The Sun.
London, England, 1829-08-13 00:00:00

sPrrtiT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Had not the observations we laid before our
readers on Tuesday morning, in confirming the
total change of the French Ministry, seemed to
give rise to some misapprehension, we should
hardly have thought it necessary to remind our
readers that our comments were almost exclu-
sively to be referred to the fact of Prince Polig-
nac having been appointed chief of the French
Cabinet, and as such empowered to form an Ad-
ministration. At the moment we wrote, a ma-
ture consideration of the whole of the French
Cabinet was out of the question : of him we
spoke who, after a residence of many years
amongst us, had left behind him an impression
from which it might not be presumptuous to
draw inferences for his future public conduct.
It is no longer ago than last year that he ex-
pressed to his countrymen that he knew how to
value those noble institutions which he prayed
might be the inheritance of his children ; that
could his enemies see him in his hours of
retirement and study, they would behold him
applying his mind anxiously in collecting,
from the experience of those who directed
the helm in this the oldest constitutional
Government in Europe, that knowledge which
would enable biro to assist in the misoli-
dation of those institutions in his less expe-
rienced country. We have reason also to believe,
that the Prince de Polignac is a man of sound
judgment—of upright intentions, keenly alive to
this prominent fact—that the interests of the
two countries are the same, aad that an intimate
union between them would be the surest pledge
of their mutual prosperity, and of the preserva-
tion of peace. On the announcement of this
excellent person being placed in a situation to
form an Administration, we expressed our satis-
faction on beholding an event likely to draw
closer the bonds of union between the two
countries, at a moment when the anxious state of
our foreign relations made that union doubly
desirable ; reasoning also on the probable sup-
position that the views of the Prince de Polignac
on the internal mode of governing France, would
prevail, we hailed with pleasure the probable ac-
complishment of some measures of internal
policy, which we humbly believe to be neces-
sary to the consolidation of their institutions
among our neighbours. Being now in posses-
sion of the names of the men chosen by the
Prince de Polignac to co-operate with him, we
are enabled to form, although, in some respect,
a premature, at least a more considerate opinion
of the probable fate of his Cabinet. In propor-
tion as its composition raises in us some doul”s
as to his being able to maintain the guidance
and control of all his colleagues, we hesitate as
to its usefulness or durability. Among these
colleagues two men stand pre-eminently forward
for their talents and energy,—we mean La
Bourdonnaye and Bourmont. The former is a
well-known leader of the Opposition, distin-
guished for the vigour of his attacks upon libe-
ralism, and upon M. de Villele : but we will do
him the justice to avow that he has not indi-
cated any intention of having recourse to uncon-
stitutional or illegal means to carry into execu-
tion those plans of internal policy which he has
hitherto advocated with uncommon pertinacity
and 'energy. General Bourmont is a military
man, bold, ambitious, and full of talent, but likely
to be extremely obnoxious to the army, and, in-
deed, to every man of high feelings, from his
conduct to his old master, Buonaparte, in 1815,
when, after having accepted from him the
command of one of his corps d'arnzee stationed
in the north of France to oppose the progress of
the allied troops, he, on the eve of the battle of
Waterloo, abandoned the post confided to his
honour and joined those whom he had promised
to combat. Certainly the usefulness of Prince
Polignac's Cabinet would be greatly diminished
if either of these individuals should gain an as-
cendancy over him. We would not be thought
to intend to pursue these remarks further than is
consistent with the position we have already de-
scribed, of neighbours and well-uishers of
France ; but we cannot forbear to expose the ab-
surdity of attributing the existence of the new
French Ministry to the Duke of Wellington, or
to the exercise of English influence for the pur-
pose of inflicting an anti-national Cabinet upon
the French people. As long as a series of un-
fortunate events had placed the two countries in
such a relation towards each other, that states-
men did not blush to utter the absurdity, as a
political axiom, that " they were natural ene-
mies," one might understand, that in the in-
cessant warfare carried on between two great
rivals, it might be thought justifiable and useful
to keep alive internal feuds, to influence
national councils, and sow dissension between
l
ida
interests ours,iiietotrti Ilylaewditbvlielat eh::vttoa:gvusaoe-rt
them and the people, thus governed against
their will and wishes. But now that
every sensible person feels that the interests of
the two countries are not in collision, and that
they ought to go hand-in-hand together for the
peace of Europe—at such a moment, it is per-
fectly absurd and monstrous to suppose, that the
English Cabinet, taking advantage of the grati-
tude which the Bourbons naturally feel towards
England, should have attempted to upset the
late French Ministry and introduce into the
King's Council a set of anti-national Ministers,
whose unpopularity would render them power-
less at home and useless as co-adjutors abroad.
It is time that the French people should know
clearly that we harbour no evil intention, much
less such idiotic schemes as are attributed t 5 us.
Their power
rteis ccoonninmeecrtce
perity
tocountrieshwen Liberals
bfe
thera ar
les
pdrbettereescelanrte Fiunderstood)trent oc h
I)ivtie
p(oifw
could that be to us? Unable to direct Ole
helm of the State, suppose they were to have
recourse to the coups d'etat attributed to them ?
Boofurobtomns,alelyo,ulodufrolilioswef
and What
e cwe
sos Lai rhyl
What but civil war, and perhaps the expulsion
ul
bofecttln'ee
ally, in such a storm ? With France politically
effaced from the map of Europe, in the midst Of
these convulsions, what would become of the ba-
lance of power, what of the necessity of check-
, ing the great norihem giant ? Before we con-
elude these remarks, we would answer shortly
the observations made by " A Portuguese Emi-
grant." He complains that our words were
cold—our wishes scanty—in respect to Portugal,
but he adds further, that our expressions were
pithy, and that nothing more could be required
of Don Miguel than to act with justice and hu,
manity. It seems to us that the contradiction in
our correspondent's expressions is our best justi-
fication, We shall probably
to-mo-ra •m lay
be-
fore our readers a biographical sketch of Gen.
Bourtnant, and subsequently, similar sketches
of the French Ministry. In the mean time we
may, perhaps, add, that there seems Ei general
opinion prevailing that the Count De la Ferro-
nays will be the successor to Prince 1. Po lapse, a&

Ambassador to this Court : a better choice we

could not conceive, and we are quite sure it
would be hailed here with general satisfaction.—

Times.

It will be recollected, that at the early part of
the present year advices reached this country
from Bombay, with intelligence of a difference
having arisen between the Bombay Government
and the Supreme Court at that Presidency, in
consequence of the Judges of that Court assert- •
mg a jurisdiction over the natives in the provinces
in that part of India, which the Governors con-
tended ►hey did not possess. Of this we gave
at the time a full detail, and need, therefore,
only remind our readers, that the chief point
was the issuing a writ of habeas corpus to bring
the body of a native of the privileged class from
Poonah to Bombay, the execution of which was
opposed by the Governor and Council, on the.
grounds of political expediency. Sir J. P.
Grant, the only surviving Judge of the Supreme
Court of Bombay, subsequently sent home a
memorial to the King against the proceedings of
the Government, on which a meeting took place
of the Privy Council, where the whole of the
question underwent a full discussion, and their
decision was against the right assumed by the
Judges. It appears, however, by advices of the
4th of April, received yesterday from Bombay,
that Sir J. P. Grant, without waiting for the
result of the appeal to the Privy Council, has
closed the Supreme Court. The appointment
of Sir James Dewar as Chief Justice (who
was the Company's Advocate-General at Bom-
bay), by his Majesty's Government here, in
February last, over the head of Sir J. P. Grant,
seems to testify the opinion of Ministers in this
matter, though we are aware that it is not a mat-
ter of course to convert a Puisne Judge into a
chief. The views and decisions of the autho-
rities at home will have arrived at Bombay in the
course of the present month, and will, at least,
have convinced Sir J. P. Grant that his con-
duct has not received the support on which he
relied. In the mean time the question will have
been productive of inconveniences of no ordinary
kind, on the spot where these ill-timed differ-
ences have occurred.—lbid.

A very sensible article has appeared in the
Dublin Morning Register of Monday last.—
The Irish Government has issued a Proclama-
tion, offering a reward of 2001. for the discovery
of the persons concerned in the murder of cer-
tain " persons called Orangemen."—" We will
say (observes our Dublin contemporary) that it
was wise to issue this Proclamation ; for though
the persons called Orangemen' might have been
returning home from occupations entitling them
to only a very modified sympathy, still the outrage
committed by their assailants was a violence of•
fered to the general peace and prosperity of Ire-
land, as well as the law of God, and was there-
fore deserving, on a double ground, of punish-
ment." Our contemporary adds, " While we
say this, however, we should not, in candour or
justice, omit to notice that there has been no
reward offered for the discovery of persons
called Orangemen,' who have been guilty of
atrocious deeds ; neither should we hesitate to
declare to the Government, that until such per-
sons, when they become criminals, are treated
exactly ss if they were of the faction called
Ribboninen.' all their efforts to establish a
useful or permanent tranquillity will be perfectly
vain and nugatory." Our contemporary then
takes from the last Sligo Luminary a catalogue
of twelve murders perpetrated by Orangemen in
only two Baronies of the county of Leitrim.—
There is this difference between the murders per-
petrated by Orangemen and the murders perpe-
trated by Itibbonmen, that the Government are
not supposed to know the former. The whole
of the Magistracy of the North of Ireland being
Protestants and partizans, take cognizance only
of the murders perpetrated on those of their own
party. A Queen of Spain has no legs—an
Orangeman never commits murder. The Go-
vernment, were a representation transmitted from
the Magistracy of a foul murder committed by
Orangemen, would of course issue a Proclamation
for the discovery of the murderer ; but the Govern-
ment takes no more responsibility on itself than
it can help taking, and therefore chooses to see
only through the spectacles of the local autho-
rities. Of course, the peace of the country will
be farther than ever from being restored by this
uneven-handed justice ; but then the Members
of the Irish Government are not such fools as
not to know the difference between " a united,
a powerful, and an audacious party assailing
them on all sides," and Catholics, who have
none to represent them. Justice in this world
is only for those who have power to enforce it,
and that the Catholics have experienced already.
We wish the Duke of Wellington would deal
out the same measure of justice to Catholics and
Protestants—but we fear he is yet unable to do
Aso ; and it would hardly be fair to exact impos-
sibilities from any man. His Grace knows, as
well as our Dublin Contemporary that " Re-
wa:ds for the apprehension of murderous Orange-
men ought to be as prompt and liberal as for
that of offenders of the opposite class." But
impartiality with the present Magistracy is imn
possible ; and the time, we fear, is not yet ar-
rived for his daring to place power in hands that
would use it without partiality. When a homi-
cide is committed, the religion of the murderer
and the murdered is the very last point which
ought to be inquired into. But we know that
it is the only point which is material to the
issue. It does not require the gilt of pro-
phecy to foretel the consequences which roust
flow from Orange justice. The Catholics having
no con&lence in Magistrates, Jurors, or Govern-
ment (which last sees not with its owes eyes), will
take justice into their own hands. The Govern-
ment, which cannot now see the wrongs inflicted
on Catholics, will be forced at length to open
its eyes. Thus when the prevalence of outrage
shall force a conviction that a change of system
is imperiously necessary, will justice be done tfa
Catholics. The Irish ought by this time to
know that no good is ever attained without a
struggle ; and that till the Orangemen of the
North of Ireland find that they have
enough, or till the Government is forced to re•
form the Magistracy, there is no hope of justice
for Catholics.—Morning Chronicle.
In an article on the subject of the recent
change of the French Ministry, wo yesterday
took occasion to say, that favourable sliolieipa-
tions were indulged in, by persons well qualified
to form a correct judgment on subjects connect-
ed with the mutual interests of Great Britain and
France—our allusion had an especial reference
to the modification of the existing restrictions
which clog the commercial intercourse of the
two countries. The necessity of a revision of
this most impolitic and oppressive system has
been long felt and acknowledged ; but the diffi-
culties in the way of an equitable adjustment of
rival mercantile and national interests, have
itherto been found insurmountable. Impartial
practical men are almost unanimous in express-