The Sun.
London, England, 1827-08-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The sudden malady of Lord Liverpool dim!.
ved the Administration of which he was chief;
and we all tecollect the scene of political coiLL.:A
and confusion which ensued in the formation of
a new ministry. Of this turmoil there Were
three causes : first, Parliament was sitting, and
therefore every opinion and passion found a
tongue in that assembly ; secondly, there were
personal objections—we think illiberal and un-
just ones—to Mr. Canning : and lastly, there
were doubts of the propriety of continuing that
system of policy, of which, though Lord Liver-
pool were from his station the official promulga-
, tor, there is no doubt that Mr. Canning was the
author. From these causes sprung up the public
agitation, which marked the transit of power
from the hands of Lord Liverpool to those of
Mr. Canning. Mr. Canning is no more ; and
it is incredible with what apparent tranquillity
and 'external quiet the substitutions are now
taking plate by which that Statesman's loss is
to be supplied. The absence of those exciting
causes, which we have above described as having
previously produced a contrary effect, may be
assigned for the present stillness. Parliament is
in a state of prorogation : there is no personal
hostility to Lord Goderich : and as to the liberal
system of policy, it may be enforced with more
or less zeal and ability, but it cannot be that any
one should gravely recommend or rashly attempt
to unravel it, and twist out of its threads a cord
to bind again the freedom of commerce and the.
intercourse of mankind. Yet still it may be
inquired, is this tranquillity substantial or hol-
low ? Is it to remain as the settled habit of
the political atmosphere, or is it to be followed
by a tempest ? Will the party now excluded
from office, and the wealth-dispensing smiles of
the Sovereign, acquiesce in the present disposi-
tion of places ? To this we answer (without
_saying what they will do), that we know what
:hey ought to do, if they act in conformity with
their professions, and with those principles which
they would establish as moral duties—they will
support, or at least they, will not oppose, the
Ministry which their Royal Master has created.
For, when the Canning Administration was
formed, they " had it to say" that his Majesty
was deceived ; that the Oozing tongue and dex-
terous address of Canning had imposed upon
him ; that, in truth, the Administration was
forced upon the Royal will, (though, if it were
forced, it was their own desertion of their too
gracious Master that left him no choice). But
what can they say in the present instance ?
There has been no smooth tongue, no dexterous
address, no wily insinuations of a Canning to
direct the Royal choice. But before we go any
Alrther, let us recommend to their observation
she manner in which that eminent Statesman,
whom they traduced as unworthy of being their
leader, is spoken of by foreign nations—by the
distinguished and intellectual of all Europe ; •
how the homage of admiration and applause
offered to his injured spirit, pours, and will pour,
into England from every realm and in every lan-
guage. However, let Mr. Canning's talents
have been more or less, they have not been em-
ployed in directing his Majesty in the selection
of his new servants. If ever Ministry sprung,
or could spring, from the spontaneous will of
the Sovereign, it is the Ministry now forming.
The party of which Mr. Peel and the late
Chancellor may be considered as the poli-
tical chiefs, and from which we would will-
ingly separate the Duke of Wallin ton,
(the rest are trash), were not " sent for' by
his Majesty. Lord Goderich is not to blame for
the omission. His Lordship never solicited access'
the Royal presence, he merely, as they would have
done, obeyed when summoned. If that party,
therefore, oppose a Ministry thus originating,
:and in which there is no Mr. Canning, they say
in direct terms to his Majesty, " You shall choose
;lone but us ; that is, you shall not choose at all..
We will prescribe to you ; and, arrived at the
only crisis at which your Majesty is without re-
sponsible advisers, you shall abdicate the Royal
Functions, and we will assume them." Is it thus
hat men, loaded with Royal favours, and pro-
cessing principle's of devotion to the Sovereign,
would instil loyalty and prescribe submisSion ?
:i'otistthiiisemlionsyedallevteisi, and to sink the Crow noi nto abey-
ance. In the arrangement of places after the
,will of the real Sovereign, and under his direc-
lion, not many changes, or much infusion of new
matter, is necessary. Mr. Huskisson may accept
the seals of the Colonial-offite, with the lead
which his talents will naturally give him, parti.
.iflarly in matters of finance and commerce, in
he House of Commons. Mr. C. Grant would
hen step into the office of the President of the
Board of Trade. Mr. Herries, we believe, has
seen before offered the situation of Chancellor of
he Exchequer ; his own health, and that of the
;ate First Lord of the Treasury, has probably
suspended the decision. The former cause may
he removed by a temporary relaxation, which the
season allows ; and the painful certainty which
prevails on the latter subject will make him bet-
ter acquainted with the precise bounds of the.
;11ities which he has to perform. The DAP; of
Portlandis to be President of the Council, iii
the place of Lord Harrowby.—Time4

If the sentiments which come spontaneously
from Frenchmen—from those who have any title
to be regarded as liberal, independent, and en-
lightened among that nation—do but echo the
generous grief of our own countrymen for a loss
‘vhich is common to both—nay, to every civiliz-
ed people,—it is otherwise with certain organs
of the French press, which are compelled to
utter the speech set down for them, and which
.ire considered as representing a narrow coterie
of interests—French, perhaps, by name and cc-
,ident, but the reverse of national in their tend-
ncy and spirit. An article from the Monitertr,
which we inserted in the Time: of yesterday, one
asytlTldepalathtoy
the death (and, indirectly, on the character) o.
FBbraoeoinueri
IVIr. Canning, hai given occasion to the above
previously disruption
ano_f
remark.Fren c h Theniei i
in Ministerso 1i r
con oc fe
rsritignh
at
teHdtsnhot(teioua
tasi
teoenhosdo,es
ofm mo n
ri
...
0 p; laaiilndly,thalearmtaesdk generalb:theot
teur is, to show that there is n
1 hhiLastord Londonderry, the Duke of
his policy, the.
iregrieve('2)annalike :
mandeceived about
being
onlythe late
brilliant Minister
orator,d
and the policy, in its most important and ad-
mired
Loss--that
eEricnagnla a
great
r.
e
England from the Holy Alliance, and in the re-
mired branschhoeos—t
frnoammelpy,rinicniptlleles
g
but followed the political foot-
Wellington, and Lord Liverpool. Undoubt-
edly, if the Moniteur can once make out that
i),,ooiingnru .nereiccteiaodaoitiffnib.oinnyfgtt
steps of all or any of the personages here alluded
to, it will have no farther trouble in convincing
us how foolish is the present sorrow. 'But the
people of England are not se easily confused by
Ihe misapplication of toms. It is one thing to

MIMI

admit, :as"-Lovd'Loixdenderry-was. forced to do,
that the British Constitution forbade the King
of England's formal accession to the. Holy Alli-
ance—indemnifying the confederate Monarc:is
all the while, by a substantial cu-operation, for
his verbal dissent ; but it is a very diffe-
rent thing to break, as Mr. Canning did
from the outset, every real confidence and
engagement by which his predecessor had
been chained to the car of Metternich, and
from which, had Lord Londonderry lived for 50
years, he never could consistently have worked
out the release of this dishonoured country.—
There is, again, some considerable difference be-
tween laying down as an abstract proposition, that
the day might come when England would find it
expedient or necessary to recognize the States of
South America, and actually rendering that re-
cognition a seasonable, effective, and decisive
instrument for defeating an outrage perpetrated
by the House of Bourbon upon the liberties of
a great people, and upon the equipoise of the
South of Europe. This attempt, then, to iden-
tify Mr. Canning with Lord Londonderry and
Lord Liverpool, was, in fact, an undertaking as
ungenerous as it was fruitless, to lower in. public
estimation a man of lofty and. patriotic spirit, and
pro tanto a Itep towards establishing that favou-
rite creed of the backstairs and the ante-chamber,
that between mediocrity and genius there is no
choice, except that the former may on the whole
be considered the less troublesome ally. If the
Court of France can persuade the readers of the
Moniteur, that an English Liberal Minister is
in no degree more attached to national interests
and honour, than his antagonist among the To-
ries ; by an easy transfer of the same misrepre-
sentation to France, the friends of liberty there
likewise are just on a par with her sworn perse-
cutors ; there is no where a superiority of one
man, or party, or system of politics over another ;
there is no such thing as a fair incorporation of
honest men with virtuous prinCiples ; there is not
on earth a franchise worth defending, or a grie-
vance worth redressing ; there is, in this burlesque
philosophy of the courtiers, no difference between
right and wrong. Turn we now to another fea-
ture in the insidious article of the French journal.
We called the attention of the public a short time
ago, to the daily attempt of the Ministerial press of
France to .set up an apostolic view of the ques-
tion between the Portuguese Charter and its
enemies, that the great gift of Don Pedro to his
countrymen may be filched away from them
secundum artem,—that is to say, under pretence
of acting on the intentions of the giver, and of
perpetuating to his people the use and enjoy-
ment of the grant itself. The French Ministers
need not imagine that the artifice which they
employ will deceive the British Government in
its progress, or any one but themselves in its re-
sults. It was by friends, poi enemies to the
Charter, that the Sovereign who bestowed it de-
signed its powers to be adminiStered. In she
hope that Miguel would administer the Consti-
tution, in a fair and upright constitutional spirit,
Don Pedro conditionally appointed him, as he
might have done any other subject of the Crown
of PortugaVto be Regent. It is as the enemy
of the Charter, not its friend,—it is to destroy
the Charter, not to uphold it,—that the Serviles
and Apostolicals in the pay of the House of
Bourbon' call upon Miguel to assume the
Regency of his brother's kingdom. Are sub-
stances and principles thus to be sacrificed to
names? But -listen to the Moniteur once
more. For the purpose of vilifying Mr. Can-
ning, it states that England has co-operated in
all legitimate restorations—" even in that of
1E323. ' We are to believe, then, that the
British Foreign Secretary who succeeded Lord
Londonderry, did not remonstrate with the
French Government on the injustice, the
wickedness, the outrage to England, as well as
to unhappy Spain herself, manifested in the me-
tamorphosis of a cordon sanitaire into an in-
vading army._ In spite of all the assurances
offered by Mr. Canning to Parliament and the
British nation,—in defiance of his published
correspondence with the French Court, and of
his retaliatory recognition of the American
colonies,—we are now to believe the Moniteur
when it informs us, that Mr. Canning, so far
from resisting by all the mean's at his disposal
" short of war, this atrocious violence upon a
neighbouring people, actually " co-operated with"
the aggressor and assisted him. We are struck
with wonder at the boldness of the Moniteur,
or at the desperate condition of the cause
which drives him to such desperate and
extravagant courses. Again, in painting the
prosperous state of France tirith relation
to foreign Powers, it is said that she
sympathises with, and embraces whatever, is "ge-
nerous and peaceful" in European .policy, and
rejects whatever is not. As an illustration of
this fortunate discovery, she ‘" agrees with Eng-
land as to the means of pacifying the Penin-
sula l" What, by the continuance of a French
army in a country where we are solemnly assured
the bulk of the people are devoted to their legi-
timate Monarch ?—by the retention of the most
important fortresses in the hands of French gar-
r-sons ?I—bykeeping military possession of Spain
when no foreign enemy has the most remote inten-
tion of Stacking her ? is England, indeed, of
the same sentiment. as the Court of the Tuileries
on . these grave matters ? Will the Moniteur
indulge us with a copy of some of Mr. Can-
ning's notes and despatches to the French Ca-
binet relative-tO the evacuation of Spain, that we
may have some pretence for crediting the fact of
so preternatural an agreement ? The Moniteur
however, has grace enough to exclude England
from its assertion of the harmony of which it
boasts with regard' to the state- of Portugal...—
There the 13ourbon writer claims the benefit of
an union with Austria only,' as to what concerns
the young ,r Queen aUcl.Don
the rights of
Mi-
guel to the throne !" We rejoice to hear this
negative pror: f, the _actual opposition of the
Tfritish Govc:iiment to the lawless and cala-
mitcus principles maintained by Prince Metter-
nich anzl the House of Bourbon on this really
British question. They may cry up Don Mi-
guel, if they please, for the sake of having on
the spot a sworn tool of Spanish despotism, to
extirpate constitutional liberty, and dissolve the
alliance of the Portuguese Crown with Great
Britain ; but we tell them it must not be. The
treaties we have made for a century back with
Portugal did not create the interest which this
nation had in a close:connexion with her. The
mutual interest was only recognised and pro-
el4Red by those treaties. If the treaties should,
by fraud or misfortune, be evaded, and their
Fovi4oas found unequal to the maintenance of
t,_he,°.biecte which they had in view, still their
!PO, 414terests remain to 1?e-protected; still
PortPgal .rauttt,be maintained in her essential and
practital. inziAp*
Bence of thaAlous- e of Bourbon
her :uuSk anclincliSapluble amity with Great
The-name Of, el must not be used
for thejoin_t injAPY, QA,Ee egAd.and of Portugal.
Mr- Canning would NA time, allowed it—Lord
Poderich and Lord Lansdowne will not,----nor

will the nation whose affairs they are called upon
to administer on the principles of Mr. Canning.
—lbid.

Nothing can be more natural or laudable than
or Irish Catholics to maintain the justice, and
point out the moral necessity, of their emancipa-
ion. It is graceful and interesting in every man
to come fairly forward as the advocate of his
own civil rights ; and the appeals of such a
pleader are sure to derive from public sympathy
a force and effect superior to those which the
same degree of eloquence or argumept employed
by a third person is generally capable of produc-
ing. It seems the more to be regretted, therp-
fore, that so powerful an instrument as this, of
self-advocacy, should, through mere want of
judgmerit in the party, present itself under a
form so defective and unfavourable as that which
we find very often impressed upon it by the Irish
Catholics themselves. This class of our fellow-
subjects,—this injured class, we are not unwill-
ing to call them,—ought to reflect, that it is not
sufficient for them, or for any body of men in
political society, to propose to themselves a
legitimate and honest end. Where the minds
of others are to be wrought upon, their un-
derstandings satisfied, and their feelings won
over, as must be the case when peaceful, not
violent and sanguinary, modes of action are
contemplated, the views and even prejudices
of those to whom. we address ourselves ought
to be considered with no less maturity of re-
flection than the value of the ultimate object
itself in favour of which we ask their sup-
port. It is to us, the unalterable friends of
emancipation, a subject of sincere concern, that
many among the more bustling and ambitious
Catholics should so often have made an unhappy
choice of times and circumstances, as well as
topics, when bringing their civil injuries under
the notice of the people of England. Mr.
O'Connell has, on former occasions, done serious
mischief) to the cause by coarse abuse of the
English character and nation,—Mr. Shiel, by
his inconsiderate attacks upon individuals who
were objects , of attachment and commiseration
here. In both these instances there was a foolish
selection both of time and topics. Since the
commencement of Mr. Canning's power, now
happily to be continued in congenial hands, there
has been little reasonable ground for impatience
or ill-humour on the part of the Irish Catholics.
They might be certain of an Administration
whose collective honour, as well as the political
consistency and repute of each of its principal
members, must be held by all the world a gua-
rantee for the sensible advancement and final suc-
cess of the cause. It would, then, afford the
friends of emancipation in this country sincere
delight to see their Irish allies intent upon the
practice of just so much discretion as might avoid
throwing new and unnatural obstacles in the way
of a prosperous and almost triumphant policy.
These sentiments occurred to us on reading in
the Dublin Freeman's Journal of some days ago,
au extract from the IVatetford Chronicle, an al-
leged letter from Paris, put forth with no common
phrase, and prefaced thus—" The Feeling which
prevails in France with respect to the Treatment
of the Irish Catholics." We insert the letter in
another place, and shall now observe upon it
very shortly, as a document, which might have
been written with as much facility (and proba-
bility) any where else ,as in Paris; but which,
no matter where composed, need not have been
dwelt upon by any upright advocate, for emanci-
pation, as containing a single argument in its
behalf: 'Why, if the thing had any real existence,
boast in the teeth of a friendly Government, at
home, that there was among the subjects of a
foreign",,ind rival Government, a general syms
pathy in the political sufferings of Ireland ; nay,
that the conversation and enquiries of " the
French people" concerning Ireland seemed as if
they related to a country with which " the French
had been actually identified, and the loss of
which they still deplored ?" Now this is all
pure mischief, as to the intention ; and absolute
rubbish as to the fact. It strikes most men who
are conversant with history, as a circumstance
very curious, though not unaccountable, that in
England,—a free country, and one which owes
her freedom mainly to her having kicked off the
trammels of the Pope,—the cause of the Catho-
lic portion of her people comes at this period to
be in any manner interwoven or connected with
that of gener;•l liberty. We are told, in the soi-
disant Paris letter of the Wateiford Chronicle,
that what renders " the people of France more
indignant" at the oppressions under which the
Irish suffer, is, that their only crime has
the professing the same religion as the French
themselves. To this we say, that those among
the French who think or feel at all about
the religious faith .of the Irish sufferers, are not
the friends of liberty 'in France, but its sworn
and inveterate enemies. The priesthood, who
are hourly exerting themselves to encroach and
trample on the civil- rights of France, feel, no
doubt, much solicitude on behalf of their bre-
thren the Irish priesthood ; because, with such
men, religion itself is looked at through no me-
dium but that of a dominating hierarchy. The
tools and creatures of the French priesthood,
who are ,to be found most numerous about the
Court of France, may and do, when 'they turn
their gaze towards Ireland, take the same view
of the Catholic question as that which has been
presented to them by the Monks and Jesuits—
that is to say, they consider it as involving the
growth of priestly domination ; but, so far as it
embraces the rights of citizens, and a reinforce-
ment of those barriers which secure the subject
against invasion from the Crown, the Priests
and Court of France, instead of feeling for the
Irish, would one and all reject emancipa-
tion with abhorrence. This part of the sub-
ject cannot be new to the editor of the Wa-
terford Chronicle, who is said to be an able
Member of the priesthood. He must know that
the Priests of France are not friends to freedom
any where ; and like them he may entertain the
fallacious hope, that emancipation will help to
rivet the dependence of the Irish layman on the
hierarchy, instead of restoring to him a conscious-
ness of intellectual power, and breaking, as it
will do, the unworthy fetters of his church.
Then, what other description of Frenchmen take
an interest in the affairs of Ireland ?
,There re-
main but the Liberals—and who are they ?
Why, the enemies of their own anti-liberal Go-
vernment, and friends of the free Administration
Of this country. They are men who look to
Spain,—who look to the effects of the Canning
policy over the eastern and western world ;—and
Who, if they could but suspect that any faction
of Irish Catholics were likely to torment or em-
barrass the British Government so constituted,
Would rather (with Sir Joseph Yorke) scuttle
Xreland for a week, than abet the agitators of
the Waterford Chronicle, or of the Dublin As-
'ciation. So much for the absurdities of this
edifying Paris letter, with regard to matter of
tact : then, for the policy of its publication, we
shall merely ask, what man in his senses would

think of recommending the cause of emancipa-
tion to the people of England by telling them
that there was an acknowledged confederacy be-
tween the Catholics of Dublin and of Paris ?
Ibid.

There is nothing which operates so much to
the prejudice of distinguished characters, as in-
temperate flattery.; no enemy can do a great man
so much harm as his injudicious parasites. The
late Mr. Canning, from the moment of his ele-
vation to the highest office under the Crown,
had his self-love fed by panegyric so unbounded,
that unless he had an insatiable appetite for
praise, lie must have been cloyed with the
" honeyed diet" even to surfeiting. • The Indian
who, on bended knee, offers incense to his idol
in the high places, .does not impute more divine
perfections to the object of his adoration, than
the flatterers of the late Mr. Canning did to their
political deity. They spoke of him as the savi-
our of the country, before he had given any in-
stance of his capacity as a statesman, except for
involving a nation in embarrassment. He had
allowed the crisis to pass when the ambition of
France might have been 'repressed by a word
from England—namely, at the moment when the
" sanitary cordon" became an invading army,
and the destinies of Spain were in the balance.
When the French Government had received
strength and confidence by the result of their
successful experiment, he put the country to the
expence of sending out troops to Portugal to
support a Constitution, which afterwards his
very flatterers told the public that the Portuguese
cared nothing about. His weakness in the- for-
mer case, and his rashness in the latter, showed
that lie had neither the clear judgment nor cool
decision of the true statesman—that, in fact, he
was a man most dangerous to be entrusted with
power, as being one who used it not according
to the dictates of wisdom, but in compliance
with the suggestions of an irregular fancy and a
capricious temper. His life furnishes other in-
stances of contradiction of conduct quite as in-
defensible as his policy towards Spain and Por-
tugal-- for example, his memorable declaration
of the incapacity of Lord Castlereagh, whose
policy he afterwards defended for years in
the House of Commons, with all the artillery
' of ridicule and sarcasm; against those very poll-
' ticians who so lately wished the nation to fall
down and worship him. His flatterers now tell
us, that he has fallen the victim of the malevolent
invective and abuse of what they describe to
be a most " contemptible faction." Such absurd
vindication is the worst sort of censure. A man
who is so sensitive of the attacks of " foolish"
and " contemptible" persons, as Mr. Canning is
stated to have been, would be totally unfit for
public life. He must be devoid of all dignity of
intellect, and all moral firmness ; but v,e do not
think so poorly of Mr. Canning as his flatterers
do. Why was he not killed during the many
years in which he bore the daily abuse of the
identical newspapers which now fill their columns
with weeping panegyric to his memory ? Why
did he not droop and die when Sir Francis Bur-
dett told the electors of Westminster that this
same George Canning opposed reform because
it would go to destroy a system under which he
obtained, by locus pocus tricks, so much money
for himself and family ? Why did he not sink
before now under the vehement indignation of
Mr. Hobhouse, or the sarcasms of Mr. Brougham ?
Indeed, being himself a master in the art of per-
sonal vituperation, it would be rather unfair in
him to complain of it in others. Hip invective_
was peculiarly cutting, and but iis.;", often Used
with merciless severity—as Sir Robert Wilson,
Lord Nugent, Mr. Hobhouse, and even Sir F.
Burdett himself, can attest. If he could not
bear a retort, he should have spared the provo-
cation. But all these gentlemen did retort ; and,
strange to say, he did not die of vexation. Ir
was left for the men who are called " noodles,"
" brutes," " silly contemptible creatures," to de-
stroy, by their invectives, the man whom " All
the Talents" assailed in vain. It will be a cu-
rious problem for posterity to solve; how the
man who was to save an empire from all its diffi-
culties, should fall in his first encounters with
Sir Thomas Lethbridge and the Marquis of Lon-
don derry.—Morning Herald.
Religious discussions in public are no longer
confined to Ireland. Birmingham has been the
theatre of a very formidable one, which com-
menced at Mount Zion Chapel on Tuesday
week, and lasted two days. The Champions
were, the Rev. T. M. M'Donnell, a Catholic
Priest in Birmingham, brother to Mr. Eneas
M'Donnell, and the Rev. M. Burnet, of Corgi, an
Independent Clergyman. Mr. Richard Spooner
was appointed Protestant Chairman, and Mr. E.
M'Donnell Catholic Chairman. To ensure the
respectability of the audience, admission was pur-
chased to the body of the Chapel for two shil-
lings, and to the galleries at one shilling. In a
literary point of view, few of the public discus-
sions caused by the Second Reformation, of
which we have seen any account, are of much
value. The speakers seem all extremely defi-
cient in theological learning, and neither able to
defend their own creed nor to attack that of their
adversary on the best grounds. But in so far
as they serve to draw the attention of the people
to the subject, they can hardly fail, we think,
to be productive of much benefit. Protestants
and Catholics accuse each other of entertaining
the most prejudiced views of their respective creeds.
But prejudices of any sort are
.best removed by
making them the subject of discussion. However
imperfectly the question may be argued, the dis-
cussion can seldom fail to lead many of those
who listen to it to reflect on what they hear,
and thus, though with respect to Catholicism
and Protestantism they should remain in statu
quo, they will in reality be more enlightened
Catholics and Protestants. It is greatly to be
regretted that the greatest enemies of Pro-
testantism should be Protestant Clergymen, who
by their publications literally cut the ground
from their own feet, and thus sacrifice a good
cause. The principle of the Reformation iS the
principle of free examination, and the Protestants
who renounce that principle are Catholics in
every thing but in name. The Catholic re-
nounces all inquiry into the grounds on which
those men act who claim the authority of deter-
mining what ought and what ought not to be
believed ; he receives the Scriptures merely on the
authority of the Church, which prescribes to him
not merely the use which he shall make of the
Scriptures, but what he shall believe in addition.
But the Protestant is bound to exercise his judg-
ment, first, with regard to the evidence for
the Scriptures themselves, and then with re-
gard to the interpretation of them. He cannot
be precluded by any body of men from exerci-
sing this right. How much, then, is it to be
lamented that ProteStants should be constantly
opposition to the only principle on
h
can
- stand their ground against the
foundaicthiol
itichiilsy
and
denonneing with all the bitterness
Of Inquisitors, and • puniShing where they have
the power, the enquiries to which Protestantism

leads ! For instance, the Rev. Mr. Rose, of
Cambridge, has arraied the Protestant Clergy-
men of Germany. For what ?—for pursuing
their theological inqtiiries too far—for an undue
reliance on the strength of the human mind.—
The German Theologians, on the other hand,
complain of the ignorance of the English, who,
they say, have agreed to renounce all power of
thinking for themselves, and to adopt blindly all
the conclusions drawn in an ignorant age from
the Scriptures, by men destitute of the neces-
sary means for understanding them. They
say that if the English agree to renounce the use
of their reason—if they say that, while all other
sciences are improving, they will leave Theology
where it was three hundred years ago—they are
unworthy the name of Protestants. Dr. Brettsch-
neider, of Gotha, well known to scholars as a
man deeply skilled in Biblical learning, has just
published a pamphlet, in which he animadverts.
with great severity on the Theologians of this
country, who, he says, confound forms with
things, and foolishly imagine religion in danger
when forms are changed. " There are no
means (he observes) of impeding the progress
in Theology, which will not impede the pro-
gress in in all other sciences. If, therefore, Mr.
Rose considers the advances made by the Ger-
mans in Theology as a proof of the ' uncondi-
tional necessity of a controul and a restraint on
the human mind in every religious society, espe-
cially over the Clergy,' he is, in truth, in an op-
position with himself, which betrays the weakness
of his head. Does he suppose that all other
sciences can adVance, and Theology remain still ;
that in one freedom shall be allowed—in another,
constraint shall hinder all advances ? Is not
this demanding impossibilities ? _ In his view,
the Inquisition was right in prohibiting the ex-
position of the Copernican System, and in
throwing Copernicus into a dungeon for teaching
the motion of the sun. And what notions Mr.
Rose must have' of learned inquiries, when he
Conceives there. can be ' too deep researches,'
too profound philosophical investigations —a
point where men must remain content with ' su-
perficial causes,' which is neither more nor less
than saying men may become too learned, and
that by going too deep, and not keeping to the
surface, we shall lose the truth !" The Pro-
testant Clergy of this country are placed in a
difficult position, between the Catholics and their.
own principles.—Morning Chronicle.
We have already adverted to the trust reposed
by his Majesty in Lord Goderich, to make such
Ministerial arrangements as had become neces-
sary, in consequence of Mr. Canning's death.
His Lordship has discharged that trust with his
characterisric activity ; and we have reason to
believe, that as soon as the last earthly honours
shall have been paid to the remains of his illus-
trions friend, the new arrangements will be offi-
cially announced to the public. The principle
on which we understand his Lordship to have
acted, is that of preserving in its integrity, as far
as it was possible, not only the political charac-
ter, but the personal composition, of Mr. Can-
ning's Administration. No attempt has been
made to introduce fresh individuals ; and to the
credit of that portion of the Ministry, who had
joined it at.a moment Gi emergency, and from
whose supposed ambition the greatest dangers
were anticipated by disappointedAlarmists,no claim
whatever has been preferred to a higher station, or
a, larger degree of power, than that to which they
had been admitted by our departed Statesman.
"Kierything, On --tne -contrary; In -been-avoided.'
by them, which could tend to embarrass the prd-
ceedings of Lord Goderich ; and this unanimous
disposition among political men, to submit to
w r arrangement was deemed most
advan-
tag 8 r to the country, is at once a tribute paid
to the estimation in which his Lordship is held
by all parties, and a pledge of the cordiality with
which they will co-ope!ate, under his guidance,
to serve their King and to protect the State.—
With respect to the arrangements themselves,
they will be such as to answer the expectations
of the country, whose only anxiety, if anxiety was
felt, arose from the apprehension that any altera-
tion should take place in the system of policy
by which her permamnt interests are best
served, and her character exalted amongst
nations. The men, as we have already
said; will' so nearly be the same, that the system
cannot possibly experience any change. Mr.
Huskisson, for instance, who was one of the
most active supporters of Mr. Canning's policy,
will surely not suffer its identity to be lost, if, as
we have reason to believe, he should be offered,
and should accept, the post of Colonial Secre-
tary, 'vacant by the elevation of Lord Goderich
to the head of the Administration. Neither
would the difficulty, so highly exaggerated, of
finding a Leader for the House of Commons,
continue to exist, if that Right Hon. Gentleman
should take upon himself a task which he is emi-
nently qualified to perform. A messenger, we
suspect, has, already been sent abroad to obtain
his consent ; and his sense of public duty is too
strong to allow us to anticipate a refusal. At the
same time it is to be desired that he should re-
main a sufficient time on the Continent to benefit
by the air, and to return to his Parliamentary
and official labours in the plenitude of health
and of talent. Should the yacancy occasioned
by his removal from the Board of Trade,' be
filled up by Mr. C. Grant, who has discharged
the duties of Vice-President in the most able
and efficient manner, the policy of Mr. Canning
is again exposed to no encroachment from in-
truding zeal, but will receive additional support
from one who has long and successfully made its
author his model, in more ways than one.
With respect to the important office of Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, some fears might be
entertained, if a man, new to public business,
and unconnected with the principles of the Ad-
-liinistration, were appointed to discharge its
' complicated duties. But when we state, that a
gentleman, well known for the attention and
ability which he has displayed as one of the
Secretaries of the Treasury, is likely to become
Chancellor of the Exchequer, and when we add,
that this gentleman is Mr. Herries, public
confidence will at once be obtained, and
public approbation secured. If any, anxiety
should remain, it must proceed from a
wish, that, instead of immediately entering
upon the duties of his office, he may
immediately after kissing hands, also seek,
under the influence •of a foreign climate, the
complete restoration of his delicate health.
Anxious to close the fatigues of a long labori-
ous life, and confirmed in his desire for retire-
ment by a recent doniestic calamity, the Earl of
Harrowby certainly vacates the Presidency of
the Council. This station from a feeling of re-
spect to the memory of his late illustrious Col-
league, has, we believe,, been offered by Lord
Goderich to the Duke of Portland, who, some
time since, resigned the office of Lord Privy
Seal, to make.room for the Earl of Carlisle; but
who, notwithkanding, retained 'his seat in the
Cabinet. These, it will be seen, cornOete the

whole of the arrangements which the lamented
death of Mr. Canning has rendered necessary,
and which the active zeal `and just discrimination
of Lord Goderich have effected within the
shortest possible period. They are such as to
increase the confidence of the country : not only
because they will serve its best interests, but
because they will serve them in a permanent
manner. They give strength -and durability to
the system on which her real prosperity is founded
—a system so wise in its conception, so benefi-
cial in its effects, and so expansive in its charac-
ter, that it is now adopted by other nations and
governments, as the only one " natural," salu-
tary, and efficient.--New Times.