The Sun.
London, England, 1827-06-12 00:00:00

TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 12, 1827.

LETTERS FROM HIS LATE MAJESTY
TO THE LATE LORD KENYON, ON THE CIORONATION OATH,

WITH ILLS LORDSHIP'S ANSWERS : AP fD LETTERS OF THE

RIGHT HON. W. FITT TO HIS LATE NIAJESTY, WITH HIS

LATE MAJESTY'S ANSWERS, PREVIOUS TO THE DISSOLU-
TION OF THE MINISTRY IN 1801.

CORONATION OATH.
1 NV. & M. C. fj.

The Archbishop or Bishop shall say Will
you solemnly promise and swewc to govern the people
of this Kingdom of Englanil, and the dominions
thereto belonging, according t.o the Statutes in Par-
liament agreed on, and the Laws and Customs of
the same ?"
The King and Queen e,hall say :—" I solemnly
promise so to do."
Archbishop or Bishop, :—" Will you to the
utmost of your power cause Law and Justice in
Mercy to be executed it i all your Judgments ?"
Kind and Queen :—" I will."
Archbishop or Bish op :—" Will you to the ut-
most of your power m aintain the Laws of God, the
true profession of tb e Gospel and the Protestant
Reformed Religion e!itablished by Law ? And will
you preserve unto the Bishops and Clergy of this
Realm, and to thf: Churches committed to their
charge, all such Iliuhts and Privileges as by Law do
or shall appertain Tinto them, or any of them ?"
King and Qucfm.—" All this I pr_.aise to do."
After this the King and Queen, laying his and
her hand upon the Holy Gospels, shall say,—
King and Coven.—" The things which I have
irerebefore prouaised, I will perform and keep. So
help vie God."

No. 1.
TO THE LORD KENYON.
Queen's-House, March 7, 1795.

The question that has been so improperly patron-
ized by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in favour of
the PapistF,, though certainly very properly silenced
here, yet i t seems not to have been viewed in whe
seems to me the strongest point of view, its mili-
tating aginst the Coronation Oath and many exist-
ing Statutes. I have therefore stated the accompa-
nying qu cries on paper, to which I desire the Lord
Kenyon. will, after due consideration, state his opi-
nion in the same manner, and should be glad if he
would also acquire the sentiments of the Attorney-
General on this most serious subject.

GEORG. R.

No. 11.
THE QUERIES REFERRED TO IN No. I.
(WRITTEN BY THE KING'S HAND. )
The following Queries on the present attempt to
abolish all distinctions in Religion in Ireland, with
the intention of favouring the Roman Catholics in
that Kingdom, are stated from the desire of learn-
ing whether this can be done without affecting the
Constitution of this country ; if not, there is no oc-
casion to view whether this measure in itself be not
highly improper.
The only laws which now affect the Papists in
Ireland are the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity,
the Test Act, and the Bill of Rights. It seems to
require very serious investigation how far the King
can give his assent to a Repeal of any one of those
Acts, without a breach of his Coronation Oath, and
of the Articles of Union with Scotland.
The construction put on the Coronation Oath by
the Parliament at the Revolution seems strongly
marked in the Journals of the House of Commons,
when the Clause by way of Rider to the
Bill (28th March, 1689, Commons' Journals #)
establishing the Coronation Oath, declaring that no-
thing contained in it should be construed to bind
down the King and Queen, their Heirs and Succes-
sors, not to give the Royal Assent to any Bill for
qualifying the Act of Uniformity so far as to render
it palatable to Protestant Dissenters, and the Clause
was negatived upon a division. This leads to the
implication that the Coronation Oath was under-
stood at the Revolution to bind the Crown not to
assent to any Repeal of any of the existing laws at
the Revolution, or which were then enacted, for the
maintenance and defence of the Protestant Religion
as by law established.
If the Oath was understood to bind the Crown
not to assent to the repeal of the Act of Uniformity
in favour of Protestant Dissenters, it would seem to
bind the Crown full as strongly not to assent to the
repeal of the Act of Supremacy, or the Test Act, in
favour of Roman Catholics.

Another question arises from the provisions of the
Act limiting the Succession to the Crown, by which
a forfeiture of the Crown is expressly enacted, if the
King upon the Throne should hold communication
with, or be reconciled to the Church of Rome.
May not the repeal of the Act of Supremacy, and
the establishing the Popish Religion in any of the
Hereditary Dominions, be construed as amounting
to a reconciliation with the Church of Rome?
'Would not the Chancellor of England incur some
risk in affixing the Great Seal to a Bill for giving
the Pope a concurrent Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction
with the King ?
By the Articles of Union with Scotland it is de-
clared to be an essential and fundamental article, that
the King of Great Britain shall maintain the Church
of England, as by law established, in England, Ire•
land, and Berwick-upon-Tweed.
The bargain made by England, in 1782, by Yel-
verton's Act, gives rise to the question, whether
the repeal of any of the English Statutes adopted
by that Act, would not he a direct violation of the
compact made by the Parliament of Ireland with
Great Britain.

No. 111.
ANSWER TO NOS. I. AND 11.

Lord Kenyon receired your Majesty's commands
when he was in the country. He came immediately
to town, and Meioses what has occurred to him upon
the question. He has conferred with the Attoniey-
General, Lad believes there is not any difference in
opinion between them.
They are neither of then' apprised what was
the extent of the alteration meditated to be made
in Ireland. _ _

Your Majesty's most obliged and dutiful subject,
March 11, 1795. KENYON.

[aNcLo..En IN No. 3.]
The Act for the Union of England and Scotland
has made the Church Establishments in the two
countries essential and fundamental parts of the

0 The Extract from the Commons Journals, alluded to
by his Majesty.
" Jovis, 28 die Martii, 1 Willielmi et Marif.±." A.D. 1689,

Coronation Oath.

The Bill for establishing the Coronation Oath was read
the third time.
A Proviso, ingrossed, was offered, as a Rider, to be made
part of the Bill, which was read the first time ; and is as
follows :
" Provided always, and be it hereby declared, that no
Clause in this Act shall be understood so to bind the Kings
and Queens of this Realm, as to prevent their giving their
Royal Assent to any Bill which shall, at any time, be offer-
ed by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament,
for the taking away or altering any Form or Ceremony in
the Established Church, so as the Doctrines of the said
Church, a public Liturgy, and the Episcopal Government
of it, be preserved."
A Debate arose thereupon.
The Debate upon the Proviso, offered to he made part
of the Bill for establishing the Coronation Oath, was re-
sumed.

And the question being put, That the Proviso be read a
second time :

It passed in the negative.
Resolved, That the Bill do pass; and that the title be,
" Au Act for establishing the Coronation Oath."

Union, and has declared that the Acts of the coun-
tries for securing the respective Church Govern-
ment shall be and continue at all times coming part
of the terms of the Union—that I understand to be
the necessary construction of the words of the Iltht
section of the Act.

The Coronation Oath, enacted in I William and
Mary, requires the King to maintain the Protestant
reformed religion established by Law.
The Btl4 section of the Act of Union shows that
by Religion established by Law, is meant the doc-
trine, worship, discipline, and government of the
Church. This includes the King's Supremacy and
the various orders of Ministers, and the prov►s►on
which the State makes for the decent support of
the Clergy. The doctrine and discipline are regu-
lated (inter alia) by the Acts of Uniformity, and the
Liturgy as it stands enacted by the statute of 13 and
14 Car. 11.
To overthrow any part of the Church Establish-
ment, as I have now stated, would, as it seems,
militate against the Coronation Oath, as settled in
the Stat. 1 W. and M. and the Act of Union,
and contravene an essential and fundamental part of
the Act of Union.

In order to preserve the Established Church,
several Laws have been enacted, subjecting those
who dissented from the Established Church to
penalties or disabilities; and the.4e have pressed
sometimes upon cne denomination of Sectarists, and
sometimes upon another, as the temper of the times
or the supposed necessity of the case required—
R.pists and Conventiclers have in their turns felt
the rigour of Statute Law.
7i he statute of 22 Car. 2. c. 1. for preventing con-
venticles, a:.d other statutes of like tendency, ex-
isted at the time when the Coronation Oath was
framed and enacted by 1 W. and M. c. 6., vet i►► the
same Session of Parliament the law called the Tole-
ration Act was made. Several indulgences both in
England and Ireland have been since granted to
several denominations of persons dissenting from the
Church of England. Those regulations have been
supposed by the makers of them not to be hostile to
the Church of England as by law established, but
merely to repeal or lessen the rigour of penal
statutes, which, though thought necessary at one
season, were deemed inexpedient at another time
and under different circumstances.
So long as the King's Supremacy, and the main
fabrick of the Act of Uniformity, the doctrine, dis-
cipline, and government of the Church of England,
arc preserved as the national Church, and the pro-
vision for its Ministers kept as an appropriated fund,
it seems that any ease given to Sectarists would not
militate against the Coronation Oath or the Act of
Union.
The proviso, which was rejected on 28th March,
1789, as appears in 10th vol. of Commons' Journals,
p. 69, might possibly be rejected as being. thought
unnecessary : for it is observable from printed his-
tory, that in that very year a commission issued, au-
thorising several Bishops and other learned men to
revise the Liturgy and Canons, and prepare such al-
terations as they should think expedient.
Though the Test Act appears a very wise law,
and in point of sound policy not to be departed from,
yet it seems that it might be repealed, or altered,
without any breach of the Coronation Oath, or
Act of Union. The temporary Bills of Indemnity,
which have so frequently passed, have in effect,
from time to time, dispensed with it in some degree.

It should seem that the Chancellor of Great-Bri-
tain would incur great risk in affixing the Great Seal
to a Bill giving the Pope a concurrent Ecclesiastical
Jurisdiction with the King. It would be contrary
to the Coronation Oath, and subversive of a funda-
mental part of the Act of Union.

No. IV.

The King is much pleased with the diligence
shown by the Lord Kenyon in answering the ques-
tions proposed to him ; but as he seems not fully ap-
prised of the extent of the present application of the
Roman Catholics of Ireland, the King has thought
it best to enclose a petition received yesterday, and
the state of the question as drawn up by a Right
Rev. Prelate of that Kingdom, on which the King
wishes to have the Lord Kenyon's further opinion
in w•riting.
Queen's House, March 14, 1795.

GEORG. R.

No. V.—enclosed in No. IV.

It has been confidently reported in Ireland, that
in compliance with the unbounded requisition of
the Roman Catholics, a Bill had been prepared to
capacitate them to sit in Parliament without mak-
ing and subscribing the Declaration against Popery,
or taking the Oath of Supremacy. This appears
to be a direct violation of the English Act of the
30th Charles 11. statute 2, chap. I. ; which enacts,
that no person shall sit or vote in Parliament, until
he shall have taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Su-
premacy, and made, and subscribed, and audibly re-
peated, the Declaration against Popery therein con-
tained. Which Act as far as relates to the said
Oaths and Declarations, was made the Law of Ire-
land, by the Irish Act of the 21st and 22d of Geo.
111. chap. 48. sect. 3.—lt also appears to be a re-
peal of the Declaration of the Bill of Rights, which
are expressly enacted and established, " to stand
and remain and be the Law of the realm for ever."
—lt seems to be a repeal of the Act of Settle-
ment. " Whereby all the laws and statutes of
the realm for securing the Established Religion were
ratified and confirmed." Among which statutes so
confirmed we must place the preceding Statutes of
Charles 11. and the Declaration of the Bill of
Rights.—lt appears also to be a direct violation of
the Act of Union (.5 Anne, chap. 8.), by which the
inviolate maintenance and preservation of the Esta-
blished Religion in Ireland is secured, by providing
" that all and singular the Acts of Parliament then
in force for the establishment and preservation of
the Church, should remain and be in full force for
ever. And it is further therein enacted, that this

t 5 Anne, c. S. s. 11. " And it is hereby further en-
acted, that the Raid Act passed in this present Session of
Parliament, intituled ' An Act for securing the Church of
England as by Law established,' &c. and also the Act of
Parliament of Scotland, intituled An Act for securing
the Protestant Religion and Presbyterian Church Govern-
ment,' &c. be, and shall f6' ever be, held and adjudged to
be and observed as fundamental and essential conditions of
the said Union, &c. &c. ; and the said Act passed in this
present Session of Parliament, &c. and also the said Act passed
in the Parliament of Scotland, &c. are hereby enacted and
ordained to be and continue in all times coming the com-
plete and entire Union of the two Kingdoms of England
and Scotland."

S. S. " And be it further enacted, that for ever here-
after every King or Queen succeeding and coming to the
Royal Government of the Kingdom of Great Britain, at his
or her Coronation, shall, in the presence of all persons who
shall be attending, &c. take and subscribe an Oath to main-
tain and preserve inviolable the said Settlement of the
Church of England, and the Doctrine, Worship, Discipline
and Government thereof, as by Law established within the
Kingdoms of England and Ireland, the Dominion of Wales,
and Town of Berwick upon Tweed, and the Territories
thereunto belonging."
The seventh section recites part of the Act intituled "An
Act for securing the Church of England, as by law esta-
blished," of which the following is an extract That
an Act made in the 13th year of the Reign of Queen
Elizabeth of famous memory, intituled An Act for the
Ministers of the Church to be of sound religion ;' and also
another Act made in the 18th year of the late King Charles
11. intituled An Act for the Uniformity of the Public
Prayers,' &c. and all and singular other Acts of Parliament
now in force, for the establishment and preservation of the
Church of England, and the doctrine, worship, discipline,
and government thereof, shall remain and be in full force for
ever."

PRICE 7D.

Act, and all and every the things therein contained,
be and shall for ever be holden to be a fundamental
and essential part of the Union." It seems also that
an inviolable observation of all these Statutes is
made obligatory upon every King and Queen of the
Realm by the Coronation Oath.
Is it not advisable, therefore, to put an end at
once to a claim that is inconsistent and incompatible
with the terms of the original contract between the
King and the People, and subversive of that part of
the Constitution formed for the preservation of the
Protestant Religion as established by Law ? The
same great fundamental Statutes which secures the
Rights and Liberties of the People, secure also the
Protestant Reformed Religion as by law established;
and if that part of them which secures our Religion
is to be repealed now, what security remains for the
preservation of our Civil Rights and liberties ? Is it
not therefore necessary to extinguish such vain ex-
pectations by an explicit declaration—that they can-
not be complied with ?

No. VI.
ANSWER to Nos. 4 and 5.

Lord Kenyon returns the Petition he was ho-
noured with, and his sentiments on the state of the
Question which accompanied it.
Your Majesty's most grateful and dutiful subje4
KENVON.

[Enclosed in No. 6.]
It is a general maxim that the Supreme Power of
a State cannot limit itself.

Either of the Houses of Parliament may, if they
think proper, pass a Bill up to the extent of the
most unreasor Ale requisition that can be made ;
and, provided sound policy, and a sense of the duty
they owe to the Established Religion of the country
do not operate on their minds so as to prevent their
doing what is improper, there is no Statute Law to
prevent their entertaining and passing such Bill, to
abolish Supremacy and the whole of the government
and discipline of the Church of England, as now by
Law established. Our ancestors did not suppose,
at the time of the Revolution, that any danger was
to be feared from these quarters; and, therefore, the
Statute Book does not exact any promissory oath
from the Members of the Houses of Parliament,
binding them not to receive or pass Bills hostile to
the Reformed Religion as by Law established. But
that is not the case of the King. Recent miscon-
duct, in the reign of King James 11. had raised great
jealousy ; and, therefore, the Coronation Oath exacts
from the King an Oath to maintain the Laws of
God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the
Protestant Reformed Religion Established by Law,
&c. &c.**

The state of the question with which I have beer:
honoured, supposes that he requisition now made
is a direct violation of the Statute of 30 Car.

. st. 2.

It certainly is inconsistent with that Law; and if
it shall be yielded to, will, in effect, repeal it, though
that Law, when it was made, was looked upon by
the Legislature as necessary for the more effectual
preserving the King's Person and Government, by
disabling Papists from sitting in either House of
Parliament. How far that law still continues a fence
for the Church as by law established, must be judged
of by those who are to act on the proposed repeal,
if such a measure should be brought forward. Those
who think it is an important and necessary part of
the defence of the Established Church, may also
think that the Coronation Oath was meant to pro-
vide against the King's consenting to the Repeal ;
for though an Act for repealing the Statute of
Charles 11. would not in itself break in upon the
Established Church, yet it would facilitate steps
which might. afterwards follow for that purpose, as
by this means Papists might constitute a majority of
each House of Parliament.

It cannot well pass observation, that the whole
system of Laws, as to the purpose of the present
Inquiry, was to guard against the possible introduc-
tion of Popish influence into any branch of the Le-
gislature. As far as respects the Sovereign, it is
guarded by the oath he takes; and with respect to
the Houses of Parliament, by the Declaration in 30
Car. 11.

I am not aware what clauses in the Bill of Rights
are supposed to be broken in upon by what is sug-
gestPd as likely to be proposed.
The Statute of 12 and 13 W: c. 2ff, shows the
great anxiety the Legislature then had to guard
against Popery. But here again the question re-
curs, how is the supreme power of the country
bound ?—The two Houses of Parliament are not
under any promissory oath—that obligation has
been extended to the King only. This statute of
Wm. 111. has done no more, as far as respects the
present question, than the former Statutes had done.
The Paper I before sent stated, I believe, what
then occurred, and all that at present occurs on the
Statute of Union.

In short, the question resolves itself to this :—Will
the proposed Act violate that Oath, which promises
to promote and preserve inviolably the settlement of
the Church of England, and the doctrine, worship,
discipline, and government thereof, as it was at the
time of the Union by law established within the
kingdoms of England and Ireland, &c.
The Petition expresses apprehension of proscription,
persecution, and oppression. All grounds of such
apprehensions, if such there really are, may be safely
removed, if the late benefits, which the Petition
admits, have not removed them, without endanger-

ing the Established Church, or violating the Coro-
nation Oath.

I will, out of anxiety, add one word more. It
seems to me, that the judgment of the person who
takes the Coronation Oath must determine whe-
ther any particular Statute proposed does destroy
the Government of the Established Church. It
seems that the Oath, couched in the general terms
in which it is found, does not preclude the party
sworn from exercising a judgment, whether that
which he is bound to maintain will be essen-
*6 Extracts from the "Debate on the Coronation Oath"
(Par]. Hist. v. 5, p. 200) :
Mr. Hampden, jun. " The King swears positively to the
true profession of the Gospel, that is, the Christian Reli-
gion as it is against Popery; and in this is the stress of all
your oath. Protestant is looked upon as a word hononra-
';le ; and, not only the word, but the thing, to the last
drop of blood. It is every body's endeavour to keep up
the Reformation, and avoid returning into Popery."

Mr. Godolphin. " All our securities rest upon the King's
conscientiousness. I would not put in the words (is or
shall be established by law), because I would not leave a
doubt, if it is not the intention of the llouse to alter the
Religion established by Law."
Mr. Somers : "The question is, to add the words,

shall be established by law.' I desire the addition for
great regard to the Legislature. In the former paragraph,
it is ' statutes, and laws, and customs in being,' in the other
establishment. He that gives his consent to take away does
not maintain them."
Mr. Pollexfen : "We frame an Oath, not for ourselves,
but for the King ; and he ought to be satisfied ; the King
is tender of what he promises—much more of his Oath."
Sir Henry Capel : "Itis a tender thing to make a Law ;
but in an Oath, for another person to take, it is always a
rule to express the thing plain."
Sir Thomas Clarges " Whilst a sort of men, that pro-
fessed the Protestant Religion, joined with Popery lately in
the Declaration, and write and profess that the Penal Laws
ought to be taken away, now you are makinL an Oath
honestly and plainly to explain it to the world."
t Commonly called " The Act of Settlement," and
intituled "An Act for the further Limitation of the Crown,
and better securing the Rights and Liberties of the
Subject."

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A.—LETTERPF:i. !,.-t,'!', . 6-- -1113„apVTE KING.
Doorn:treitt,'-' ‘ :: ' ..ii:4:115 1, 1801.
Mr. Pitt would We Celt lt, it all events, his duty,
previous to the meeting of Parliament, to submit to
your Majesty the result of the best consideration
which your confidential Servants could give to the
important questions respecting the Catholics and
Dissenters, which must naturally be agitated in con-
sequence of the Union. The knowledge of your
Majesty's general indisposition to any clmnge of the
laws on this subject would have made this a painful
task to him ; and it is become much more so by learn-
ing from some of his colleagues, and from tither quar-
ters, within these few days, the extent to which your
Majesty entertains, and has declared, that sentitri:Pt•
He trusts your Majesty will believe, that every
principle of duty, gratitude, and attachment, must
make him look to your Majesty's ease and satisfac-
tion, :,1 preference to all considerations, but those
arising from a sense of what in his honest opinion
is due to the real interest of your Majesty and your
dominions. Under the impression of that opinion,
he has concurred in what appeared to be theprevailine•
sentiments of the majority of the Cabinet—that thee
admission of the Catholics and Dissenters to offices,
and of the Catholics to Parliament (from which
latter the Dissenters are now excluded), would,
under certain conditicns to be specified, be highly
advisable, with a view to the tranquillity and im-
provement of Ireland, and to the general interest of
the United Kingdom.

For himself, he is, on full consideration, con-
vinced that the measure would be attended with no
danger to the Established Church, or to the Protestant
interest in Great Britain or Ireland :—that now the
Union has taken place, ar.d with the new provisions
which would make part of the plan, it could never
give any such weight in office, or in Parliatnenti
either to Catholics or Dissenters, as could give theth
any new means (if they were so disposed) of attack.
ing the Establishment :—that the grounds on which
the laws of exclusion now remaining were founded.
have long teen narrowed, and are since the Uniort
removed :—that those principles, formerly held by
the Catholics, which made them be considered as
politically dangerous, have been for a course of time
gradually declining, and, among the higher orders'
particularly, they have ceased to prevail :—that the
obnoxious tenets are disclaimed in the most positive
manner by the oaths, which have been re:ilnred
Great Britain, and st• 11 more by ene of those required.
i r Ireland, as the col dition of the indulgences already
granted, and which might equally be mads the condi.'
tion of any new ones :—that if such an Oath,
containing (among other provisions) a denial of the
power of Absolution from its obligations, is not a
security from Catholics, the sacramental test is not
more so : That the political circumstances under
which the exclusive laws originated, arising either
from the conflicting power of hostile and nearly be-
lanced sects, from the apprehension of a Popish
Queen or Successor, a disputed succession and :s
foreign Pretender, and a division in Europe between
Catholic and Protestant Powers, are no longer appli-
cable to the present state of things : That with re-
spect to those of the Dissenters, who, it is feared,
entertain principles dangerous to the Constitution, a
distinct political test, pointed against the doctrine
of modern J'cobinism, would be a much more just
and more eiTectual security, than that which
now exists, which may operate to the exclusion of
conscientious persons well affected to the State, and
is no guard against those of an opposite description
That with respect to the Catholics of Leland, ano-
ther most important additional security, and one of
which the effect would continually increase, might
be provided, by gradually attaching the Popish Clergy
m the Government, and, for this purpose, making
them dependent for a part of their provision (under
proper regulations) on the State, and by also sub-
jecting them to superintendence and control :—That,
besides these provisions, the general interests of the
Established Church, and the security of the Constis
tution and Government, might be effectually strength-
ened by requiring the Political Test, before referred
from the preachers of all Catholic or Dissenting
Congregations, and from the Teachers of Schools of
every denomination.

It is on these principles Mr. Pitt humbly
,!onceives a new security might be obtained
for the Civil and Ecclesiastical Constitution of
this country, more applicable to the present
circumstances, more free from objection, and
more effectual in itself, than any which now exists;
and which would, at the same time, admit of ex-
tending such indulgences, as must conciliate the
higher orders of the Catholics, and by furnishing to
a large class of your Majesty's Irish subjects a proof
of the good-will of the United Parliament, afford
the best chance of giving full effect to the great ob-
ject of the Union—that of tranquillizing Irelard,
and attaching it to this country.
It is with inexpressible regret, after all he now
knows of your Majesty's sentiments, that Mr. Pitt
troubles your Majesty, thus at large, with the gene-
ral grounds of his opinion, and finds himself obliged
to add, that this opinion is unalterably fixed in his
mind. It must, therefore, ultimately guide his poli-
tical conduct, if it should be your Majesty's plea-
sure, that, after thus presuming to open himself fully
to your Majesty, he should remain in that respon-
sible situation, in which your Majesty has so long
condescended graciously and favourably to accept
his services. It will afford him, indeed, a great re-
lief and satisfaction, if he may be allowed to hope,
that your Majesty will deign maturely to weigh
what he has now humbly submitted, and to call for
any explanation, which any parts of it may appear
to require.

In the interval which your Majesty may wish for
consideration, he will not, on his part, importune
your Majesty with my unnecessary reference to the
subject; and will fe2l it his duty to abstain, himself,
from all agitation of this subject in Parliament, and
to prevent it, as far as depends on him, on the part
of others. If, on the result of such consideration,
your Majesty's object.ons to the measure proposed
should not be removeil, or sufficiently diminished to
admit of its being brought forward with your Ma-
jesty's full concurrence, and with the whole weight
of Government, it must be personally Mr. Pitt's
first wish to be released from a situation, which he
is conscious that, under such circumstances, he could
not continue to fill but with the greatest disad-
vantage.
At the same time, after the gracious intimation,
which has been recently conveyed to him, of your
Majesty's sentiments on this point, he will be ac-
quitted of presumption in adding, that if the chicf
difficulties of the present crisis should not then be
surmounted, or very materially diminished, and if
your Majesty should continue to think, that his
humble exertions could, in any degree, contribute to
conducting. them to a favourable issue, there is no
personal difficulty to which he will not rather sub-
mit, than withdraw himself at such a moment from
your Majesty's service. He would eren, in such a
case, continue for such a short further interval as might
be necessary, to °pose the agitation or discussion of
the question, as far as he can consistently with the
line, to which he feels bound uniformly to adhere,
of reserving to himself a full latitude on the prin-
ciple itself, and objecting only to the time, and to
the temper and circumstances of the moment. But
he must entreat that, on this supposition, it may
be distinctly understood, that he can remain in
office no longer than till the issue (which he trusts
on every account will be a speedy one) of the crisis
now depending, shall admit of your Majesty's more
easily forming a new arrangement; and that he will
then receive your Majesty's permission to carry with
him into a private situation that affectionate and
grateful attachment, which your Majesty's goodness
for a long course of years has impressed on his
mind—and that unabated zeal for the ease and
honour of your Majesty's Government, and for the
public service, which, he trusts, will always govern
his conduct.
lie has only to entreat your Majesty's pardon for
troubling you on one other point, and taking the
i liberty of most respectfully, but explicitly, submit.

I, ,c `1
ting to your ~7,,.ajesty tb;
c,nanchig,
indispensable necessity of
effectuallv discount
in the whole of the in-
terval, all attmpts to make use of your Majesty's
name, or t.o influence the opinion of any individual,
or descr:ptions of men, on any part of this subject.

B.—THE KING'S ANSWER TO A.
(lett Housx, nts. IST, 1801.
I should not do justice to the warm impulse of my
heart, if I entered on the subject most unpleasant to
my mind, without first expressing, that the cordial
affection I have for Mr. Pitt, as well as high opinion
of his talents and integrity, greatly add to my unea-
siness on this occasion 3 • but a sense of religious as
well as political duty has made me, from the moment
I mounted the Throne, consider the Oath that the
'Wisdom of our forefathers has enjoined the Kings of
this realm to take at their coronation, and enforced
by the obligation of instantly following it in the
course of the ceremony with taking the Sacrament,
as so binding a relicous obligation on me to main-
tain the fundauvental maxims on which our Consti-
tution is plated, namely, the Church of England
being the Established one, and that those who hold
empiv;yments in the State must be members of it,
and consequently obliged not only to take oaths
against Popery, but receive the. Holy. Communion
agreeably to the rites of the Church of England.
This principle of duty must, therefore, prevent
me from discussing any proposition tending to de-
stroy this ground-work of our happy Constitution,
and much more so that now mentioned by Mr. Pitt,
which is no less than the complete overthrow of the
whole fabric.

When the Irish Propositions were transmitted to
me by a joint Message from both Houses of the
British Parliament, I told the Lords and Gentlemen
sent on that occasion, that I would with pleasure
and without. delay fOrward_ them to Ireland; but
that, as individuals, I tOuld not help acquainting
them, that my inclination to an Union with Ireland
was principally
_Pounded on a trusty that the uniting
the Established Churches of the two kingdoms
would for ever shut the door to any further measures
with r'.:speet to the Raman Catholics.
rnese two instances must show Mr. Pitt, that my
opinions are not those formed on the moment, but
such as I have imbibed for forty years, and from
which I never can depart ; but, Mr. Pitt once ac-
quainted with my sentiments, his assuring me that
he will stave off the only question whereon I fear
from his letter we can never agree,—for the advan-
tage and comfort of continuing to have his advice
and exertions in public affairs, I will certainly
abstain from talking on this subject, which is the one
nearest my heart. cannot help, if others pretend
to guess at my opinions, which I have never dis-
guised; but if those who unfortunately differ with
me will keel:, this subject at rest, I will, on my part,
most ontrr.lctly on my part, be silent also; but this
restraint I shall put on myself from affection for Mr.
Pitt., but further I cannot go, for I cannot sacrifice
my, duty to any consideration.
Though I do not pretend to have the power of
changing Mr. Pitt's opinion, when thus unfortu-
nately fixed, yet I shall hope a sense of duty will
prevent his retiring from his present situation to
the end of my life, for I can with great truth assert,
that I shall, from public and private e':;nsiderations,
feel great regret, if I shall ever fa:el myself obliged.,
at any time, from a sense of religious and political
duty, to yield to his intr‘raies of retiring from his
seat at the Board of 7.:reasury,

C.—MR. PITT, IN REPLY.
Dowting-street, Tuesday, Feb. 3, 1801.
Mr. Pitt cannot help intreating your Majesty's
permission to express how very sincerely he is pene-
trated with the affecting expressions of your Ma-
jesty's kindness and,goodness to himself, on the occa-
sionof the communication with which he has been
under the necessity of troubling your Majesty. !t
is, therefore, with additional pain he feels himself
bound to state, that the final decision which your
Majesty has formed on the great subject in question
(the motives to which he respects and honours),
and his own unalterable sense of the line which
public duty requires from him, must make him con-
sider the moment as now arrived, when, on the prin-
ciples which he has already explained, it must be
his first wish to. be released, as soon as possible,
from 'his present situation. He certainly retains
tho same anxious desire, in the time and Mode
of quitting it, to consult, as much as possible, your
Majesty's ease and convenience, and to avoid em-
barrassment. But he must frankly confess to
your Majesty, that the difficulty even of his tefnpo-
rary continuance must necessarily be increased, and
may very shortly become insuperable, from what he
conceives to be the import of one passage in your
Majesty's note, which hardly leaves him room to
hope that your Majesty thinks those steps can be
taken for effectually discountenancing all attempts to
make use of your Majesty's name, or to influence
opinions on this subject, which he has ventured to
represent: as indispensably necessary during any in-
terval in which he might remain in office. He has,
however, the less anxiety in laying this sentiment
before your Majesty, because, independent of it, he
is more and more convinced that your Majesty's final
decision is once taken, the sooner he is allowed to
act upon it, the better it will be for his Majesty's
service. He trusts, and sincerely believes, that your
Majesty cannot find any long delay necessary for
forming an arrangement for conducting your service
with credit and advantage; and that, on the other
hand, the feebleness and uncertainty, which is al-
most inseparable from a temporary Government,
must soon produce an effect, both at home and
abroad, which might lead to serious inconvenience.
Mr. Pitt trusts your Majesty will believe, that a
sincere anxiety for the future ease and strength of
your Government is one stro.-„ig motive for his pre-
suming thus to press this consideration.

D.—THE T.nING'S ANSWER TO C.
Queen's House, Feb. 5, 1801.
The box cram Mr. Pitt containing two letters, and
a wa,FraLit in favour of Mr. Long. I cannot have the
sm'2.tiest difficulty in signing the proposed warrant,
as I think him a very valuable man, and know how
much Mr. Pitt esteems him.

I had flattered myself that, on the strong assur-
ance I gave Mr. Pitt, of keeping perfectly silent on
the subject whereon we entirely differ, provided on his
part,hekept off from any disquisition on it fur the pre-
sent, which was the main object of the letter I wrote to
him on Sunday, we both understood our present line
of conduct; but as I unfortunately find Mr. Pitt
eires not draw the same conclusion, I must come to
the unpleasant decision, as it will deprive me of his
political service, of acquainting him, that, rather
than forego what I look on as my duty, I will, with-
out unnecessary delay, attempt to make the most
creditable arrangement, and such as Mr. Pitt will
think most to the advantage of my service, az well
as to the security of the public; but he must not be
surprised, if I cannot fix how soon that can possi-
bly be done, though he may rest assured that it shall
be done with as much expedition as so difficult a
subject will admit. G. R.

E.-THE LATE DUKE OF YORK TO HIS LATE
MAJESTY.

York-House, Fels. 13, 1801.

SIR-I have the honour to return your Majesty
the Papers which you were graciously pleased to
allow me to peruse.
If my sentiments upon the Question of Catholic
Emancipation, and of the Repeal of the Test Act,
had not been already immutably fixed, the argu-
ments adduced in favour of the measure would alone
have been sufficient to have convinced me of the
danger, if not of the absolutexertainty of the dread-
ful consequences of its being carried into execution.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your Majesty's most dutiful son and subject,
FREDERICK.

Sir Robert and Lady Wigrani entertained
numerous parties to dinner yesterday and on
Sunday, at their residence in Connaught-place.
Mr. and Mrs. Wilmot Horton gave a grand
dinner on Saturday, at their residence on Rich-
mond-terrace.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JuNz 11.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
sack at five o'clock.
Sir ALEXANDER. GRANT and others, brought up the
Bill for regulating the mode of taking the averages of
British Corn ; the Bill for carrying into effect certain
treaties respecting the Slave Trade ; the Bill for preventing
the Malicious Destruction of Houses in Ireland ; and the
Clerkships' Enrolment Bill.
Mr. PEEL and others brought up Miss Turner's Di-
vorce Bill.

The Earl of LAUDERDALE moved for certain Returns
connected with the state of the Funded and Unfunded Debt
for the last three years.
After a conversation between Lord TENTERDEN and
Lord LAUDERDALE, it was arranged that the former Noble
and Learned Lord should move, on Wednesday next, the
second reading of the five Bills seut up from the Commons,
connected with the Administration of Justice and the
Criminal Cf:de.

Lord GODERICH moved that the second reading of
the Bill for taking the average prices of British Corn,
should be on Thursday next.

• Lord MALMESBURY moved that the average prices of
British corn in the different counties and districts in Eng-
land, for the six weeks preceding the first of June, be pre-
sented to the House.
PENRYN DISFRANCHISING BILL.

The Earl of CARNARVON stated, that before he mov-
ed the second reading of this Bill, he wished to move the
House to send a Message to the Commons for the evidence
taken there upon the Bill during its progress there.
Lord FARNHAM strongly doubted whether this House
ought to proceed upon such an important subject as the
disfranchisement of a borough upon evidence which bad not
been sworn to.

The Earl of CARNARVON did not wish the House to
proceed upon the evidence which had been taken before the
House of Commons, but he thought it might be convenient
for their Lordships to be possessed of the evidence upon
which the other House passed the bill.
Lord LAUDERDALE said, that as that evidence was
not given on oath, he did not consider it would be of the
slightest use.
Lord HARDWICKE believed it had been taken on oath.
Lord LAUDERDALE felt satisfied that it had not, and
therefore, should it ever be laid on their Lordships' table he,
for one, would treat it as a nullity.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH apprehended that it was
merely wished to have this evidence for the purpose of
comparing the statements of the witnesses in the two
Houses.

The Earl of CARNARVON said it was, and therefore he
now moved that a Message should be sent for that evidence,
intimating that he should afterwards move that the evi-
dence be printed.
CHANDOS LEIGH'S PEERAGE.
Lord REDESDALE wished to have an early day ap-
pointed for the hearing of this Appeal.

Lord LANSDOWN also stated, that he knew Mr.
Leigh was exceedingly anxious to have the subject before
'the House.

The LORD CHANCELLOR az:reed with the Noble
Lords as to the propriety 01 having this subject brought
before the House, bat he happened to know, from
having the subject before him whilst Attorney Gene-
ral, that it would take at least many days in in-
vestigating, that it was a subject that required to be
gone through with when once begun, and he was sure
that the attention it woiAld require could not be given
to it during the present Session ; therefore, he reeoin-
=Tided their Lordships to ellow the subject to stand over
'till after Parliament met again.
SUPPLY OF WATER THE METROPOLIS.

Lord WHIRNCLIFFE presented a petition from the
'Grand Junction Waterworks Company, stating that the
Company had been labouring under aspersions for months
past ; that a complaint had been made to this House respect-
ing them ; that the professional opinions given in support
of that opinion were erroneous and hasty; that the Com-
pany were prepared to prove, .•corn analyses made by the
most experienced chemists, that -..he water the.; supplied the
metropolis with was of the hest and most wholesome
quality ; that the 'aports circulated respecting the quality
of the water, were most prejudicial to them and
to the public ; that they by no means wished to
defeat any inquiry the House might be pleased to
adopt, but prayed that that inquiry might be exe-
cuted without the least possible delay. The Noble Lord
stated, that for a long time past, the greater part of the
metropolis had been supplied from the Thames, and
that serious complaints had been made against the
supply made by the Grand Junction Water-works' Com-
pany. That he himself had seen samples of it, some
of which contained animals, and others contained almost
all sorts of impurity. He had been told that on
the north side of the Thames, from Battersea bridge
to the Tower, there were no less than ninety
sewers, all of which were washed at the flowing of
every tide : therefore, he considered that water pumped
out of such a place could not be very pure.—
This was a subject of great misfortune to the metropolis ;
And, without saying that any blame attached to the Company,
complaints having been made ag:inst them, be certainly did
consider that an examination would be made into the
purity and wholesomeness of the water they supplied,
and next into the terms on whi( i it was furnished. The
Company, themselves, did not jest to the inquiry, and
therefore, the only question was, in what way the inquiry
should be made. For his own part, he thought an inquiry under
a commission from his Majesty would he the best mode.

Earl GROSVENOR complained, that three Water
Companies had joined and divided the Metropolis between
them. He supported the motion.
Lord LAUDERDALE thought that the appointment of
a commisasion should, in the first instance take place, and
that the House should then act on the report made by the
commission. He thought it was a breach of faith on the part
of the companies to divide the metropolis between them.
Such a proceeding was not contemplated when the Act
of Parliament was granted, and perhaps the House
would be justified in retracing its steps, in order
to prevent a continuation of the present system. The
Companies came separately before Parliament, and had
most egregiously deceived it if they then contemplated
what they have since carried into effect. They
were, in fact, established by Parliament, for the purpose of
causing competition, and though there was no clause in the
Bill to prevent a coalition, it was at the time distinctly
understood that none should take place. For the future
he thought that every such Bill should contain a
Clause declaring that companies acting in such a
disgraceful manner should forfeit their privileges.
The motion for an address to his Majest, praying that
he might appoint the Commission, was then agreed to.
Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from Colchester
against the importation of Foreign Wool; and from the
County of Westmeath, against the importation of Foreign
Corn.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, isIoNDAY, JUNE 11.

The House met this day at the usual hour.
Upon the motion of Sir G. CLERK, that the report of
the Edinburgh Bridewell Bill should be received and agreed
to,

Sir JAMES GRAHAM objected to the further
progress of the Bill, on the ground that the go-
vernment of this prison should not be entrusted in the
bands of the sane persons who had so grossly abused their
powers for the last 30 years. The Hon. Baronet eon-
eluded by moving an amendment.
After a short discussion, in which Sir G. Clerk, the
Lord Advocate, Mr. Kennedy, and Sir R. Fergusson, took
part, the House divided, and we understood the amend-
ment proposed by Sir J. Graham was agreed to.
The Bill was then committed, and ordered to be engrossed.
SUPPLY OF WATER TO THE METROPOLIS.

Mr. WHITMORE presented a petition from the Grand
Junction Water-works Company, praying that commission

should be appointed, and the charges brought against the
Company investigated.
Sir F. BURDETT expressed his satisfaction at the
course adopted by the petitioners, and added that be would
take the earliest opportunity of moving for a Committee
on this important subject.
TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS.
Mr. DICKENSON presented petitions from Wellington,
Bath, and other places, in Somerset, praying the repeal of
the above Acts.
Mr. MAXWELL presented a petition from several
parishes in the County of Down against any further Conces-
sions to the Roman Catholics.
Mr. MAXWELL presented a petition from the High
Sheriff and Grand Jury of Monaghan, praying the House
to continue its protection to the Mall Protestant Establish-
ment.

Mr. PORTMAN begged leave to ask the Hon. Gentle-
man opposite (Mr. Herries) whether it was his intention
to introduce a bill this session, for the Consolidation of the
Laws regarding the Duties on Malt ?
Mr. HERRIES said that the subject was at present
itridr consideration, and that he hoped this Session of
Parliament would not pass till a law should be enacted,
removing the restrictions under which the Irish Distillers
at present labour, and putting them on the same footing
with those of the United Kingdom.
RELIGIOUS TOLERATION.
The following Petitions, praying for the Repeal of the
Test and Corporation Acts, or for the removal of Religious
Disabilities, were presented—by Mr. Bernal, from Lich-
field ; Sir Christopher Cole, from —, Glamorganshire ;
Sir J. Astley, from Shepton Mallet ; Sir J. Wrottesley,
from Staffordshire; Mr. Fleming, from Wirksworth, in
Derbyshire ; Sir George Robinson, from Long Buckley, in
Northamptonshire • Mr. B. Baring, from Lymington,
Basingstoke, and Whitchurch, in Hampshire, and from the
Island of Jersey ; Mr. Poyntz, from Chichester, Horsham,
and three other places, in • Sussex; Mr. Bennett, from
Salisbury ; Lord John Russell, from the Catholic Nobility,.
Gentry, and others, of the Midland Districts; Mr. Heath-
cote, from Great Easton, in Leicestershire;- and Mr.
Brougham, from Kendal, and from a Congregation in Man-
chester.
Sir JACOB ASTLE? presented a petition from ----,
in Somerset, against any concession to the Roman Catholics.
WATER COMPANIES.
Sir F. BURDETT rose, and in a tone almost inaudible,
moved an Address, praying his Majesty to appoint a Com-
mission to inquire into the state of the Supply of Water to
to the Metropolis.
Mr. S. BOURNE, in a low tone, said, as far as we
could hear him, that the evidence of the pernicious nature
of the water supplied to certain districts of the Metropolis,
was such as to render an inquiry into the subject absolutely
necessary. He doubted, however, whether a Parliamentary
Committee ought not to have been moved for at an earlier
period of the Session, as a more efficient mode of inquiry.
JURISPRUDENCE IN INDIA.
Mr. FERGUSSON gave notice, that on Thursday, 21st
June, he should move the appointment of a Select Com-
mittee, to inquire into certain matters connected with
the Courts of Civil and Criminal Justice in the East
Indies ; and with the Tenure of Lands possessed by
Europeans in that country.
SEAMEN'S WAGES.
Mr. DOUGLAS brought up an Account of Money de-
ducted from the Wages of Seamen in the Merchant Service
in the year 1626.
FRANCHISE OF PENRYN.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved to postpone his motion
relative to the Transfer of the Franchise of Penryn to
the town of Manchester, till to-morrow se'nnight, the (19th
instant.)