The Sun.
London, England, 1842-09-16 00:00:00

842.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
TIMES.—When the French Government offered
to Belgium an exemption from the augmentation of
the duties levied on the linens and linen-yarns im-
ported from other countries, we pointed out as clearly
and strongly as we could, the dangerous and short-
sighted policy of accepting a favour which tended to
place the liberal commercial system -of Belgium at
the beck of the protective, or rather prohibitive system
of France. The prosperity of the trade and manu-
factures of Belgium cannot be permanently promoted
by privileges granted to one branch of her industry at
the expense of all the rest ; nor can her commercial
welfare, which depends on the use she may make of
her territorial position and natural advantages, be in-
sured by subserviency to the interested suggestions of
a Foreign Power, which are, in fact, scarcely com-
patible with her political and mercantile independence.
The Belgian Government have prudently lost no time
in showing that they at least attached no such mean-
ing to their recent commercial arrangement with
France ; for no sooner had they reduced their duties on
the wines and silks of France in return for the exemption
from the ordinance increasing the duties on linens and
linen-yarns, than they hastened to extend the benefit of
that reduction to the wines and silk manufactures of
the German Commercial Union. Belgium has acted
wisely in reducing those duties (no promise having
been made to the contrary), and in obtaining advan-
tageous terms from her neighbours in exchange for
such reductions ; but she has exercised the soundest
discretion in refusing to be a party to any of those
pernicious stipulations of exclusive preference, which
impose a burden on the community for the sole pur-
pose of giving the trade of one foreign country an
advantage over the trade of others. If the German
League is inclined to treat with Belgium on the same
terms as France offers to her, Germany has far greater
claims than France in respect of the moderation of her
tariff, the extent of her manufactures, and the nature of
her trade. Not such, however, is the view taken by the
French of the recent measure of the Cabinet of Brus-
sels. It is denounced with great severity by the Journal
des Debats as a breach of amity and a breach of faith ;
whilst, in the tone of an imperious and somewhat
menacing benefactress, France accuses Belgium of
ingratitude for past benefits and indifference to
their common interests. The considerations arising
out of the political analogies which exist in the two
countries have little to do with the question ; nor can
it be admitted by the rest of Europe that Belgium
owes to France any peculiar debt of gratitude for her
national existence, since that existence is equally gua-
ranteed by all the Powers. Commercially speaking,
France seeks to unite Belgium to herself by drawing
her within the circle of her own exclusive system, and
consequently, by shutting her ports and rivers and
railroads against the rest of Europe ; whilst Germany
and England seek to consolidate the independence and
prosperity of Belgium by opening more easy and ex-
tensive communications between her and all her
neighbours. Between these two influences it would
be treasonable in a Belgian Minister to hesitate. King
Leopold's Cabinet should be perfectly ready to treat
on fair and liberal principles with any or with all-'—but
to grant exclusive concessions to none ; and, in the pre-
sent instance, they seem to have adhered to this excel-
lent rule. In all the useful arts, in agriculture, manu-
factures, and the means of transport by land and by
water, Belgium is as much ahead of France as
France is superior to Belgium in political influence
and military power. To place the commercial in-
terests of Handers under the present commercial
legislation of France would be as fatal to them
as the prohibitive tariffs of Russia, France, or Spain
would be to Germany or England. In such an union
the prejudices and restrictive interests would all be
on the side of the stronger Power; and Belgium may
collect from the spirit and tone of France upon the
present occasion what she would have to expect from
the counsels or mandates of such an ally. The German
League has been formed, and is maintained by the
scrupulous forbearance of Prussia in her relations
with the smallest members of that body ; and, collec-
tively, those smaller members are more than a match
for Prussia : but between Belgium and France there
would be no such forbearance, and the improvement
of the lesser State would be chained down by the
inertia of her powerful neighbour. Already one por-
tion of the French press declares that in treating wih
the German League Belgium has offered an affront to
the national honour of France, to which the Journal
des Debats replies that such an affront is impossible,
because it would exceed the utmost bounds of pre-
sumption and folly. Upon these terms we may dis-
miss all fear of a speedy union between the two coun-
tries • and Belgium will, we trust, continue to grow
in independent prosperity and in commercial inter-
course with the rest of Europe. _ _ _

POST.—The intelligence from the United States
brought by the Britannia, which arrived yesterday at
Liverpool, is of the greatest importance and of a most
gratifying character. The treaty concluded by Lord
Ashburton with the Executive Government of the
American Union has received the sanction of the Se-
nate, and thus an end has been put, by the judicious
policy of the present Administration of Great Britain,
to a number of disputed questions that have long been
permitted to subsist, and each one of which might at
any one moment have become, under the manage-
ment of less prudent statesmen, the source of a war,
calamitous in its results not only to the two nations
directly engaged in it, but to the whole civilised world.
We cannot express our feelings on this occasion more
suitably than by borrowing the appropriate language
of an American Journal :—" We do not know," says
the New York Journal of Commerce, " that we ever
envied Napoleon his glory, or Caesar his triumphs, or
Crcesus his wealth. To swell the tide of human
wretchedness—to deluge a continent with blood—this it
is which achieves earthly glory; and wealth often
comes of extortion, meanness, and fraud. But there
is no such drawback upon the satisfaction which Lord
Ashburton and Daniel Webster must feel, in looking
at the noble monument they have reared; a monu-
ment greater and loftier and more gloriousin its moral
aspect than in any other. Whoever examines the
pages of history, will find that most wars have arisen
from very trivial causes. The controversies which
have been
.adjusted by the present treaty might easily,
with bad" Management, have been made the occasion
of a long and bloody war, in which every blow in-
flicted by either party would not only have told upon
its object, but rebounded upon its author. It is an
auspicious omen that such controversies can be settled
between powerful nations on principles of justice
and mutual concession. England :deserves much
credit for making the first decided overture for such
an issue, and America for the readiness with which
she accepted the proffered hand. It seems now as if
there might be a more cordial good will existing be-
tween the two countries than ever before, and of lon-
ger continuance. Heaven grant that it may be so."
We have extracted also from the American journals
the new commercial tariff, passed by the two Houses
of Congress, and accepted 17 the President. The Act
embodying this new tariff of import duties is the
same as that formerly vetoed by the President, with
the exception that it does not contain the clause for
the distribution of revenue, to which, upon constitu-
tional grounds, Mr. Tyler had objected. Upon the
merits of this measure we do not offer any opinion.
This is a question upon which the people of the Uni-
ted States have a right to be the exclusive judges,
and their judgment seems to be in its favour.
CHRONICLE.—" The movements of Provi-
dence," exclaims Guizot, " are not restricted 'to
narrow bounds ; it is not anxious to deduce to-day
the consequence of the premises it laid down yester-
day. It may defer this for ages, till the fulness of
time shall come. Its- logic will not be less conclusive
for reasoning slowly. Providence moves through
time, as the gods of kmer throuh space—it makes
a step, and ages have rolled away..' Reflections cog-
nate to these must have been swimming in the- brain
of that writer in the Times, who yesterday announced
that the union with Scotland is still incomplete, but
that—to quote his clinching and conclusive language
a Royal progress, such as that now made by
Queen Victoria, has the very beat effect in tending to
promote, though insensibly, this desirable consumma-
tion." Really, if this were properly represented to
to her Majesty, we do believe she would not leave a
spot in "braid Scotland" unvisited, in her zeal
" to promote, though insensibly, this desirable con-
summation." Having fairly completed the union
with Scotland, we presume that the Queen would
cross over to Ireland, there "to promote,
though insensibly," a similar " desirable con-
summation." If; however, we 'may venture to
draw any inference from the philosophy of the Times,
we may presume that it considers the unicn with Ire-
land much more " complete " than thd union with
Scotland. This most desirable consummation "
has not been effected by a " steam-bridge across the
Channel," as some dull, matter-of fact people suppose.
The all-powerful reason why, in spite of the great
difference in point of time, the union with Ireland
has made greater progress than the union with Scot-
land, is simply this—the Roman Catholic country has
an Episcopal establisliment, but the Presbyterian
country has not. Let us approach this great subject,
namely—the completion of the union with Scotland—
in a spirit worthy of its great hcportance, and be-
fitting the gravity with which it has been broached.
It draws nigh now to two centuries and a half since
James I. ascended the English throne, and addressed
himself with anxious, earnest, but unsuccessful dili-
gence to complete the union with Scotland. Some 188
years ago, Cromwell, in his arbitrary way, issued
an edict, causing Scotland to be " made one common-
wealth with England," but his scheme fell to the
ground with the duration of his own power. The
subject was agitated in the time of Charles 11., and in
that of William : the latter Monarch told Defoe, " be
had done all he could in that affair, but that he did
not see a temper in either nation that looked like it ;"
and added, after some discourse, " that it might be
done, but not yet." The time at last did come • the
union with Scotland was effected, if not "completed,''