The Sun.
London, England, 1845-08-02 00:00:00

and that the Constitution which had been grant d by:the three
Powers should be firmly supported, he (Lord Palmerston)
could not persuade, himself that Prussia would
not also concur wit% them, and he could not
believe that their joint efforts would be made in
vain. England had a right, nevertheless, to enjoin a strict
ac:herence to the treaty, and any display of energy on the part
of England could not fail to have a good effect in Greece. In
times of peace England should exercise no political influence,
except that which was used for the benefit of those over whom
it was exercised, He looked on feelings of conquest as sue of
those distinguished relics of bygone days. Instead of looking
for the glory of military conquest, they should look to those
greater glories which consisted in the cultivation of the arts of
peace. It was in the spirit of the people of this country, and
must always be in the spirit of the Government of this country,
be the Government what it may be, to endeavour, as far as its
political influence may extend, that so far it should be exercised
to protect the weak, to rescue the oppressed, to extend civili-
sation, and to confer, as far as they were able to do, the bless-
ings of peace and independence on all nations over whom
they may have any power. There ought to be no
jealousy with regard to England, either in the mind
of the French or Russian power in Greece. They were
bound in duty toexert all the influencetowhich their treaties or
their political position entitled them, to secure to Greece that
happiness which was the object of the treaty of 1827 and 1830.
He had no motion to cake on the subject ; but he could not
read the statements in the public papers, and permit the ses-
sion to pass over without some remarks upon them. He was
sure that the Government felt the same sympathy for Greece,

and he trusted they would do that which would prove success-
ful, through the assistance of the .Greek nation, who owed to
this country the establishment a a 'free Constitution,, and owed
also to this country the further obligiatinn of tieing secured in
the enjoyment of those constitutional privileges which, with the
concurrence of their own Sovereign, had been conferred upon
them. . .

Mr. B. COCHRANE wished to remind the House tha,
K log Otho accepted the throne of Greece on condition that
the stipulations respecting the existence of the new-formed
Constitution should be fully carried out. In 1843, that Sovereign
wielded the sceptre under very different circumstances from
those now existing in his realm. At present the intrigues of
an unprincipled and incompetent Minister harassed and dis-
graced him ; for though the maxim, 4' that the King can do no
wrong," applied t the sovereign power of Greece, yet the
misconduct of a Minister brought odium alike on the Govern-
ment and the Monarch. M. Colletti's conduct was such as to
entail ruin on the State, and stagnation to the commerce of the
country with which he was associated. He not only actively
sowed the seeds of anarchy among the subjects, but sedulously
went about to the Foreign Mariners. codiplaining severely of
the others' conduct. But when Mavrocordato could not make
up a Government collectively of all whom he desired, rather
than injure his country by indecision, or the adoption of a
Ministry solely composed of members opposed to him, he com-
promised successfully, and formed a Government comprehend-
ing the united elements of both parties. What was the feeling
which M. Piscatori entertained of the • character of M.
Colletti? Why, he publicly declared at Athens that that Mi-
nister's interference had brought about all the calamities which
now threatened the country ; for this reason, he could not re-
gret that the subject had been started, as it gave the British
Government an opportunity of expressing its opinion of the
conduct of Ministers abroad. Ile paid a willing tribute to the
admirable course pursued by General Church, but that officer
had himself complained of the vacillation and negligence of the
Government at home.
Sir IL PEEL said he readily admitted that this country
had a special interest in the prosperity of Greece. They stood
in the character of public creditors, and the debt incurred by
Greece had not yet been paid, although she had contracted
obligations which she was unable and unwilling to discharge.
England, therefore, had a special right to interfere and see that
the conditions were fulfilled, at the same time that it guarded
the maintenance of self-government—the safeguard of the inte-
grity and independence of the country. No one was happier
than himself and her Majesty's Government, when despot is
rule was terminated, and a popular Constitution was established
in Greece. England had insisted on the satisfactory fulfilment
of engagements, and complained of the delay; while Greece was
told she could remain passive no longer. At the same time the
Government was unwilling to press too eagerly on Greece for
the fulfilment of these claims. Ile fully agreed with the Noble
Lord that they hail the power to enforce the payment of the
debt; that Greece ought to bear that in mind, and moreover
that they had the right even to take a portion of the revenue
to repay themselves. But they could not resort 'to this extre-
mity at present, without endangering' the ptaen'of that coun-
try, and changing the popular form of government which
now so happily existed there. lie felt he had not the same
opportunity as the Noble Lord opposite (Palmerston), nor
the Hon. Member near him (Mr. B. Cochrane), of discussing
the conduct of certain Ministers, although he was free to en-
tertain his own private opinion on the subject. As a Minister
of this country, it would ill suit him to criticise publicly the
character of M. Colletti, or the Foreign Miniiters with whom
he acted. Such a discussion once commencedwould reach to
limits it were difficult either to anticipate or prevent, and he
therefore thought it would he very unadvisable to enter at all
on so delicate a question. He abstained from expressing any
opinion on these transactions. It had been the subject of represen-
tation from this Government- But he would decline, under pre-
sent circumstances, the expression of any opinion on them.
He concurred in the encomium which had been passed on that
distinguished man, General Church. His character stood too
high to be affected in the slightest degree by any statements
of a derogatory character that had been made respecting him.
As he stated before, those were subjects which he would not
now enter upon. They were matters of representation and
remonstrance from this Government, and of course it could not
be expected that he would follow the Noble Lord into these de-
tails. The Noble Lord had explained very fairly what should
be the conduct of England towarr's other nations—that it
should do justice to all, and b 3 above those petty interferences
which marked the conduct of other countries. He fully
concurred with him, that we should not dictate to
them how they should manage their internal affairs.—( Hear,
hear.) Let this country continue to exhibit that character
and he would never despair of England acquiring that influence
in other nations to which she was justly entitled, and which she
had a great right to claim. Other countries might pursue a
different course, and if any former Government bad by its in-
termeddling interference departed from that dignified position,
their course was very clear, and he had no hesitation in saying
that it would conduce far more than any other to the per-
manent benefit of the country. Those countries who had in-
terfered had alleged, as their reason for doing so, their desire
that the best and most patriotic makshould be selected as Minis-
ter. But if that principle were to he admitted, where was the
proceeding to end? Every country, no matter how opposed
in interest, might claim the same privilege. He was, there-
fore, afraid that the principles contended for by the Noble
Lord were not exactly such as became the dignity of this
country. He did not wish for any English party.
He only wished for such influence as this
country had a legitimate right to acquire. The
Noble Lord said that there never was a period when England
possessed less influence abroad. If the Noble Lord meant an
influence based on an intermeddling and active interference—
if he meant an influence acquired by an officious intrusion into
the internal management of the affairs of other nations, he
admitted at once that England had not that influence. But if
he meant that influence which England had a just right to ex-
pect, and which her exalted position among the nations of the
earth legitimately entitled her to have, he offered to the Noble
Lord a denial as distinct as his asseveration; and he would fol-
low the Noble Lord's example, and would allege no reasons
for that opinion.—( Laughter. ) He would hold himself relieved,
therefore, from going into the subject further, and he would
now conclude by placing his asseveration against that of the
Noble Lord--.( Loud laughter)—as he had produced no facts in
support of his statements.
'lke subject then dropped. •
The House then went into Committee, and a vote of
20,0001. was agreed to for• the sufferers by the late fire
at Quebec.
On the motion that the order of the day be read for bring-
ing up the report on the Joint-Stock Bank (Ireland and Scot-
land) Bill,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained
that it was not his intention to proceed with the Bill, but he
was anxious to give this public notice, that he would hold him-
self at liberty to apply the principles of the Bill to any joint-
stock banks that might be established between the end of the
present session and the beginning of next session. He gave
this public notice, to prevent any injury that might be sus-
tair ed by the ignorance of parties with regard to his intention.
He wished it, therefore, to be understood, that he reserved to
till
interim,
tel
maot (
Government eicaronynmst righthiearneetretnh:eleoersasiaisr
y. .to apply to any , banks that might be
established any regulations that the Government might, in the
The further consideration of the report was then adjourned
The reporton the Fees (Criminal Proceedings) Bill was then
brought up and received.
The Real Property (No. I) Bill was read a third time and
passed, and also the Assignment of Terms Bill.
The Silk Weavers Bill was read a s'cond time.
The Naval Medical Supplemental Fund Society Bill was
read a third time and passed.
The House then adjourned, at Eight o'clock.

ADELAIDE GALLERY.—Yesterday the Indian
Prince Dwarkanauth Tagore, attended by Sir Robert and Lady
Burton, paid a visit to this establishment to witness in operation
the model of Pilbrow's Atmo.pheric Railway. His Highness
inspected the model with the utmost minuteness, and expressed
himself highly gratified with the ingenious invention of Mr.
Pilbrow, who was himself present, and explained to the illus..
trious visitor the' nature of the mechanical construction of the
model. The Prince visited also the other parts of the esta-
blishment, witnessing the various exhibitions going forward
at the time.
Murphy, the Mexican Minister, and the Duke de
Sototnayor, Spanish Minister transacted business yes-
terday at the Foreign-OE9e.