The Sun.
London, England, 1820-03-31 00:00:00

clusions ?

These, then, are the reasons why I look with jealousrat Par-
liamentary Reform. I look at it with still more jealousy, be-
cause in one of the two- classes of men who co-operate in sup-
port of that question, I never yet found any two individuals
in either class who held the same doctrines ; and I never
yet heard any intelligible theory of reform, except that of the
Radical Reformers. Theirs, I think, it is easy enough to
understand. Lilt for theirs, I certainly am not yet fully pre-
pared. I, for my part, will not consent to take ono step,
without knowing on what principle I am invited to take it,

and (which is, perhaps, of more consequence) without declar-
ing oa what principle I will nut consent that any step, how-
ever harmless, shall be taken. What inure bar mless than to
disfranchise a corrupt Borough in Cornwall, which has ex-
ercised its franchise amiss, and brought shame on itself, and
on the system of which it is part ? Nothing. I have no sort
of objection to doing, as Parliament has often done in such
Cases, (supposing always . the case to be proved), to disfran-
chising the Borough, and rendering it incapable of abusing
its franchise in future. But, though I have no objection to
doing this, I will not do it on the principle of improvement.
I do it on the principle of specific punishment for an offence.
And, I will take good care that no inference shall be drawn
from my consent in this specific case, as to any sweeping con-
currence in a scheme of general alteration.
Nay, I should think it highly disingenuous to suffer the
Radical Reformers to think, that they bad gained a single step

towards the admission of their theory by any such instance of
particular animadrorsion on 'proved misconduct. I consent
to such disfrancliisement ; but I do so, not with a view of

furthering the radical system, but rather of thwarting it. I
am glad to wipe out any blot in the preseut system, because
I mean the present system to stand. I will take away a
franchise, because it has been practically abased, not because
I am at all prepared to inquire into the origin or to discuss
the utility of all such franchises, amy more than I mean to in-
quire, Gentlemen, into your titles to your estates, Disfranchis-
ing Gratnpouud, (if that is to be so,) I mean to save Old
Sarum.

Now, Sir, I hope I deal fairly with the Radical Reformers,
more fairly than those who would suffer it to be supposed,
that the disfranchisement of Gram pound is to be the beginning
of a system of Reform: while they know, and I bope'inean as
well as I do, net to reform (in the sense of change) but to
preserve the Constituzion. I would not delude the Reformers,
if I could ; and I know it would be quite useless to attempt a
delusion upon persons quite as sagacious in their generation
as any moderate Reformers or Anti-Reformers of us all. They
know full well that the %Vhigs have no more notion than I
have of parting with the close boroughs. Not they. indeetlb
large, and perhaps the larger part of them are in their
hands. Why, in the assembly to which you send we, Gentle-
men, some of those who sit on the same side with me repre-
sent, to be sore, less popular places than Liverpool:--but on
the bench immediately over against me I descry scarce any
other sort of Representatives than Members for close, or, if
you will, for rotten boroughs. To suppose, therefore, that
our political opponents have any thoughts of getting rid of
the close boroughs, would be a gross delusion; and I have no
doubt, they will be quite as fair and open with the Reformers
OH this point as I am.

And why, Gent lemen, is it that I am satisfied with a system,
which it is said no man can support who is not in love with
corruption ? Is it that I, more than any other man, am afraid
to face a popular election ? To the last question you can give
the answer. To the former I will answer for myself. Ido
verily believe, as I have already sai, that a complete and per-

feet democratical representation, such as the Reformers aim
at, cannot exist as part of a mixed Government. It may exist,
and for aught I know or care, may exist beneficially as a
whole. But lam not sent to Parliament to inquire into the
question whether a democracy or a monarchy be the best.—
My lot is cast under the British Monarchy. Under that I
have lived, under that 1 have seen my country flourish, under
that I hare seen it enjoy as great a share of prosperity, of
happiness, and of glory, as I believe any modification of
human society to be capable of bestowing; and I am not pre-
pared to sacrifice or to hazard the fruit of centuries of expe-
rience, of centuries of struggles, and of more than one cen-
tury of liberty as perfect as ever blessed any country upon the
earth, for visionary schemes of ideal perfectibility, or doubts
Gal experiments even of possible improvement.
I am, therefore, for the House of Commons as a part, and
not as the whole of the Government. And, as a part of the
Government, I hold it to be frantic to suppose, that from the
election of Menthe's of Parliament, you can altogether ex-
clude, by any contrivance, even if it were desirable to do so,
the influence of property rank, talents, family connexion, and
whatever else, in the radical language of the day, is consi-
dered as intimidation or corruption. I believe, that if a Re-
form to the extent of that demanded by the Radical Reformers
were granted, you would, before an annual election came
round, find that there were new connexions grown up which
you must again destroy, new influence acquired which you
must dispossess of its authority, and that in these fruitless at-
tempts at unattainable purity you were working against the
natural current of human nature.

I believe, therefore, that contrive how you will, some such
human motives of action will find room to operate in the
election of Members of Parliament. I think that it must and
ought to be so, unless you mean to exclude from the concerns
of the nation all inert wealth, all inactive talent, the retired,
the aged, and the infirm, all who cannot face popular assem-
blies or engage in busy life; in short, unless you have found
some expedient fur disarming property of influence, without
(what I hope we are nut yet ripe for) the abolition of pro-
-etrty itself.

I would hare by choice—if the choice were yet to he made—

I would have in the House of Commons great variety of inte-
rests, and I would have them find their way there by a great
variety of rights of election; satisfied that Uniformity of elec-
tion would produce any thing but a just representation of va-
rious interests. As to the close Boroughs, I know that
through them have found their way into the House of Com-
mons men whose talents have been an honour to their hind,
and whose names are interwoven with the history of their
country. I cannot thinl; that system altogether vicious which
has produced such fruits. I cannot think that there should
he but one road into that Assembly, or that no man should
he presumed tit for the deliberations of a Senate, who has
not had the nerves previously to face the storms of the
hustings.

I need nut say, Gentlemen, that r am one of the last taco
to disparage the utility and dighity of popular elections. I
have good cause to speak of them in far different language.
fiat, among nunib,7l,3s other considerations which endear to
me the favuoi-i wil;:d. I Lave recuirca at your panda, 4 coo-.

fess it is that as yz;at Representative, I am enabled to
speak my genuine sentiments on this (as I thinkit), vital
question of Parliamentary Reform, without the imputation
of slit inking from popular canvass, or of seeking shelter for
myself in that species of Representation which, as an element
in the composition of Parliament, I never shall cease to de-
fend.

But, Gentlemen, though the question of reform is made the
pretext'of those persons who have vexed the country for some
months, I verily believe that there arc very few even of them
who either give credit to their own exaggerations, or care much
about the improvements which they recommend. Why, do
we not see that the most violent of the Reformers of the day

are ai►ning at seats in that assembly, which, according to
their own theories, they should have left to wallow its its
own pollution, discountenanced and unredeemed ? It is true, -
that if they had found their way there, they might have en-
deavoured to bring us to a sense of our misdeeds, and to urge
us to redeem our character by some self-condemning ordi-
nance; but would not the authority of their names, as our
associates, have more than counterbalanced the force of their
eloquence as our Reformers ?

But, Gentlemen, I ani for the whole Constitution. The
liberty of the subjeci as much depends on the maintenance of
the Constitutional Prerogatives of the Crown, on t he acknow-
ledgment of the legitimate power of the other House of Par-
liament, as it does in upholding that supreme power (for
such is the power of the purse) which resides in the demo-
cratical branch of the Constitution. Whatever beyond its
just proportion was gained by one part, 'would be gained at
the expence of the whole; and the balance is now, perhaps,
as nearly poised as human wisdom can adjust it. I fear to
touch that balance the disturbance of which might bring
confusion on the nation.

Gentlemen, I trust there are few, very few, reasonable arid
enlightened men ready to lend themselves to projects of con-
fusion. But I confess I very much wish, that alt who are not
ready to do so would consider the ill effect of any countenance
given, publicly or by apparent implication, to those whom, in
their hearts and judgments, they despise. I remember that
most excellent and able man, Mr. Wilberforce, once saying in
the Elouse of Commons, that be "never believed au opposition
really to wish mischief to the country; tbatlhey only wishe
just so much mischief as might drive their opponents out,and
place themselves in their room." Now, Gentlemen, I cannot
help thinking, that there are some persons taniperingwith the
question of Refoim something in the same spirit. They do not
go so far as the Reformers ; they even state irreconcilable dif-
ferences;• but to a certain extent they agree andevenco-operate
with them. They co-operate with them in inflaming the pub-
lic feeling net only against the Government, hitt against the .
support given 5) Parliament to that Government, is the hope,
no doubt, of attracting to themselves the popularity which is
lost to their opponents, and thus being enabled to detect and
retrieve the errors of a displaced Administration. Vain and
hopeless task to raise such a spirit and think to govern it:
They may stimulate the steeds into fury, till the chariot is
hurried to the brink of a precipice; but do they flatter them-
selves that they can then leap in, and, hurling the incompetent
driver from his seat, check the reins just in time to turn from
the precipice and avoid the fall ? I fear they would attempt
it in vain. The impulse once given, may be too impetuous to
be controlled, and, intending only to change the guidanCe of
the machine, they may hurry it and themselves to irretriev-
abledestruction.

May every man who has a stake in the country, whether
from situation, from character, from wealth, from his
and from the hopes of his children,—may every man who has
a sense of the blessings fur which he is indebted to the form
of Government under which he lives, see that the time ;ls
come, at which his decision must be taken, and, when once
taken, stedfastly acted upon—for, or ogaing the instihdiaras
of the Monarchy. The time is come at which there
is but tins line of demarcation. Ou which side of that line
we, Gentlemen, shall range ourselves, our choice has long
ago been made, in acting upon that our common choice,
with my best efforts and exertions, I shall at once faithfully
represent your sentiments and satisfy my own judgment and
conscience. -

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