The Sun.
London, England, 1827-03-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A correspondent, whose letter, from considerations 'of
courtesy, we publish, requires to be "enlightened," as he ex-
pressed himself, on two or three points immediately grow-
ing out of the Catholic Question, the arguments on which
question, by the bye, have been so long under the view of
every man in the community, presented in such a variety of
forms, condensed, spun out, " carried home," like Lord
Eldon's papers, " to be read," laid by, re-produced—and
still undecided—that the mere longevity of the debate
affords the same pretext to perverse politicians for their
occasional demands of a " new hearing" as the old
gentleman on the Woolsack finds'ln the everlastingness of
one of his own suits in equity, viz., that " he has forgotten
all about it." If we complain bitterly of the task imposed
upon us, in being called upon to discuss for ever and ever
the merits of this same unaltered question, it is principally
because we have for many years been of opinion that the
merits were all on one side. We are quite conscientious in
affirming, that so far as we can judge, no one argument has
at any time been employed against Catholic Emancipation
which has not been repeatedly and thoroughly refuted. It
has already been our declared opinion, from a reference to
last week's debate, that the question was not likely to be
determined by the weight or force of political reasoning,—
of reasoning unaided by some extrinsic power; and to that
conclusion it does still seem to us that every impartial
mind must have been driven, on a comparison of the
class of men and speeches in favour of making conces-
sions to the Catholics, with those which were arrayed
against them. But, for those who seek, in the words
of our present correspondent, an answer upon an ap-
parently simple, though very general question—viz. " What
advantage would result to the Irish people by conceding
the question ?" we might content ourselves with answer-
frig, first, that it would quiet them. They are now tor-
irented—distracted—a prey to a variety of furious pas-
sions—all concentrated to a single point ;—this concessioe
would tranquillize and compose them—that is one answer
to the inquiry. But it is said; grant this demand, and
they will shortly bring forth another ; give the Catho-
lics constitutional powers and they will employ it in
the extortion of a power which would not he constitu-
tional. Now is this honest in an enemy to emancipa-
tion 9 Ought not the subsequent abuse of a right to be at
least as evident as the right itself, to establish any
moral justification for him who withholds its exercise ?
The Catholics say, that their paramount interest, if admitted
to equal temporal privileges with the body of their Pro-
testant fellow-subjects, would be to maintain the common
welfare and glory of the realm, and offer that sense of their
own good as the best security to us. The Orangemen say,we
know better than you do,what you would conceive to be your
interest; and, therefore, we will tie you neck and heels. But
our immediate correspondent asks, what" connexion there
is between the population of Ireland and emancipation,"
inasmuch as only their Lords and Gentlemen could enjoy
any personal aggrandizement under it ? In the first place,
we ask these interrogators to put themselves in the place
of the Irish Catholics, and to reflect, what would be their
own sensations, if they, the majority of the people of
England, were excluded by a small Catholic minority from
all right to make the laws—from all right to administer
the laws—from all right to impose or negative the impo-
sition of taxes, from all share in the honours which elevate
and distinguish, as well as in the powers which strengthen
and secure the members of a great community, of which
the subjected and humbled portion formed likewise seven-
eighths of the whole. What would be the answer of
an English Protestant, no matter what his rank in
life, to the Catholic, who had the insolence or folly to ask
him, as a preliminary to the restitution of the civil rights
which had been wrested from him, " What advantage
will it be to you, if I put you on a level with myself e"
Would not the fit rejoinder be, " What is that to you
I am the best judge of the lawful uses to which my own
rights of liberty and property may be turned." No man
ought to be tolerated in first disfranchising another, and
then catechising the injured party upon the knowledge he
possesses of the value of that which he has been deprived
of, as the condition on which it will be restored. To quit
again this ground of right, we shall state that one practi-
cal blessing derivable to the poor Catholic peasant from
an admission of the Catholic Peer and Gentleman to his
privileges, would be the acquisition of Parliamentary
trends, who could support him in his frequent claims to
individual justice, now too often withheld from him by
those who look at him and his communion with antipathy
or contempt. A second relief would be from the festering
consciousness that the sect which he belonged to was in
all its parts disgraced. and the faith which he professed
made the ground of his personal degradation. A third
advantage, connected with the two others, and operating
upon the whole mass of Catholics, high and -low, would
he the removal of that dangerous hold now kept over the
minds of all the poorer and more uninstructed Catholics
by those of the upper rank, whose more immediate inte-
rests are involved in the question of Emancipation; and
by which they, or any portion of the gentlemen, as they
call themselves, can at any time rouse the passions of the
multitude to a pitch destructive of the national comfort
and tranquillity. What plea of common grievance could
the Catholic Association now urge for the seduction of the
wretched peasantry to disaffection, if t
both classes ahe brand of political
bondage had not been stamped upon hke
We must add, that the growth of a fair constitutional confi-
dence in the breast of the Catholic peasant towards the
gentleman, as his natural and henceforth competent pro-
tector, would be the most certain and effectual methode of
detaching him from the priest, now his ready, and som-
times insidious, counsellor. No man has ever yet alleged
that. Catholic Emancipation would or could annihilate by
itself all the sources of evil is Ireland; but the wisest
Statesmen in the land have declared, and we agree with
them, that it is that without the grant 0- which domestic
peace can never be established in Irelans. and therefore,
without which, British capital will not be introduced, nor
the means of national industry afforded.—Times.
- A paragraph in this day's journal, under the Lead
of
" Committee of Ship-owners," will inform the public of
the steps which are taken by certain persons possessing or
assuming that title, with respect to the new laws of navi-
gation recommended by Mr. Canning and Mr. Huskisson.
Without much regard of what may be said of us by those
whose proceedings are described in the article, should
be sorry if other more intelligent and respectable persons
were affected by their clamour. Can it be supposed that
we are enemies of the shipping interest—we, who have
maintained and upheld in every way possible. the predo-
minant advantages of commerce ? It might as well be
said, that a man who loves and admires learning is an
enemy to books, by which it is conveyed. In advocating;
the change of the corn laws, what have we done but re-
commended the application and use of s
hipping to a branch
of commerce which has been p:ohibited? Besides, in
laying in ship stores for a voyage, is it not of as great ad-
vantage to the ship-owner to have biscuit cheap, as it is
to the master-manufactr to have bread cheap for
his journeymen y Mr. Cannng and Mr. Huskisson
have been widely, we had almost said wilfully, misun-
derstood.- When they talked of unshackling trade, of
making comment-more free, can it be thought that they
meant to give up sit the advantages of such relaxation to our
rivals? They would have been but moderate servants of the
CrOwn, as well as dull statesmen in their relation to the
country, if such had been their object. No; the case
stands thus :—This nation, with a view to the protection
of its commerce, had, ever since the time of Oliver Crom-
well, imposed a succession of restrictions upon that of
other countries. Our exclusive system was acquiesced in
by our neighbours, partly from the necessity of having our
manufactures at any rate, and partly from the great inferi-
ority of their own mercantile marine. However of late years,
and particularly since the separation of America,other nations
• have begun to fight us at our own weapons; they have
played back our own game upon us, and given us resa le-
sion for restriction, prohibition for prohibition. The con-
sequence of this double interdiction has been the general
stagnation of commerce. What, therefore, Mr. Canning
and Mr. Huskisson have proposed, is to relax the Navi-

gation.Liws by the same gradations according to which
they have been tied up—to undo knot for knot, with those
who are willing to adopt with us so liberal a course; and
if navigation be thus thrown open to any sensible extent,
it would we conceive, be a foul reproach on the maritime
spirit of Great Britain, to say that she could not derive
her just proportion of the advantages spread out for gene-
ral competition. For own parts, we are convinced that
the more free navigation is, the greater will be our share
of it.—lisid.
The class to which Sir Francis Burdett accounts. it so
high an honour to belong—the class which, according to
the Hon. Baronet, forms " the grand distinction of this
country among the nations of the civilized world," which
consists of men unequalled for liberality, for virtue,
and for respectability in every point of view, "in this
country, or any country in the world," does not, it would
appear, receive that credit for its virtue and liberality from
the public in general, which has been so proudly claimed
for it. Nay, at a Court of Common Council of the city
of London held yesterday, Mr. Favell stated, " that as he
was coming to the Court a minute before, he met a
worthy Alderman, one of their representatives in Parlia-
ment, who, at the last election (it might be mentioned as
a proof of the confidence of his fellow-citizens) was placed
at the head of the poll, and who complained that no per-
son who opposed the Landed Interest in the House of
Commons, could be treated with patience or decency ; and
that on the question of the corn laws he had not been able to
obtain a fair hearing. This, he (Mr. Favell) consider-
ed to be a breach of the right of the subject to be heard
by their Representatives ; and he was determined, if
the Hodse of Commons sent him to Newgate for it,
to bring the matter before his fellow-citizens for
their consideration." It is understood, that the Mem-
ber here alluded to was Mr. Alderman Thompson.—
So then " the grand distinction of this country among
the nations of the civilized world" is, that we have a
class of men, who, in cases in which they suppose their
own interests are at variance with the interests of the rest
of the community, not merely decide in favour of them-
selves (as men, we suspect, do all over the world), but do
not even treat their opponents with patience or decency.
We trust the subject will be properly elucidated at the
Common Hall, that the country generally and the rest of
Europe may be made to comprehend wherein our grand
distinction consists. We fear there are too many of us
not sufficiently alive to the magnitude of the blessing we
enjoy, in having a set of men possessed of the largest
estates in Europe; and who possess, besides, so much li-
berality, that they feel disposed to consume the property
of all other persons as well as their own. And yet, we
are persuaded, that the claims advanced by Sir Francis
rest on a solid foundation. The power of consumption is
one of the claims to admiration, which, in all other ani-
mals
than man, is most willingly allowed. The moment
chosen as most advantageous for seeing the Lion and Tiger
at Exeter 'Change, is when they manifest their surprising
powers of consumption. But the unsophisticated part of
mankind have actually the same admiration of great con-
sumers in our own species; and it will always be
difficult to persuade a rustic, that a Squire who weighs
twenty stone is not possessed of a most solid'title to re-
verence. We may therefore see that the nation which pos-
sesses the greatest consumers, possesses in that circum-
stance a grand distinction; and granting the necessity of
preserving this grand distiction, we must not cavil about
the manner in which the means are obtained. If we
will have Chuny, we must let Chuny have a bellyfull.—
We, therefore, cannot go along with those who seek
for qualities in the distinguished class which are incom-
patible with the higher excellence. It has been said they
are, as a body, by no means the best informed in the
country; and an able writer, in the Parliamentary Review
for 1826, even ventures to affirm, " the greater number
of those who compose the Legislative Assemblies of Eng-
land are not accustomed to the business of thought and
reflection at all. Beyond the sphere of ordinary talk, and
a very narrow and superficial observation, they are con-
scious of mere mental vacuity ln this state of
mind, intellectual indolence is always an ingredient, and
along with it moral apathy." But if men possess with-
out any effort what gives to their nation the exclusive pos-
session of a grand distinction, a distinction more univer-
sally admired than any derived from labour or study,
(which men only betake themselves to from necessity), is
it not unreasonable to refuse to be satisfied with it ?
Bishop Burnet remarked, about a century ago, in the con-
clusion of his History of his own Times :—" From the
Commonalty I turn to the Gentry; they are, for the most
part, the worst instructed, and the least knowing of any
of their rank, I ever went amongst (the Bishop had had
great experience of mankind in several countries). . . . .
A Gentleman here is often both ill-taught and ill-bred:
this makes him haughty and insolent,
no inward principle of love to their country, and of public
liberty.; so that they are easily brought to like slavery, if
they may be the tools for managing Certainly the
manner in which the Country Gentlemen have treated
their opponents, would seem to prove that some of the
traits delineated by the Bishop are not yet obliterated.
But still we enjoy a grand distinction.—Morning Chronicle.
The extracts from German Papers supply a striking re-
futation of what has been so often advanced of late, that
the character of the Catholic religion never changes.
Silesia, the richest and most industrious province in the
Prussian Dominions, contains about two millions of in-
habitants, of whom about one half are Catholics. The pro-
portion of Catholics was somewhat greater when Frederick
wrested that fine province from Austria. It may naturally
be supposed that the Priests were by no means pleased
with the change which placed over them a Protestant So-
vereign; and those who have acquired their notions of policy
in the English school, will naturally suppose that he suc-
ceeded in retaining possession of Silesia by a system of
rigour towards the Catholics, and by securing the devoted
attachment of the Protestants by vesting them with an
ascendancy over the Catholics. This, however, was not
the policy of Frederick. He made no distinction between
Protestants and Catholics. He endeavoured to enlighten
both, by the establishment of schools, and the suppression
of the Order of the Jesuits, and their expulsion from most
parts of Europe, supplied him with abundance of excellent
teachers. By providing for the instruction of the people,
by freeing them from numerous abuses, by improving the
administration of justice, by restraining an insolent Aristo-
cracy within due bounds, he soon gained the affections of the
Silesians, who have long been among the most devoted of
all the Prussians to their Government, and during the war
of liberation, particularly distinguished themselves by their
enthusiasm and their bravery. Who has not heard of the vic-
toriesgaii gained
ofl Fthraenccoen:paratively raw levies of Silesia over
the veterans
at Dennewitz and the Katzbach ?
It appears that this system of kindness and impartiality has
been completely successful in extinguishing all jealousy
between Catholics. and Protestants. It is stated in the
extracts to which we have alluded, and we have the cir-
cumstance repeatedly stated, that the Protestants and
Catholics live on the best terms with each other. It ap-
pears, also, that the Catholics have made no scruple of
accepting Bibles from the Protestants, and reading them.
The Prince Bishop of Breslaw, having interfered to pre-
vent the reading of these Bibles, was disobeyed. The
Catholic Clergy of Silesia, so far from sharing the
views of their Bishop, have united .in demanding a re-
formation of the whole Ritual, more especially of the
Missal, by the substituting German for Latin, &C., so Ps
to suit it to the wants of the present age ; and threats
are held out, that if their demands are refused, they will
all go over to the Protestants. Such are the effects pro-
duced by the diffusion of knowledge, and by impartial treat-
ment on the part of the Government, If an Ascendancy
system had been established, and Sectarian animosity had
been cherished, as it has been in Ireland, the result
would of course have been very diffeetnt. But though
the unworthy policy which has been pursued in Ire-
land, which, as has been well observed by the clever au-
thor of " To-day in Ireland," is not a Government but
a Hierarchy, has greatly retarded the improvement of
the Irish, it has by no means fully prevented it. All

Irishmen with whom we have conversed, whether Catho-
tholies or Protestants, agree in stating that the charac-
ter of the Catholic Religion in Ireland has undergone a
great change within the last twenty years. Education
during that period has been greatly diffused. The Irish
have every where eagerly availed themselves of the op-
portunities for obtaining instruction placed within their
reach, and the effects of it have displayed themselves in
their character in a manner not to he mistaken. Already
the Poets, the lovers of the imaginative and the pic-
turesque, begin to lament (see the Toole's Warning in
To-day in Ireland) that " the old superstitions of the
people are fast fading into disrepute and oblivion," that
" gain, and commerce, and worldliness, those realities of
civilization, soon put all the host of phantasy to flight,
and supersede ideal terrors by cares more anxious and ab-
sorbing, and perhaps more debasing than even that state
of ignorance which it is now so much the fashion to de-
plore. When prejudices and blind credulity disappear, we
may be certain that their religion, whether Catholic or
Protestant, has already experienced a change in character.
When the people advance a step, the Priests must make a
corresponding advance, if they wish to retain any influ-
ence. What is there in common between a Catholic
Priest of Germany and a Catholic Priest of South Ame-
rica? The difference which is remarked between educated
and uneducated Catholics in the same country, must ma-
nifest itself more or less in nations, according to the
degree of their civilization. No one supposes that Mr.
Charles Butler, Lord Stourton, Mr. Silvertop, or any
well educated English Catholic would smile, if any Priest
were to recommend seriously some of the practices enjoined
in a goodly volume which we now have before us printed in
1821,with the approbation of the Bishop of Amiens. Let us
suppose, for instance, a Priest addressing, in the stile of the
hook in question, Mr. C. Butler in the following manner :
" Honour Mary, particularly on Saturday. There are
many persons who impose on themselves the preserving
silence one hour or two every day; or to look at nothing
with thorough curiosity for a week. Why should you not
do every year what is commonly called the month of Mary?
It is an exercise which appears to be very agreeable to the
Divine Mother. This devotion consists in consecrating
to the Most Holy Virgin a whole month ; ordinarily the
month of May is chosen, because it is one of the most
beautiful months in the year, and,as it were, the first fruits
of the fine season." Or let us suppose he was enjoined
to travel every day the fourteen stations of the road of the
Cross, repeating at each station the due quantity of Ado-
7-amuses and Miseres, holding an indulgeneed Crucifix in
his hand, a practice which was the constant exercise
of the venerable Benedict Joseph Labre, and which, we
are told, has been elevated to great celebrity in these latter
times. If no Priest would dare to affront a well-educated
Catholic, by enjoining the practice of these mummeries to
him, we may be assured that Priests, in well informed
communities, would be equally afraid to inculcate the prac-
tice. In Silesia, where Priests and people are equally de-
sirous of a reformed ritual, the attempt to introduce the
mummeries in vogue among the French peasantry would
never be even thought of; and we should suppose there are
few parts of Ireland where the experiment could be safely
made. We see, then, that the Catholic religion is con-
stantly changing its character as well as the Protestant, and
that the influence of the Priest, so far from being. in the
former uniformly the same, varies with the education and
habits of the people. Instruction and blind obedience
are incompatible with each other. The man who has
been taught to exercise his mental faculties, cannot, if he
will, prostrate his understanding at the command of another.
A Clergyman of the Established Church, who has just
published an able work on the state of political and reli-
gious feeling in Ireland, we mean the Reverend A. O'Cal-
laghan, does not hesitate to ascribe to the Catholics in
general, a superiority in education over the Protestants.—
" Are not," he says, " the small shopkeepers and farmers
of the Popish Province of Munster confessedly and vastly
superior in intellectual culture to the Protestants of Ulster
of the same rank ?" But allowing even an inferiority, the
assertion would hardly have been made if the Catholics had
not been rapidly advancing in improvement. Under such
circumstances, all idea-of the influence of the Pope is the
merest chimera that ever was entertained. That it is
seriously entertained by nine-tenths of those, who, in Par-
liament, talk of a divided allegiance, we do not believe.
We are, however, willing to believe, that the notion is
seriously entertained by many well-disposed people of the
humble classes throughout the country, whose prejudices,
derived from the garbage of books handed down from ge-
neration to generation, have been wrought on by Mac-
chiavelian Dignitaries of the Church, alarmed for the
existence of the wealth of the Church, and anxious to
withdraw attention from the subject. It is much to be
regretted, that such notorious insincerity should be so far
successful.—lllorning Chronicle.
It is not easy to know what to make of the Peninsular
war. Some newspapers say that more troops are going
out; this we should think very likely, if it were only to
replace those that are laid up in the hospitals. Our Cor-
respondent, some time since, said that 500 out of the 5000
were laid up. It is not improbable, since then, but that
another 500 have been laid up. If we are right there
would be then only 4000 men left out of the 5000 ; and
what would 4000 be, opposed to, probably, 20,000 Anti-
Constitutional Portuguese, and 20,000 Spaniards ? As our
Correspondent formerly stated, nothing less than a British
force of 10,000 men will keep Portugal in possession of
Mr. Canning's and Sir Charles Stuart's Constitution. But
should the Spaniards muster as strong as has lately been
represented they are about to muster, even 10,000 of our
troops will not be sufficient to preserve the Constitution.
That the Spanish, and probably Portuguese, Clergy and
Nobility and great landed proprietors, are, in all likelihood,
inimical to Mr. Canning's boon, is not to be wondered at.
The Clergy, more particularly, are probably secretly op-
posed to the Constitution. At all times the Clergy have
been opposed to alterations, except to such alterations as
should give them greater power and more revenue. But
in the present day, an alteration in Constitutions in gene-
ral is but the prelude to reducing the power and the reve- -
flues of the Church, in whatever country a reform in the
Constitution is likely to take place. Why are our Clergy,
take them in general, so opposed to a reform in Parliament,
but that they fear—as in the case of France—that a re-
formed Parliament would be for attacking the tithe system,
or at all events, putting the Church revenue on the system
it stood previous to the Reformation—namely, that one-
third of the tithes should go to the poor, another third
to the upholding of the churches, and the other third
to the clergymau. If we were a lishop, with an income
of 20,0001. a year, should we wish for a reform, or anything
that should put in jeopardy our 20,0001. a year ? Reason-
ing, therefore, on the same principle, is it not likely that
the thoughts of the Portuguese and Spanish Bishops are the
same as our thoughts would be, supposing that we were a
Bishop ? King Ferdinand, too, knows that if Mr. Can-
ning'S Constitution takes effect in Portugal, it would not
be long before his subjects would apply to Mr. Canning
for a similar thing. King Charles the Tenth of France
also may probably think, that if Mr. Canning could fasten
such a boon on Portugal and Spain, that his subjects
might also be thinking of making application for a similar
boon. Looking at the question in whatever point of view
we may, we cannot but think, that both the Clergy of
Portugal, Spain, and France, as. well as the higher orders
of those countries, are against the new boon conferred on
Portugal; and as there are three count,e ie s
cannot against ain e s one,
and as those countries are probably secretly encouraged
by Austria, Russia, Prussia, &c.,
much
,
t e
the Constitu-
tion,ehan or of
ceofthoeurP,oritnugthueesleog
Portuguese, either
retaining possession of keeping
Portugal, except we sent a much more considerable force
than either 5,000 or 10,000 men. And if we were to
send a much more considerable force, how would it make
our financial statements look ? To be sure, a Property or
an Income Tax might be inflicted, but would the people
like such infliction ? Would they agree to it—or, if they
did, would not sach'infliction operate as an encouragement
for people to emigrate more than they do now, and take
their property with them, and settle in other countries,
where taxation is lighter?' The advocates for seconding

Mr. Canning would not, surely, plunge us deeper into
debt, by borrowing to meet the expences of keeping an
army of 10,000, or 20,000, or 30,000 men in Portugal.
His warmest adniirers would not, surely, recommend us to
have recourse to the old vile system of. borrowing, and
thereby adding to a debt which we have at length found
out has impaired our energies, and has given our enemies
confidence.—Morning Herald.
A man who tries his hand at every thing, must be mar-
vellously constituted, if he do not sometimes stumble upon
that which is good. We are not surprised, therefore, at
finding Mr. Hume engaged in one inquiry, from which, if
he prosecute it properly, the public will derive benefit.—
We refer to his motion of Tuesday night, respecting cabrio-
lets and hackney coaches. Where the fault lies we know
not, but we have only to look at the filthy state of these
vehicles—their dilapidated condition—their dirt—the
miserable cattle that are harnessed to them—their broken
glasses—broken steps—and ragamuffin drivers—to feel
that, somewhere, there is gross and unpardonable negli-
gence. We have no particular affection for common in-
formers any more than we have for the common hangman,
but these gentry are necessary evils, and certainly, if some
of the former would take in hand the multiplied abuses
connected with the hackney coaches, they would reap a
rich harvest for themselves, while they performed a signal
service to the Public. Our hope is, either that this hint
will be acted upon, or that the result of Mr. Hume's mo-
tion will render it unnecessary. We care not how the
end is accomplished, so that the Public are secured in the
proper enjoyment of a convenience, for which the Legisla-
ture compels them to pay an adequate price.—New Times.