts of justice to decide whether that war-
rant is a legal instrument tar not." He was at a loss to under-
stand shat answer could be given to that direct appeal. Now
that was the view which was natey ally taken by the lien.
Gentleman in his individual case. He believed that the
country wished that the warrant should he introduced, not
merely to vindicate the honour of the Hon. Gentleman, or the
reverse, but that an opportunity might be afforded to the sub-
jects of the Queen to try whether that instrument was a legal
one. The situation of the Hon. Gentleman might he the
situation of any Member of that House, or of any subject of
the Qncen to-morrow; and the question which he
asked was, whether, when he had been subjected to a wrong,
i.e should not be allowed a remedy? He knew that some Hon.
Gentlemen might say that this was a power which should
always be at the disposal of the Government ; others might
say that it was a disgrace to this country for foreign nations to
know that they exercised it; and others again might urge that
this could scarcely be the case, when every foreign nation
itself exercised the power. There was this distinction always
to be remembered, though foreign nations might have exer-
cised this power, foreign nations had never believed that Eng-
land exercised it. The question, as one of policy, was a very
simple one. The question was, were they to be ruled hy a
popular Government, or did they wish to he ruled by a Go-
vernment of police?—( Hear, hear.) No doubt a popular Go-
vernment: might have many inconveniences. No doubt it
would be much better, for instance, that the question of the
sugar duties should be settled without any loss of time ;
and it was a great inconvenience, as the R ght Hon.
Gentleman had often tole% them, that the discus
slop of the subject took up so much of their
time. For his own past, he did not doubt that the question
might be settled by the Right Hon. Gentleman himself in his
Cabinet as well as and perhaps better, than through their in-
terference.---,'Laughter. ) But that was one of the inconve-
niences of popular Government. By not prying into the cor-
respondence of individuals, they might subject themselves to
very great calamities; they might have Bristol burnt, as they
had had itburnt; they might have Birmingham assailed, as they
decide
ial vtiheiws question. Now, he
as regarded the general
had had it assailed.—( Hear, hear.) But the country struck
the balance.—( Hear, hear.) It agreed to suffer certain incnn •
veniences for the sake of a popular Government ; and the
be-
lievedcountry, th zatf after all,t
an sitmp eta
was
question. He had said at first, what he felt now, that those
who, by a perversion of feeling which he could not compre-
hend, had thought it expedient to turn this question into an
assault upon the Government or any particular Minister, were
not in any way justified by the facts of the case.—( Hear. )
With regard to the country, though it sympathised with the
Member for Finsbury on this question, yet it considered it
of an importance still further than as it affected the Hon.
Goteleman's individual interest. The public wished that
ther,, should be an opportunity of deciding whether these
warrants of the Secretary of State were legal warrants or
not. They wished the question to be decided as the question
of general warrants was decided, and if it could be shown
that these warrants were legal, then it became a question
open to the discussion of that House, whether the power of
issuing them was such a power as, in a free country ought to
exist.—( Hear.) The f-lon. Gentleman who had introduced
this subject seemed, by some observations which he (Mr.
D'lsraeli) almost regretted that he had made, to think that
an impartial decision of this question in that House was im-
possible. Certainly, when he recollected the last debate, to
which he would not now refer, he was not surprised, after
all the misconceptions and elaborate misrepresentations that
had been mado—le as not surprised that the Hen. Member
should th nk the decision armed not be a fair one.
He ( Mr. D'lsraeli) could not believe, though the
Honourable Member seemed to suppose, it, that any
intimidation wes pu posely or aforethought enacted in that
House. But 'here was not the slightest doubt that both on
this question before them, and on others that had been before
them within the last two or three years, there had been misun-
derstandings that could only have been the result of mesconcep-
Cons—perhaps mutual misconceptions—as to the relationship
between the leaders of a party in that House, and the sup-
porters of that party. He alluded to these circumstances, be-
cause the Honourable Gentleman seemed to think that, on this
occasion, a free and im?artial consideration of the question
was not to be secured, and because, unless there was a correct
understanding on this head, he almost despaired of the Hose
Gentleman's receiving that fair decision. When, after the
last election, the common and baneful differences of party had
been destroyed, and when every one knew that the constituent
elements of party in that House were changed, the old state of
parties ceased. and the old notions of party almost evaporated.
Under those circumstances, in a popular assembly of more than
six hundred persons, it was inevitable that there mu.t arise dis-
cussions, in which, though Gentlemen sat on different sides attn.
House, vet on questions in which the elementary principles of
their political opinions were concerned, they would divide in
the same lobby, and take the same side. This had often hap-
pened ; the Hon. Gentleman opposite proposed a motion
which did not seem to affect the principles of either party, and
some Gentlemen on this side of the House supported it. Cir-
cumstances occurred which showed that a division which might,
if not embarrassing, still be unpleasant to the Government,
and then a system commenced which seemed to justify the Hon.
Gentleman in thinking that he could not get a fair derision.
It appeared to him that statesmen adopted two principles—
that of praise, and innuendo and imputation—the insinuations
of base motives and the allegations of fractious conduct. It
generally, continued the lion. Gentleman, develops itself in
foreign matters. There is a little irritability on the Treasury
bench.—( Laughter.) That is almost immediately followed
by some impatience among the immediate friends of the Go-
vernment ; and then, if it is observed that some gentlemen
get up, there is an imputation of mean and of personal mo-
tives—l might say corrupt :motives—against every gentleman
who is perhaps speaking or about to vote on the propositions,
although the question may not involve any party
principle or any political principle, but is devoted
merely to a matter of practice. Now in this
state of affairs, probably at the end of two or three
nights' debate, when the course which has been taken has natu-
rally produced an acerbity in many quarters, and perhaps the
expression of a bitternes the sincerity of which cannot be
doubted —(Loud laughter)—at the right moment the Right
Hon. Baronet rises to cap the climax, and probably having
been just assured by one of his aide-de-camps that he is likely to
have a larger majority than ever, he makes a passionate appeal
to his supporters, as if the strong Government were in the
throes of dissolution—(Loud laughter)—and those Gentlemen
who rise on this side the House after that are charged with a
desire to embarrass the Government by distinct political collu-
sion, or of Parliamentary intrigue. Now, I protest against
this. The system is not founded on justice or fair play. It is
not founded on the real understanding on which principles
exist. It is, in fact, though unintentional, tyranny—( Cheers)
—and is, to my mind, as degrading to those who exercise as
those who endure it.—(Loud cheers.) No, I take a rec nt
case, because it is fresh in my memory—l mean
when the Honourable Gentleman, the usher night,
called our attention to this particular instance of grievance.
He brought forward a motion which at the first blush every one
might see would be opposed by the Government in existence,
and by the Government wh t preceded them. That at once
takes from it the appearance of a party question. There is a
general impression in this House, that it is extremely desirable
that the decisions of Committees should always. be respected,
and never disturbed. I believe that impression is not peculiar
to either side of the House. The Hon. Member for Hull, from
whose character it would certainly, be impossible to say that he
was capable of anything like political collusion, forming his
opinion from the statement of the Hon. Member for Finsbury
himself, said he was inclined to support the opinion of the Com-
mittee, but it was impossible that th- individual instance of the
Hon. Member for Finsbury could be passed over. It so hap-
pened that certain circumstances were brought forward, as will
always happen in a popular assembly of this kind—circum-
stances which might indicate that a division was about to take
place, not embarrassing, but probably more disagreeable than
the Government ever anticipated, if they had condescended
even to think of the division in the first instance. Well,
then, immediately the sytsern, and all the powers of the system,
aro put into aetion...—(Cheers and laughter.) The Right Hon.

Lord DUNCAN gave notiee that, instead of moving the
resolution which he bad put upon the paper, he should, on
Monday, March 17, move for a Committee to inquire respect-
ing the ,A Mow. tax.
EAS f INDIA COMPANY.—SUGAR DUTIES.
Mr. ASTELL presented a petition from the lion. the Pro-
prietoss of East India Stock, agreed to that day, against the
discriminating duty upon white sugars.
On the motion of Mr. L ABOUCH ERE, the petition was
read by the Clerk at the table.

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 1, 184%

Gentleman even brought forward the sanction of his great
example—a division was called for, gentlemen were sent for
from the country to support the Government in danger, that
never was in peril—(Laughter)—for there needs must be a
great party triumph when not a single party principle was at
stake, or a single party principle in clanger.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Now, I really think that more liberal constructions
might come from the Treasury Bench at this moment. I
think the Right Hon. Baron t is the last Minister that ought
to be a political martinet. I conceive that he is not a Minister
in a position reqeiring the devotion of his party. I can sup-
po-e a Minister with a very small majority, holding office
merely in deference to his pasty. He would have a right to
say. when a party fight or difficulty came, " I expect your de-
votion—you must. be ready under all circumstances to
support me.—( Hear, hear ) That is not the position
of the Right Honourable Gentleman. It is quite
the revere. He has got a very large party
to support him, and although the Opposition before him is dis
tinguished, doubtless. for eminent talent, and which numeri•
calla is not very contemptible, yet it is not in the position of
being celebrated for the power of cohesion.—(Laughter.)
The Right Hon. Baronet, therefore, is in a position which
really should allow him to he indulgent.—( Laughter.) It is
very easy for him to turn round and say " I am quite fresh
for the attack, I am prepared to meet the foe—no one ever
saw me quail."—(Laughter.) But the Right Hon. Gentle-
man forgets that the foe b fore hem does not wish to fight
him.—( Great laughter.) The Right lion. Gentleman for-
gets that the victory is very easy when there is nobody to
oppose him. Another reason why I think the Right
Honourable Gentleman should not adopt that tone, is this:—
the Right Hon. Gentleman should not forget that, after all, a
great many of his supporters were elected under different cir-
cumstances.—( The remainder of the sentence was lost in the
immense cheering which followed.) 1 think a little philoso-
phical consideration would show him, as a great statesman, un-
der these circumstances, that what I have stated is the least we
could expect from him. I admit that I, for one, was sent here
by my constituents to sit on this side, and the Right Hon.
Gentleman may object to me, though not on great occasions. if
I have been sometimes in a different lobby to himself. But I was
sent here by my constituents to swell a Tory majority, and to
support a Tory Ministry. Whether a Tory Ministry exist or
not, is a question 1 will not enter into—(Laughter)—but. I am
bound to believe that a Tory majority still remains, and there-
fore, if any cross over to the other side of the House, I do not
think it. will be the majority. Now. I hope the Right Hon.
Gentleman will, therefore, on refection, take a more con-
descending and charitable view of our motives than he has
hitherto been pleased to do. I am sure that, for myself, I can
say I never for a moment misinterpreted the conduct of the
Right Hon. Baronet. I know that some would think that he
is shunning his own party and looking to new allies.—(Laegh-
ter. ) I never for a moment believed anything of the kind.
The position of the Right Hon. Baronet is so clear and pre-
ci•e, that I cannot for a moment suppose he would ever leave
it. I never believed that he was looking to a coalition, though
some of my constituents dn. The Hon. Gentleman knows
that it is best to remain where he is. The Right lion. Ba-
ronet caught the Whigs bathing, and walked away with their
clothes.—( This felicitous expression was caught up by the
House at once, anti roars on roars of laughter followed.) He
has lrft them in the full enjoyment of their liberal position,
and he is strictly conservative of their garments.—( Great
laughter.) I cannot conceive why the Right. Hon. lea-enet
should desert his party, they seem to me never to desert. him.
Never was there a case yet when he had less need to find new
friends. I therefore hope that he will be or, reflection more
indulgent. I look upon the Right Hon. Baronet as having
obtained the shrew of- liberalism—he is the political Petruchio
—he has ou.bid you Great laughter.) Ah, Sir, if we
could only induce the Right Honourable Baronet to take
a larger and more liberal view of his Parliamentary
position than he seems in moments too testy for
so great a man to indu'ge in, we might be spared,
Sir, some of the imputations which, from a man
like him, are really painful. The Right. Hon. Baronet may
find it sometimes convenient to reprove the party on his right.
flank. Perhaps we deserve it. I fur one am prepared to bow
to the rod, but really if the Right Hon. Baronet, instead of
having recourse to himself, would only stick to quotation. he
might rely on it that he would have a more severe weapon.
When he does appeal to authority, in prose or verse. I see he
is more successful, partly becaese I observe the Right lion.
Baronet never refers to any passage which has not previously
received the meed of Parliamentary approbation—( Loud
laughter)—and, pertly and principally, because his euotations
are so happy. The Right Hon. Gentleman, when he intro-
duces a great name into the debate, knows how important is
the effect, and occasionally how electrifying. He never refers to
any author who is not great, and sometimes who is not learned.
Mr. Canning, for example. that name never to be mentioned
in•the House of Commons without emotion. We all admire
his genius—we all, at least most of us, must eeplore his un-
timely end, and we all sy'mpat'hise in his fierce struggle with
supreme dulness and sublime mediocrity. with the inveterate
foe and the candid friend.—( Great cheering.) The Right
Hon. Baronet must be aware that quotations from such an
authority must always-Ye:l,—a passage would be sublime, for
example, on friendship written by Canning, and quoted by the
Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Great cheering.) The poem and
the speaker would be a felicitous combination, its effect in de-
bate would be overwhelming ; and, I am sure, that. all that
would be remaining, would be for me thus publicly to con-
gratulate the Right Hen. Baronet, not only on his ready
memory, but on his courageous conscience. (The Hon. Gentle-
man sat down amidst loud and enthusiastic cheers. )
Sir JAMES GRAHAM who was so indistinct as to be
scarcely heard in the eallery said, he rose to give the House
the reasons why he intended to oppose the motion of the Hon.
Member for Finsbury. If there had been tyranny, as had
been stated by the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down,
there was now open and avowed rebellion to it, and not as
hitherto covert mutiny. After what had been stated by the
lion. Member for Finsbury he (Sir James Graham) would
not treat the motion before the House as a question of privi-
lege. lie thought that all the circumstances eon-
nr cted with this question antecedent to the 4th
of July, might with propriety be discarded. It was
of the utmost importance that he inould recal to the
attention of the House what had occurred on the day when the
Select Committee had been granted. The Noble Lord the
Member for London had, on that day, distinctly stated that,
while he had filled the office of Secretary of State, he had fol-
lowed the example of Sir R. Walpole. and had, in pursuance of
his official duty. issued warrants upon his special responsibility.
The Noble Lord had stated that he had come down to the
House prepared to oppose the motion of the lion. Gentleman.
He said that if the Secretary of State were prepared to say,
as Robert Walpole bad sa'd, that he had exercised that
right, not from motives of personal curiosity—not from vindic-
tive feelings—not from motives of self•interest—but solely be-
cause he considered that the exercise of it was necessary for the
pablic good, he ( Lord J. Russell) should be prepared to oppose
the motion. He (Sir J. Graham) at that time proposed an
amendment to the House; he stated, on the whole, he con-
sidered that a Secret Committee would be preferable to a Select
Committee. '1 he:Noble Lord distinctly stated that he considered
also that a Secret would be preferable to a Select Committee.
It was best to be exact on such a point, and he would therefore
quote the very words used by the Noble Lord, which were as
follows I entirely agree with the reasonings urg• d by
the Right Hon. Gentleman (meaning him-elf, Sir J. Graham),
for preferring a Secret Committee to a Select Committee. I
think that the proposed inquiry will be gone into more fully,
and that the investigation will be more strict, and that the
Committee will be enabled to arrive at more correct conclu-
sions."—(Cheers.) He would now call the attention of the
House to the proceedings which had taken place on this sub-
ject. In the month of June, a fortnight before this decision
had been come to, the Hon. Gentleman had brought forward
the question, and a division had taken place, in which the Go-
vernment had been run very close—he believed that the Go-
wernment majority amounted only to 26. When the Select
Committee was appointed, five gentlemen had beets appointed
on it, who on that occasion had voted against her Ma-
jesty's Ministers. Only three members of that Com-
mittee had voted with her Majesty's Ministers and
one had not voted at all. —( Hear, hear.) The Noble
Lord the Member for London had distinctly stated that, in
his opinion, that Committee had been fairly constituted—that
he preferred a Secret Committee to any other tribunal—and
that it appeared that the composition of that Committee was
satisfactory. That Committee, so constituted, had investigated
the subject, and had arrived at a conclusion which appeared to
be satisfactory to the House of Commons. It was of great im-
portance that the House should hear in mind what had been
the allegations of the Hon. Member for Finsbury before the
constitu•ion of that Committee. He had, in the first place,
stated that there existed an inner office in the post-office, in
which letters were opened wholesale—that the Brighton bag
was called for—that the Dublin bag was called for—and he
stated it was his belief that everybody's letters were opened—
that even his own letters were opened. He said that the
Brighton bag and the Dublin bag were called for, and that the
Albany letters were sent for—that the opening of letters went
on wholesale—that, in fact, there was a roving com-
mission for opening letters wandering about the coun-
try. The Honourable Member for Finsbury distinctly
stated on that occasion that he had no doubt but that his own
letters had been opened. Such was the state of the case when
the Secret Committee had been appointed. But that was not
all. On the 16th of July the Hon. Gentleman had made a
fresh appeal to the House. He was asked to repeat the charges
he made to the House on that occasion. The Hon. Gentle-
man said he would prefer a Bill of indictment, and he again
enumerated the charges he would p- eft r. He did not think it
necessary to repeat those charges, but he said he would be ready
to prove that the letters of foreign ministers had been opened,
anti that for two years the most unscrupulous use was made of
the power of opening letters. He mentioned that the letters
of many individuals were cpened, and he said he believed then,
and believed now, that his own letters were opened. Now, on
the 22d ofJuly, the Hon. Gentleman stated in substance all
the allegations he made on the 16th of July. He stated that
he would prove those allegations before the Committee, and
that the proof which he tendered broke down only in
consequence of a condition which the Honourable
Gentlemen sought to impose on the Committee. The Ho-
nourable Member appealed, on the 16th of July, from the
judgment of the Secret Committee to that House, and moved
that it should be an instruction to that Committee that they
should hear the evidence he had to lay before it. The Noble
Lord, the Chairman of the Committee, said they were anxious
to have his evidence, and that other evidence, the most ample,
had been paced at their disposal, and that they had proceeded
with their inquiry without any reference to party or personal
considerations. But the circumstances and conditions under
which the Hon. Member for Finsbury required to appear before
the Committee, obliged them to refuse his request ; and there-
fore they were either wrong in thus refusing him, or this
House was wrong in refusing his motion as to the instruction
to be given to the Committee. That motion was negatived by a
large majority of the House. and in that majority appeared the
Hon. Member for Portsmouth, and the Noble Lord the Member
for Sunderland. Now he (Sir J. Graham) would contend for it
that the Secret Committee was the best and safest tribunal before
which such a question could be investigated, and he believed
there could be no doubt of the fact that that Committee had
carefully and deliberately made that examination.—( Hear,
hear," from the Ministerial benches.) But the Hon. Member
for Finsbury, not satisfied with the report of the Committee,
appealed again to this House, and asked it to appoint, in lieu
of the Secret Comn,ittee, a Select Committee of inquiry. That
motion was put, was fully discussed, and again the Hon.
Member was defeated; but, not satisfied with that, the House
now found him for the third time appealing, to it, and calling
upon it. to do that which would be exactly the converse of its
two former decisions. He ( Sir J. Graham) would not weary
the House by reading passages from the report of the Secret
Committee ; but it did appear by that report that all the alle-
gations contained in the lion. Member's original charge had
been investigated. - The existence of the " inner office" at the
General Post-office had been inquired into, .as well
as the acts done there, and also the charges
about the Brighton bags and the Dublin bags,
and all the other items in the catalogue of the Hon. Member's
charges, had been minutely inquired into. They furtner in-.
quired into the power that had been exercised under those
warrants, with a view to ascertain whether that power had been
made subservient to private curiosity ; and the deliberate de—
citiou of the Committee, solemnly come to, was, though they
were not unanimous on the Joint, that each warrant had been
issued with discretion ; that in no ease had any warreot been
issued from private or personal motive.—(Hear, hears) In
the course of the observations made by the Hon. Member, he t
had made use of some strong language and equally strong- ass •
sertions ; and he (Sir James Graham ), if he felt inclined tes do
so, would be entitled to use language just as strong ; but, wfith-
out appealing to such assistance, be would declere deliberately •,
and solemnly that he never opened, or directed to be ope ned,
without a written authority from the Home-office, in co afore
laity with the long-continued practice of his preclocessoro, any

letter from personal or vindictive feelings.—(Hear, hear.)
He would go further, and state in the presence eif many Gee-
tlernen who had private knoeledge of the tact, that there v.as
a record kept in the Home•office, and another in the General
Post-office, of every warrant issued by him ; and that. every
wart ant that bad been issued by him had been produced by him
before the Secret Committee.—( Hear, hear. ) And not only
that, but he went seriatim through all the facts and circum-
stances connected with each ; and without the least reservation
or disguise, stated to that Committee all his reasons for having
issued each warrant.—( Hear, hear. ) If the House should en-
tertain any question as to his veracity cni this point, then lie
could appeal to the officers in the Home-offi e and the General
Post-office to bear him out. The Committee had had all those
officers before them, and no doubt they checked his evidence
by tht irs. With regard to what had been said about the report.
of the Committee of the House of Lord-. he begged to remind
the House that it was quite enough for him to confine himself
to the charges of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, and the Com-
mittee of this House. Notwithstanding that strong language had
been used by him and other Honourable Members towards
him in the course of this debate, he was willing to admit there
was some excuse for it, seeing that this was a question which
deeply affected the public, and which rendered an inquiry
necessary ; but that inquiry had taken taken place, the fulest
investigation had been made, and he had endeavoured to show
that every act of his in reference to the question had also been
investigated by the Committee, and that... Committee had given
a verdict in his :favour.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial
benches.) He felt that the time of the House was precious, and
that he would not, therefore, lie warranted in trespassing upon
it at ton great length ; but perhaps he might be pardoned for
saying a word or two in reference to the manner in which his
private feelings had been wounded by Hon. Gentlemen oppo-
site.— ( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Finsbury had
made allusion to the early intimacy that had existed between
them. No doubt he was at one time upon terms of great and
close intimacy with the Hon. Member, an intimacy of no re-
cent date, but one that hail been transmitted to them
by their forefather: from an early period, and there-
fore it was with feelings of the greetest pain that he
found himself compelled to come into collision with
one in whose society he had passed many joyous and happy
days, mid many pleasant and convivial evenings—( Hear. hear,
and laughter)—and he was happy to say that that intimacy
was not the result of unisen of political feeling. —( Hear. hear. )
The Hon. Member had stated that it was from no personal feel-
ings that he had brought en this question, but in the discharge
of his public duty; and that it was because of his political
opinions he had become the advocate, in that House, of those
who demanded the fulfilment e f the provisions of the Charter.
It would ill become him ( Sir James Graham) to comment
upon the Hon. Member's lire of public conduct ; it was before
the public, and would be judged by the pablie ; but he was
bound to say of the Han. Member, that no circumstance had
ever come to his knowledge, in the discharge of his public duty.
that was inconststent with the Hoe. Member, either as a lot al
subject of the Queen, or with the digs ity of a Member of that
House.—( Loud cheers front all parts of the House.) But the
Hon. Member for Lisketard hae said that he (Sir J. Graham)
was bound, in the discharge of his public duty, without acting
ittjudicit.usty, to give a plain answer to a civil question.
Mr. BULLIF.R.—I said ' a civil answer to a plain ques-
tion."—(Laughter.)
Sir J. Gil Ali AM—Nell, a " answer.—(Laughter.)
Now, he would sty, that while he held the public office he did.
he felt bound not only to answer to the best of his ability ques-
tions put to him, not only by lion. :Members of that House,
but by the humblest member of the community ; but at the
same time he should say, he conceived it to be incompatible
with the free discharge of his duty. to answer questions of a
particular nature.—( Hear.) In conclusion. he begged to as-
sure the lien Member that in nothing he (sir J. Graham)
had said or done in this matter, did lie mean him the least
personal disres. ect.—( Hear, hear.) On the contrary. he could
say with sincerity that his feelings towatds him wese of a de-
scription that nothing he could say sh':uld ever shake.—
(Cheers)—and l•e would row sit down, again repeating that
he knew nothing of hen that reflected on his character, either
as a loyal subject of the Queen, or the dignity of a Member
of that House.—k Cheers.)
Lord 110 WICK said he could wish that this subject had
not been brought before the House again, but that
from what had already transpired, her Majesty's Go-
vernment would have • deemed it sufficient to
have framed some Bill that would have guarded against those
abuses in future.—( Hear, • hear. ) But as his Learned
Friend had brought it on again before the House, he (Lord
Howick) would say the House were bound to consider the sub-
ject again, and renew the inquiry if necessary. The Right
Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department had
not, in the whose course of his explanation, said one word in
denial of his Hon. Friend's statement. The Right Hon.
Baronet did not deny that it was in accordance with prece-
dent, that, when letters were opened, an iiqu,ry was granted,
with a view to ascertain that such a step had been taken by
competent authority. The Hon. Member for Finsbury had
stated that he could prove that his le.ters had been opened—
that nothing in the course of this debate bad been stated as a
sufficient authority or reason for doing so, and therefore he
was justified in pressing for en investigation. But the Right
Hon. Gentleman had resisted the demand of the Hon. Member
for Finsbury, by the assumption that the question had already
been tried and disposed of by the Secret Committee. Now,
whet bad the Committee done ? They had reported
that M. Mazzini's letters had been opened, and
stated the grounds for doing so, and that they did not con-
sider the Right Hon. Baronet blameable; but, with regard to
the Hon. Member for Finsbury, the Committee had not only
given no judgment upon it at all, but they left it a matter of in-
ference or doubt as to whether his Hon. Friend's letters had
been opened at all or not, or any warrant issued for the pur-
pose.—( Hear, hear.) If the Committee had reported that a
warrant had been issued for opening his Hon. Friend's letters,
then the Hon. Baronet would have been justified in acting on
that; but the Committee had done no such thing, nor had they
stated whether any such warrant had been issued at all or not.
Nay, more, the Committee did not even agree, they were not
unanimous as to the fact that there had been a discreet exer-
cise of judgment in the warrants that had been issued. —( Hear. )
It might be that a Minister might do a wrong act from a right
motiv • ; but he (Lord Howick) would say that, let a Minister
holding so high an office as that of Secretary for the Home De-
partment make a mistake from motives, no matter how good,
it was right that it should be investigated.—(Hear, hear.)
His Hon. Friends the Member for Liverpool, the Member for
Derby, and the Member for Kendal, had expressed their opi-
nions that the Court of Inquiry had not had the good fortune
of agreeing among themselves. Couple d with this fact, there
was another remarkable circumstance. It was this—throughout
the whole of its details there was not the slightest notice of the
opening of the letters of his Hon. Friend the Member for
Finsbury in the report. Taking these things together, the
doubt still remained whether his lion. Fri rl's letters had been
opened or not. They could not agree then, whether his Hon.
Friend's letters ought to have been opened or not. He nerd
not recapitulate his opinion of what the facts had been, but
there were the strong st circumstances to justify the opinion
that they had been opened. It appeared to hint that it was
evident that they were divided in their opinion, and he did not
believe, therefore, that he was precluded from this inquiry.
lie felt that it was an extraordinary power to put into
into the hands of a Secret Committee—( Hear, hear )
and just in proportion to the extent of those powers.
he conceived it was noces=ary that the country and the House
should be satisfied that they had been rightly used. This was
a requirement which in all honour and justice they were bound
to satisfy. He had always understood that the funetnins of a
Committee were to consider the evidence laid before them,
and that, having so considered it, they were to come to a deci-
sion, and then lay that decision before the House. '1 he Corn.
mittee were not :he judges—they were only the purveyors of
justice ; and it was the Meuse whose business it was to decide,
when the Committee had .submitted their decision to its judg.
ment, whether they had rightly decided or not. The House
was not bound by the decision of the Committee, for the House
often overruled them, and not the House only, but the Go-
vernment also. During last session he had had the honour of
being in the chair of a Committee which had to investi-
gate the rights of private parties, and he had found
that the decision at which they arrived was materially
affected by the subsequent conduct, not of the House,
but of the Government. The Committee to which he
alluded was the Committee en the affairs of the New Zealand
Company. There was a disagreement in the Committee, but
of course the decision to which they came was the decision of
the majority. But what was the case? After the House had
risen, the result of the agreement of that majority had been en-
tirely frustrated. The Hight Hon. Baronet had stated that his
opinion did hat Coincide with that of the majerity ; that it was
evident that there had been considerable difference in the Com-
mittee, and that, in his opinion, the minority were right, and
he had acted upon that. opinion. Such was the Jesuit of the
review of a decision of a Committee. But in the case of a
Secret Committee the business became much more involved
and difficult ; and in the case before them it was peculiarly so.
There was just reason to suppose that in the Committee which
sat to investigate the proceedings of the Post-office, there was
a very considerable difference of opinion. Indeed, it was very
likely that, at the conclusion of the discussion, they had not
came to any decision at. all. They had been invested with
powers of the very highest order. They had been engaged
in an investigation which involved the privileges of the House
itself. Yet notwithstanding all this, and in a matter which
of all things the House ought to be made acquainted with, the
Government refused to tell the House what were the arguments
on which they acted, and he believed there was reason to think
that the Committee had come to no decision whatever. The
Government had asserted that the Committee had given a ver-
dict in their favour, and they left the House and the country
to come to the conclusion, that the grounds of their acquittal
were sufficient. But this, in his (Lord Howick's) opinion,
was a very unsatisfactory mode of coming at a conclusion. A
difficulty had consequently been created, which nothing but
further investigation could remove ; but that, as his Hon.
Friend the Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) had said,
would remove the whole difficulty. Why, then, refuse what
it was so easy to grant ? The matter was now becoming abso-
lutely ridiculous.—(llear.) Why did the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet refuse to say under what circumstances it was that he
had issued his warrant ? Would it not be better to say at
once that he had issued the warrants? That he had issued
them under such and such circumstances; that he had acted
to the best of his judgment ; that he might possibly be wrong,
but that he intended to do right, and that having thus dis-
charged his duty, the House might then do as they think
proper. The Right Hon. Baronet said, that if he answered
this question he would be placing himself in a situation which
would oblige him to answer all the questions that might be put
to him. That might apparently be a sufficient reply for the
Right Hon. Baronet. but for his (Lord Howick's) part he
must say that it weighed very little with him. Such a course
was, indeed, practicatly making it impossible to ascertain whe-
ther any injustice at any time had ever been committed. If
the Right Hon. Baronet kept these facts from the house,
how could it be possible for them to ascertain whether there
had been any improper abuse of the power which had
been confided to him? Under all the circumstances, he
thought that his Honourable Friend had a clear right to
press for an elucidation. If that elucidation were obtained the
House would be in a proper position to limit this power in
future. If the Right Hon. Baronet persisted to refuse any ex-
planation of the reasons on which he had acted, he (Lord
Howick) could not conceive hat the refusal was tantamount
to anything but an' acknowledgment that the letters of his
Hon. Friend hail been opened, and he consequently could nine
no other course than to go out with his Hon. Friends on this
vote.—(Cheers and loud cries of " Divide, divide," from every
part of the Houle. )
Lord SANDON rose amid much confusion, anti, after much
interruption %aid that he wished but to say one wont as to the
conduct of the Committee of which he had been Chairman.
This was necessary from the remarks of the Noble Lord oppo-
site. He th tught that the Committee did not conenter them-
selves invested with a discretion to investigate the right of the
existence of the power of opening letters or not. They did not
conceive that they had any right to investigate the difference
between political warrants and criminal warrants, but they con-
ceived that they were called upon to express their opinion as to
whether the power itself had been properly or improperly usei—
whether the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the
Home Department had or had not misused the powers with
which he was invested. They went into the investigation, and
satisfied themselves that for the last twenty-four years every
Government had exercised these powers, and the decision to
which they had come had, in his opinion, pointed out the only
way to escape from the difficulty.—(Loud cries for division.)
Mr. WARBURTON said that he did rot altogether differ
from the Noble Lord, hut there was one point on which he
did differ from him. The course pursued by the Committee
was that which they conceived would answer, the require-
here was no
ments of the constitution and the country.
eint raised as to the intention of the aught Ho
ttio.
ellaurcoionaette,
gitte had been no question put to the witnesses

that point. The only point raised was on the question lib&
ther the Right Hon. Baronet had the power or not to open
letters.
Lord SA NDON said that he must differ from the ill
Gentleman opposite, for he conceived that the Committee I.lr
nut try the issue on the intention of parties, but whether their
power had been rightly exercised.
Mr. WARBURTON again objected to the observation of
the Noble Lord. fee he conceived that they were not is°'
penelled to consider the honesty of the Minister.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he had heard the statement of the
Right lion. Baronet the Secretary of State for the point
Department. That Right lion. Gentleman said that he bad
exercised the powers with which he was invested a S SecretarY
of elate solely with a desire to preserve the public peace. lie
Hon. Member en his side of the House believed that his lettets
lad been opened, and I.e asked the Secretary whether sue,
were the ease or not. Now, he (Lord J. Russell) could 00,
help expressing himself as dissatisfied with the Governineo
persisting in the course which they had taken—( Hear, hear),"
and he felt that an Hon. Member was degraded when we
correspondence between himself and his constituents str
violated. The Right Hon. Baronet said that he acted sole 1
with a regard to the public peace. They had not. said that
the Hon. Member had been engaged in any treasonable
I h
improper correspondence, for if he had that would give thee
,
s
of the Minister another feature. But the Right Hon. Ga"t;
man would not give any answer, though he (Lord J. Bit'.g
thought that he might have done so. It therefore appeared
him that the letters of the Hon. Member had been opened
•
Whether the officers of the Post-office were called to
the bar of the lieu-e or not, it was clear that if the letters
had been opened they had violated the privileges of the 11"°7;
The Right Hon. Baronet said nothing of this privilege, but e
de. that nothing had transpired to show that the H°::
Member for Finsbury had acted otherwise than as a soy-l 5
ject of her Majesty, and that nothing had come to his kne
ledge that affeetett his character as a Member of that "tP
This declaration he (Lord John Russell) thought very lie
terially alteied the position of the question before them•
was ready to take the declaration thus made. Had it not beeao_l:
made, 1 c might have felt that, considering the cireurest c;
that a high privilege of that He had in his opinion bete
violated, a further investigation was necessary. 13°' eti
r"
thought that that declaration made a material difference• r,
he now conceived that that itivestigation was uncalled
The answer, it was true, was unsatisfactory ; and, in hit l°
far
noon, to have given an answer, se: or no, would have been
better than the course which the Right Hon. Baronet had Fur('
sued. Yet, notwithstanding this, there was still a reser",
point of which he ought to have the bent fit. If a person !cis
cued of a treasonable conspiracy were to ask him whether his
letters had been opened or not, he would not be bound to gibe
a dire ct answer to the question. After three nights' debater of
conceived that the Right Hon. ntleman the Chancel° 00
the Exchequer would not conic to the discussion of hisZebt
particular topic with any very pleasant feeling. The '1"0.
Hon. Gentleman seemed to have established a d fferent
deed of le hellion than that of '45. He' feared no rebelli;
against the Crown or the Throne ; the rebellien of whieh
ee
afraidseemed to be afraid was a rebel'ion hn
of the biol.
henches.—( Laughter and cheers.) Happily for ba,
self, he ( Lord John Russell) bad no app
'ion of such a rebellion —it did not
him.—( Laughter on the Ministerial side.) Bet there Was 'OO
other to; is to which he must allude before he sat down. „e eei
alluded Sr. the opening of the letters of M. Alazzini•
think that this was an act unworthy of the country. and sue
the most despotic Government of Europe would hardy ".'east
dined to commit, and one which was altogether incrust: des
with the freedom of the country. He did not believe °idiot
Government had any intention to betray a person reo.ooo
within the British dominions, and he had entertained° leek
that information had been furnished to foreign Powers witisb
might cruelly implicate persons who had been enjoying..l3; bad
protection. He was happy to say that that impresses.
sa,
been removed by the explanation which had been given %r
other place. For these reasons he could not vote for the
_e,
Lion of the Hon. Member, but should, on this occasion'
port the Government.—( Loud cries of " Divide, dieideridifes
Mr. M. Al ILNES rose amid such clamour, and witusiesea
to
culty obtained a hearing. He said he was anxious this ;es
why he was about to take the part of a rebel, and on thibor.
sion vote for the motion of the Hen. Member for Firi'veo.
His vote had nothing to do with his support of the eGe°l4oe'
ment, or with the character or feelings or honour of te t tole
Member for Finsbury. But he believed a secret warreeer
an anomaly, and of no avail tor any act which was to ti
tiff.' d, because it was bad for an act not intended h
to he ilsouse,
and if Col. Maberly were to be brought to the bar of that "ieeo.
he could give no further information than he had alreadY to
He regarded his Right Hon. Friend as the head P°lieersterefs
of the kingdom.—{ Great laughter.) As the first Alls%
the Home Department, his surveillance was exten"carsble,
powerful He would not refu•e to vote with the Honor
Member for Finsbury, because he thought by refusing, t'esel/
leave the question open whether or not they had been °Pei; did
the Post- office underlings.—( Hear, hear.) Besides, b the
not know hut on some future occasion the power "I°olo
Home Secretary possessed, but which he declined to
e.eeriesS
the exercise of to the House, might he abused by 0,1)% ble
honourable or conscientious Minister. He belie° 'poste:
heart that the Right Hon. Baronet had not abused tiltsx, tb
the law conferred upon him, but there was no guarae""iodis
under other circumstances, and in the hands of ot°l
viduals, it might not be abused. On these simple eusotev
t.
stitutional grounds he would support the motion.-ee
cheering from the Oppos.
WATSON, whoitio rosne) amid loud and earnest beruirthoo°6l
"divide," said be would not trespass on the Bowie' nip'
country called upon its representatives to record thetheir" 000'
on this subject. He would vote for the motion of _eeeief
Member for Finsbury.—( Cheers.) The question ot Tatty.
Members' letters would ultimately become a question t;; tbt
lege ; but previously to that it was necessary to ageliiog to
facts of the case. That could be only done by 0° s dee%
Post.office officers to the Bar of the House. Wheoneetainsi
question affecting the rights of Members was to be astir Pr ;
it should be considered whether it trenched upon th by tly
leges. A most important admission had been med.etbe airs
Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool, who said tba. r
cretion exercised by the Secretary of State hads„"a ti:eer;
considered by the Committee.—( Hear, hear.) " itt.
was the meaning of the "verdict of the Committee.
_ooete
the Hen. and Learned Gentleman, in the fervour of Vio;
struck the hat of Mr. Hawes who sat beneath him, allege lie tl,
it off ; roars of laughter followed, and it was some times bat,
the Hoene regained its usual gravity.] The Conn'ettoseeit .
in point of fact, givers no verdict in favour of the 0,,i
yQas
for they had never considered the question at au• ht
Sig I,oo'
not then monstrous to tell the country that tne - of re
Baronet, or the Noble Lord the Member for the citkee
don, had been ac u tted, when the matter of whichit"ciersrs,
accused had never been investigated.—( Renevre°,,,e, it
" Hear, hear.") Then, if it hod not been invest ifesle t sk:ii,
necessary to Wit' the next step which the House CO 10,'„ut
call the Post-office officers to the bar of the Ilotoe,sie Orr?
discussions on this question they had heard great "'octet lie.
motives. but how could they talk about motives stirbefoteifth,
The Eight lion. Gentleman had been merely call'. sued, ez be
Committee and asked how many warrants he hail iod,batelog
out inquiring into the circumstances. In the lesttbennleol.
took the liberty of addressing the House, end told
he now believed, that those general warrants werese-wee
He was told that there had been general warrants 70000
It was no such thing. Was the licensingtea; of lift
Charles the Second legal? Was it thestasYte-
ei_sesrueeiaaes;
present day ? Then the Secretary of
warrant to seize upon certain papers, but the griljnbeefros
rants had been deprecated by courts of law, af es et v!, tbe
they had been brought under (he notice of the .i°` gant, ,410
minstet-hall, condemned as illegal. The
_arl694, 'lege/
licensing system were not general warrants. In of Fri, )st'
held that opening a Member's letters was a breaci3Orie4. of
in 1822. the House had to consider the question fetow etc
ters going to the prisons at Manchester, from
Parliament, and the House then declared thath o • its Pafoeh
letters of the Members of that House was a breac boor
_bar
leges. If it were in that case a breach of privilegeeee eine
a greater breach when the letters were addressed IS,' lie f tbst
by one of his constituents.—( Hear,iis h50e13:02.1:
dared, in the face of the country, site Ali
he believed general warrants to be illeg".eger I,:f die
was the opinion of the best lawyers in Weell11:e acts V!
(Hear, hear)—and he consequently considered_
_act, o_4 se
present and of former Home Secretaries, in reel sorer ob.
warrants, to be illegal and unconstitutional. Ie °t qtr
State—nor several Secretaries of State—ceuela tostleririeeit
law. Custom, and privilege, and prerogativ 1" d
blished by usage, or by Ants of Parliament, or bi_nereiolsf of
of the courts of law..—( Hear,This
,g`,„eefct
system appeared to be somewhat similar to tbadt
to oprior
robbing on Gad's-hill, which it was atsemet:
usage.—( The Hon. and Learned Member c uf.'s-
o ;
ing
Mhe would support the motion.).ge
r. HUNIE rose, when the cries of " Divide„id, tf le>ntet
and the confusion so great, that the Hon. Meneebela edictal° 11
in any manner interrupted, he would mod
et_Eresoil_tiooe
of the debate. He was determined to give :t
er sedeore
sentiments on this question. which was altottee pischonto
one. It was a question in which the Comm°. „ow
more importance than the House. He did not swiss oft:
?tight Hon. Baronet cculd refuse inquiry.
e_srl,Tored the:0010
out a warrant was decidedly illegal,. and h 1
t t
when a warrant existed, the practice was llls
ei oureeteerellt,
( Hear, hear. It was a great want of sti°r".,ot the rose.
Right Hon. Baronet not to declare raftswhethe "
h to tee, tb
had been issued. He allowed the odium toa sesern tbe,.
office authorities ; and if they had opened with fled at
were not to blame, and if they had not been aped been %sash!
Twhereeßeiqguhatllny
ninn7Beeanrnt.netßhuntdlnientbedleienvieedd theytuet
juiobiehiejintte.reolifhtber°
Hon. Member for Finsbury had been o eu
Penthe inquilo;re Ityr,
House did not stultify itself it must grant
_,o,eiug•
t° letters
ba
wise it would be lost in public favour._ P_
e'"allest tjeftsrs
required than that Colonel Maberly thouldtrisfembefioute_ve
and asked, first, if he had opened the Hoa.•
of she S;(1 hew-%
and if so, by whose authority? If by
that of onvictoolv
cretary he must exonerate himself, or. • goo. Cef_e.
the country. He must say that the Rig —The fren-„berro
treatment of his Hon. Friend was very haree ise
her then read extracts from the speech of.tthteelirs; appl:01 1•17-ept?:
Finsbury last session, before the Committee
mitt „thee ('‘,(
which the Hon. Menaber asked those •
and be be
whether or not his letters had been opire, if thee ihraa Pet%
dared his intention of re-opening the u
•Isinee/Coltuettsebure'<hio
the Committee was unsatisfactory.
hcbarge his bear.) the
preiapionrtt
profession,
d andin
arsetki
een,rie
for an
nt. to
iiiihgeeumilrbiyeo,rna.
si !hldTri
ebnp.e;or,
arid
i'asslneii,.6tot
orss.uf'esift c-retcei.rer:gdo.
to toe right of
041
—( e) The insinuations respeepse'"ionsfeeoli"ags la%
fortrihamtt
h.l-
Member,
et
crimes,ame be
re na
mussni nd e
surely
rritei.esi
yp
mostoinndt
oe neeunec.
painful.hwe dai
quirt' could not be justifiably d
admitted the °l;ose it. 0 go,
Right lion. Gentleman tacitly Hear,
_fling o
t showed n•
el ee yit ; wird
manner of the Right Hon. 131r(mee proud to oclo' be '• eon
wouldaHntdeni.fAhleemhhmeirn'solte,thteers,manfully had door 00
't,or honour would allow. - "erbe wee ▪ euatiee."e
man of spirt d n trig it the c"
with such conduct without e 3.
eensue,ng
edby to
Ilse Hon. Member concluded h
TIC):n that n.get, the sostirt_.r in
Lord John Russell tor his declare
and
id not allow " %
have been
t
Gentleman would to which
he hoped the lion. Gen
i that redress
411" s e
Std
drop until he hail obtained tbe fth
justice entitled.—(C .
Cheers.) ) ould rt° rt "
the country
withW the repot oot bef
Al tiers, nor-
sub] e OP's
Committee, tor, It had beeil„oure, sl-
considered at all in Committeeeem,
er of Ibis l'esd brite"ess,),
witTinthAeGeLoniduNetifinof inis
t, su
wra.spe
ortit
n the question,,naear,
t of doors interested
detneut*-4 cernhe
persons ou
of forrnine api e°o 'sod
lowed an opportunity sir Finsbury wa' dne, _
As far as the lion. Member TO.
the Committee, aretYpnosie:nlitdth(edrfaane; the
e to retrieve e st
*rt
' ed the liou( bear.) oe SC3OO.
(Mr. Aglionby) implored
_is Hear, , flo Phe
racter, by granting the inquths
the decision 01 The that r
Mr. JERVIS said that ountrY• d states' meediteo
public were not satisfied that Justice had beepe as "°w°
Baronet opposite (Sir James
..,ce of the
eeareeteemeiept
knew of noshing in tee corresp and
the su
sue $
for Finsbury, which could ceflo"' But was (r"ndetoarliiose,
the motion would not satisfy
oettatto ba to°.
ef
Hon. Gentleman.—( Hear, hear.) feelings of a, iely good 0?
Was it sufficient to Booth the
ne4
.0
_ere, g
in
the
0001
Member of the House, of Cotiem I t 5
found nothing us lous'eed, 000
I have opened your letters buta her of . ope noel
(Laughter.) A Gentleman,
letters had tO 16
all that he asked of
been 0 cued.--
warean e be t
the therthat
clear OP• • eon Winced drat,
up in his place and said thattim is House er(cbeers.t),9
ef teto
what
Ifobectmn ere
Secretary of State? If so, • it w _ a°
• cblye ar what
that
th
produce the warrant .
a ( Cheer a dant Or
oiFer O.
the Minister should hare the p
eyhadthbeeyenhad p

t ion 'the-
lot to open

the 101.1*
mittee di
ether their

601
oti`the
P°""been
,Stup 10
Pr" r tbe
sl'
3 bee"
°r .)
.3r, l'tio'
erno , , be
ne,
snch''

30st
e o•
he
'(1 thatber
:%le° the
• r of
ofr,t
s
mail ~lnt4r
the° 'toad
„se anti
ed,
enjllol:'it tBSfa=
th
nts°f toe
t
he:ded
tootatr