The Sun.
London, England, 1829-08-01 00:00:00

NOTICE.

The Governor-General invites ihe comtnttnication of all
suggestions tending to promote any branch of national in-
dustry; to improve the commercial intercourse by land
and water; to amend any defects in the existing establish-
tnents ; to encourage the diffusion of education and useful
knowledge; and to advance the general prosperity and
happiness of the British empire in India.
This invitation is addressed to all Native Gentlemen,
Landholders, Merchants, and others, to all Eumpeans both
in and out of the Service, including that useful and re-
spectable body of men, the Indigo Planters, who, from
their uninterrupted residence in the Mofussil, have peculiar
opportunities of forming an opinion upon some of these
subjects.

Communications to be addressed to the Private or Ali
tary Secretary of the Governor-General.
By command,
A. DOBBS, Private Secretary.
Government-bottle, Feb. 23, 1829.

It is gratifying to see this fresh proof of the
vigorous and active benevolence with which this
able nobleman is applying himself to the duties
of his high office. He does not indolently re-
pose on his hard and well-earned reputation ; he
does not consider an appointment, with which
the welfare of a hundred millions of people is
connected, as a splendid or pleasurable sinecure,
but as an office of awful responsibility, demand-
ing the exertion of his most earnest vigilance and
most energetic perseverance. Perhaps it would
not be possible, in the longest and most elabo-
rate treatise, to describe the duties appertaining
to the office of Governor-General of India in
more accurate and explicit terms than the short
and simple sentences which constitute the ad-
dress to which we are referring. Every thing
which relates to the moral or the political hap-
piness of the people is comprised in these few
lines ; and not only does this comprehensive
notice include every important topic of inquiry,
but it is written in that spirit of frankness and
courtesy which disarms 'distrust and prejudice,
and conciliates hostility ; for it affects no mys-
teries of statesmanship, but declares openly the
object intended, and invites cordially the co-
operation of all classes of the natives, who al-
most for the first time find themselves addressed
in the language of confidence and respect. What
the result of these investigations may be, we can-
not predict to the full extent : good must arise
from any investigation honestly and intelligently
conducted; but to produce all the good con-
templated by the noble author of the inquiry, it
will be necessary that his successors for many
years to come should be as sagacious, as active,
and benevolent as himself. But let the good
seed be sown, and we have no doubt of the ul-
timate beauty and usefulness of the plant, though
untoward accidents may retard its growth. At
all events, Lord William Bentinck has shown
that he understands the theoretical duties of his
office, aPd, if he lives, will, we have no doubt,
show that he can execute what he plans. How
much purer and more dignified is the reputation
resulting from such an administration, than the
fame which is sought by that bustling mania for
conquest, or that extravagant ostentation, for
which some of Lord William Bentinck's prede-
cessors have been but too remarkable !—Times.

We publish the regulations, such as they really
are, which have been adopted by the Honour-
able Benchers of the Inner Temple. It does
certainly appear to us to he just and proper to
require a specific degree of general attainment in
those who are admitted to keep their terms as
law students, as well as of legal knowledge in
those who are called to the bar ; and this is all
that these resolutions require : it would certainly
be insolent and cruel to require a qualification in
money. Degrees in the University may, we
think, be admitted as a proof of competence, be-
cause they are not attained without proper exa-
minations. In truth, however, the graduate
would have no occasion to dread a fresh exami-
nation on his admission as a student: so that the
latter examination, we apprehend, is matter of
indifference. But it may be said that no man
can get learning without money. Very well:
then the profession will generally obtain the same
end, of receiving only persons of a certain rank
in life by less invidious means than if money
were made the direct test of competence. Learn-
ing we knew to be necessary,—money not. If
a poor man has talent enough to acquire a know-
ledge of law, he will edgily acquire the know-
ledge here demanded as preliminary to his em-
bracing the profession of a lawyer. Our rule
would not exclude men of remarkable genius and
talent ; for we know, from a variety of instances,
how such men obtain learning, when all the ad-
ventitious circumstances of birth and fortune are
against them. For example, a man has been
known to make his first step in literature by
reading the open pages of books exposed in
shop-windows, and this man afterwards became
an honour to his country as an author, and was
acquainted with all the men of rank of his day.
Ought such a man to have been rejected from
keeping terms because he was poor ? Undoubt-
edly not ; nor would he be by these rules. But
the son of the most wealthy peer or commoner
should be rejected if he wants learning. No one
has a right to find fault if literary competence
only be required. The rest, we presume, will
generally follow. _ _

" Ingenuas didieisse fideliter artes
Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros,"

The following is the substance of the resolutions
relating to the admission of persons in the Inner
Temple, which came into operation on July 10,
1829 :

" Resolved, that it is expedient to exclude, as far
as may be possible, from admission to the bar, per-
sons whose education and previous habits of life do
not afford sufficient testimony of the integrity and
learning which are essential to the dignity of a liberal
profession, and the best titles to the respect and con-
fidence of the public.
" Second, That with a view to effect this desir-
able object, no person be hereafter admitted a student
of this society, without a previous examination by
one barrister of the society, to be named for that
purpose by the Masters of the Bench, and a certi-
ficate, to be signed by the examiner, of the compe-
tency of the candidate for admission in classical at-
tainments and the general subjects of a liberal edu-
cation.

" N.B. There is no order which requires a pe-
cuniary qualification."—Thid.
The Standard of yesterday observes, with re-
ference to our remarks respecting Popery-
- " Our respected contemporary's surprise at our
infatuation, and the arguments by which he jus-
tifies that surprise, are altogether superfluous. We
never said that Popery and Anarchy were identical.
We know as well as any one that Popery and she
most exact and unrelaxing despotism (the logical
contradictory of anarchy) are perfectly compatible;
nay, that they have an elective attraction between
them. We know too, what the examples cited
prove, the possibility of improvement in the me-
chanical arts, under despotisms as ferocious as the
Popish Government of Philip the Second, or_ that
of
any of gin Italian soparchs or Vugacctueo. Wo

know this from the oldest and most authentic his-
tory, viz., the Book of Genesis, where we read that
the Egyptians, the most learned and magnificent
nation then, or perhaps since, existing, lived and im•
proved under the rod of the Pharoahs. All this we
know, aq we hope it is knt9/ti to every man, woman,
and child in Britain; though we trust few of them
would ti.Cept Flemish skill with Flemish cruelty,
Italian art with Italian baseness, and Egyptian mag,
nificence with Egyptian bondage.
" What we did say was, that Popish ascendancy,
or even a strong Popish influence, was inconsistent
with the institutions suitable to a government of
law; and that the attetinpt to Unite principles so dis-
cordant could produce nothing but anarchy—and
the Morning Chronicle cites against us examples of
simple despotism ! We thought, indeed, that tVe had
guarded ourselves against any nitkoneeption 'on the
point, when we atlinitted that, even concurrently
with a Popish influence in Ireland, civil institutions
might be maintained there, by permanent and over-
bearing force; as such institutions were in fact
maintained there during the eighteenth century,
and to the happiness of all, though by force and
force only."
Once for all we must own that we are unable
to understand all these nice distinctions between
governments of law and simple despotisms, un-
der which men make improvements in the me-
chanical arts. We fear our contemporary has
allowed himself to use words without much re-
gard to their meaning. Whenever the arts flou-
rish in any country, and men embark money in
extensive undertakings, with a view to profit,
we may be pretty certain that they are living
under a government of law. Despotism is not
unfrequently used to signify things the most op-
posite to each other ; and hence Prussia and
Turkey are often both called despotisms, just as
Poland and Geneva were both called Republics.
It is obvious that a term which embraces such
opposites is worth nothing. In a country in
which the law is not enforced there can be no
accumulation of property, for property invites
to aggressions ; and it is impossible that the
chief can make free with persons and property
without conceding the same license to those on
whom he depends, as they must be conci-
liated in some way or other. Property, there-
fore, always supposes security and law, and

where property is extensively distributed, there
must be a strong public opinion, the grand re-
straint on the disposition to misgovern. There is
not a man in Prussia, who, in times of general
tranquillity, does not feel himself as secure with
regard to person and property, as any man in
England can feel himself. He knows that he

lives under a Government of law, and that what-
ever influence the King may have in altering
existing laws, or enacting new laws (and the King
only chooses the functionaries by whom the Go-
vernment is carried on), so long as the law exists
it must be respected by the King as much as the
meanest subject. The Government of a civilized
country must act in accordance with the opinion
of a great portion of the people. It may act
unwisely--it may act unjustly, but it cannot long
set the opinion of the people at defiance. During
times of danger, real or imaginary, all Govern-
ments act arbitrarily. The supreme power,
whether vested in the Aristocracy or Oligarchy
as in England ; or a King and Council, as in
Prussia, will set aside Habeas Corpus's or other
laws for the protection of the subject, and seize
on all whom it dreads. The greater the danger
the greater will be the liberty taken with the law.
But these are periods of constitutional derange-
ment. The physician can only drive out one
disease by the creation of another. If our con-
temporary look into the History of Lombardy
and the History of the Netherlands, he will find
that the industry of the people took root under
very different Governments from the ferocious
Popish Government of Philip the Second,
and that that Government greatly injured it•

In the works of Count Peter Verri will be
found an instructive account of the gradual
decay of Milanese industry, from the mo-
ment that the inhabitants were placed under the
caprice of Spanish courtiers. It was under the
mild government of the House of Burgundy
that Florentine and Lombard merchants and ar-

tisans formed establishments in the Netherlands,
and when that wealth was possessed by the in-
habitants, of which we have such fascinating de-
scriptions in Philip de Comines ; and it was
only when the ferocious despotism of Spain
pressed on the country, that the prosperity ex-
perienced a decay. In fact, so far from Popery
having been hostile to the ascendancy of Law in
Europe, it is to Popery that we owe the culti-
vation of Law at all during the middle ages.—
The Priests possessed all the knowledge of the.
times, and were assiduous students and practisers
of Law, which was a source of great emolument
to them. Europe unquestionably owes much of
its civilization to the establishment of another

power in the hands of the priests, which served
as a check to that of brute force. Bishops, as
well as Barons, were sometimes, indeed, so far
corrupted by the times, that they lived by high-
way robbery ; and we have of this a notable ex-
ample in an Archbishop of Cologne, who having
built a castle, in a situation whence its support
could not be obtained, and a question having
been put to him as to his views, observed, that
it could easily be kept up, as it stood beside
four highways. But the power of the Catholic
Church was often more beneficially employed ;
and the supremacy asserted by the Pope over
Monarchs, on the ground of his being the
representative of the Roman Emperors, was one
of the most efficient means in reclaiming Europe
from barbarian anarchy. Popery can, no doubt,
be very well dispensed with now ; when we have
built our house, we pull down the scaffold. But
having taken pains to make Ireland a Popish
country, and chosen to govern the inhabitants
not by law, but by force, it is rather carrying the
joke too far, to throw on poor Popery the blame
of the results which necessarily flow from the
system of coercion and violence. The evils of
Ireland are all traceable to the inhabitants being
without that which alone secures obedience to
law—the possession of property. The law is
the enemy of the natives, and they are the ene-
mies of the law.—Morning Chronicle.
The Belfast Northern Whig, in a valuable
article, which we must postpone to a future day,
gives some distressing details of the working of
Orangeism in the county of Tyrone. Murders
are daringly committed in open day, and it is ex-
pected that all Protestants should aid each other

by force and fraud, in setting the law at de-
fiance. To such a lamentable extent has demo-
ralization proceeded among the Presbyterians,
that a venerable clergyman, the Rev. John Bridge,
Seceding Minister of Castle Caulfield, has been
compelled by the Presbyterian Synod of Ireland,
at their late meeting at Armagh, to abandon his
sacred office, because he refused to perjure
himself to save a murderer. " The Synod"
says the Northern Whig " bowed to the
tyranny of faction, and decreed that the con-
gregation of Castle-Caulfield should choose an
assistant and successor to Mr. Bridge, and that
the former should receive the stipend and-portion
of the Government bounty. To the credit of

the Synod, however be it told, the great majo-
rity of the Ministers voted against this unjust
decision; bit the Orange faction were upon the
al'e'rt—the Elders mustered strong—the Synod
was bullied, and the Minister was punished for
obeying the precepts of his divine Master !" Sit
murders had been committed in the course of
one year before the house of Mr. Bridge; pre-
vious to the case as to which he *as required to
perjure himself. " Priest Bridge, Papist Bridge,
were the usual expressions they made use of,
when speaking of a man whose only offence was,
that he would not commit the soul-condemning
offence of perjury, to save the life of one of their
brethren.' " There was a time (adds our con-
temporary) when the Presbyterian Church was
uncontaminated by such pollutions. There was
a time when the secession body, of whom we
have been speaking, would not have admitted a
sworn party man into its communion. But
Ichabod, Ichabod ! the glory of my house is
departed !' With the exception of the covenan-
ters the contagion of party spirit has infected
every part of the Presbyterian body." The same
paper remarks, that however humiliating the ad-'
mission, the stipendiary Magistrates " should be
strangers in Ireland !"—lbid.
Though Ireland, it is quite notorious, does

not pay any thing like her f;ir share of the joint
taxation of the two countries, it is equally clear
that those who manage such matters are not over

scrupulous as to the amount which she draws

from the joint stock. She is, in some respects,
like a junior partner, who, though bringing but
a small capital into a concern, draws nevertheless
as largely from the business as if he were the

larger contributor. We do not deny that, on the
other hand, England is a gainer, in some re-
spect, by the expenditure of Irish incomes -in this
country—a gain, however, which is far more
than overbalanced by the military and other ex-
penditure which the absenteeism which brings
the money here unfortunately causes. But not
only does Ireland not pay her proportion while
she receives more, but the latter embraces heads,
and is allowed to wanton in a total disregard of
economy, unknown in any of the more numerous
departments of the mother country. Why
Schools, Hospitals, Lunatic Asylums, l3ook
Clubs, and various other institutions of a half-
public half-private character, should be main-
tained out of the public taxes in Ireland, while
in England similar institutions neither derive nor
expect any such support, we never could com-
prehend. At any rate, if taxation is to maintain
all or any of them, it should be a local taxation,
and not taken from the general purse. We will
take, for instance, the metropolitan county of
Middlesex, which may be supposed to contribute
more largely to the general taxation than any
other. The county of Middlesex is called upon
at this moment to raise 100,0001. or some such
enormous sum, for the erection of a Lunatic
Asylum ; yet, though the county of Mid-
dlesex bears all that as a local charge, it
has contributed its share to the payment, out
of the Consolidated Fund, of no less than

107,0001. to the Richmond Lunatic Asylum
in Dublin ; and that while the absentee
landlords of that and every other part of Ireland
draw larger rents from that country, owing to
the absence of that share of local taxation which
the English landowner is subject to. But as an
instance of the careless manner in which public
money is wasted in Ireland—even in small mat-
ters—we would call attention to the one article
of Stationery, under which head nearly 2,0001.
is expended in one year, in the alleged supply
of it to the Lord Lietenant's household. We
say alleged supply, for so far is the allowance
beyond what some of the establishment either
want or expect, that 4571. is given in one year,
in money, to such footmen, cooks, and scullions
of the establishment who probably cannot write,
and therefore do not require pens, ink, paper, or
sealing-wax. And to so gross a height is this
paltry abuse allowed to be carried, that in one
year, on account of changes in the household,
these compensations, though professed to be
annual, were paid three times over. The Corn-
tnittee which has lately examined and brought to
light these abuses recommend that the one we
have here alluded to should be discontinued.
Recommend, indeed Why should it require a
Committee to discover or to recommend that a
system of public plunder should cease? What
a precious state of supervision must exist in
public departments or households, when a dirty
system of cheating and plunder can go on, and
which is merely recommended to be discon-
tinued ; and which, to our apprehension, is
much the same as if so many pickpockets, in-
stead of being consigned to the tread-mill, were
recommended to be less dishonest for the future?
We know of no difference between robbing the
public and plundering individuals ; though,
from its frequency and impunity, we cannot but
suppose that there is a convenient conscience in
some quarters, which renders the other a venial
offence in the eyes of those who commit it, and
of those whose duty it is to check, if not to
punish it.—Morning Herald.

SUMMER ASSIZES.

NORFOLK CIRCUIT-BUCKINGHAM, JULY 30.

RAY V. JOYNSON AND OTHERS.

Mr. 1 AYLoR stated the case on the part of the
plaintiff. It was, in substance, an action brought to
recover compensation in damages for an injury sus-
tained by the plaintiff, in consequence of the defend-
ant having made an excessive distress on his farm
for rent arrear. The plaintiff had been for some
years tenant to the defendant, Joynson, of two farms,
one situate in the parish of Bradenham, the other at
Risborough, in this county.
The Jury found for the defendants.
Mr. Baron Gaßßow finished the business in the
Crown Court on the second day of the assizes, and
nothing of the least public interest occurred in any
of the cases, which were very few.

GAINSBOROUGH, THE PAINTER.—One of
his acquaintances in Bath was Wriastmax, the public
carrier, a kind and worthy man, who loved GAINS-
BOROUGH, and admired his works. In one of his land-
scapes he wished to introduce a horse, and, as the carrier
had a very handsome one, be requested the loan of it for a
day or two, and named his purpose: his generous neigh-
bour bridled it and saddled it, and sent it as a present.
The painter was not a man to be outdone in acts of genero-
sity ; he painted the waggon and horses of his friend, put
his whole family and himself in it, and sent it well framed
to WILTSIIERE, with his kind respects. It is considered a
very capital performance. From 1761, when Garris-
BOROUGH began to exhibit his paintings at the Academy,
till his removal from Bath in 1774, WILTSHBRE was an-
nually employed to carry his pictures to and from London ;
he took great care of them, constantly refused to accept
money, saying, " No—no—l admire painting too much,"
and plunged his hands in his pocket to secure them against
the temptation of the offered payment. Perceiving, how-
ever, that this was not acceptable to the proud artist the
honest carrier hit upon a scheme which pleased both.
" When you think (said he) that I have carried to the
value of a little painting I beg you will let me have one,
Sir ; and I shall be more than paid." In this coin the
painter paid WILTSHERE ; and overpaid him. His son
is still in possession of several of these pictures, and appre-
ciates their value. Many of GAINSBOROUGH'S produc-
tions not so worthily disposed of.— Cunningham's
h