The Sun.
London, England, 1820-11-07 00:00:00

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TUESDAY NOVEMBER 7 1820.
[PRICt SEVENPENCE.
1-. N IsTivlßtit 8 i 98.] _ , ,

NAVY-OFFICE, November 1, IS4O.
PRE Right Honourable the LORDS COM-
MISSIONERS of his MAJESTY's TREASURY having
'""lntea Money for the Payment of HALF-PAY to SEA-
ITT.ICERS, from the Ist of July to the 30th of geptember,

tainly, Gentlemen, 1 ant not to learn fur the first time to-day—
(because, short as the period has been since myappointment, I
have learned it trout personal experience already)—the very
great intelligence and accuracy with which I ton assisted in
the legal department of my office. I repeat, therefore, that
these considerations come most seasonably% to my relief on
the present occasion, and tend, nut a little, to dispel those
apprehensions which I feel that I must share, its common with
every man Who presumes to tread its the footsteps of Mr.
Serjeant Vaughan. Gentlemen, lam sure I shall not ask in
vain, when 1 solicit a continuance of your co-operation ; and
with such anticipations, I will venture to indulge a confident
hope, that this Court will remain what it has beets for
years—sacred to the purposes of strict and equal Justice.
[Some observations were then made upon the calendar,
of mere local application, lamenting the great number of of-
fences which it contained, but imputing the greater part of
these to the circumstance of a large Fair having been recently
held within the Borough, at which were assembled the must
abandoned and profligate characters from all parts of the
country ; and after some further general remarks on the du-
ties of Grand Jurors, the charge proceeded.]
But, Gentlemen, I apprehend my duty on the present oc-
casion takes a wider range; and when I call to my mind of
what vast importance to the country at large, must be the
example of a town such as Leicester—of such extent, popula-
tion, and trade—particularly in times like the present : and
again, when reflect upon the influence and weight which
Gntlemen in your situations must have upon the great body
of the town in which you reside, and how much your impres-
sions roust give to that town its tone of feeling and action,
standing, as I conceive you to do, deeply pledged to the
maintenance of its present high and loyal character ;
with impressions such as these upon my mind, I feel
it impossible to dismiss you without adverting to
one or two considerations which the present as-
pect of the times forces Olson the serious attention of every
man—at least of every man who has at heart the welfare of
his country. I can assure you that I am not amongst those
who are prone to indulge in groundless apprehension,—on
the contrary I am bold to feel and to assert that there exists
amongst the people of this country a soundness of feeling, as
well political as moral, and a sterling good sense, which must
in the end suffice to triumph over all the machinations of
faction and disloyalty. At the same time I think it cannot
be disguised that there is at the present moment abroad its
this country (less here I will admit than any where) a spirit
of no common disaffection, and fraught as it seems to me
with no common peril to our established institutions in
Church and State. For when we behold, as we are compelled
to do day by day within the chief city of the Empire, every
thing we have been 'vont, from our cradles, to venerate and
love, unblushingly held up to scorn and derision—and that
too, in our most public thoroughfares and under the imme-
diate gaze of the vulgar. When we find a Press, assuming
to itself a licence hitherto without example, pouring out up-
on the lower orders every thing that can mislead and inflame,
them—scroll upon scroll addressed to their worst passions,
and calling upon them in 'slain terms to cast off their alle-
giance to all Laws, as well Divine as Humau,—l say, Gentle•
men, when 'curses of this character are acting, under our view
each successive day and hour, I think it will not be denied to
me that there is abundant cause for increased vigilance, at
least upon the part of every good and loyal subject. Gentle-
men, 1 think it must be needless to point out to you time ob-
vious but fearful results of permitting such a spirit as that to
which I have adverted, to go forward unchecked in its im-
pious career. 1 need not take you far from home either as to
time or place, to strew you those results awfully set forth—as
it seems to rue, for our especial warning. Few amongst us
can be so young as not to remember, and tremble whilst we
do so, the misery and blood which tracked the footsteps of
that same spirit which has started up amongst ourselves—dis-
guised, indeed, then as it is now, under the mask of peculiar
zeal fur Reason and Liberty, but in fact armed with the
deadliest enmity to both—breathing then, as it does
now, balsphennies against the Altar and the Throne—unceas-
, ing calumnies against every thing good or great. Can we
have forgotten, I say, tine desolation which followed upon the
march of :!int same spirit through a neighbouring coun-
try ?—Cats we have forgotten the frightful spectacle so re-
cently within our view, of a nation, once amongst the
I proudest and most accomplished of Europe, making sad ship-
wreck of her Religion and Laws, and yielding up to the
frenzy of her rabble every thing exalted in rank or eminent
for genius or virtue ! Gentlemen, I repeat, that with such an
example as this before our eyes, it cannot be the part of a
wise or a prudent roars to witness tine same principles abroad
within his own land, leading onward to the same fearful end,
nor once to bestir himself to avert the ruin which approaches
Isis country. Gentlemen, I have mentioned the licentious-
ness of the Press, and I have no hesitation in saying, that in
my conscience I believe that it is to the extravagant licence
now a-days assumed by that Press, in the face of all Law arid
precedent, that most of the evils at which I have glanced, may
fairly be referred. Gentlemen, I ant anxious here not to be
misunderstood. Do riot suppose that I am presuming
to assail that sacred right, earned for us by the firm-
ness and blood of our ancestors—an Englishman's
birth-right and best inheritance ! The man dots not
breathe who valises and venerates that right more
than myself; but I am speaking now of a licence having no-
thing of resemblance to that gorious right—the Creature of
modern times and Revolutionary feeling, which, under the
false title of " tine Liberty of thiPress," arrogates to itself
the right to assail, with unceasing insult, all the consecrated
and the noble. And I would intreat you, Gentlemen, to
pause for an instant and reflect upon the consequences of
permitting a mischief such as this to con:inue unrestrained,
in times like the present. On time one hand we are dissetnia
rotting far and wide over the face of 'redundant population—
amongst its lowest classes, and upon a system the most ex-
tensive and refined, the gifts of Education. We are giving
to every man—l ought rather to say we are forcing upon
every man, indiscrimittately, whatever be Isis station, charac-
ter, or talents, the faculty of reasoning for himself upon
every conceivable variety of topic,—and, if he will, upon
that topic too frequently now a-days in the mouths of the
lower classes—the conduct of his superiors. Gentlemen, I am
not here to question the policy of I his system ;—on the contrary,
I avow myself, to Christian Education, .a sincere and zealous
friend; but, 1 would ask, what must be the result of our
doing all this upon the one hand, whilst upon the other we
permit the Press to teem with every incitement to Rebellion
and Infidelity ?—What the consequence of thus placing the
lower classes under the more immediate influence of such an
engine—at a moment when it is breathing only blasphemies
against God, the King, and the Laws?-What, I repeat, must
be the end of our thus expanding the minds of our Poor, if we
miller them instantly to he filled with all the elements of dis-
content and sedition ? It seems to me, that by such a course,
we are conferring little of benefit either upon our country or
the individual. We are, in a word, (if I may be allowed the
figure,) sowing a seed that the Enemy of God and Mats may
reap the fruits. Gentlemen, I must therefore be allowed to
repeat my serious conviction, that it is the bounden duty of
every man, at a moment like tine present, to repress, by every
means its his power, a licence such as this, fraught, as it is,
with ruin to our most valuable possessions. And, if I ant
asked how—and with what weapon I would repress it ?—I
answer, with that weapon, provided for the very purpose by
the wisdom of our ancestors—that weapon which lam per
suaded will ever suffice for the end-1 mean, Gentlemen, th-
Laws of time Land ; which du indeed give to every man the
right to publish what he will; but in giving to him that righe
do not fail to remind bins that he must strictly account fort
its legal and innocent exercise; and that in the use of it he
must not infringe upon the rights—no!—not of the meanest
of' his fellow citizens—still less endanger the safety of his
country,
Gentlemen, I shall be much misunderstood, if in there re-
marks it should be supposed that 1 have giren way to political
or party feeling I can assure you nothing can have been fur-
ther (ruin my thoughts or intention. Indeed, .1 cannot but
indulge a hope that in what I hare said, I shall obtain the
concurrence of all parties—one only excepted ;—and with that
• party I scruple not to avow implacable hostility-4 mean,
Gentlemen, that party whose aim and object it is to subvert
the Constitution of England, and to build upon its ruins a
!‘ nameless, creedless, lawless" system of Anarchy anti
Blood, in which every thing rile and refuse would struggle in
wild riot on the surface—but every thing great or good must
sink for ever?

PARLIAMENT,

enacting a law which, like all other laws, could only be
justified on the ground of its expeihency for the public good.
Therefore, in relation to its expediency, they were hound
to consider its effects with regard to public I,p in ion ; and
with respect to public opinion, it was impoasible to justify
the enactment of such a measure as this when fotooled not
on positive proof, but on presumption of a fact, drawn front
the bare possibility of its having been committed. Bi caii'c
the Princess of Wales, five years ago, when sailing it) a hot
climate, reposed under an awning, on the deck of the vessel,
one of her male attendants also reposing under the saute awn-
ing, and because it Was possible that in that sitmnion she
might have committed adultery, it was proposed to t hem to de•
grade her from her rank, on the ground of such conduct being
a public scandal, and calculated to bring dishonour and dis.
grace on the character of the nation. in the eyes of whom ?
Of all Europe, as set forth in the preamble? No! but as ap-
peared by the evidence, of Gorgon() and Patntrzo, the Captain
and the Mate ! They were the representatives of all Europe
on this occasion. Their delicate perceptions, in matters of
morality, had been shocked and scandalized by the spectacle
of such conduct, and through them was the scandal reflected
which would degrade and disgrace the character of England
in the eyesaif all Europe I Gorgon() and Pattirco, therefore,
their Lordships were called on to believe,ont of respect to the
honour and character of a station, with which they had be-
come acquainted through some of its ships and sailors, which
they might hole seen, gave existence to the Milan Coonnis-
slim, which was appointed to raise up the history of this scan-
(talons transaction. li' their Lordships looked for any miter
evidence of the existence of this scandal and dishonour, they
would look in vain. If they were led to affirm the preamble
of the Bill, it must be from very different authority than
any thing which had been proved at their bar. But this
pious uncle, and his modest relation, he doubted not, if they
hail been asked six months ago at Naples, what was the rea-
son of their coming torward with this statement, would have
announced that it was because they expected to gain in the
way of a handsome present (Gnion' regalo), an equivalent fur
the reward of which Garguilo had been disappointed by Ber-
ganii. He had heard quoted in support of this measure the
Bills for alter big the succession, But would those who re-
ferred to them say, that those Bills had been founded on con-
jecture ? And of what nature were the grounds on which it
was proposed to them to pass this Bill ? Was there any one
of those grounds which might hereafter, if this precedent
were established, answer the purpose of a Bill to alter the
succession ? The ground was, that the conduct of the party
had herrn such as to create public scandal, and to bring dis-
credit on the moral character of the country. He did not
mean to refer to any particular instance, but it WAS easy to
conceive that at some future period it might happen that the
person who by right of succession came to the throne might
have previously been placed in a similar situation. Was it
not possible that a few persons, either in or out of the Hou=e,
might, by Motives of various kinds--.-either of ambition, or
revenge, or jealousy, or malice, or meanness--for there were
many wavS in which the temptation might present itself to
erect such a circumstance into a charge against the illustri-
ous object of their persecution, who only reigned by virtue
cif the Act of Settlement; and Sacchis, Hasstellis, Alajoccis,
and such creatures, would not be wanting 'to swear to their
troth ? And was well a charge to be made the pretext for
setting aside the succession to the Throne? Were they to
suppose that because, not three years ago, but three years be-
fore that, the Illustrious Object of the present measure had
been guilty of conduct which they conceived pernicious in the
way of example to the people of this country ; that therefore
she must be presumed likely to pursue similar conduct, and to
set a bad example in her new character of Queen; and on the
ground of that presumption to be deprived of herdignity? This
principle car riedinto action would reduce nsto the condition of
an elective Monarchy. He then adverted to the circumstance
of many Lords having voted for the second reading, on the
supposition of the Bill being mitigated in the Committee, by
dropping the divorce clause, and contended that such an
omissions would make the measure still more objectionable.
They were up to this moment clear of imputation, but a few
short hours would decide whether the inconsistency which
marked the origin of this Bill, and the mischiefs which had
attended its progress, should be increased tenfold hereafter—
whether, in short, this Bill should pass or not. Pass, how-
ever, it never could. Their Lordships would consider that
'they were bound to anew their own sense of justice, and that
-no power on earth could efface their record. It was for them
to consider. whether they would send their names down to
posterity branded with the infamy of having passed a law upon
bare presumption, to degrade and punish a Sovereign of their
country.
_ .

HOUSE OF LORDS-YESTERDAY.

THE QUEEN.
continuation of Yesterdali's Proceedings.]
The following is the conclusion of the Marquess
of LANSDOWNL's Speech :
The Noble Marquess contrasted the conduct
and the professions of the Counsel and Prosecutor with their
subsequent practices. Though the Learned-Gentlemen were
to be considered in.some sort as parties to the Bill, the real
cause to be tried was to have been 'l't nth retsws the Princess
of Wales. If the Noble Earl opposite had been asked at the
commencement, supposing any evidence to be prepared,
which, while it threw suspicion upon the agency by which
these charges had been collected, bore materially in favour of
the Princess of Wales, and if that Noble Earl had been told
that the greatest efforts.would he made to suppress that evi-
deuce, would be not have declared that he would be the last
man in the House to countenance that suppression ? Let
their Lordships mark the way in which they had been direct-
ed first of all to proceed, and the measures into which they
were afterwards drawn. Let them remember that it was at
Naples where that foul and licentious system of crime had
been described' to have originated. And yet Dr. Holland,
Plsysician to the Princess at that place and time, standing in
that peculiar situation which gave him the best opportunity
of ascertaining the truth, having commenced and ended
his connection with the Princess at Naples, having there-
fore no strong feelings of obligation to bind hint to her in-
terest, being independent of her in circumstances, owing
her nothing on the score of gratitude, and having an op-
portunity of securing patronage,' honour, and emolument,
if he could have been swayed by any other motives titan
the dictates of his honourable and manly wind—Doctor
Holland swore, that having been five years at home in
the Metropolis, he had never been called on, no inquiry
had ever been made of him by ally of those prosecutors, or
any of their numerous agents (being all so anxious for the
elucidation and clear establishment of truth !)- respecting his
observations of the conduct of the Princess of Wales. His
Lordship applied the sante remark to the absence of Maurice
Credi, who, it was clear, could have given material evidence
for the cause of truth, though he might not have been very
useful to the prosecutor. The same remark applied to the
person who made the beds at Naples. Anne Brison was in
the power of the Government—she had the care of the beds
and bed linen. She could have established the guilt by evi-
dence of the acts, had they been committed. Anne Brisun
was in this country, perhaps in Cotton-garden—of that be
was not certain, for he'knew nothing of the mysteries of that
place. When he recollected bow the Counsel for the Queen,
who had the interests of their client to consult, had been
taunted on account of holding back particular witnesses; and
when he considered that on the part of the prosecution it had
been professed that the only object was the discovery of truth,
he considered that the House as well as the Queen, had been
hardly dealt with, when they were not allowed to see that
evidence, which, if the accusations were true, must have dis-
tinctly and, satisfactorily proved them. His Lordship proposed
to pass lightly over those acts of supposed imprudence or in-
delicacy, which were not immediately connected with the
case. If the direct evidence were unsatisfactory and suspici-
ous, if the fasts of adultery were not to be believed on ac-
count of the characters of the witnesses, their Lordships were
not called on to inquire into other matters, and piirsue the
Queen of England on an indefinite charge. If on the charge
of impropriety, he were not prepared to pronounce a verdict
of acquittal, be could not concur in those unqualified cen-
sures which had been bestowed on her conduct, and obliged
to pronounce upon it, he should not do so without taking
into consideration the peculiar circumstances of her Majesty's
situation. Considfrieg the. humility which the infirmities
of our common nature ought to have inspired, those re-
marks ought not to have been made. Let their Lordships con-
sider the difficulty they had in guiding their own conduct,
especially in retired situations where they were less free from
those rules, traditions, customs, manners, and moral rela-
tions, which mainly assisted them in discharging their moral
duties satisfactorily to society and themselves. It was painfol
for hint to have to refer to such considerations—ha did it
only fur the purpose of spewing that the Queen's conduct,
except so far as it related to the charge of the Bill, formed
no question for their Lordships' deliberation. He had oo '
wish to offer explanation, or to attempt any mitigation of her
Majesty's conduct; he had made those remarks in conse-
quence of expressions which bad fallen from one of their
Lordships, and he made them because he was about to in
sist that such considerations could not enter into the pre-
sent inquiry. He would not occupy their Lordships long;
yet he was obliged to consider, io some measure, the na-
ture and character oldie proceeding upon which they were
deliberating. They were bound to consider that circum-
stance, if they were resolved to do their ditty as men, as
Judges, or as Legislators. A Noble Lord opposite had stated
that Bills of Pains and Penalties had incurred, a hard name.
Long may Bills of Pains and Penalties preserve their hard
name ! The Noble Earl bad asked, and in that question he
seemed' to be supported by the Noble and Learned Lord (Re-
' dessiale)—What was it, after all, but a common Divorce Bill?
This from those who had proposed to institute a Committee
to search 'for precedents, not of Divorce Bills, but of Bills of
Pains and Penalties only ! and had excluded from the Report
the only Divorce case, that of the Duke of Norfolk, which
it was nose known gave the accused every advantage that
could be desired! Now that all the weight of the Bill of
Pains and Penalties was pressing on the head of the Queen,
the Noble and Learned Lord said, that there was little if any
difference between this and a common Bill of Divorce !
Little indeed I There was as much difference as between a
Bill to relieve the subject and a Bill to inflict penalties. Iu a
Bill of Divorce, if any penalty occurred, it was only accessory
matter to the relief tar which the plaintiff was entitled by the
laws of the country ; but in a Bill of Pains and Penalties, the
relief was only accessory, arid the penalties certain. He
condemned, generally the principle of Bills of Pains and
Penalties, observing, that whereas the laws of the coun-
try specified the punishment for an offence committed
against thew, these Bills created a punishment for an
offence which violated no preceding law.—After having
thus grounded and guided their proceedings isy the pre-
cedents of Bills -of Pains and Penalties only, and not
by those of Divorce Bills, thus to turn round and 'say that
this was not a Bill of Pains and Penalties, but a Bill of Di-
vorce, and to pass it on this new ground, would he one of
the harshest and most unjust proceedings that had ever been
adopted. The present was then a Bill of Pains and Penalties,
differing only from other Bills of Pains and Penalties in this,
that in proportion as the rights and privileges of which it
went to deprive its illustrious object were greater than those
of other indisiduals, in proportion as the rank and station
from which it sought to degrade tier were more exalted,
the penalties which it enacted were heavier and more
oppressive than those of other Bills. Another ground
on which he felt decidedly opposed to this measure was,
that it was most 'unpopular. Unpopular not to the rabble
only, who might be excited • to raise their voices and to
express their opinions against a measure of which they pos-
sessed no information, and were riot enabled to estimate its
consequence by any knowledge of the history of their country,
but unpopular also with all the best informed and most reflect-
ing portion of society, with those who knew how to judge of
its principles, and could look to its future effects. What had
been said of measures of this description by es-try persons who
had written on the 'subject ? There were two authors to
whom they were taught to look with respect for their sound
Judgmeot en all matters connected with the principles and
practice of our Constitution ; he alluded to Blackstone and
Paley. If they found those • authors—Blackstone receding
fronts the discussion of the subject, as in consciousness of
its direct opposition to all those constitutional doctrines -which
he had-inculcated; and Paley describing them as in their
naturearesentially unjust, he' implored the authors of this
proceeding to pause and consider its probable operation on
-.-the minds-of the' reflecting part of the nation. As long as
they felt deference 'for such authorities, so lossg must
- they feel averse for antmeasure of this description. Their
LOrdships.were bou! as Legislators, 'not only with respect
to this Measure now before them,_ but also wills respect
to any otheriaw, to'colisider its effects; H., called upon tot c
Lordships' to tecolleet that' they were passing. a law, n
sentence—that they were not pronouncing a judgment, but

accordinlr to his Majesty's Establishment in that behalf :
frl''se are to give notice, that the several Payments will be-
to be mace at the Pay-Office, by the Treasurer of his
Navy, at Ten o'Clock in the morning, on the fol-

days, ri?
the 13th, 14th, and 15th of this Youth, to Admirals,
ins, and their Attornies.
tbe 15th, 17th, 20th, 21st, and 22d-of this Month, to
',llenluts and Chaplains, and their Attornies.
the 2=d and 24th of this Month, to Masters, Sur-
and Pursers, and their Attornips.
which the Lists will be reeilied the first and third

;n 2very month, that all Persons may then and
• ", attend to receive what may become payable to them ;
•
b. .ring with them an Affidavit as required by Order in
~ •
of aith July, 1819, the Forms of which were publish-
advertisement from this Office, dated 16th Septem-
, 1-81 a, and may he procured at the Office of the Treasurer
Navy ; and in case any of the said Officers should
able to attend themselves, lint employ Attornies for
• !mrpose, that the said Attornies prod-uce the like Al.-
' • t!t from
the Persons they are employed by.
Where Officers are Abroad on leave, their Agents are to
attested Copies of such Leave before the Half-Pay
, paid.
;id as by Act of Parliament passed in the 3.-ith year of his
If.m,! Majesty's Reign, entituled, " An Act for establish-
. . a more easy and expeditious method for the Payment of
belonging to his Majesty's Navy," it is enacted by
t•
Clause of the said Act, "that if any Commissioned
',larrant Naval Officer, who shall be entitled to receive
and shall be desirous to receive and be paid the
at or near the place of his Residence, he may apply-to
• reasurer of his Majesty's Navy in London, to have such
iy paid at or near the place of his Residence, &c.
manner pointed out by the said Act." And by a fur-
• Act passed in the 36th year of his present Majesty's
eittitoled, '' An Act for enabling the Officers in his
Navy, and their Representatives, to draw for and
ive their Half-Pay," it is enacted by the Ist and :3d
rs tst the said Act, " that if any Officer iu his Majety's
~ who shall be entitled to receive any sum of money for
account of his Half-Pay, shall he desirous of drawing a
,:1• "5. Exchange fur the same upon the Commissioners of his
Y.'s Navy, instead of receiving the same by Remittance
• , he shall signify such desire by Letter to the Treasurer
• s Majesty's Navy; and that if any Officer in his Ma-
• Navy, who shall be entitled to receive any sum of mo-
ror or on account of Half-Pay, shall he desirous of having
it'!,lalf-Pay paid to him by Extract, at any.of hii Majesty's
Wards, where Clerks for the Payment of Wages for the
• shall reside, instead of receiving the same by Remit-
Bill or Bill of Exchange, he is to apply either to the
•• r Clerk at the Navy Pay-Office in London, ur at the
IN .
P..:-Oifice at such Dock Yard, signifying such his desire.'
e is hereby farther given, that the Half-Pay ending the
September, 1820, will commence paying on. the 13th
••velliber, and all Persons desirous of drawing for, or of
,:t' their Half-Pay remitted to them, may apply as above
A of Exchange d awn under or by virtue of the
".,,-I,ove recited, are nut liable to the Stamp Duty,
N" Persons residing out of his Majesty's Deminioes are en-
' •('-1 to the privileges of the Act.

.•
IT,irranted to Sail on or before the 15th November, having
the greater part of her Cargo engaged,
FOR MADRAS AND CALCUTTA,
r '-r—i THE Fine Fast-sailing River-built
',77'
4
SHIP THAMES, A. I. JOHN LITSON, Com-
mander...,,..- Pairthen 370 tons. Lying in theKity
t‘..:.? • Canal. Has very superior Accommodations
•*: for Passengers, and carries a skilful 5ur-
,,..... ,
geon.
„, l''',77eight or Passage apply to BUCKLES, BAGSTER,
--'`l BUCHANAN, 33, Mark•lane.
3'th October, 18i0.

,rranted to Sail on or before Ist January, 1841, 41aving
the greater part of her Cargo engaged,
FOR MADRAS AND BENGAL,
17.--.. THE Fine New Coppered Teak
ri• , for
.f, '4* SHIP MOFFATT, THOMAS W. ALDHAM,
..--'t 1 Commander. Uurthen 750 tons. Lying in the
~: • •
=..4,21 1 City Canal. Has very superior Accommoda-
,, .. . lions for Passengers; for which, or for Freight,
t..-:.. apply to the Commander, at the Jerusalem Co&
•-, I louse' or to BUCKLES, BAGSTER,and BUCHANAN,
' -, \lark- lane.
I --‘ t
‘ It October, 1820.

Lord MANNERS entered into an explanation of such parts
of his speech as had been alluded to by the Noble Marquis ;
but his Lordship spoke in so low a tone of voice as to be in-
audible below the Bar. We understood his Lordship to dis-
claim any intention of misrepresenting any part of the evi-
dence in this Case, and he trusted that no Noble Lorii would
think him capable of doing so, merely to support a different
opinion from his own.
The Marquess of LANSDOWN declared that nothing Was
farther from his intention than to impute any improper mo-
ti -es to his Noble Friend.

The Earl of LIVERPOOL, in.explanation, said, that he
was ready to admit that Siccsrd • Was not sent home with a
view to favour the criminal intercourse which was taking
place. He adrliitted that it was done in pursuance of a pre-
vious arrangement which had been made. But he begged to
observe, that, when Siccard was sent borne, it was with an
express understanding that 'he was shortly afterwards to re-
turn, and he was ordered to remain in a state of prepara-
tion, to do so whenever Called upon. But although he did
remain in that state of preparation, he never was called up-
on to return. How far this might affect the question, it was
not then his intention to discuss, buts he thought it was
worthy of remark. There was another point on which the
Noble Marquess had misunderstood him. It was with refer-
ence to the Bill of Pains and Penalties. He never did say
any such thing as was attributed to him. He had said that a
Bill of Pain(' and Penalties was a very harsh measure, but he
called upon their Lordships to look at the effect of it in the
present case, giving it as his opinion, that,.taking the enact-
ment* of the Bill as they then were, it was not a measure of
greater severity in its effect than any Divorce Bill against the
wife of one of their Lordships.
The Earl of LAUDERDALE wished to explain himself on
two points :—tbe first was, that be had been represented to
state that Flimflam was an nuwilling evidence. Hr was ob-
liged to his Noble Friends, for they had made his case
stronger than he had made it himself.

SETTLERS intending- to proceed to
Wit'
''7,,,,,,,r ' NEW SOUTH
VAN DIEMAN'S LAND and NE SOUTH
r:A)1, ''':,,,`.. WALES, are respectfully informed, that the
•''' ..,1;,!4,., fine first claw SHIP GRACE, of 250 tons,
Ws-,,,.7:--,
._...' 11.t1BERT LETHBRIDGF, Commander, will
follow the DUCHESS OF YORK, and sail
4.,,.: in Decemb.2r. She has fine heights between Decks,
1,,, ' t'xcellent Accoruodations for • both Cabin and Steerage
;;;.,74Kers. She is'lying in the London Dock.
4,,, r
:C Freight or Passage, apply to BUCKLES, BAGSTER,
' 11 t HAN AN, 33, Mark-lane.
er.1.......

Earl GREY said, that although his Noble Friend bail a
right to explain, if he had been misrepresented, yet be hail
no right to combat all the arguments that had been h► ought
against him.
The Earl of LAI7DERDALE.--" I do not know what my
Noble Friend means, but I must say, where a witness gives
his testimony unwillingly, it becomes more important. lam
accused of adding make-weights to the charges against the
Queen."

--L,,rd SUFFIELD did not think this was any explanation
at all.

The Earl of LAUDERDALE, with some warmth, said,
" Then I do nut know what explanation is."
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, the Noble Lord no
doubt wished to explain, but he had certainly gone beyond
explanation. . -
Here great confusion arose, in consequence of several
Peers claiming at the same time the attention of the,
House.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that it was his duty to
state, that the Duke of Northumberland first caught his eve.
The Duke of NORTHUNIBERL.AND then said, that. being
unwilling to give a silent vote on this painful and important-
question, he tote to state that the allegations in the Preamble
of this Bill with respect to'ber Majesty appeared to him to
have been satisfactorily and conipletely proved. After bar-
ing paid the strictest attention to the evidence which had
been adduced on both sides of the question, the manner in
which the witnesses had given that evidehnecceo,ladf,tieaattceanndsienigm
to the 'speeches of COunsel, and to the 'arguments -of Noble
Lords, he felt in his cOnScielice convinced that a long course
Of indecent familiarities and of adulterous intercourse
had taken place between the Princess of Wales and herler•
thatrant r":l4laaVs't y oitthd dthries impression,
n i,nit f et Consort of England;
and at the head of the feinales of this chaste and moral coun-
try. Ott their grounds he should feel hirnSelf under the
cissity of voting for the Bill, unless by some minor propped:.
inns the infloi•nce orthe'Queen could be removed from them,
It was the with pain that be expressed these sentiments; bat

Gentlemen, I will now dismiss you to your duties, and I
have no doubt you will perform them in such a'ainuner, as
once again to claim the tbaaks of your country.