Star.
London, England, 1808-01-15 00:00:00

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

'V WART Y.
The 'traitor' of Altit die aissaalation of
te English Doeiraiiihe, in answer to fret of tie
.Etnperos of RtisirkiciVith a marginal commentary.
On the folio-144 passage in the second paragraph
4 the Declaration,

" His Majesty was not unaware of the nature of those engage-
ments which hod been imposed upon Russia in the conferences of
Tilsit." (1.)
The Masitsur says :
(1.) "We are authorised to declare, that no secret
engagement was formed during the conferences at
Tilsit of which England could complain, and which
roncerned her in any way. Why does not the Cabi-
net of London make known those secret engagements
which are contrary to the interest of England, if it be
acquainted with them ? Its Manifesto would in that
case be unnecessary ; and the mere communication
of those secret articles would justify its conduct in
the eyes of Europe, and redouble the zeal and energy
of every English citizen. But it is the custom of this
Government to set out with a falsehood, in order to
autherise its acts of injustice, and in the endeavour to
vindicate those vexations which it causes all the nations
of the world to suffer alike. When it was deemed
adviseable not to execute that article of the Treaty of
Amiens, which required the evacuation of Malta, the
King was made to declare, in a Message to Parlia-
ment, that all the French ports were filled with ves-
sels ready to effectuate a descent upon England, and
all Europe knows whetl•er there was then the least
armament in the ports of France. When the Cabinet
resolved to seize a few millions of piastres which four
panish frigates were bringing from the continent of
America, it told a lie equally gross, in order to justify
:he most scandalous aggression. When, finally, it
wished to excuse the inexcusable expedition against
Copenhagen, it had recourse to suppositions whose
falsehood is evident to all Europe.
" But if the formal denial of Russia and France
—if the experience, so often renewed, of the false-
hood of English assertions—if the challenge which
given to publish any secret article of the Treaty of
Tilsit, which should be contrary to the interests of
England, are not sufficient to convince every impar-
tial man ; a very few reflections will prove that Eng-
land does not believe in those secret engagements

formed by Russia against her.
" If, in fact, the Cabinet of London did believe in
the existence of such engagements between France
and Russia, why did it not, at the very instant that
it made that discovery which induced it to attack Co-
penhagen, assail the Russian squadron in the Medi-
terranean, instead of permitting it to clear the Straits
of Gibraltar ? Why did three Russian vessels, which
were coming from the North Sea, pass through the
English squadron which was blockading Copenhagen?
Why, if secret stipulations had been made at Tilsit
to the disadvantage of England, did the Cabinet of
London have recourse to the mediation of Russia, in
order to conciliate its differences with Denmark ? Let
these Ministers be at least consistent with themselves,
and let them not assert, a few pages lower, these very
words—' Br, until the Rtinian Declaration war published
(that is, until November), his Majesty had no reason to
4: that any epiniotu which the Emperor of Russia
entertain of the tramactions at Copenhagen,
aril k each as to preclude his Imperial Majesty from
smoreosiing, at the rjust of Great Britain, that same
efMe ee of Mediator.' bus the English have recourse
to the mediation Russia, in order to come to
an arum t with Denmark, more than three
months a air the Treaty of Tilsit ; and they pretend,
as we shall see still farther down, that they un-
dertook the expedition against Denmark, only to
d' *Awe the exemetion of the arrangements at Tilsit, and to
e of the objects of those arrangements.' They
seized• vessels, on' account of arrangements
which
esilawsh
e Emperor of Russia had made at Tilsit ;
they per:4Mo) the vessels of the Emperor of Russia
to pass haply ; they were at peace with Russia, for
they had recourse to her mediation ; it is hence not
true that they then believed that Russia had fivmed
arrangements against them ; it is hence not true that
they now believe in the existence of those arrange-
ments. How is this unhappy nation fallen ! by what
miserable counsels are her affairs directed ! Her
Ministers, in framing a Manifesto of a few pages,
have not good sense and reflection enough to avoid
contradicts thus gross."
" Hut his Majesty had entertained the hope, that a crying) of the
fralliedieli of that utfortriate Nertiatiol, and a just estimate of its
effects upon the glory of the Russian name, and upon the interests
of the Russian Empire, weld have induced his Imperial Majesty
to extricate himself from the embarrassment of those new coun-
sels and connection, which be bad adopted in a moment of de-
spondency and alarm ; and to return to a policy more congenial to
the principles which be has go invariably professed, and more con-
ducive to the honour of his Crown, and to the prosperity of his
dominions.* (S.)
(2.) " The good faith of the Cabinet of London
shines, forth here in all its brightness ! It hoped that
the Emperor of Russia, having formed engagements
opposed to England, would fail in keeping then al-
most immediately. Doubtless the English Government
judges according to its own feelings. It reveals its
secret to all the world. The treaties which it signs
are made only for the occasion (lone des acres eventuels );
the obligations it contracts are but simulated en-
gagements, which it violates or keeps according to its
caprice or interest. We repeat it—the Emperor of
Russia signed nothing at Tilsit which was contrary to
the interest of England ; but if he had done so, his
character, his loyalty, did not authorize England .to
think that he would have at once violated his en.
gagements. We shall not lay any stress upon the
tone of all this paragraph, in which Russia is repre-
sented as 4 yielcEng in a moment of derpoidetisy and alarm I'
The Russians will answer it better than ourselves.—
We will only observe the difference which subsists be.
tween the Declaration of Russia and the answer of
England. We find in the first, the noble language of
a Prince who respects supreme rank and the dignity
of nations, and who, if he speaks of facts shameful to
a State, does it only because he is compelled to un-
fold the masons of his complaint. We see, on the
contrary, in the answer of England, the gross inso-
lence of an oligarchic club, which respects nothing,
which seeks to humiliate by its expressions, and
which, for want of good reasons, has recourse to ca-
lumnious-imputations and insulting sarcasms."
" His Majesty had mach cause for suspicion, and just ground
of complaint. Rut he abstained from the language of reproach.
His Majesty deemed it necessary to require specific explanations
with to these arrangements with France, the concealment
of wlikh from his Majesty scald nos but confirm the impression

already received at their
nevertheless, directed the tb.
cot only widicot at=st
don, batwith dist
!Jahr trapeat-bl Ihmaador,
briber tdeadddpoad treat e
474 A.)
-rwoerestaaskats.
sage. were shedding '
the sole interest of ti..! oppress=
calamities touched the two sovereigns : -111-e-iirrie de-
sirous to put an end to them ; and the Emperor. of
Russia, though animated by so powerful a motive,
was desirous that England should be sensible of the
effects of his ancient attachment, and required that
France should accept his mediation • a condition
which the generosity of the-lE2ller ;of Russia ten-
dered less unpleasant (swim ) to the Emperor
of the French. Still it might well be so. since the
mediation he was called upon to accept was that of a
Prince so recently reconciled to Frazee ; and this
mediation being so propord, and so adizitted, Eng-
land, instead of accepting. it with eagerness, answered
so great generosity by insulting distrust. She re-
quired that the Secret Articles of the treaty of Tilsit
which concerned her should be communicated to her.
She was answered that there was no secret articles
which concerned her ; and doubtless, in order to dis-
sipate so odious a suspicion, the Emperor of Russia,
who was always earnest to leave the der open for
negotiation between France and England, ought to
have expressly fabricated such articles. He had no
right to expect that such generous cares should be so
ill rewarded. In truth, it is hard to carry further the
forgetfulness of all decency, all feeling, and all
reason."
a His Majesty willingly does justice to the motives which ori-
ginally engaged Russia in the great struggle against France. His,
Majesty avows with equal readiness the interest which Great Bri-
tain has uniformly taken in the fates and fortunes of the POwers
of the Continent. But it would surely be difficult to prove that
Great Britain, who was herself In a state of hostility with Prussia,
when the war broke out between Prussia and France, had an in-
terest and a duty more direct in espousing the Prussian quarrel
than the Emperor of Russia ; the Ally of his Prussian Majesty,
the Protector of the North of Europe, and the Guarantee of the
Germanic Cotutitution." (4)
(4) " The Ministers of London have indeed a
strange lack of memory. If they wished to persuade i
Europe that they were not in connection with Russia
when the war broke out between France and Prussia,
they ought to efface from the memory of every one,
and withdraw from all the public documents, the
pieces which they published on the events of 1805.
Those pieces.puhli shed by England, have made known,
that the Cabinet of London, in order to turn aside the
tempest which was gathering at Boulogne, formed a
treaty with Russia and Austria. It was contrary to
the opinion of Prince Charles, and all men of intelli-
gence, that an Austrian army precipitated itself upon
the Iller. The faction which the English Govern-
ment had then at Vienna did not examine whether it
suited the Powers of the Coalition to wait till the Rus-
sian troops were united to those of Austria. This de-
lay of three months was alarming to England ; the
long nights of autumn threatened her with too great
a danger, and Cobenrel sent the note which determi-
ned for war, at the very moment when the army of
Boulogne was embarked • and the destiny of Mack
was decided at Ulm, while the Russians were still in
Poland. While England can he answered by facts
thus public, how should she deny that it is foi her, and
her alone, that Austria and Russia have made war ?
Austria did not delay concluding peace; Russia re-
mained at war with France. Afterwards a Russian Ple-
nipc • atiary signed a treaty of peace at Paris. Rus-
sia did not ratify it ; for the sole reason, that having in
conjunction with you made war, it was in concert
with you that she wished to make peace. Thus, after
having made war for England, it was still for her sake
that Russia did not make peace; it was for her sake
still that Russia continued the war. It was not for
Prussia, for Russia owed nothing to that power : she
owed nothing to that power, because Prussia, after
having signed at Berlin a treaty of co-operation,caused
it to be almost immediately disavowed at Vienna, se-
parated herself from her allies, and concluded apart her
arrangements with France. The possession of Ha-
nover, so desired by Prussia, was not only not intended
by Russia, but even against her interests and her will.
It is further an historic truth, that Prussia was induced
to take up arms on the report of the treaty of peace
signed at Paris by M. Doubril, and in consequence of
assurances given by the Marquis de Lucchesini, that
by a secret article of that treaty Poland had been ceded
to the Grand Duke Constantine. This impenetrable
Cabinet of Berlin, after having deceived the whole
world, was at length caught in her own toils. It is
hence true, that when Prussia took up arms in 1806,
it was at the same time against France and against
Russia ; it is not less true, that after the battle of
Jena had already destroyed the Prussian army, and
the French were already at Berlin and on the Oder.
there was still no treaty between Prussia and Russia,
—Russia was obliged to march to the Vistula on ac-
count of the war in which she was involved with
France since 1805, and in order to defend herself.—
This confounding of the most recent events, this ig-
norance of the occurrences of our own times, is wor-
thy of the present Ministers of England. Their whole
conduct, finally, unfolds the selfishness and machiave-
lism of this cabinet."

" It is not in a public declaration that his Majesty can discuss
the policy of having, at any particular period of the war, effected,
or omitted to effect, disembarkations of troops on the coast of
Naples. But the instance of the war with the Porte is still more
singularly chosen to lilusarate the charge against Great Britain or
an indifference to the interests of het•Ally a war undertaken by
Great Britain at the insligation of Russia, and solely for the pur-
pose of maintaining Russian interests against the influence of
France." (5.)
(.5.) " Therefore the Emperor of Russia has no
right to complain that the Cabinet of London*should
employ the forces of Britain for the sole profit of Eng-
land, while he himself was actually engaged with the
French army. • If the English squadron, which forced
the Dardanelles, had chosen to unite with the Russian
squadron ; if it had taken on board the 10,000, men
which were sent to Egypt, and united them to the
12,000 Russians at Corfu, the attack upon Constan-
tinople would have been an effectual diversion for
Russia. The conduct of England was in a spirit to-
tally opposite to this : after having sustained an inde-
lible disgrace before Constantinople, she made an er-1
pedition to Egypt, which did not deprive the Grand
Vizier of a single man, and which had nothing in
common with the quarrel in which she had engaged
Russia.
i " Therefore the Emperor of Russia is to ascribe
the whole blame to himself, since he would not wait
foe the succours which England two disposed tOgrant

succours ought to have nth.
, yet in the possession of
men which laid down their arms and
of Buenos Ayres, England had
which have since set Copenhagen
would not, it is true, have af-
. the arms of Britain--France was
defence : she respected England
efforts—hut Russia would
Writ i.,_ .41. Sail itistereo rtomplain. It was of little
moment to the Cabinet of London, that two nations
of the continent were massacring each other on the
Vistula : the treasures of Monte Video and Buenos
Ayres excited her cupidity, and Dantzick received
no =tours.
" His Majesty, as his Ministers affirm, made the
rartat Om to farbfl the expectation: of hie Ally. And
what have been the effects of them great cArt: ? The-
arrival of 6000 Hanoverians at the Isle of Rugen in the
month of July ; that is, a month after the contest had
been terminated. Was it not evident that so wretched
an expedition was conceived for no other purpose than
to occupy Hanover, in case the Russian army had been
victorious t Is it not evident that it arrived at Rugen
only for English objects ? Is it not evident, that iithe
French army had.been victorious, the aid of 6000 men
would have produced no effect? Is it not evident, that
by the month of July the French 'army must have been
either victorious or beaten ? Is it not evident that the
'2o,oooSpaniards, and the 40,000 Frenchmen, from the
Army of Italy, (of which a part had been placed at
the diedisposition of France, by the security given her
r
throu the Expeditions to Egypt and Buenos Apes),
cfjoin to the 24,000 Dutch troops who were at Ham-
burgh, wouldbythe month of July, form an army more
than sufficient to renderfotile all the efforts of England?
" It was not, therefore, in the month of July that
stieeours ought to have been sent ; it was in April.—
But the Hanoverian Legion was not then formed ;.
and till the Ministers had it in their power to set inl
motion this mass of foreign deserters, they had only
national troops at their disposal, and we will state
why they did not choose to employ these. The 15,000
men of Buenos •Ayres, joined to the 15,000 British
Militia, might have furnie.ed in the month of April.
an army of 50,000 English. That, however, did not
suit the Cabinet of London : the blood of the Cacti
nent alone must flow for the defence of England.—
Whoever reads attentively tl,e debates of Parliament,
will find there the developerrent of this policy, and it
is this policy alone which Russia justly complains of.
She had a right to see 40,000 English land, in the
month of April, at Dantzic or at Stralsund. Has
England done so ? No I Was she able to do it ? If she
answers in the negative, she is then a very weak
and miserable nation, and has little tide to make so
great demands upon her allies. But what was wanting
in the Ministers was inclination ; they wish only for
piratical operations ; they calculate the results of war
,at so much per cent.—they think only of profit ; and
the fields of Poland presented nothing . but danger
and glory. If England had at last taken part in some
battles, English blood must have been spilled ; the
. people of Great Britain, upon learning the sacrifices
which war
:requires, would have wished for peace ;
the mourning of fathers, the mothers- weeping. fort
their children fallen in the field of honour, might
perhaps have produced, even in the hearts f those
Ministers, the same sentiments which a long war has
inspired in the Fren .h. the Russians, and the Austri-
ans. The British Cabinet, in its turn, could not pre-
vent itself from feeling a horror at perpetual war, or
else the men of blood who compose it would be exe-
crated by the people. The land war is not like a war
by sea : the strongest fleet does not require more than
15,000 men, abundantly supplied with provisions, and
having no privations to suffer. The greatest sea-fightl
is not equal to a skirmish at land, and costs but littl
blood or tears. France, Austria, and Russia employ
in war armies of 400,000 men, who are exposed to
all sorts of dangers, and who are daily fighting. The'
desire of peace arises even in the bosom of Victory ;
and in Sovereigns, the fathers of their subjects, it finds
a place among the dearest sentiments of their hearts.
Of all the forms of Government, Oligarchy is the most
severe: even that, however, is inclined to peace, when
war costs so many victims. The system which influ-
ences England not to support her allies is the conse-
quence of her selfishness, and the effect of the barbar-
ous maxim of perpetual war. The English people
do not revolt at this idea, because care is taken to re-
move from them the sacrifices of war. It is thus that
durit four coalitions, we have seen England laugh
at the sight of the misfortunes of the Continent, feed
its commerce with human blood, and make a sport
of the scenes of carnage in which they took no share.
She will partake again of the esteem of Europe—she
will be worthy of having allies, when she shall pre-
sent herself in the front of the band with 80,000 men :
then, whatever may be the event, she would not wish
for a perpetual war—her people would not submit to
the caprices of an inordinate ambition—her allies
would not he her victims. It is in fighting with one
another, that the Russians, the Austrians, and the
French, have learned to esteem each other—it is in
fighting that they have madehostile and cruel passions
yield to the desire of peace. England has acquired
her superiority on the seas by treachery, at Toulon,
and in La Vendee. To the convulsions which she
has stirred up, she has only opposed a few ships of
the line, and some thousands of men. She has neither
experienced the want of peace, nor the bloody losses
of war. But it is. natural that the Continent should
wish for peace, and that the Continental Powers should
hold the policy of England in horror."
.. The vexation of Russian Commerce by Great Britain is, in
track Ltde more than an imaginary grievance. Upon a diligent
examination, nude by his Maj.sty's command, of the records of
the BMA Court of Admiralty, there has been discovered only a
1 solitary instance in the course of the present war, of the condem-
nation of a vessel really Russian; a vessel which had carried naval
stores to sport of thteenimon enemy. There are but few instances
vessels *Weed, and none in which justice has been
a party regpeariy complaining of such detention. It is
monorail-04*W as well as of concern to his Majesty,
*hi the EmPeOht RAY should have condescended to bring
forward a complaint viidsk as it cannot be seriously Mt by those
whose behalf it is usgye, might appear to be intended to coml. 1
:Lein
0110141110 *elan:lawns, by which France pent-
et Mime the jealous= of Giber countries, and
It
oneis trrundliaant the Admiralty Court has only.
On Me own inveterate an* against Great Britain." (6)
condenmed(6) "ship, but this arguznent is not
less fallacious : more than one hundred Russian ships
have been obliged to change the course of their voyage,
have been subject to odious searches, and been detsun-
ed in England. Since the manifesto of the Cabinet
of London more than mere of those ships which
were detained at the time that the Russians fought for

the cause of England have been already
It is -not then to the Admiralty Court that
ought to have been made to verify the oct,
Russia's coMplaints. It is the registers of
at sea, and of the Commanders of the p 6..‘
ought to have bees consulted. It is a sir,.:
of proving that one has done no Istong-tygki
proofs of ose wrongsuiiismthajenymn where they
otrefesethe
medistions.,,, n0t,.0 ear
of rile
Russia; although the offer ci it was aecompsoied t.
stances of concealment which might well bare iust447.
The ankles of the Treaty of Tilsit were not come .--
Majesty; and specifically that article of the Tiro% lc
which the mediation was proposed ; and which r
united time for the return of his Majesty's answer to tait
And his Majesty was thus led into an apparent cotap
limitation so offensive to the dignity of an indereduit
But the answer so returned by his Majesty was ost i
was a sonditional acceptance. The conditions try•
• Ide!esty were—o statement of the basis upon wt ikt th ,
was disposed to treat, and a communicatiou of the ..,„,•
Pace of Tilsit. The &at of those conditions Am-7
same which the Emperor of Russia bad himself
mouths before, to his own acceptance of mil
of the Emperor of Austria. The second was oneuild •
ty would have had a rig'it to require even as the Air
theiutglia
Majesty; but which it world have been big*
omit, when he was invited to tonfide to his impoosimlll4
care of his honour and of his interests?'
(7) Sophistry and hypocrisy add toile s,.
of disgust which is felt at reading such thlifir:
However horrible the principle of pc
be, it would be less shameful to avow it : thei•
of greatness in bold, proclaiming crimes,
says, that she has not refused the mediation
the Emperor of Russia ; and yet the very 6,
her note appeared in answer to that offer, hs;
' entered Copenhagen, declaring, in this masa.
rpetul
not only against Russia, but against Austria sa
whole of the Continent. Her answer to the
of St. Petersburgh was read by the light ofd
gration of Copenhagen. And what was she
. swee ? That England wished to know the
the negotiation. How wretched a shift, who
question involved such important iaterest?
Yarmouth and Lord Lauderdale knew thoe
I let it be asked of them, whether they believe Ffa
wished for peace ? The most desirable hashisasi
closed in the notes of Russia, since she okay
mediation for a just and honourable peace. r.t.
demanded a
,guarantee, and the Emperor ofo
offered his. Was there on earth a gamete us
powerful and more august ? As to the coramaisic
of the Secret Articles concerning ycu, what cili
you to ask for them, since none such existed!
was your real intention ? To refuse the in
You have refuted it ; and the hand which rigid
refusal was then reeking with the blood of
dearest and oldest of the Allies of Russia.
" The complete abandonment of the interests of de
Prussia (who had twice f ejected proposals of separate pent
a strict adherence to•his engagements with his !wry
and the character of thew? provisions which the bpi
Russia was contented to make for his own Wescott is tit
ciwions of Tilsit, presented no encouraging prospect ofth
of any exertions which his Imperial Majesty might be
employ in favour of Great Britain." (a.) .
(8) . Prussia bad lost all its states : Memel rat
the point of being taken from its Sovecifs,
Cabinet of London was one of the causessi this
fortunate situation. since it had been cued
of the war, by insinuating to Prussia-that
tended to restore Hanover to the King of •
Is it by the assistance of England that die '
Prussia has been extricated from a desperate '
It was the Emperor of Russia who fought is '
and , caused the restoration of his croft. 'iii'
strange manner of abandoning his allies. 5
allies of England would be very happy, if *II
only to complain of being abandoned in dew
way. It is certain, that France did twirepropre
Prussia a separate peace; but it was welltatano
at a time when she had not the generous kepi"
of Russia in her favour, that the Prussic
was not to base been evacuated until the
should have made peace."
" is is not, while a French army still Occupies sad by
the remaining dominions of the ring of Prude, ia wilt
stipulations of the Prussian Treaty of Tilsit ; while
are arbitrarily exacted by Prance from that minute of >Y
Monarchy, suck as, in its entire and most flourishing II
Prussian 11fonareby would have bees unable to •
the surrender Is demanded, in time of peace, of Pranks
which bad not been reduced during the wet. ; 'adults&
of France is exercised over Prussia with such stasis
as to drignate and demand for instant death, inclarliohili,
of his Prussian Majesty. and resident in his dowidistMs
charge of disrespect towards the French Goresamet;lii s
while all these things are done and suffered, under thew(
Emperor of Russia, and without his interference *skiff li
ally, that his Majesty can feel himself called urn to
Europe for Wing hesitated to repose an unconditioni
in the effiesteed hisistsperial Majesty's mtdiatior." (9)
: • (9.) This pwagraph contains only false
No new contributions have been laid upon the
States; but those which had been imposed du*
1 war were to be discharged. All the countries
' the Niemen and the Vistula, -forming a
1 more than a million, have been evacuated : the
not; and the reason it has not is; because the
has not fixed the periodsfor its evacuation;
preliminary arrangements with the King
.01
not yet terminated ; because the expedition to
barn has recently thrown more uncertainty
affairs of the North of Europe; because the
Minister (who, according to the ancient policy
Cabinet, has, by perfidious communication4vo
good informs. ion to the British Cabinet) is sull
don ; because English vessels havebeenreceir
mel; because, in short, in the cum:m/11221
stances in whichthe acts ofinjustice on the•p_ut dr,
Britain have placed Europe, Russia ancrltsigt,"
understand each other (ontit itntendre). Alcor
of individuals, subject: of his Prissian sirojalpav
surrender of Prussian fortram which could 'Wks*.
during the war, these assertions are altogcthet WM,
gible. France has, on the contrary, restored on
fortresses to Prussia, Cossel, and Gratz: Th 111
make war loyally, and certainly idtinct put to
the peaceful subjects of conquered countries. Tbil
not seize the property of individuals ; they F.!
People of the Continent, read the maritime colt
England, and you will see what her code 011
would be were she as powerful there as sheds 06,1
ocean. She does not seize merely the. shies ,s_,
Princes with whom she is at war, but also a
chant vessels which transport private propel. 111
is no differe'nce in the eye of equity between
.1
zines of rnerchandize belonging to inclividualT,
quered countries, and the goods of traders tub,!
stowed in merchant vessels. According to IxA,
Lions of equity, there is no difference between ail
vessels and convoys of goods transported by 201,1"
Hamburgh to Berlin, or from Trieste to Go'

otiO

_goo

[grin
Bind
I the

t gm
iotist
on-

id&
dot
110 i

1
• B

76-0

di 1
!iiti
e in

,tliantetes sod teadeciey. Not Ws htajasty, him. Batt these sum
te &laud etas =plastics le he wade. ' was yet i
cy,m the Indication al say tO 12, ows
MSee regard to the feeliagelstat •
000
6, witch resulted ham tie et d ut• the streets
fres eaalidesee iaternipted, Vows • • the 15,000 menw
-m flames, these forces
otsosticas, 74 in Tower and coo. triumph to the
= g AMU -their purest higod ihr aiaatiftwie of defy
the °prawn of tibellOlL mese 'ate respect eres
•

felt no

, Lot she French armies been ever known to ar.
114 convoys ? save we not seen Lord Keith
• pt to seize at Genoa vessels which were in port,
,004 s which were in the possession of the ruer-
b
„int, of that city? He didbut apply on land the princi-
"—of the maritime code of England. The Austrians
asdprincede Von Hohenzollernwho commanded them
indignant at suchoppression ; they resisted them,
and the battle of Marengo bringing, a few days after-
the French into Genoa, also brought back the
se7o6"ty private pro.pert,y.T Whence then so
fferent a cse he one is the result of
di
atrabilarious and unjust policy, of England, and
other of the liberal policy and civilization of France.
on be part, she were Mistress of the Seas, she
if,
food be seen attacking none but armed vessels; she
loom be seen even protecting the property of the
_Aka/ of those states with which she might be at
If we wish to compare the spirit of liberality,
sad 'the civilization of the two nations, we should take
si &terms of this comparison the French code of war
00 land, and its application to individuals and pro-
.rtr, and the maritime code of the English, and its
raipfication to the individuals and property that are
fond on the ocean.
But what motive could have induced the Mi-
nisters of London to mention Prussia in this Mani-
festo ? Is it the interest of Prussia ? But if the in.
of prussic touched them, they would have
Ecepted the mediation of Russia. Why do they pub-
at thishotirdit indiscreet paragraph, which clearly
on that the spirit which has already caused the
cabinet of Berlin to take so many false steps, is yet
in motion ? Is it to be useful to Prussia, and to con-
ciliate for her the interest of France, of which, under
tit repeat circtunstances, she stands in so great need'
pforce has evacuated many countries, England not
; arid the preliminary basis of all these negocia-
noss was the uti possidetis. When the French treat
with their enemies, they either change the Go -
mmts ray of having united with England against
& interests of the Continent, or if they evacuate a
emoted country, it is in consequence of a durable
rue, all the conditions of which are observed • and
whey are never seen to attack their allies without a
kcbration of war, or treacherously, surprise their ca-
o; so they are never seen to quit a fortress before
ica fate has been determined by negociation. The
Nish attack for the sake of plunder, and reti
Shen they have burnt and pillaged all before them.
Now is well suited to them, for it is a war of
pirates. When they once entered Copthnharen
they
gold hare remained there until peace ;as con
chided. Nothing could equal the infamy
htheir
snack, but the dishonour of their disgraceful oftfg
• But if it were true that the French have exacted
a little from their enemies, why should they not in
fact? They have 800,000 troops, and they are ready
.
ie flat every sacrifice to double their force if it
sbje,danbedthne:tesr,
do; not that tsela:tsihwlyarfeeisl their natural,
the sacrifices
ittchadttteraytionmakofe intheiwirthsodrafertiwil sosoiTany hands from
possession
tif a fine country, they wish to addict themselves to
the conquests of commerce and industry ; but your
Manny will not suffer them. You have roused a
gant, whom, having rhfourseeend,
yeah,
ucontinue to irritate
nernan
.yodn your injustice has
snly tended to add to his energy n which
He
scatorftracaly
willtl not cein
lay yourtyranny increase.
down his arms, but he will
=gram his force until he has conquered the
liberty of the seas, which is his first ntghtt,ancdthse.
the
patrimony of all nations. Ifthealll
questa of war are protracted, if the French troops
coninve a bmtbeti to the territories which they oc-
rupy,riimpeare t, h eprceed from cause. Allm the calamities which
oppress
great questions are not to be resolvedyou alone.
These
amottlaus. When you are , by diplomatic
France will be ready to make disposed to make peace,
.it. Of this you cannot
be ignorant; you well k
known may • now it. An anecdote gene-
rallytic!,When
the ylmbe qu.alot in support of this
Guardasser-
tion: set out for .Tena, and
it: days
sabyows
after,
known thatthe Emperor was to join the army
af
Lord Lauderdale asked M. Cham-
pagny, whether, if England made peace, the Empe-
ror Napoleon would consent to stop and countermand
the march of his
Ivor replied in thetroops against Prussia ? The
affirmative.Em-
With one word, you
tiffs
itelpod havewer, saved
would have
By preventing the fall of
maintained on the Elbe
that barrier so necessaryuid
to your dearest interests, the
it establishment of which

hey,
:ect
)41!

Its while the alleged rejection of the Emperor of Russia's
aviation, between Great Britain and France, is stated as a just
mead of his imperial Majesty's resentment; his Mijesty's request
dttat eradiation, for the re-establishment of peace between Great
hitaia sad Dinmark, is represented as an insult which it was
trinlthe bounds of his imperial Majesty's moderation to en-
nue (10)
(10) "The Emperor of Russia must necessarily be
oSitdatthe communication that Mr. Canningmade
to* Ryder (NI. Rist), and in which the English
Ct dxlares himself certain that Russia would
Lotmatee Denmark from the just resentment of
"nee, if, after having suffered its independence to be
notated, and its fleet to be carried away, Denmark
constitlte itself into a British province. This
hisebood had nu effect but to irritate the Prince
!loyal: it could nut impose upon any body. Eng-
:ied wished Russia to guarantee Denmark from the
- tof France, at the time when she declared
she offered violence to Denmark only to guarart-
t'vhersell from the secret engagements contracted at
n :sit, by the Emperor of Russia. It is really hard to
ermine which is the most remarkable in this in-
mate, the bad reasoning or the immorality of the Ca-
ke of Lunden."
" Sot until the Russian I)t claration was published, his Mr
:'al Waco- reason to suspect that any opinions which the Empe-
vtofllassia might entertain of the transactions at Copenhagen,
idle such as to preclude his Imperial Majesty from under.
!It lithe request of Great Britain, that same office of Media-
"l, "hack he hadassumed with so much alacrity on the behalf of
11c1v. Nor can his Maji sty forget that the first symptoms of
se"ngeoddesee since the Prate of Tilsit, the only prospect of
sweat the endeavour, of bit Majesty's Ambassador to restore
'swat good iandentandir; between Crest Britain and IWO.,
tweed *Jennie intelligence of the siege of Copenhagen bad
7.2r7e1111Y received at St. Petertburgh." (11.)
1-1 u
;1 If the Emperor of Russia hay :hewn Eng-
,
P
I.ra rymptome of reviving confidence after the
drit, it is not consequently true that he has
(inded at Tilsit secret arrangements, which place
at enmity with England. If those demonstra-
tions have taken place at the mon.ent when the in-
btetroeur nt of Ccprnhagen was known at St. Peters-
gh. it 3,1 ..s not because the Emperor of Russia

wig became. he felt 10/11e

of softening the ferocity of England by gentle mea-
sures—it was because he wished to interfere to save

his unfortunate ally—it was because, ignorant of the
causes of the Expedition to Copenhagen, knowing
that he had given no pretence for it, directly Cr indi-
rectly, he was able to persuade himself for some time
that England had some reasons to induce her to take
so important a step. He was, however, better in.,
formed by the communications of the Prince Royal,
by the communications of England herself, by the
Manifesto of the English General which explained
the odious pretensions of his Government ; and then
he demanded that the attack of Copenhagen should
cease. England answered him by setting Copen-
hagen in flames, and carrying away the fleet.
" After this operation, the most fatal for England
of all the enterprises which she has ever undertaken,
I she had only two courses to pursue ; either to continue
to occupy Copenhagen, and that she durst not do, or
to evacuate Copenhagen, the consequence of which
she knew would be, that the Sound would be for ever
shut against her. She then had the meanness to have
recourse to the mediation of Russia. She laid open
her character ; she thought she could impose upon the
Emperor Alexander ; but she could obtain nothing by
a proceeding rendered odious by this very opinion.—
Russia replied to her with the silence of contempt,
and by fortifying Cronstadt and her coasts. This
proceeding of England, then proves one thing, namely,
that she did not think that Russia had formed se-

cret engagements at Tilsit, contrary to her interests.
This truth, established in so many ways in these notes,
overturns all the scaffolding of the English manifesto.
" The inviolability el the Baltic Sea, and the reciprocal guaran-
ties of the Powers that barber upon it, gnarentiee said to have
been tomcatted with the knowledge of the British Government,
are stated as aggravations of his Majesty's proceedings in the Bal-
tic. It cannot be intended to represent his Majesty as having at
any time sequieseed in the principles upon which the inviolability
of the Baltic is maintained; ho"-ever his Majesty may at parti-
cular periods have forborne, for special reasons, influencing his
conduct at the time, to act in contradiction to them. Such for-
bearance never could have applied but to a state of peace and real
neutrality in the North; and his Majesty most assuredly could
not be expected to recur to it, after France has been suffered to
establish herself in undisputed Sovereignty along the whole coast
Of the Baltic Sea from Dantzic to Lubeck." (12.)

(12) " Why should not England consent to the
inviolability of the Baltic ? If it be not an enclosed
sea, why do the English vessels pay toll at Elsineur?"

41 Nor can his Majesty conceive that, iss proposing to the Prince
Royal terms of peace, such as the most successful war on the part
of Denmark could hardly have been expected to extort from Great
Britain, big Majesty rendered himself liable to the imputation,
either of ex,sperating the resentment, or of outraging the dignity,
of Denmark." (13.)

(13) Europe will judge whether these conditions
are such as Denman& could hardly obtain by,tht most suc-
cessful war. England required,
1. That the Danish navy should be given up to her
in deposit till peace.
2. That the just indignation produced by the at-
tack upon Copenhagen, should give way to friendly
sentiments towards England.
3. That the Danish army should take part against
France, and carry on the war for England.
We should add to all the advantages offered by
these fine terms granted by England the loss of the
Danish possessions in Germany, which France would
have seized, and upon which territories she would
have beaten the English, if she allowed them to land
there. _ _

---
We should in vain look for the traces of any calcu.

lation, for any appearance of reason in such argu-
ments. The fact is, that the British Councils are
guided by precipitation and ignorance, and that in
what the Government says, does, or intends, no oh-
sect, view, or motive can be discovered.
_

His Majesty has thus replied to all the different accusations by
which the Russian Government labours to justify the rupture of
a connection which has subsisted for ages, with reciprocal advan-
tage to Great Britain and Russia, and attempts to disguise the
operation of that external influence by which Russia is driven into
unjust hostilities, fer interests rot her own." (14.)
(14.) So that Russia has no interest in going to
war with England ; for the interests of commerce and
navigation concern not the Russians. They have no
interest in the independence of the Baltic : for an
Order of the English Council has stripped the Baltic
of its independence, and another Order of the same
Council might decide that they had no interest in the
navigation of the Neva. The object which all the
' Powers propose to themselves, in re-establishing the
liberty of the seas, and restoring peace to Europe, is
an object foreign to Russia. Russia, for the last
hundred years, has derived such advantages from her
connection with England, that she has nothing fur-
ther to wish for. These great advantages consist in
a Treaty of Commerce, which has fettered and ruined
the industry and commerce of Russia ; but since this
Treaty has eminently contributed to the prosperity of
England, what signifies it if it has all the effects upon
Russia of a perpetual frost?"
a The termin lam of the war with Denmark has been so
anxiously sought by his Majesty, that it cannot be necessary fur
his Majesty t renew any professions upon that subject. But his
Majesty is at aless to reconcile the Emperor of Russia's present
anxiety for the completion of such an arrangement, with his lin-
p.11:1 Majesty's recent refusal to contribute his good cdflces for
effecting it' (15.)
(15) " His Britannic Majesty labours here under a
peat embarrassment, and his Council is not fruitful
in expedients. France, Austria, Russia, require, that
the I)anish fleet should be restored • that reparation
should be made to the Prince Royal% that the English
people, following the example of the Romans upon a
similar occasion, should surrender into the hands of
the Prince Royal the person who advised the expedi-
tion against Copenhagen ; that the houses destroyed
in that city should be rebuilt at the expenee of Eng-
land, and finally that his Britannic Majesty should
disavow the outrage offered to all Sovereigns. This
is far distant from the proposals mode lir England.',
"The requisition of his Imperial Majesty Eye the immediate
conclusion, by his Majesty, of a peace with Prance, is as extraor-
dinary in the substance, as it is offensive in dO manitsr. His Ma.
jetty has at no time declined to treat with Mine, vibes Frazee
has professed a willingness to treat on an sr
basis, AAd
the Emperor of Russia cannot Lento resosialwr SW** last sego-
eistion between Great Brinks and Fraser was blOkeii of, urea
poinu immediately Arming, not his Majesty's owe interests, but
those of bi ;ntperial Ally. But his Mikity neither saderstasils,
nor will he admit the pretensisn of the emperor of Tinssi‘te dic-
tate the tints, or the mode, of his Majesty's paciffs negotiations
with other Powers. lx will never beendured by his Ad e* that
any Government shall indemnify itself for the humiliation If sib-
serviency to France, by the adoption of an Waking Ind perenip-
tary tone towards Great Britain." (16)
(16.) 4, Whim a person endeavours to enkport a i
cause which has neither truth nor justice an at, he
should do it with ability, and there uno ability dis-
played in the remarkable assertion contained in the

following paragraph : t The last negociation betwecii
France and England was broken off upon points im-
mediately affecting, not his Mjesty's own interests,
but those of his Imperial Ally.' People of Europe,
hear this ! It was not France which opposed peace ;
it was not the important interests of England which
prevented it ; it was Russia alone which then threvi
obstacles in the way. Well, then, when this obstacle
ho longer exists, why does England object to peace ?
Why does she, in place of negoctating, ask upon what
basis France is willing to treat ? Why does she violate '
the flag of every nation ? Why does she maintain the
whole world in that state of irritation and violence
which oppresses all nations, and is a burthen to all
Sovereigns ? every Englishman should blush at being
governed by such men.
" We shall make no observations upon the sen-
tence which concludes this paragraph. Insulting
language from one Sovereign to another is degrading
.only to him who makes use of it. The Emperor of
Russia will despise the insult of England, but the
Russian nation will not forget it. What the manifesto
would have lost by the suppression of this phrase and
many others, is not perceived. France and Russia
have the highest esteem for each other. Their union
is the despair of England, and it will be fatal to her.
The expedition against Copenhagen should not have
been undertaken. Negaciations should have been
opened for peace, so much the more easy to be con-
cluded, as, according to the English Ministers—" it
was only broken off upon points immediately affect-I
ing the interests of his Imperial Majesty."
a His Majesty proclaims ammo them triad/01m of Maritime Law,
against which the Armed Neutrality, under the auspicivi of the.
Empress Catherine, was originally directed; and against which
the present hostilities of Russia are denounced. Those principles
have been recognised and acted upon in the best periods of
the history of Europe ; and acted upon by no Power with more
strictness and severity than by Russia herself in the reign of the
Empress Catherine. Those principles it is the right and the duty
of his Majesty to maintain; and against every Confederacy I
Majesty is determined, under the blessing of Divine Providence,

_ .
to maintain them. They have at all mut enntroarted essentially no
the :Wart oldie Maritime tower of Great Britain." (17)
(I 7) " That which lust maintained the maritime power
of England has not been tyrannical principles or max-
ims, but the policy, the energy, the good sense, and
the prudent conduct of your ancestors ; it is the divi-
sions which they have often had the address to scatter
on the Continent. That which will essentially con-
tribnte to its destruction is the thoughtlessness, preci-
pitancy, violence, and silly arrogance of their succes-
sors. The Emperor of Russia wishes for a maritime
peace. Austria, France, and Spain, participate in
these sentiments. You have declared that the Nego-
ciation with France 4 was only broken off upon points
affecting the interests of Russia.' Wherefore, then,
we again ask, do you continue the war ? Why, it is
because you do not wish for peace.
64 It is because you do not wish for peace that
you raise useless questions. France, Austria, Spain,
olland, Naples, say, as well as the Emperor of Rus-
sia, that they proclaim anew the principle,. t the a,
neutrality. Those Powers have doubtless t e right to
declare the principles which are to be the rule of their
policy ; they have the right to say on what condi-
tions it becomes them to be your enemies, or neutral.
Toy, you proclaim anesst,tlu, principle: of your maritime
laws. Well, then-!`this 'opposition of principles will
not be an impediment to the ve-establishment of peace.
—They have on neither side any effect during peace ;
they have no application except when you are at .
war with a maritime power ; but in that case each
Government has the right and power to consider the
first violation of its flag as an act of hostility. . The
circumstances in which you will then find yourselves
will determine your conduct then. If it is with
France that you are at war, you will not judge her a
power sufficiently feeble t o render it indifferent to
you whether you draw other enemies upon you, and
you will shew some consideration fur the rest of Eu-
rope. You did not venture to insult the flags of
every power, till you had the address to arm all the
Continent against France. It was then your mari-
time principles were changed ; and they became
more unjust and more violent, in proportion as
your Continental connections became more contrac-
ted, or your Allies maintained with more difficulty the
struggle in which you had engaged them. It was
thus that when Russia was obliged to collect all her
force against the French in Poland, you violated her
flag, and refused her, in respect to her Commercial
Treaty, concessions which you shewed yourselves dis-
posed to grant when she had no longer any enemies to
combat. The Powers of the Continent, in proclaiming anew
the principle: of the armed neutrality, do but announce the
maxims upon which they purpose to act in the next ma-
ritime war. You cannot prevent their directing their
policy as they understand it ; they exercise in this the
maxims which you will employ in your next war. The
Continent has no interest in demanding from you ei-
ther declarations or renunciations. Declarations would
have no effect, from the moment you might think you
could forget ;Xem with impunity. Renunciations are
without an object, since we cannot renounce what we
do not possess. elf we j4ge of what you will do,
by what you have hitherto done, we may conclude,
that you will not require from the Powers of the
Continent either declaration or renunciation • and as
they will demand none from ysu, there is hence no
question to discuss, no difficulty to relays ; there is
nothing which can retard for a day dia blessings of
right which appertains to all Governmssats. and MA,*
usurpation of which they would have - to alt. nothusl
pose but the ultimo ratio regain. On your rt‘ Ali
proclaim the principles of your maritime law:, t is, the
peace. If, however, you should raise the strange.
and novel pretension of imposing upon France, and
the other Powers of the Continent, by an act of your
will alone, the obligation of subscribing to your mari-
time laws, this is as if you were to require that the
Legislature and Sovereignty of Russia, France, and
Spain should be transported to London—a fine prero.
dative for your Parliament. It would be the saint as
if you were to proclaim everlasting war, or as if you
were to fix as the termination of war the moment when
you should have seized on St. Petersburgh,. Paris,
Vienna, and Madrid. But if this be not at the bottom
of your sentiment, there is no further obstacle to
peace : for, according to your own expresskins, asp.
anion were irden • w s points which torched immedi-
ately not As interest: hie Britannic Majesty, but than of
re'
hi, Imperial All ; or the Imperial Ally of his Bn-
tannic Majesty has *formed you, that peace is hence-
firth the magi* end °this wish, the principal object
of his interest."

\.

1•••••••- •P-
-. .
LONDON. ~.

FRIDAY, JANUARY IS.
PRICE OF tiTOCIta THIS DAY AT 01,7 i O'CLOCK.
Consols, for !stoney, 44i—for lasosary 6t`—Rogitold_ 63ii—
Oundutn 21 pretn.—E“heq. Balt Ys. to ::s.

A frigate is arrived at Portsmouth from India, sup-
posed to be the Salcette, built at Bombay for his
Majesty's service. It is hoped, at the Inai.x-Hous...,
that Lord Wu.i.:Am BENTINCK and Sir JOHN CRAD-
DOCK are passengers, ai they were expected in the fleet

lately arrived.
By this vessel important dispatches are understood
to have been received from Sir EDWARD Pte', the
Admiral on that station.

The Monsieur of the 7th, and 'a Supplement of the
same date, received yesterday evening, contains a
long commentary, in the form oe Notes, on all the
leading points in his BRITANNIC MAJZSTY'S Reply to
the Declaration of the EMPEROR of Russu. This
document, which may be considered as a Counter-
Declaration of France on behalf of her Northern
Ally, is interesting chiefly on account of the disco-
veries it makes of the future views of NAPOLEON. It
discusses the subject of peace pretty freely, an4with
a seeming leaning towards a negociation ; but with
what sincerity time alone will discover. The most
' s riking is the concluding Note in this commenter:.
—ln reply to that part of his MAJESTY'S Dec'.l
tion, in which he says, that he proclaims anew
those principles of Maritime Law against which
the Armed Confederacy was directed ; it is ob-
served in effect, 44 that each of the contending parties
may continue to proclaim their respective maritime
laws, but that this circumstance need throw no im-

pediment in the way of peace ; becfuse each may
abstain from making any declaration, or requiring
any renunciations on this subjects " How is this to be
reconciled with the repeated declarations which have
been made by NAPotroN, that no -peace could le
coficluded with England, but on the condition of her
Peaouncing what she calls her maritime code? It is
true, strictly speaking, that by avoiding all discus-
, sion on this point in any negociation that may take
place, we du not formally give up our rights ; but
it is equally true, that, if we conclude a treaty, with-
out having them recognized in that treaty, it may be
afterwards asserted, that our silence on these disputed
rights amounted to an abandonment of the principle.

The Golconda is arrived at Liverpool from New
York. She sailed on the 19th ult. and brings letters
to that date. These state, that the Non-Importation
Law had gone into operation with certain restrictions:

but that it was understood the President had been
invested with the power of suspending it at pleasure.
It was still:maintained, that the Revenge brought ac-
counts that Bonaparte had declared that be would
not suffer America to remain neuter. The belief of
this report had greatly irritated the -public mind.

A meeting of the Committee of the American Mer-
chants took place Yesterday,pursuant to adjournment.
The Chairman was delegated to wait upon Ministers
relative to the application of the merchants and ma-
nufacturers of Lancashire and Yorishiii; for licences
to protect such cargoes as they were aboitt to embark
for America.... Mr. SANBOU accordingly procee4ed to
the Treasury, where he had an interview with the
CHANCILLOR OF TIM EXCHEQUXR andLorci BATnuaar,
whose answer to this application was, we understand,
to the following purport..." that.they saw no necessi-
ty for such licences, as we are not at war with America;
' but that, however, they had no objection. to grant
them in order to satisfy the persons who applied"
The letters give various accounts of a renrsolp,th it
had taken place between the Patriote Freckli frigate
and the Chesapeake American frigate. It is. staied
by some that the dispute was respecting an American
deserter, and that the case was precisely similar to
that of the Leopard; that guns were reported to
have been fired on both sides.

The situation of America with respect to France
does not seem less precarious than with respect to
England. The French privateers, in conformity tp
the late decree, capture every American they meet,
bound to England. The Live Oak, an American
ship, from Virginia to London, has been taken, re-
taken, and brought into the Downs. The Hyades,
(an American) from Charleston and Cowes to Lon-
don, was taken on the Slst ultimo, by a French
privateer, and carried into Calais—the Captain and
I crew taken out of the ship and put under a guard.
—The Joseph and Edward, from Guernsey to Dover.
was taken on the sth inst. off Dover Pier, and car-
ried into Calais : several other vessels have lately I een
carried into Calais ; among them were three Ameti-
can vessels, exclusive of the Hyades.

Prmsorrn, JAIL 13.—Came in the Mary, Captain
FIMERICK, from Alexandria, with tobacco, detained
by the Lively privateer ; French chase mane,- from
Isle de Ree, with rye, captured by the Aile, of 36
guns ; Alexandria frigate, from Portsmouth; Neme-
sis frigate, from a crate ; Portuguese ship Ulysses,
Captain FEIRNAIA, from Rio Janeiro, with sugar,
coffee, and hides, detained by Sir SIDNEY &ma.—
There are four others expected, detained by the same
squadron.
Portman:ma, JAN. ls.—Ateved the Coquette at d
Resistance, from a cruise; Kingsfisher schooner, from
Monte Video, last fioat Cork, with several transports
tinder convoy, aa4 the Salcette, from the East Indies
--she left lying stHelena his MNF!ty's ships Po.
ntnca.

dinnar lyphemns, A Idrianay, and _
It has blows a gale darifrom S. W. A brig
is driven on shore oh the Sand Head, and remains—•
calms learn bee mull. Wind 'Ng .ble.