The Sun.
London, England, 1842-01-15 00:00:00

- -
THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 15, 1842.

LITERATURE.

DE MONTFOR7. 3 Vok Bentley, London, 1842.
The author of this tale states. in his preface
that it was commenced several years ago, when
he was very young and had little literary expe-
rience. He mentions this fact, of course, by way
of apology for, .what he calls, the meagreness of
deSign visible throughout the narrative; but we
think lie need not have been so scrupulous, for
though " De Montfort" is certainly by no means
remarkable for felicity of construction, or adroit
ness in the working out of incident, yet there is
no want of entertaining matter in it; the scenes
shift as often as those in a pantomime; and the
diction is uniformly spirited, concise, and collo-
quial, without being too homely. The narrative
assumes the form of a biography, and is related
in
.the first person by the hero, De Montfort, an
English nobleman, who was born in the year 1742
—so that, of course, the leading events are laid in
the last century—and details the particulars of
his somewhat chequered career, in a piquant style
of mingled earnestness and vivacity. The'cold, sel
fish habits engendered in boyhood by the aristo-
gratic system of exclusiveness are forcibly pointed
out in the earlier chapters of the work, and show
how closely allied in some natures pride is
with meanness. As the story progresses, and the
young nobleman's character developes itself; the
interest increases in proportion : and there is a
scene where, after the death of his mother, the
Countess, De Montfort makes dishonourable over-
tures to a young country girl, named Cecily, the
dependant and favourite of his deceased parent,
which is of a very earnest and exciting character.
There are also several graphic sketches of the
political state of England about the period, or
shortly after, of the accession of George the
Third to the crown; and, in particular, a spirited
sketch of the famous mob-leader, Wilkes, who
was not, however, " born and bred in the
very hot-bed of the aristocracy" —as the
author asserts but, on the contrary, was
born in . the middle classes, and lived for
the best part of his life (except , indeed
for a few short months, when, for political rea-
sons, he was noticed by the heads of the Oppo.
sition), among those classes. In the second vo7.
lume De Montfort describes his visit to the Court
of Prussia, when FrederiCk the Great was in all
his glory ; and this enables him to introduce his
readers to the celebrated Baron Trench, who, it
may be remembered, was imprisoned for nearly
ten years in the fortress of Magdeburg; where lie
was subjected daily to every species of priva-
tion and ignominy, for having presumed to aspire
to the hand of the King's favourite sister, the
Princess Amelia. Of this Princess, long after
her beauty had departed, and when grief; antici
pating the work of time, had brought on prema-
ture old age, we have this vivid description :
" Her head and hands were frightfully palsied ;
indeed every member of her frame appeared to
have a convulsive motion. Her face was inde-
scribably contorted; the skin, seamed with innu-
Merable wrinkles, had the dry, yellow, hue of
parchment; and what rendered this countenance,
whereon premature old age had set its stamp, still
more hideous, was the excessive protruding of
the eyes, which had started so far out of their
Sockets, that it was painful to look at them." On
reading this description, we are reminded of
Ovid's brief; but striking allusion to the once
lovely Helen, in the winter of her life :--
" net quoque, ut in speculo rugas aspexit aniles
Pyndaris, et scowl), cur. sit bis rapta, requirit."

EDINBURGH ANTI-CORN-LAW
- CONFERENCE.
JAN. 12.—The Conference met to-day at ten o'clock.
Edward Baxter, Esq., manufacturer, Dundee, took the
Chair. The meeting was opened with prayer by the
Rev. Mr. Ellis, of Saltcoates.
The CHAIRMAN then addressed the meeting. He vin-
dicated the ministers of religion from the charge of being
out of their proper place in attending a meeting such as
this. He thought they would have failed in their duty if
they had stood aloof while want and misery were stalk-
ing over the land. In confirmation. of this opinion he
• cited a passage, from the book of Nehemiah, where the
prophet rebuked the rulers of the land for their conduct
in a.time of scarcity, and" set a great assembly against
them," the consequence of which, was that the rulers
listened to the cry of the people and conceded to them
their request. Lets it not then be Said that the minis-
ters of the everlasting Gospel were out of the line of
their duty when they advocated the cause of truth,
and justice, and humanity .—(Applause.) He should
now with the consent of the meeting state a few facts
connected with the trade of Dundee. And first, with
regard to the state of. crime. During the last nine
years the number of petty thefts, as it appeared from
the books of the Dundee Police Court, had tripled ;
and that in spite of the most vigorous efforts of Chris-
tians of all denominations. Then he would refer to two
-public Acts of foreign States, passed in consequence of
our Corn-laws. It was well known that the first strin-
gent Corn-law was passed in 1815, and in 1816 the Ame-
rican Congress passed a severe law restricting the im-
portation of British commerce into that 'country ; and in
the same year Prussia framed, her famous commercial
league, the 'object' of which was one of decided hostility
to this country. It was well known that Brazil was
about to follow their example ; and all as measures of
retaliation because we would not admit the corn and
the timber, and the sugar of these countries. His third
fact had reference to the home trade. This point had
not been sufficiently pressed upon the meeting yester-
day. He thought the home trade had been more injured
than the foreign trade ; and in proof of it he might men-
tion that it appeared from a return published in Man-
chester, that while a greater quantity of goods had been.
exported last year than formerly, arising from the want of
demand at home, no less than 150,000 fewer bales ofcotton
had been disposed of at home than in former years. Was not
that an awful state of 'things 1 For himself- he might
state that he was connected with a house in Dundee
which paid 33,000/. annually. in wages. It had been
ascertained with considerable precision, that in the years
1835 and 1836, when the price of food was cheap, two
thirds of his workmen's wages were spent on provisions ;
but that now, when corn had risen 60 per cent., they
were obliged to pay an additional 7,000/. a year for
food ; so that instead of two-thirds of their wages nine-
tenths were spent on provisions alone.- Now, where did
this additional 7,000/. come from ? It was clear itmust
be abstracted from the 'sum formerly spent onsmanuftio-
tured articles. It could not go to thesLeedxelothier, or
the Manchester calico-printer; so thatrto:thaVottentthe
home market was destroyed. If that was the case with
one establishment, what would it be over the whole of
Dundee, and over the country?--(Hear.) The effect of
this was, that the manufacturer dismissed his workmen,
so that the rise in the price of food acted injuriously in
two-ways—it abridged the comforts of one class, and it
threw another class out of work altogether. After some
farther observations,' he called upon
The Rev. Mr. HARVEY, of Glasgow, who moved the
fourth resolution in a lengthened address. '
Bailie GREW, of Perth, seconded the resolution.
Rev. Dr. TAYLOR, of Auchtermuchty, did not mean to
detain the, meeting with a lengthened address; but as
there Were no other speakers from his part of the coun-
try, he begged to lay before them a few facts connected
with Auchtermuchty: and its neighbourhood. The po.
pulation of the parish amounted to 3,355. Of these 1,140
Were engaged as hand-loom wearers, and of these one-
fifth part were now out •of employment. - In 1815, the
wages of these people averaged 14s. per week; now
they did, not amount ,to more than 4s. 2d. per week.
But besides these there were a number of females and
aged persons who were not engaged in weaving but in
winding bobbins;. their wages was but a scanty pittance
even in the best of times; what it was now he would
leaias the meeting to imagine. The usual food of the
people, be was credibly informed, was potatoes—oat-
meal they scarcely ever saw; and anything approach-
ing more to- the nature of a luxury was altogether
unknown. • Even potatoes would not be procured if it
were not that the people have generally small plots
of garden ground, on which they are reared. Newburgh,
he believed, was still. worse than Auchtermuchty. Much
might be said on the moral and religious aspect of this
question.. It put a barrier in the way of children attend-
ing school, and parents attending church, from the want
of decent clothing ; and it hardened their hearts against
religious impressions. As a minister of the Gospel, he
felt himself hampered and fettered in the circulation of
the doctrinal truths:of the Gospel. Surely a minister
Was not-out of his duty, when ho inculcated on hispeople
the duty of contentment ; and yet he declared that for
some time past lie had never ventured to speak 'on the
subject.—(G rest applause.) Let him not be misunderstoOd.
He had never attempted to speak on the subject of eon.
tentment without first attempting, ns Richard Baxter
says, to demulse their hearts by an awkward expla-
nation of what contentment did not imply, as -well as
of what it did.—(Renewed applause.), He could not
attempt to excite the gratitude of his people for God's
bounties, without first being compelled to tell them that
the distress they suffered did not result from the Di-
vine arrangements, but from the la7ws of men. He
felt restrained, when leading the' public devotions, from
using such expressions as this—" He filleth their.hearts
with' food and gladness" because he was afraid that
instead of exciting emotions of gratitude to God, he
should only excite resentment against a class of men
who were regarded as the authors of all these evils.—
(Hear, hear.) He was satisfied that the people knew
who were the real authors of all their sufferings. He
knew this, because those who wished to go deeper than
merely repealing the Corn-laws, objected to them being
touched, . lest by the abolition of this great practical
grievance the people would eease to agitate for any thing
more.---(Great applause.)
Dr. HEuon, after some preliminary remarks, said,
the general argument against the Corn and Provision-
laws had been handled, and will be handled, by others.
To them I leave this argument, on the ground of the
essential injustice of all monopolies. The one view of
these laws to which I shall advert, is their enormous
pressure on the industrious and poorer classes of the
British community, and the consequent immorality of
their character. The direct object of these laws is to
enhance the price of the necessaries of life—is to compel
every consumer to pay more for these articles than, but
for these laws, he would require to pay. Many things
about their working, and about the mode and results
of their. abolition, are disputed.; respecting this, their
designed object, there is, and there can be, no dispute.
If a fixed duty is imposed, the design of the 'impost is to
add its own amount to the price paid for it. • If the pre-
sent sliding scale be preferred, or any, modification of it
which may seem good to the Knight of Drayton Manor
—(Laughter)—as the price falls the impost rises ; and
it does not cease till corn has attained-the rate which de-
notes scarcity and menaces starvation. I repeat it, then,
the direct, declared, undeniable, and undenied object of
these laws is to raise the price of food in Great Britain.
—(Hear, hear.) The increase of price thus by force of
law effected has been shown to be very great. Those, I
think, who have attended most closely' to the subject
have shown that the price of corn in this country is
raised about 40 per cent. by the existing Corn-law ;
that is to say, we are forced to pay Si. for what we
should otherwise procure for 31., or 12s. for what we
could, were these laws repealed, get for Bs. This is
an enormous pressure• of taxation affecting the whole
community. In . the payment of , this tax there is
neither drawback nor evasion. It affects the whole mass
of consumers ; but it presses with accumulating weight
just as you - descend in the scale. of society, and
Crushes with its' full weight those at the bottom of
the scale, the poor and helpless.--{Hear, hear.) The
Rev. Doctor at some -length • contended that the Corn-
law operated as an income tax on the poor of from fif-
teen VS twenty per cent., while it diminishedlia:s ;tri as-,
seelided the scale of society, till among therieh [ nit;
imperceptible ; and their necessary' effeef I,isi to ce,
Oarcit.y, straits, and discomfort among the la 'a o' s,
otifintia , spare the rich. The laws astral-I ought:net to ' 1'
4
,)„,e the known will.and laws -of God. Vie moral lair'
of GO is the expression- of his own character, wisejtiet,
and good. If the exposition which has been given of
I:- nature and operation of thew, enactments bo, just,.
c we come to any other conclusion• than this verrso:'
lenth ono—that they are in direct opposition to the
known character of the Supreme Ruler,,that they are di-
rect violationS Of hii will and law? Can the righteous G6d
sanction the unjust laws of his creatures? Can the God
of mercy sanction oppression? Can lie who has revealed
himself as the guardian of the poor, who has taught us to
celebrate the government of his Son in -such. strains as
these, " lfe shall judge the poor of the people ; *he shall
save the children of the needy, and break in pieces' the
oppressor r—can He approve of those . unrighteous
and merciless statutes which spread oppression and suf-
fering through every cottage in the land ?—(Hear.) The
very worst form that injustice and oppression can as-
sume is that of laws which involve and sanction them. In
this case you set 'at nought this appointment of the
Supreme Ruler, • " He that •ruleth among men," be he
Prince or Senator, " should be just, ruling in the fear
of God." You place your authority in the perilous posi-
tion of antagonism to His—you so multiply difficulties in
the. way of redress, as to render a lifetime of labour neces-
sary to accomplish it--you produce the wish of national
convulsion—and, more than all, you all the while expose
your country to the gathering storm of the Divine indig-
nation, proclaiming in vain, "Cease to do evil ; learn to
do well ; put away the evil of your doings from before
mine eyes." For myself; so Strongly am 1 convinced of
the flagrant wickedness in the' sight of God which these
laws include, that if no other object were to be gained by
this Conference than to record our solemn protest against
this national sin, I think the end would justify the means.
We do record our protest. Before God and man we dis-
avow these wicked laws ; we never consented to them ;
we never shall. On other heads than ours the responsi-
bility of their formations their continuance, their enor-
mous wrongs, must rest. All we wish is—their repeal
for ever.—(Cheers.) He 'condemned the view taken by
the higher ranks- of—the aristocracy, that these laws are
in favour of the country, and that they. are objected to
only by clamorous manufacturers and discontented ope-
ratives, who do not know what is good for them. Ile
demurred to keeping anon dependent in order that they
might become the subjects of benevolence. It may be
said that by the representations we are making we are
misleading the industrious classes, by leading them to
form exaggerated views of. the advantages to be reaped
from the abolition of these laws, and by exciting them
unduly, if their wishes are denied them. As to the .for-
mer it is quite possible that the evil has been continued
60 lung as that' its effects may outlive their cause. • The
devastation produced . by. the . torrent may not dis-
appear the moment you close the sluice and stop its
flow. That only shows that,the sluice should have been

shut sooner, or should never have been opened at all ;
but it is no reason why you should keep it open
still to perpetuate and augment the havoc. Stop
it at once, and we shall then =be in a condition to
set about remedying the mischief you have already
wrought.(Cheers.) As to the excitement of the people,
I shall only say, that while we wish the entire people
peacefully but resolutely roused to do their duty by legal
_means, there never was an assembly, not within St.
Stephen's itself, who would with more unanimity con-
demn all outrage, all violence, all insurrectionary tu-
mult, than this meeting. Why are we now reduced to
our present necessity of universal movement ? Why
have we not a Government in sympathy with our wishes?
England has done it all. I trust Scotland and Ireland,
.11 continue to • point the finger, not of scorn, but of
,stern reproof, to their sister England, until the blush of
honest shame, shall cover her ; until England shall re-
pent and amend.; and then the.people of the three por-
tions of the empire shall, with united voice, demand this
petition, or rather claim of right, that•—these laws be
abolished.—(Cheers.)
The motion was also supported by the Rev. Mr.
CAMPBELL, of Greenock ; after which
Mr. A3xEits, farmer, appeared on the platform, and
in answer to several questions by the Chairman, stated
that the size of his farm was 146 imperial acres—that
he paid a grain rent—that under present circumstances
he did not think it would be safe to take a farm at a
money, rental-- that in the event of the repeal of the
Corn-laws he did not think farmers paying grain rents
would suffer much ; but that farmers paying fixed
money rents would suffer most severely—that he thought
in the event of repeal the present tenants ought to be
relieved of their leases, and a new arrangement entered
into—the farm valued; and the money converted into a
grain rent—that perhaps the most convenient way, though
it would be unfavourable for the farmer, would be to take
it at an average of the last seven years—that he did think
farmers would have considerable advantages in one re-
spect from a repeal of the Corn-laws, for they would in
that way obtain higher, prices for their wool and for
fatted animals ; as a proof of which he might state, that
in 1836 wool brought double the price it did now, owing
to the demand. that then existed for home consumption
—that he did not think a considerable 'quantity of
arable land would be thrown out of cultivation if wheat
were at 50s. per quarter, as inferior sorts were valuable
for turnips, and grass was always valuable for rearing
young stock.

The motion was then put and carried unanimously.
The next. motion was moved, seconded, and supported
by-Dr. Beattie, of Glasgow, Bailie Smith, of Stirling,
Air. Wilson, manufacturer, Haviick, Dr. Young, pro-
prietor and farmer, Aluckhart, after which it was unani-
mously agreed to.
Mr. GnonoEiTnostrsoN moved the sixth resolution,
in a speech which lasted upwards of an hour, and was
enthusiastically cheered ; after which the meeting ad-
journed
till to-day.
THE SOIREE.

i In the evening a'soiree of *tlTC.mernbers and friends of
the Conference was held in the Waterloo Rooms, which
was crowded on the occasion. John Dunlop, Esq.,
presided as Chairman. William. Ewart, I:sq., M.P.,
addressed the meeting on the injustice and im-
policy of laws-made for the advantage of the few at
the expense of the many ; the best means of accom-
plishing the, removal of the grievances created by class
legislation ; and of obtaining equal laws for, and the re•
cognition of the just rights of, all classes.—The Reverend
William Lindsay Alexander, on the testimony of reason,
scripture, and history, against laws tending to heighten
the price of food in a nation.—The Rev. Francis Muir,
on the influence of free trade in extending and perpe-
tuating the blessings of. peace among the nations of the
world.—Mr. Wallace, M.P., urged the ladies to unite in
agitating cal this question.—The Rev. Robert Wilson, of
Greenock, addressed the meeting on the influence of
free trade in extending the lights of science, and in dif-
fusing the principles of civil and religious liberty all over
the world ; and George Thompson, ESq., on its influ-
ence in disseminating the blessings, and in accelerating
the triumphs, of Christianity over the earth. The meet-
ing did not separate till near midnight.

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF PEERS.
CONTINUATION OF THEDISCUSSION ON THE ADDRESS.
M. Cousin, former colleague of M. Thiers, then rose
o say a few words in vindication of the policy which
he Cabinet'of the Ist of March had followed with re-
gard to Eastern affairs, and appealed to' inexorable his-
tory to do justice to that Cabinet.
The following paragraph was then put to the vote:—
" Your Majesty has ordained important diminutions in
the public burdens. These diminutions, however, have
not sufficed to establish the equilibrium in the receipts
and expenditure of the State, which is as necessary as
it is universally desired. We will endeavour to obtain
this equilibrium without reducing our military and naval
strength beneath what is requisite for the dignity of
France, and without postponing the public works which
are called for by the country."
M. Cousin proposed, that after the words, "we will
endeavour to obtain this equilibrium," there should be
added "without weakening our military organization," &c.
Marshal Soult was of opinion that the address went
even further than the speech from the throne in its allu-
sion to the question under consideration, and then pro-
ceeded to give. the following explanation of the Ordinance
relative to the army, dated the Bth of September :—He
said, " The intent of this Ordinance is not a new organi-
zation of the army, as has been said, but a fixation of the
cadres. In proposing it to the King I had not the
slightest idea of infringing the rights of the Chambers :
I acknowledge, as has been observed by M. Dupin, and
as is my duty, that the Chambers must necessarily be
called upon in voting the required credits to give its de-
cision upon the effective force of the army. But the
question of cadres is distinct from that of ale effective
force, and by no means operates upon it. In fact, the
cadres, as defined by the Ordinance of September 8, bear
a proportion of no more than one-fourth to the effective
army. Hence it ensues, that when the Government
demands a credit fur the maintenance of a certain
force, it belongs to the Chamber to grant or refuse
it ; but it is only. upon the effective force it has
to decide, and not upon the organization of the cadres.
The Marshal concluded by saying, that before the end
of the year 1842 all the officers would be replaced, and
that at the present moment 309 had been already placed
on the list of active service—that was to say, of the
cadres of 300 companies, 103 had been replaced. The
real force of the army, he said, was intact, for there
would-be 594,000 disposablemen on the reserve, but un-
paid, who would be reviewed twice a year,' and always
ready for service.
M. Cousin then withdrew his amendment, and the
paragraph was carried without further opposition.
The following paragraph was then read:—
" The extension of the commercial relations of France
is the object of your Majesty's solicitude.. Neg;oliations
are proceeding by, your order. Your profound wisdom
does not lose sight of the necessity of maintaining the
protection secured to national labour by a legislation
which, by guaranteeing the security of our agricultural
and manufacturing interests, has so powerfully contri-
buted to the wealth and prosperity of France."
The Marquis de Boissy asked the Minister for Foreign
Affairs if the proposed eommercial treaty with Belgium
had been abandoned ? He entreated him to put an end
to the alarm Which the announcement of this treaty had,
said the Noble Peer, created in the country 4
Count d'Argout said, the first principle of the, country,
connected with industry, was protection—not permanent
and exaggerated protection, but such as would be suffi-
cient to preserve it from ruin by foreign competition.
The Noble Peer then took a review of the position of
Belgium, which' had, he said, been brought to a financial
crisis by false speculation, and added, that although
from what he had said it was not to be laid down as a
principle that France could enter into no commercial
treaty with Belgium, still it would be well not to allow
that country to indemnify itself for its recent losses at
the expense of the Freech nation. He concluded by
saying that it was impossible, to make any new conces-
sions to Belgium without injury to the commercial inte-
rests of this country.
Baron Daunant now said, frdm his place, time he had
a sfroposition to subMit to.the Chamber, founded on Art.
15 of the law of March 25, 1822, in virtue of which he re-
quested the Chamber to call to its' bar the responsible
Editor of a journal, who hall that dayinserted an insult-
ing article upon the Chamber. The Noble Peer having
ascended the tribune at the request of several Peers, then
said,—The Chamber, in the performance of its 'duties, is
,habituated to-calumny, but it it has frequently disdained
to punish, it has sometimes thought fit to repress insult
when too outrageous against one of the powers of the
State. To-day, Gentlemen, I have to direct your atten-
tion to an article which attacks, in the highest
.degyee,
the Tespect due to the Chamber. Itis in the Siecle, and
is as follows :—" The public does not require to be in-
formed that the Chamber of Peers, although embellished
'by the moderation of M. Merilhou, the gravity of M.
Viennet, and the profound wisdom of M. d'Alton Shee, has
been long absorbed in the importance of the Court ofPeers,
This reflection dispenses us from enlarging on the sort
of political conversation which has taken place in the
Salon du !Luxembourg on the occasion, on a piracy, of
the speech from the throne, called the Addresg of the
Chamber of Peers. We have, upon all that' has been
said, only one regret to express; it is, that men who,
like the Prince de la Moskowa, show themselves to be
animated by truly patriotic feelings, cannot make them-
selves heard at another tribune. We have also only one
remark to make; it is, that a certain Monsieur Boissy,
who has been created a Peer solely because he is rich, hai4
stated that amongst the enemies of the Government
figure in the first line those who do not possess property.
It is a great crime, it seems, in the eyes of this person-
age and many others, not to possess vast domains and
rents like him. In fact, is it conceivable that people who
have nothing, should be so audacious as to think that the
Government owes protection to them as well as to other
citizens !"
The Noble Peer added, that this insulting article was
rendered still more so by another reflection in another
part of the same paper, namely :
" As we have said above, we should not have paid
any attention to the pretended discussion of the Address
of the Chamber of Peers, if we had not wished to show
the impropriety of the words uttered by M. Boissy."
Thus, Gentlemen, said Baron.Daunant, the Chamber
of Peers is transformed into a saloon, and the Peerage
no longer constitutes a political body in the State. This
is an insult which ought to be condemned. I therefore
move that the responsible editor of the Siecle be called
to appear at the bar of this Chamber, in order that he
may answer to it for the article I have just quoted.—
(Movement.)
Count Turgot thought that the Chamber, which was'
not now numerous enough to debate, should adjourn
this motion till next day.
The President said, it was not usual to postpone the
consideration of such motions,
The Vicomte Dubouchage suggested that-the question
might be placed within the cogniknce of a-
(Cries of "-No, no.")
M. Cousin was decidedly of opinion that the Chamber