The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-05 00:00:00

;~,

WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUAR IR46,

or not. He said this, putting his own prejudices out of
sight ; for he thought, in truth, that to that tax there
could be urged the most valid objections.—(hear, hear.)
But that was not the ground on which it must be con-
sidered. If it could be shown that another tax pressed
more heavily upon the industrious classes, fettering and
stunting the commerce of the country—a bad manufac-
turing tax, if he might say so—a tax which pressed upon
the raw material of manufactures ; and it; by giving up
this latter tax, they gave a spring to home manufactures,
to the materials consumed by the low and middle classes
of society, then did he say they might with propriety give
to the retention of the income-tax a favourable hearing.
He had listened with the utmost attention to one part of
her Majesty's speech—that part of it, he meant, which
had treated of increased academical instruction for the
country ; but as that subject would be, at a future time,
discussed by their Lordships in detail, he would not do
more than thus briefly notice it. With respect to the
icongratulation t 1 iVohni co ht., there la Nn
do bale st
egl aarrqidedds
ictas l
freedomle d for
on h
from
te
agitation and from internal disturbances, he (Lord B.)
without having any desire to remark upon this topic,
because it ought by every means to be avoided, could
not at the same time avoid (in order that his silence
might not be wrongly construed) saying that in his
opinion that improved state of the country was conse-
quentrtoo pseeruotNieonsso—,
shouldin an after day, come on for discussion. One part of
the S
readyt a tState
13prosecutions—(Hear,
hear)
—and
the speech referred to the visits paid us by foreign sove-
e wouldu bne quite
sove-
reigns, and he believed that those visits had given uni-
versal satisfaction. If he (Lord B.) were allowed, he
should congratulate her Majesty and their Lordships on
the last visit of a foreign monarch, and he would take
that opportunity of saying that the fact of that visit had
created a friendly feeling, not confined to the gracious
Queen who received him, to the brilliant Court by
which they were surrounded, but extending across the
Channel, and into the heart of the French dominions.
Prejudices the most inveterate were by that visit over-
come, and this advantage had been attained without any
sacrifice of principle, without any concession, without a
loss of interest or of honour. Without any concession,
he said, either on one side or the other—without any
alliance being entered into between themselves and the
French—without even the shadow of an alliance. This
was the footing on which these two great Powers must
continue to act in relation to each other if they would
seek to preserve peace between themselves unbroken, and
guard the peace of the world.
" Non ego, nec Teucris Italos parerejubebo,
Nec mihi regna peto i paribus se legibus mate
Invictm gentes sterna in feedera mittant."
He would refer to another part, relating to our commercial
policy, and here he could not help feeling astonishment
that persons could be found to say that the commercial
greatness of England depended upon her monopolies.
Why, commerce was absolutely inconsistent with even
the slightest monopoly. In conclusion, the most fervent
prayer to which he could either there or elsewhere give
utterance was that a continued good feeling should exist
between the English and: French nations, and long, he
trusted, would the present amicable relations exist be-
tween them.—(Cheers.)
Lord HARDWICICE regretted that the Noble Lord,
the President of the Council, had not given a full and
definite answer to the Noble Dukes who sat upon the
cross benches (Richmond and Montrose). The first had
touched a chord that would reverberate throughout the
country ; and from the state of feeling of that class
known as agricultural labourers, and their sense
of the position held by the Noble Duke in re-
ference to themselves, he felt sorry that the answer
had not been more full and decided. 'Were
he called on to give his opinion on the subject,
he should say that a motion on the speech should take
place in reference to that question—the question of the
distress alleged to exist among that numerous class. His
impression was, that the agriculturist, if left alone—if
not interfered with by legislative enactments, and by the
panderers of the press, who ministered to a peculiar class
—a class fond of agitation, fur reasons best known to
themselves—if thus left alone, be said the agricultural
interests of the country would eventually triumph.--
(Hear, hear.) It should be remembered by that class,
that the depression which affected the one class would
in a similar manner affect all the others, for their interests
were so closely connected, that they must of necessity feel
a common evil.
The Earl of MALMESBURY said he had never in
his life seen the agricultural interest so depressedas it
was at the present moment, and he regretted that in her
Majesty's Speech there had been no expression of sym-
pathy with that interest. Was there no precedent for
such an expression ? He apprehended that there was,
and therefore he could not see why it had not been
adopted on the present occasion.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that, in giving
his full assent to the address which had been proposed
to their Lordships, he had certainly not intended to have
addressed them upon it, but there was one topic in her
Majesty's speech upon which he would offer a few re-
marks, and upon which several other Noble Lords had
already addressed the House. He now rose to address
their Lordships in consequence of what had fallen from
his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) with
regard to the late proceedings which had taken place in
Ireland. His Noble and Learned Friend having alluded
to the circumstance, that during the whole of the
last session of Parliament, out of deference to the
pending judgment of that House relating to those trials,
and having connected that observation with the addi-
tional observation that now an opportunity was afforded
he
p.tiforve
tlledoaosi
smemtp
House,nit coiginofoofi
anxious
it
tiihtsnib:ienmudsefotsehfii_aitgratrniutisbliyofttetg.iononvst
fgpoato 1
ptktttphehoepbsareoouett
supposed
chefhnodoet
irin:spiritbtfiaysaoetir an inquiry,
i forbearance,
saaratseni ovbdcejfl
ee, ,
approved
o opportunityvpttipihinrn thoseiocvov)rel
takendl
p, 1
involve
their3erfafottf)tphroprotesting,
sei(iae, proceedings,nipigeipplLordships'
nrtipur-
pose
bation of those proceedings. All that he wished to
tended to exercise on the subject was, that in so doing
or upon reflection, to approve now of the mode in which
those trials were conducted. But in what situation did
he find himself ? and in what situation did that House
find itself ? That at the close of those proceedings that
House had, by a solemn judgment set aside that decision
of the courts of law of Ireland. Whatever opinion after
that judgment had been pronounced in that House, he
might entertain with respect to the mode in which those
proceedings were carried on in that country, and in the
courts of that country, he certainly, for one, was contented
with that judgment, and he was desirous, as far as he
was concerned, nut to revert to the consideration of that
subject, and to avoid as much as possible the examina-
tion of those topics, which could not he examined either
in that House or elsewhere, without exciting a spirit
which he would be sorry to see excited again. All that
he would say on the subject, that without presuming to
offer now what he would not have preitened to offer at
the time, any opinion as to the merits of the judgment
which that House, after hearing the opinions
of Noble and Learned Lords, much better cal-
culated than he was to judge on the sub-
ject had pronounced—all lie would say was, that
whatever were the merits of that judgment, he did con-
sider it to be one of the circumstances which had led to a
better state of feeling in Ireland among the more ra-
tional persons who composed tlw public opinion of tt4tt
country. Ile thought it impossible, in contemplating the
care and caution and forbearance with which that Meuse
had endeavoured to secure to the people of Ireland the
most perfect enjoyment of that most inviolable privilege
of the British constitution—trial by jury—without feel-
ing that they had been indebted to that branch of the
constitution of the United Kingdom for a deal of care
and attention to their rights and privileges, which, un-
der no Government and no constitution, would they
have obtained to a greater degree. He believed that at
that moment, in that respect, he could join in the lan-
guage of the address, that whatever unhappy disposition
might prevail among the misguided in the lower classes
in Ireland, there prevailed among the higher classes a
better tone of feeling than had existed in that country
for a long time past, and this circumstance he attributed
in a great part to the operation of the diligence, the
care, and the respect which was shown by that House
for the feelings and constitutional rights of the people of
that country. He did hope, now that all obstacles were
removed with respect to political interests, that
nowmwais a nit the e
the proceeding which had been proposed by his
Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Campbell), who,
able and constitutional lawyer as he was, was pe-
culiarly suited to take up that subject, and who he
hoped would again propose what he had proposed last
year, and which was objected to merely on the ground
of its effect on the proceedings at that time, viz., an
Act, the effect of which would be to remove so great a
stigma from the law of England, as that of imposing on
a person convicted, before that conviction was complete,
the endurance of a part of that sentence, which on the
completion of that judgment be would have to undergo.
This was a manifest injustice, and was not admitted into
the administration of the law of any other country, and
he could not believe, that if his Noble and Learned
Friend could be induced to take up the subject, their
Lordships would give a ready assent, not to the benefit
part
educationo f
intention
itnh
of
fh
ahtecountry,
addressouii
Majesty's %ry which
dGhhoeev
Government
semlneet
unei
td
that
ot o withth :
takes
of Ireland only, but in behalf of England and English
subjects. Before he left the subject of Ireland, there
un
ibgwjuhe
would
utoalnaddtdb anet o
a those
real
ehatareoll
topics
i period,xenises t;oe nfthe
cte h
ooeo
fin' a
ladeydx
viciousrst address
srn srdohi
sorrow
dshai)
edc,
sathndel
aoae
dtt-
greater cordiality than the intimation given that it was
caeutoon:udteentxhnhtpreesyriesme.ss was, that it had not been taken up before.
otordbsheiastt.ribHuetewdouthlalde
ahnetxiosnteed
v.i.toirdthwe
hsiocchialhcaodnpdbiteieonuoitftetrled
He believed that to the absence of that extended education,
think
i nekduitcanteieoenssianrythtaottcroouunhlter3r:
h,
ewere
importance Noble k riend
cordiallyi s Noble Friend,eo.a ear. with
He
agreed
rgeaerdd
with
iot h the
h is
his country and France, in which le,ye did
ormnelyneye saybevie s tehweanhti
maintaining the peace of Europe, more particularly the°r
nbyoth
that it would be lamentable indeed, if that
peace
be compromised for such interests as those lately should
brought
into question. But what he did lament
it was notorious to all the world, that from was,
that
such
causes, those interests had been compromised
and this country had been placed on the
warfare. • lie thought that this was reading avery brink of
lesson,
which ought to be studied by the Governments
countries, because acquitting as he did m(t. of both
course her
Majesty's Government, for he was sure they
enter into any such hostility would not
unprovoked or without a
motive, acquitting also the Government of
not only acquitting them, but acquitting--for France, and
not, unless he did so, be doing• he would
justice to others
who were considered their opponents in —those
intention of plunging this country • France of any
call on their 'Lordships to consider, that
war, he would
and insignificant in itself, and not l what was small
lowed up by great consequences, might
to be fol-
explicit explanation in the first instance t for the want of
gradually
magnified
as
tatiraate.t become so
ly o Involve the interests

and precedence to Dr. Croly and Dr. Murray in the
Commission, he thought the Noble Earl would have
rated him soundly ; he thought that no railroad could
carry the Noble Earl to the House fast enough to state
his surprise and indignation at so extraordinary an inno-
vation. The Noble Earl had rated him in the House
most soundly fur having given place and title to the
Catholic Bishop of Quebec; and the Noble Lords who
supported the present Government for the most part
concurred in censuring him (Lord Normanby) on that
occasion. However, he concurred with the Noble Lords
opposite in the propriety of placing the Catholic bishops
in the Commission, with the acknowledgment of their
the limits of which they
a
thought that the dis-
tinctiona, u,
otuhlodr it ywhichhave
r prevented
those dioceses,
d always
e h the Catholic bishops from as-
suming their titles was childish and impolitic. As well
as he recollected the tenour of the Act of Parliament,
they were forbidden to assume any titles not authorised
by law. Now, with respect to the title of Archbishop
of Tuam, what was there to prevent Dr. APHale from
assuming that title? There was no Archbishop of
Tuam authorised by law, and therefore Dr. M•Hale's
assumption of the title could not interfere with other
rights. What reason could there be why Dr. Murray
and Dr. Crolly should not be allowed to assume the title
of bishops? Another word as to Ireland—as tp the
passage in the speech, that there would shortly be laid be-
fore the House the report of the Tenure of Land Commis-
sion. Now, there Lordships would recollect that in the
course of last session, he (the Marquis of Normanby)
had expressed his regret that so little information had
been obtained by the Commission, and that he be-
lieved it would not effect the object for
which it had been appointed. He believed
that most exaggerated expectations had been raised by
it which never could be realised. He did not think that
the report would give any valuable information, but he
thought it was most desirable that it should be laid be-
fore the House as speedily as possible, in order to give
the Government an opportunity of stating whether they
intended to produce any measures on the subject, and
what the nature of those measures would be, in order to
allay the excitement which prevailed from the erroneous
and unfounded expectations to which the Commission
had given rise, and which had done, perhaps, more mis-
chief than the political agitation which prevailed before.
He believed that the agitation on this subject would not
have arisen but for the ill-timed appointment of the
Commission. He was ready to admit that the political
agitation had in some degree subsided ; but he believed
it would not have arisen to the height which it reached
if it had not been for the injudicious appointments made
by the Government. Ho would not now allude to that
subject further than to say that it had been made matter
of an attack on him in that House, that the agitation was
increased in the time of his government. But he had
repeatedly shown from unquestionable documents that the
agitation had decreased, and that crime also had consi-
derably diminished during his administration. He had
also always stated that the present Government was not
to be blamed for the agitation which prevailed in its
time, as that was to be traced to the mismanagement of
previous Governments for ages past. In respect to other
topics, he concurred with the Noble Lords opposite,
that every one must feel satisfaction at the gratifying
state of manufactures and commerce. But, at the same
time, they should not forget that this prosperity was in
the regular ebb and flow of prosperity following adver-
sity, which they always were accustomed to witness.
Let them hope that the periodical return of prosperity
would continue longer than usual. But let not the Go-
vernment claim credit for it, unless they could show that
they had prevented the recurrence of depression and
distress, which usually followed upon the period of
prosperity and activity. He concurred, also, in the satis-
faction of the Noble Lords opposite at the good under-
standing which existed with France and other countries.
With respect to France, he felt that there was a feeling
so sensitive connected with that subject, that he would
best promote the good understanding by saying no more
than that no one could be more anxious than he was for
the maintenance of peace with France and the rest of
the world. Perhaps it might be unusual to allude to the
personal visits of foreign sovereigns. But he would say
that the visits of two sovereigns, so remarkable for
their personal characters and elevated positions,
were matters of cordial congratulation.—(Hear.)
In recurring to a notice of the periodical returns of
prosperity and adversity, he could not but take some
credit for the Government of which he had formed a
part, in devising the measures which, while they took
some time in bringing forth the fruits of their results,
were not the less sure of doing so, and, if they had at
length been productive of good to Ireland, no one would
rejoice more heartily with those who prepared her Ma-
jesty's speech than himself, and those friends on that
side of the House with whom he had the honour to act.
He rejoiced to perceive that there was a clause in her
Majesty's speech, referring to the measure which was
passed last session, for promoting the health of the in-
habitants of large towns, and he saw that the words
which on this subject had been put into her mouth,
were in accordance with that deep and intense feeling
for the welfare of her subjects, which all knew to be in
perfect unison with that greatness and benevolence of
character which was one of the most honourable fea-
tures of her mind. He rejoiced in this, and sin-
cerely and earnestly hoped that the measures which
might be brought forward would tend to promote that
happiness and health among the people which were ne-
cessary to insure that physical power which once dis-
tinguished the lower orders of this country, and enabled
them to achieve their ancient renown, and which toge-
ther with the
.moral rectitude by which they had been
iopnnrtoovteeh(ffie
iecreotnii
isc:goti Frt
intrude
ordosnhips' attention,cnt ibutntdhere was onneotoemimis:
tit ^
D
eTheans
ea dfdorre
cs
os n
rt,congratulatedniation b
but surely
p Lordshipsher
'4."s
pre-
tendi o:In:hi :no uaekydi el
address ‘rt eßteshsflqaCtw;
hilheainicit4hOe-Nht
somenn leD sr
felt compelled
and
leurenthwws e
there
Majesty's
would
would
was
a
aj e°sTtlyt'hs o-
sstr2icts of the country
that there was no
e distressrnnn ti
in
wouldth the agricultural
atigOrticpureZradl tdoi
The Board of Trade was the medium through which
any
that great utletnugarisldtirs:h
any communication from Government was r
the manufacturers, but there was no such medium be-
tween
agtrhieculatrrraiel
ttrweesesnthtehneexGisctievderennamietinstt
the
ed
e
could state from his own knowledgeannvd-
he certainly thought that the speech should
directed that inquiry be instituted upon the subject.e
He hoped that if the income-tax were continued th
agriculturist would be excluded from its operation, for ite
was a moral impossibility that a tenant with only, lOU
a year could stand it.—( Hear.) The farmer at present
lost instead of gaining. If they made the inquiries
he prayed for, they would find that what he had stated
of existing agricnitural distress was but too true,. not
in any isolated spot, but in the different ofthe
parts
country.—(Hear, hear.)
The Duke of MONTROSE said that any alteration
of the present currency in Scotland would be viewed
with the utmost distrust by the commercial men there,
and he regretted exceedingly that her Majesty's speech
expressed an intention on the part of the Government to
interfere with it. The same feelings actuated all classes
in that country, that any alteration of it would be altoge-
ther unnecessary, more especially when not a word of
complaint had been uttered by any person to the present
system, and when great complaints had been expressed
to the English banking system. It appeared to him sin-
gularly strange, that Government should interfere in
that case at all, when, by so doing, they were assured
the advantages then resulting from the system would by
an) such alteration be completely lost. The merchants
of Scotland were decidedly opposed to any alteration in
the system, and therefore he hoped that any change pro-
posed would be trivial, and not of great importance.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE could not let the remarks, or,
more properly, questions of the Noble Lord who had last
spoken, pass
unanswered. With respect to the remarks
of his Noble Friend who sat in front (the Duke of Rich-
mond), who stated that he thought her Majesty's
speech, in re ference to the improvement of the country,
should in that consider the state of the agricultural dis-
tricts. He spoke of the state of the farmers as not being
very flourishing. He (Lord Wharnclifle) thought that
when the state of the country was referred to, it more
particularly meant the condition of manufactures and
commerce. With respect to that part of the Queen's
speech that spoke of the banking system in Scotland, it
did not say any change in the currency ; and he there-
fore wished to set the Noble Duke right in that parti-
cular. He should be sorry if anything should arise to
disturb the unanimity which seemed at that time to pre-
vail in the House, and therefore he would add nothing
further on the subjects referred to.
IA rd BROUGHAM did not wish to prolong the de-
bate, but as several topics in the speech had been adver-
ted to by the Noble Marquis (Normanby) behind him,
he (Lord Brougham), inasmuch as they were very
vaguely mentioned in the speech, would also make a
few remarks upon them. One of these was a very gra-
tifying one—he meant that of the financial state of the
country. No one more rejoiced than himself in the pre-
sent improved condition of the labouring classes of the
country ; and their Lordships might remember that it
was but two short years since be had felt it to be his
duty to bring before that House the misery and distress
which prevailed among the lowest because the largest
classes of the country. The contrast which appeared at
that time, from the state of things when he had called
their Lordships' attention to the subject, was most gra-
tifying, and it was the more gratifying that such im-
provement was not confined to one or two branches of
the community, but was perfectly general over the excise
and customs, those two great indications of the pros-
perity of the kingdom.—(Chet rs.) Nothing, therefore,
could possibly be more gratifying than this improve-
ment, for by reference to the financial state of the
country they would observe that the last year showed a
considerable increase over the year preceding, and that
again over the one that went before, as did that last over
the year 1841, thus exhibiting a fact which could not
bat be
peculiarly pleasing, satisfactory, and, what was
more, trustworthy—trustworthy inasmuch as the im-
provement was a progressive and not a sudden one.—
(Cheers.) He was led to speak of the income-tax, but
he must be distinctly understood as not pledging him-
self
in favour of any motion of the Noble Marquis's,
whom he had heard for the first time that day with
great pleasure. He was a worthy scion of his illustrious
line, and none of them could forget the one who sat in
that House, and that other whom no subject of
these realms ought to name but with a feel-
ing of admiration for his splendid generosity—a
generosity never to be surpassed, scarcely ever to
be equalled—(Hear, hear)—but which, he was sorry to
say, from the thoughtlessness of mankind, had never
properly been made the subject of a nation's gratitude.
—(Cheers.) In giving his concurrence to the address
he did not pledge himself to a continuance of the income-
tax ; for his compliance depended greatly upon the other
taxes, whether those might be added or remitted. Till
they should see the plans which were intended to be laid
down, he thought it would be improper and inexpe-
dient to say whether the ilawrao-tax should be repealed

of nations. He did hope that her Majesty's Gorernment
on every occasion, when thy h.al to interrere in
any matter, would in the first instance endeavour
to obtain an explicit explanation with respect to it.
If they were in such a situation with the islands that
composed the great tract of Polynesia, they might be-
come so many plague-spots to the two countrie. They
heard a great (h al of protectorates. If they were to be

admitted into the syk:Cem of nations it was most impor •
tant they should know, in the first instance, what rights
and privileges protectorates could give. In law books
they found that scarcely any authority was laid down on

the subject. If they looked in the last works that had
been published, they found nothing but vague sentences •
with respect to protectorates. There was one great in-
stance of protectorates—that which was admitted at the
treaty of Vienna with respect to the lonian Islands.
But that was resolved upon in support of the common
policy of Europe; but if a country was to assume a pro-
tectorate it was most important to know the ground
upon which such an assumption was taken, and the laws
with respect to it. He did not consider himself com-
mitted in this address to any measure which might
be brought forward with respect to any interest
in the country. Nor did he consider that he was
thereby acquiescing in the propriety of the continuance
of the income-tax. He, for one, would not assent to its

continuance, unless it could be shown to be necessary as
a means for relieving the population of this country from
the burdens under which they at present laboured.

The Earl of ABERDEEN wished to say a word or
two in reply to a portion of the observations of the Noble
Marquis who had just addressed the House. His Noble
Friend, without implying any censure, said that the dis-

cussions which had -recently taken place between this
country and France, were in some degree caused by a want
of what he called a system of explanation. Now he
(Lord Aberdeen) begged to remind his Noble Friend
that the fact of the settlement of those discussions was
owing entii ely to that system of explanation which he
thought so necessary ; and he would further
remind him, that originally that discusssion did
not arise from any circumstances between the
two Governments with reference to a protectorate,
or any such question of the law of nations, but from the
insulated act of a subaltern officer, unauthorised, and
unknown by his own Government. It was from the mo-
derate views which were entertained by the two Go-
vernments that that settlement, which the Noble Mar-

quis had himself admitted to be so satisfactory, had been
brought about. He (Lord Aberdeen) would only say.
that in the representations which it was his catty to make
to the French Government, there was nothing which he
would not have recommended to his own Government

had they b-en placed in the same situation.—(Hear,hear,
Lord CAMPBELL said, that as the Noble Marquis
had alluded to him, he would give notice, that unless the
Bill to which the Noble Marquis had referred should be
introduced by her Majesty's Government, he would have
the honour of again presenting it to their notice.
Lord BROUGHAM—Hear, hear. I quite agree with
you.
Lord CAMPBELL trusted that although her Ma-
jesty's speech was silent with respect to legal measures,
that during the present session several legal reforms
would be brought forward. The state of the ecclesiasti-
cal courts required that, as speedily as possible,measures
with respect to that subject should be brought forward.
The law of debtor and creditor was in a very inconve-
nient and unsatisfactory state; and he trusted that his
Noble and Learned Friend, who now divided the wool-
sack (Lord Brougham was seated there)—would bring
forward some measures of legal reform before the close
of the present session.
The LORI) CHANCELLOR said he rose for the pur-
pose of offering a word or two in explanation, and in
answer to what had fallen from the Noble Lord, he
begged to remind his Lordship and the House, that
when this Bill was introduced last session, the only
ground upon which it was opposed, had reference to one
or two particular clauses that affected only individual
cases. For a considerable time before the Bill had
passed it lay upon the table, in order that it might re-
ceive the inspection and correction of the law Lords. In
addition to that, copies of it were printed, and extensively
circulated ; and yet, notwithstanding that, no ob-
jection whatever was made to any part of
the Bill during its progress through the House.
Nay, more, he had even called their Lordships' attention
to its provisions, as he was most anxious to have the
assistance of the law Lords, feeling that the Bill con-
tained many objectionable clauses. His Noble and
Learned Friend did object to some of the clauses, and
those were struck out, and in that state it passed. The
Bill certainly was one of a very complicated nature, and
contained many metaphysical niceties, and for those
reasons he was moat desirous to have had the aid of his
Noble and Learned friend in criticising it. He now
begged to assure their Lordships that he had a Bill
ready, which he would lay on the table during the
ciurse of the present session, which, he trusted, would
have the effect of removing the anomalies it contained.
Lord BROUGHAM begged to say a word or two in
explanation. It was true that he had had charge of the
Bill originally, but, having been obliged to leave the
country, it passed from his hands into those of the Go-
vernment, and he was very glad of it. As to what had
been said by his Noble and Learned Friend about the
merits of the debtor and creditor clauses, those he would
not now go into; but he hoped to be able to show the
country—and here let him say that the most incessant
endeavours had been made to mislead the coun-
try upon the subject the Bill was not by
any means the injurious measure it had been
represented. The great outcry that had been
aotoue:en -small tnat -salt traders had been mate-
rially injured ; and he had been charged with insert-
ing that clause. Here let him observe, that though he
was favourable to that clause, it was not one of his ori-
gination. It was one drawn up by the predecessor of
the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack. As he
was not present he might mention his name, Lord Cot-
tenham—and as it originally stood it abolished all im-
prisonment for debt. One of its injurious effects was,
that it gave no power of execution upon a
clerk for instance, who though he might be in the
receipt of 200/. a-year, might run up a bill of 191. with
a poor tradesman, and yet could not be come at because
he lived in a lodging house, and the furniture could not
be touched as it did not belong to him.
Lord CAMPBELL explained.
Lord BROUGHAM repeat.. d that the Bill was not
drawn up by him.
The motion was then agreed to, and twelve o'clock on
Thursday was the time fixed upon for their Lordships to
wait on her Majesty with the address.
WAR IN SINDE.

The Duke of WELLINGTON read a letter from
Major-General Sir C. J. Napier, dited Currachee, May
20, 1844, returning thanks, on his own part, as well as
on the part of the officers, non-commissioned oiP.cers,
and soldiers of the armies, native and British, under his
command, for the vote of thank:: which their Lordships
had been pleased to pass in acknowledgment of their
services. The Noble Duke concluded by moving that
the letter be entered on their Lordships' journals, which
was unanimously agreed to.
STANDING ORDERS.
The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the usual
standing orders, including the appointment of the Earl
of Shaftesbury as Chairman of the Committees of the
Ifou:;c.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY thanked their Lord •
ships for that renewed mark of the confidence which
had been reposed in him for the last thirty-five years.
The LORD CHANCELLOR hoped that the Noble
Earl would continue in the enjoyment of the office for
thirty-five years more.
The motion was then agreed to, and their Lordships
adjourned at eight o'clock till Thursday at twelve.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 4.
The SPEAKER returned to the House from the bar of
the House of Lerds, and the House immediately ad.
jJurned to a Quarter before Four o'clock.

The House resumed at a Quarter before Four.
NEW MEMBERS.
The following Members took the oaths and their
seats :—Mr. Somes, for the Borough of Dartmouth ; and
Mr. Clifton, for North Lancashire.

THE INDIAN ARMY.
The SPEAKER informed the House that he had,
during the recess, issued a new writ for the election of a
new Member for the borough of Dartmouth, in the room
of Sir John Seale, deceased.

The SPEAKER then read a letter from Major-Gene-
ral Sir Charles Napier, returning thanks on behalf
of himself and the officers of the Indian
army, for the honour conferred upon them by the vote
of the House acknowledging their services in the last
session of Parliament.

NEW WRITS.
On the motion of Mr. YOUNG, new writs were or-
dered to be issued for the election of Members for the
following places :—For the southern division of Wilt-
shire, in the room of William Sidney Herbert, who
since his election had accepted the office of her Ma-
jesty's Secretary at War ; for the borough of
Buckingham, in the room of Sir Thomas Fremantle,
who, since his election, had accepted the office of Chief
Secretary of Ireland ; for the borough of Stamford, in
the room of Sir George Clerk, who, since his election,
had accepted the office of Master of the Mint.
On the motion of Mr. lIAWES a new writ was or-
dered to be issued for the election of a Knight of the
Shire for the county of Tipperary, in the room of the
lion. Robert Otnay Cave, deceased.
NOTICES OF MOTION.
Sir C. NAPIER gave notice that he should, on the
13th of February, move for a Select Committee to in-
quire how the money voted since 1835 for the navy had
been expended; what new ships had been constructed,
and what improvements had taken place under the new
system.

Lord ASHLEY (who spoke in a very low tone of
voice) gave notice that he should, on Tuesday, Feb. 18,
move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the labour
in factories.

Sir R. r.4"GLIS gave notice of his intention to move
the appointment of the Library Committee.
RAILWAYS.
Mr. YOUNG, on the part of his Noble Friend (Lord
Granville Somerset), gave notice of his intention, on the
6th of February, to move fur leave to bring in a Bill for
the consolidation of laws relating to railways.

THE BUDGET.
The HONOURABLE MEMBER also gave notice, on
the part of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Tamworth, that it was his intention to make his financial
statement to the House cn Friday, 14th February.

NOTICES OF MOTION.
Mr. EWART gave notice of his intention to move on
t e 18th of February (as we understood) a resolution
condemnatory of indirect taxation, which pressed par-
tially on the community, and recommending the total
abolition of indirect taxation, end the substitution
of direct taxation in its stead. The Hon. Member also
gave notice of his intention to move, when the sessional
orders should be brought forward, that all Committees