The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-01 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FaG IHF. EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

G LOBE.—The Times this morning, in its
anxiety to discredit the Anti-Corn-law League,
is seized with a sudden scrupulousness against
associations for any object. "We cannot but
think," says our suddenly conscientious Con-
temporary, that "when men are content to ac-
knowledge that the ordinary constitutional
channels, which are open to all, are in-
sufficient for them—when they form them-
selves into associations, whether Pro-Corn-
law or Anti-Corn-law—on one side of the ques-
tion or the other—for Conservatism or Reform
—for preservation or amendment—for good or
for evil—in either case, we say, we cannot but
think that they prove themselves to be not
over-scrupulous as to the ways by which they
seek their ends." There is nothing like announc-
ing a principle large enough to be sure of
including the case in .question; and if all
associations deserve condemnation, it must
be acknowledged the Anti-Corn-law League
does so. But this League, it seems, is some-
thin°. worse than an Association. It is, namely,
a League. And a League is a " confederacy"—
and a confederacy is a " knot of conspirators."
Now it really seems to us " confederacies," and
" leagues," from the Swiss Eidvenossenschaft
downward, have not always handed down a very
bad name in history. There may have been leagues
indeed on the side of a domineering power,
spiritual or secular, like
,the Catholic League hr
France, or the Orange or Brunswick Clubs in
Ireland. Leagues have, however, more com-
monly, been formed amongst the weaker, against
an unjust dominion; and whether in Switzerland,
or the Hanse Towns, or the United Provinces,
or the United States, such combinations of seve-
rally feeble parts have been tolerably- successful
hitherto in the vindication of political and com-
mercial freedom against the direct depredations,
or fiscal depredations, of the lords of the soil in
all ages. The Anti-Corn-law Leaguers, says
the Times, have formed themselves " into
a confederacy—for the purpose of assum-
ing to themselves a power over the laws—a
power greater than that which of right belongs to
them individually—a power which is to be gained
for the purpose of procuring the overthrow of a
legally established system." Now this is a very
awkward symptom, we admit with the Times. It
is against all rules of political fencing; like Mo-
here's servant-maid's lunges against Monsieur
Jourdain. Perhaps we do not like it, any more
than the Times does. Perhaps we do not like to
see an important body of commercial capi-
talists persuaded that the . preservation of
their capital, and means of employing labour,
depends on subsidising systematic agitation
against an existing law. But, we ask the
Times,—if a law is made to serve one class.in-
terest at another's expense—and at the farther
cost of great waste of national capital, and the
means of public well-being—what are the
aggrieved classes to do but confederate, for
the purpose of exerting "a power greater
than that which belongs to them indivi-
dually?" That is the definition of all combination
against all injustice, from the beginning of the
world. The right question is—Does the injustice
exist? if so, the League is its natural conse-
quence. A very dangerous consequence we have
often admitted it. We have cited Burke's warn-
ing respecting " a monied interest, iidured, but
not destroyed." The interest, out of which
sprung the League, deems itself injured in a
vital part. Can you destroy it ? If not, what
use to add insult to injury ?
STANDARD.—The excitement in the manu-
facturing districts is nearly at an end; but
although many bodies of operatives have re-
turned to their work, great numbers still remain
out. The contest has, however, no longer any-
thing to distinguish it from an ordinary strike,
excepting its extent. It is true that many of the
operatives declare that they will not give in until
their demands have been complied with ; but
this is a threat which they are not in a condition
to fulfil. One thing appears to be beyond a
doubt, and that is, that these deluded people
have become fully satisfied of the treacherous
designs of their late Chartist and Anti-Corn-
law instigators. The last accounts from Man-
chester state that a body of the turn-outs in one
of the suburbs of that town had refused to listen
to the harangue of a Chartist, of the name of
Doyle, on the ground that they had had enough
of the Charter. The Anti-Corn-law League
appears to be equally at a discount with
them, for we have heard little of its prin.
ciples from them since the first two or
three days of the outbreak. They have probably
discovered the extent to which they have been
duped, and, ifso, they may be expected to assist
in throwing some light on the investigation now
in progress in Manchester into the real origin of
the late disturbances. As we suspected, the
Manchester Police Commissioner, Sir Charles
Shaw, and his friends, are beginning to
be aware of the awkwardness of the po-
sition in which the exculpatory letters
of the Mayor and Mr. Maude have placed
him. The reclamations of these gentlemen, al-
though correct so far as they go, do not tell the
whole truth. It is admitted that Sir Charles
Shaw wrote on the Tuesday a messing note to
Mr. Maude, requesting him to accompany or
follow Colonel Wemyss with the Riot Act to
the outskirts of the town ; a clear indica-
tion of his opinion that the entrance of the
Ashton operatives ought to be prevented. It is
insinuated in the last accounts from Manchester,
that Mr. Maude delayed for a considerable time
to attend to this summons, and that when he did
go he forgot to carry the Riot Act with him I
The merit is also claimed for Sir C. Shaw by his
friends of having "protested in a loud voice
against permitting the mob to enter the town."
Again, Sir C. Shaw's vindicators declare that
his official intimation to the Magistrates
reached them two hours and a-half before the
entrance of the procession—a statement which
would seem to affect the correctness of Mr.
Maude's statement, which declares that he re-
paired to the scene of action as soon as possible,
and found that the procession had already
entered, and succeeded in stopping one or more
mills. It is due to his own character that Sir
Charles Shaw should not be content with an
anonymous reclamation, but should reply to the
statement of the Magistrates, if he considers
himself injured by them, in his own person. The
matter cannot be allowed to rest where it is.