The Sun.
London, England, 1842-07-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, JUL! 12, 1842.

Directors having requested Lord Auckland to remain,
aini state that he justited in inferring from that their
approbation of his policy. He thought the Noble
Lord was not justified in drawing that Inference. In
the then state of the Allkhakt war and of the war
with China, the Court of Directors thought the best
thing that could be done for the public service was to
request Lord Auckland to remain, and Lord Auck-
land, on public gr,unds, accede, lei their request.
To prove that the letter Li Lord Auckland was a
mere private intftwititib, he begged to say that he
had nevee htlrd of it. It should be rinderstood, that
it was not competent to the President of the Board of
Control, to make an official request, without the sanc-
tion of the Court of Directors.
Sir J. HOBHOUSE said fils rion. Friend had made a
direct application to him with reference to a request
of the Mod of Control in 1840, that Lord Auck-
land might remain in the Government a year longer.
lie begged to say that it was his intention to have kept
all these communications between himself and the Board
of Directors private, but when the Hon. Gentleman
asked him, in the face of the House and the
public, whether he consented to the request of the
Board of Direct.ws, that Lord Auckland should
remain in office beyond the term fixed for his
retirement, and whether he considered it conveyed
an apps Nation of Lord Auckland's policy and conduct—
why without the slightest hesitation he said, Yes.—
(near.) The question was lik the lion. Gentleman's
agreeing to the word " sagacity" in the vote of thanks to
Lord Auckland from the Board of Directors, and then
saying that in that place the word sagacity did not mean
sagaciousness.—(Laughter.) He wondered that he
should have had, he would not say the sagacity but the
goad nature, to have put such a question to him; and
when he asked him whether lie considered the
continuation of Lord Auckland in office as un ap-
proval of his policy, why what, in the name of God,
could he think it was ?—(lmmense cheering.) When
he was told that not one of the twenty-four Directors
approved of the Affghanistan policy, he would say,
ask Sir J. Lushington, the present Chairman. He
did not mean to say that every Director approved of the
Affghart policy; he knew, for example, that his Hon. Friend
opposite ( Mr. Hogg), Mr. Tucker, and Sir H. Wilbek did not
approve of it, and it certainly was new to him (Sir J. C. 'lob-
house) to hear tell that the Directors did not approve of Lord
Auckland's policy ; he never knew that before.- ( Hear, hear. )
His lion. Friend opposite had quoted Lord Etlenborough's
opinion of Lord Auckland. He (Sir J. C. Hohhouse) thought
that what Lord Ellenborouah said could not be considered
otherwise than as most unqbalified praise. The Hon. Gen-
tleman had read those praises, and he (Sir J. C. Hobhouse)
would not troube the House with reading them again. Let
the }louse bear in mind what Lord Ellenborough said. He
raid that Lord Auckland had exhibited great practical ability
in the administration of affairs, and that it was a matter of
great personal gratification to him to observe the inde-
fatigable industry, great ability, and extensive knowledge
which he exhibited in the investigation of all great questions
that came before him. What was the greatest of all ques-
tions? Was it not whether a great army should march across
the Indus, and we endeavour to establish our influence in Cen-
tral Asia ?—( Hear, hear ) Was it possible for any human
being to convey praise in less measured language than this ?
To make it more sure, Lord Ellenborough mil that there
would still be something for him to do; he yet felt that he
had much to do to terminate the war in China, and to restore
tranquillity to the banks of the Indus. That was Lord Ellen-
borough's duty ; but was there anything in that statement
qualifying the praises he had before bestowed ? He was sure
Lord Auckland would form the idea that what Lord Ellen-
borough had said was intended as a great compliment, ansi he
(Sir J. C. Hobhouse), acting on the same idea, wrote to Lord
Auckland, expressing his gratification at the opinion which
Lord Ellenborough had expressed on his poiicy. In conclu-
sion, he must again l epeat that he certainly never heard one
word of the East India Directors not approving of Lord Auck-
land's policy.
Mr. HOGG explained.
Mr. HUME deprecated as unusual the course adopted by
Sir Robert Peel in referring to correspondence which was not
before the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman had refused
to grant documents respecting the war in Affghanistan, and lie
could not therefore think the Right non. Baronet was justi-
fied in bringing forward any private letters on the subject. But
the flight Hon. Baronet had addressed the House on what was
of much greater importance, with respect to the supplies to be
granted to her Majesty's Government. The Last India Com-
pany having, he was aware, made arrangements with their Go-
vernment abroad to pay their part of the debt, great incon-
venience would arise from any delay of the supplies in this par-
ticular respect. He (Mr. Hume), therefore, would
not object to the vote relating to China. But with
respect to the other supplies, a strong opinion pre-
vailed out of doors, that the Right Hon. Baronet, on having got
the supplies, meant to close the House, and not bring forward
any further measures. The distress was augmenting every
day, and something ought to be done to remedy it. The Right
Hon. Baronet ought not therefore to allow Parliament to close
without coming forward with some remedial measure or other.
Indeed he (Mr. Hume) had heard that intimations had
been given at the public offices, that the Right Hon. Baronet
meant to bring the session to a close by the 25th of this month.
He could assure the Right Hon. Baronet, that if he came for-
ward and stated what in his honest conviction would afford re-
lief, and also stated he was prepared to carry such a measure,
there would not be the smallest opposition, as far as he knew,
given to the granting of the supplies.
Sir R. PEEL said, that the report which the Hon. Gen-
tleman had heard of an intimation being given at the public
offices of the intention of Government to prorogue Parliament
on a certain day, was utterly without foundation. When the
supplies were voted, there were other important measures to
be brought forward—continuing Bills, &c. Even if Hon.
Gentlemen gave the. supplies to-night, it was impossible that
Parliament could be prorogued at once,
Mr. B. D'ISRAELI, in reference to what had been stated
respecting the opinion of Lord Ellenborough, relative to Lord
Auckland's administration, said, that subsequently to Lord
Auckland's declaration being submitted to the House of Lords,
Lord Ellenborough declared, that as far as he could form an
opinion of Lord Auckland's policy it amounted to only an error.
But he (Lord Elienborough) gave him credit for explanations
which had arrived, and but for them, he should have deemed
his conduct amounted to a crime.

Mr. SHIEL said, th 4 as the Government had by some ac-
cident lost a day, he would not bring furvrard, this evening, the
motion respecting the case of Mr. St George, of which he had
given notice upon the House going into Committee of Supply.
He would postpone the motion, therefore, to the next supply
night, when he should take a review of the conduct of the Irish
Government, since they came into office, and of the various cir-
cumstances which amounted to a departure from the solemn
pledges which the Government had given to govern Ireland
with impartiality. He thought it his duty to give this notice to
the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland. As nothing had
been brought forward this session on the state of Ireland, he
thought he was justified in drawing the attention of the House
somewhat fully to the subject.
On the Order of the Day being read for going into Com-
mittee of supply,
REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS.

Mr. VILLIERS rose to move a repeal of the Corn-laws.
If that amendment were a mere personal matter, nothing
would have been more likely to induce him to withdraw it than
the statement of the Right Hon. Baronet with respect to the
interruption of the public business, but the case was one of too
much urgency to allow of his accedingto any such suggestion. The
amendment which he proposed was, that previously to going
into Committee of Supply, they should take into consideration
an en rmous grievance ; a greater grievance than that to which
his amendment referred could not be inflicted upon the pr ople.
It was a grievance which interfered with their liberty,
with their industry, and with the free interchange of
the necessaries of life. He would not then enter into the
general argument, for everything which he could say he had
already said upon that subject.—( Hear, hear.) Ho did not
act solely upon his own judgment in bringing that matter be-
fore the House. He acted in compliance with the wishes and
in accordance with the expectations of those great masses of
the people who were now suffering from this law, and who
regarded themselves as the victims of its operation. He
gathered this information from the gentlemen who had been
delegated from the manufacturing towns to lay before the
public the state of the p.spulation. They were well
acquainted with the distress of the country, and they were of
opinion that the best plan was to ask their friends in
that. House to meet them in a conference, to con-
sider what would be the best way of bringing
their grievances under the attention of the House—
what should he the remedies. They had met last Fri-
day, and it was carried by acclamation that the question he
was now about to make should be submitted to the House. In
consequence of that request he was now about to avail him-
self of this opportunity to ask the House to review these laws.
In the unprecedented position which both Houses assumed to-
wards the people, he thought it not unreasonable that the peo-
ple should demand the repeal of the Corn-laws. He should,
therefore, move that this House do resolve itself into a Com-
mittee to inquire into the best means by which this law could
be repealed. The law itself contained a provision that it should
be open to any Member of that House to move its repeal,
and it was perfectly consistent with that provision that the pre-
sent proposition should be made. If the object of the present
Bill was to remove the defects of the old law,
such a failure had never been seen in legislation ; every evil
that had happened under the old law, had happened under this;
the reduction of duty bad had no offeet, fur the price of corn
had risen ever since it came into operation. Since the law had
passed, all the evils had increased in intensity, and that was a
ground for inquiry into it. Since that law had been passed,
various were the admissions of the extent and amount of misery
which had resulted frown that law. One million two hundred
thousand persons were dependent on parochial relief. Manu-
factured goods were not saleable; and it had been admit-
ted that the people ought to obtain the essentials for life
at the places, and in the manner, that they could obtain
them cheapest. Since the Bill had passed, which he asked
the House tow to repeal these. S,veral admissions had been
made by the Ministers of the Crown. The people could not
believe that, admitting as they did, the distresses of the country,
they could refu-e to give relief to the people. It was impos-
sible to disguise the extent to which the distress really slid ex -
ist. He believed the gentlemen opposite had admitted it to
its fullest extent, and he understood that the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet when he sax the Anti-Corti-law Delegates, considered
that their statement offered ineentrovertible proofs of that dis-
tress. Ile (Mr. Villiers) had observed that gentlemen on
the other side sat perfectly quiet when any statement was being
made of the distress existing in the boroughs, or districts
to which they belonged. They appeared tacitly to admit the
truth of those statements. This distress was not confined to
the manufacturing districts, and such statements had been
made in Committee lately by clergymen, who were the only
intelligent people in agricultural districts, as to leave no doubt
that the distress in the agricultural equalled, if not surpassed,
that in the manufacturing districts. The clergymen stated
that in Devonshire the people never were worse off, and could
not be worse off than they were at present, and in Dorset-
shire they were quite as bad. This had been at-
tended by its usual consequence, the great increase of crime.
The Judge, Mr. Justice Coleridge, had observed on the in-
' crease of crime, and had made many learned remarks on the
want of a proper education, but in looking over the calendar
of prisoners which had given rise to the Learned Judge's ob •
nervations, he found that out of 80 offences, 47 of them were
for stealing food and articles of subsistence.—( Hear, hear. )
In every manufacturing district there was but one complaint.
He had seen hundreds of letters from those districts, and they
all opened by stating that the multitudes were out of employ-
ment—that the distress was increasing—that there were no
hopes of relief—that they knew not how they should escape
starvation—that the people were sinking into the lowest depths
of destitution. Under these circumstances be called upon tho
House of Commons for relief. 'I he Corn-law which
they had passed had utterly failed in its professed object ;
it had not made food plentiful—it had raised its price ; and
under those circumstances, and seeing the admission that had
been made by the Ministers of the Crown since that Bill had
passed, he called upon them to repeal that law. The people
stated that they were in distress, and they also stated that the
repeal of the Corn-law would be a remedy for that distress.
The repeal of the Corn-law would afford them instant relief.
Under those circumstances he called upon the House of Com-
mons to exercise their constitutional right, and not to grant to
the Ministers the supplies they asked until they had first ob-
timid a reclross.of grjevanuee by' the repeal of. dile

was:depressing the energies of the people. He should there-
fore move that the House do resolve itsel,' into a Committee of
the whole House, to take into consideration the laws regulating
the importation of corn, with a view to their total and imme-
diate repeal.
The question having been ptit,
FIELDEN *ho *as heard very indistinctly in the
gallery, lifter a few introductory observations proceeded to
submit to the House a statement of the gradual decline of the
wages of the hand-loom weavers, from 1815 down to the present
year. By a Report published by the House of Commons, it
was stated that at the present time the hand-loom
weavers of Yorkshire, were not earning more than 3s. per
week. The quantity of cloth woven by a single weaver for
3s. could not be produced by the most expensive m ichinery,
and in fact the hand-loom weavers were now successfully com-
peting with machinery. Unless they did something to increase
the wages of the people, or give them bread cheap, they could
not expect to govern much longer in quiet; and therefore it
was that he said that they must repeal the Corn- laws.—( Hear,
hear.) The proprietors of one of the largest mills in Man•
cheater dismissed all their operatives about two years ago, be-
cause they could not compete with those mills where machinery
was used. They then expended 30,000/. an the purchase of
the best machinery they could obtain, and commenced working
again about six months ago. Notwithstanding the former suc-
cess of the proprietors of this mill, and notwithstanding all
their new and effective machinery, such was the state of
trade that they had now stopped again. The manufac-
turers had, of late, been paying wages which considerably
exceeded the amount of labour they had received in re-
turn ; they had now, however, arrived at such a crisis that
they could not pay such wages any longer, and they would not
be able to pay any wages at all, unless the restrictions which
at present existed were removed from trade.—( Hear, hear.)
At the close of the war they enacted the Corn-laws, and they
had repealed the Property-tax. Now they had re-imposed the
Income-tax, because the revenue was failing. When the Pro-
perty-tax was proposed, he supported it, but an Income-tax was
unjust. ''hose who thought that the Corn-laws were the
cause of this national embarrassment were justified in taking
any constitutional steps to secure their repeal.
;Mr. P. HOWARD said he thought an entire repeal of
the Corn-laws would superadd to manufacturing all the
dismal disasters of agricultural distress. It would cer-
tainly lead to throwing out of cultivation a large quantity
of land. The true friends of this country would be satis-
fied with a moderate fixed duty, which should give the
country the advantage of a barter, without exposing it to these
di-advantages. The statements of the Hon. Member for
Oldham certainly carried wiih them much weight, and he
hoped the Government would give the motion every con-
sideration.
Mr. AGLION BY would not allude now to the stopping of
the supplies. He could not give his support to the motion of
the Hon. Member for Greenock, because it was vague and un-
defined, but the present motion was a specific one. He had
always been for a fixed duty, but the unparalleled state of things
had convinced him that the agriculturists had outstood their time.
He did not believe that in the present state of the country any
measure short of the repeal of the Corn-laws ought to he
adopted, nix ought they to separate till such a measure was
carried. He did not believe that the distress arose from the
competition of labour with machinery. He did not, however, think
that the Corn-laws were the entire cause of this distress ; on
the contrary, he considered them only one of the causes. He
certainly should vote in favour of the motion.
Mr. HAW tsS thought it of some little consequence, whilst
they were discussing the distress, to call the attention of the
House to the grounds upon which the Corn-laws were passed.
He maintained that they were passed for no other purpose
than to keep up the rents of those times. High prices and high
retie, prevailed, and it was assigned as a reason by Sir Henry
Parini, in June 1813, that it was necessary to protect the
capital which had been invested in tillage. Could it be said
that that was a just reason for passing a law ? He said that a
more narrow-minded view could not have been taken in passing
a great law which affected the trade, the commerce, the hap-
piness, anti the commercial prosperity of a great nation—
( Hear, hear)—and Lord Liverpool clearly attributed the pass-
ing of that law to the necessity tor upholding the rents of the
landlords, and to allow for the changes incidental upon passing
from war to peace. The circumstances under which Lord
Liverpool advocated the passing of that law had
passed away, and he (Mr. Hawes) contended that it
should now eerepealed.—( Hear, hear.) When the law of 1828
was introe:uced they had a Report from an honest and upright
man (Mr. Jacob) upon the Cern-laws. Mr. Jacob touched in
his Report upon the state of manufactures in Prussia; and if
he (Mr. Hawes) referred to the Report of Dr. Bowring he
should find a most remarkable contrast between the two. Mr.
Jacob, in 1826, stated that the people in the Prussian pro-
vinces, who had not hitherto been manufacturers, where the
people indeed were purely agricultural, were commencing to
manufacture a little yarn and wool, but their attempt did not
appear to be at all successful. Now contrast this Report with
Dr. Bowring's Report of 1839. He stated that the price of
the Prussian woollen cloth was lower than ours : some of the
woollens were bad but others could not be surpassed. Here
was this country, now our greatest rival in the markets of the
world of our woollen manufactures. He thought this was a fact
with which the House ought to be struck ; he did not expect
to convince her Majesty's Ministers, for he well knew that it
was impossible to convince them, when they could answer him
by the most convincing of all arguments—numerical force. He
maintained, however, that he had a right to raise his voice in
favour of trade being freed from all restrictions. What was
Sir Robert Walpole's system of taxation? It was to divide
the tariff into taxed and untaxed articles, and amongst the un-
taxed articles were to be placed all those which were necessary
to the maintenance and support of the people.—( Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord, the Secretary for the Colonies, had stated
with an air of ridicule the different assigned causes of the
distress. They had never heard, either from the Noble Lord
or from the Government, what was their explanation
of the distress ; they were alike silent upon the
cause and the remedy.—( Hear ) References had been
made by the Noble Lord to the falling off of the trade with
China. He did not believe that that falling off would at all
account for the distress. In his opinion the Corn-laws were
the main cause, and their removal was the most efficient re-
medy which could be adopted. There was no part of the
world in which it would not extend our market; and, therefore,
gists employment to the operatives. He knew the Right Hon.
Baronet (Sir J. Graham) had deprecated this country becom-
ing so covered with manufactories that nothing but the factory
bell should be heard through the land. But what, in fact, was
the source of the greatness and prosperity of this country? It was
manufactures which had given to England her superior prospe-
rity, and the revival of manufactures was the only hope of the
revival of prosperity.—(Hear, hear.) Most important mea-
sures were proposed last session, the tendency of which
was to reduce the price of sugar and ether articles of consump-
tion. It was the intention of the late Government to have re-
moved many of the monopolies which added to the people's dis-
tress. He could not help contrasting this conduct with the con-
duet of the Right Hon. Baronet and the Government of which
he was the head. The country, since the accession of the pre-
sent Government, had undergone twelve months' distress with-
out anyt ling being proposed for the amelioration of
their condition.—( Hear, hear.) The Corn-laws might
have been settled a year ago, so also might the sugar
question. But they had got an Income-tax, and that tax
was proposed to relit ye the poor.—( Hear, hear.) He did not
hes,tate to say, that so far from relieving the poor, it was cal-
culated,
by diminishing the means of employment, to inflict a
deep and lasting curse upon them. He could not but think
that the present state of the country was generally one of
alarm, and he could not help stating his belief that the middle
classes shared largely in the general distress. If the Govern-
ment viewed this state of things without proposing an altera-
tion, the time would come when the people would desire
further political changes ; the time would come when all their
Conservative doctrines would be swept away before the irre-
sistible torrent of the people's will.—t Hear, hear.)
Mr. G. KNIGHT said the speech of the Hen. Gentleman
opposite was not only his own speech, but that of the Anti-
Corn-law League, and however high that body might stand in
their own estimat:on, he was convinced they did not stand so
high in the opinion of the House, that they would submit to
their dictation. —( Hear, hear.) He believed that the repeal
of the Corn-laws would increase the distress a hundred fold,
and cause a general stagnation in trade. Certain he was that
it would throw a vast quantity of land out of cultivation. He
was no advocate for class legislation, but he desired as, much pro-
tection as would enable the farmer to pursue his employment.
The sincerest advocates for free trade in corn, admitted that the
price of corn would not exceed 475. He was sure, at that price,
poor land could not possibly be kept in cultivation. He thought
the Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel) had struck the balance
fairly between the two great interests, into which this country
was divided. The Hon. Member for Lambeth found fault with
them for not going far enough, but, at present, they were
pound to consider the actual affairs of the world, and though they
acknowledged the excellence of the principles, yet they should
not carry -them out in such a manner as should domore harm
than good. He was inclined to hope that the accounts
they had heard from the other side of the House had been to
some extent exaggerated, though there could be no doubt but
gi eat distress existed. But as far as Nottingham was con-
cerned, it entirely repudiated the measure under the considera-
tion of the House. The Hon. Member for Bolton a short time
since went down there to do a little in the way of agitation,
but was met by a feeling by no means unanimous on the part
of the population, as he was unfortunately hooted out
of the public hall.—(Laughter.) He traced the dis-
tress in a great measure to over-production, and re-
peated his conviction that the. accounts of it were exag-
gerated. He deprecatt d the language used in depicting it,
which only made the people believe that things would be still
worse, and excited them to deeds of violence which they would
else have never thought of. He looked forward with confidence
to the approaching harvest, and expressed his fears that a
remedy was out of the power of any Ministry. He thought
that affairs would mend the sooner when such discussions as
these should cease.

Mr. HINDLEY said that the mere fact of such a
body of men as the Corn-law Conference coming to
London twice during the same session, was a great
proof of the urgency of the case. This very circum-
stance, instead of preventing them from going into discussion,
ought to be an adcitional reason for doing so. He had bean
induced the other night to support the adjournment of the de-
bate, and he thought it would have been better for Hon. Gen-
tlemen opposite if they had agreed to it, when, after the elo-
quent speech of the Hon. Member for Bath, he saw no less
than six Members of the Governmert asleep on the Treasury
'lnches ; he thought there was no chance of a speech from so
obscure a Member as himself being listened to. Now to the
question before the House. The distress, he believed, was ad-
mit• ed and deplored by every party, and he believed that all
parties sympathised with it. But various causes had been as-
signed for it. Some had said it was machinery, but
SO far from machinery having caused an over-production of
the supply of the world, it had failed to provide clothing for
their own land, for never was the wardrobe of the people in so
poor a condition. He quoted the price of corn for a series of
years, to show that when food was cheapest the people had more
money to dispose of for other articles. At present they had
not enough to purchase clothes ; all the machinery of the
country had not been able to supply clothing to their own
population. He regretted the Right Honourable Ba-
ronet had not acceded to the proposition of the Member
for Aberdeen, the 'other evening. Were there a pros-
pect of the people obtaining corn at a reasonable price,
they would be encourag,cl to spend something in clothing.
He hoped that the Right Hon. Baronet would not let the ses-
sion pass without stating that he would endeavour that the
price of food should not be so extravagantly high next year as
it now was.

Mr. F. SCOTT did not think the existing distress attribut-
able to the Corn-laws, nor did he believe that the repeal of
those laws would alleviate that distress. The Corn-laws had
not, he thou ;ht, got a fair trial. Let them get a fair trial,
and then if it should be shown that those laws were the cause
of the distress of the country, their repeal might be taken into
consideration. The great evil of this country was its inability
to produce sufficient corn, which was particularly the case
t, hen corn was unprotected in the time of James the
First. the Honourable Gentleman quoted Sir Thomas
Culpepper, who wrote in 1661, in proof of his position; and
went on to show from other writers, that in the following cen-
tury, when agriculture was protected, France had recourse to
this country to he supplied with corn.
Sir C. NAPIER would not detain the House by any length-
ened observations on the subject of debate, as it hadalready been
so amply and ably discussed, and that too with arguments which
had been hut feebly answered on the other side. He regretted
that the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton had thought it ne-
cessary to bring forward the question again. His (Sir C.
Napier's) advice to Hon. Gentlemen would be, to allow the
supplies, and then go to their homes, and endeavour to pre-
serve the peace of the country.
L -E.ir a, PEEL Ina happy to hear from the Crillint .(
O
a

sentiments so congenial to his own: The Gallant Commodore
thought those discussions an unwarrantable waste of time.
Sir CHARLES NAPIER—That is, of curse, only my
own opinion.
Sir R. PEEL—The Gallant Commodore did not do himself
justice. He did not stand alone in that opinion.—( Laughter. )
It was said that the Corn-laws were inefficacious, that they
would do nothing to relieve the distress of the people. But he
( Sir R. Peel) contended that they did not allow the present
law a sufficient trial. Hon. Gentlemen opposite were, not in-
tilstionally perhaps, but certainly practically, preventing a
fair trial being given to the new (3orn-law. He
would bring before the House some of the experiments of the
new law which were proceeding so very unsatisfactorily.
For the last week following the receipt of the averages,
and ending June 30, 1842, the quantity of colonial wheat en-
tered for home consumption at a duty of Is. per quarter, was
5,002 quarter!. The quantity of foreign wheat imported was
48,112 quarters. And the quantity taken out for home con-
sumption, at a duty of 9s. per quarter, amounted to 48,460
quarters. During the week 53,500 quarters of wheat had
been taken out of bond for home consumption. He had re-
ceived information that the harvest had actually commenced
in some favoured districts, and he was assured that in the mar-
ket at Alaldun, wheat had fallen 2s. a ,carter. He
deprecated these motions, as calculated to induce
speculators to keep back the corn ; but, at the same time, he
thought that those who were holding back corn, in hope of
getting it admitted at a Is. duty, would find that they had been
in error, and that ultimately they would incur a great loss.
It was unfair to give a judgment of the Corn-law on a seven
weeks' experience ; but he thought that, as far as that experi-
ence went, it proved that the new Corn-law was a beneficial
measure. No one could attempt to deny the existence of great
distress, and it was impossible to withhold the expression of
the deepest sympathy with those who were suffering from it ;
and it he believed that that distress could be materially or per-
manently alleviated by an alteration in the Corn-laws, he
should not hesitate to propose a relaxation of them—(Cheers)—
and he felt assured that if the landed inierest could be con-
vinced that an alteration of the Corn-laWs would permanently
relieve distress, they would not refuse to relax those laws mate-
rially.—(Cheers.) He feared, however, that the alterations
they hail already made in the tariff, alterations which bad been
approved by all parties, had tended temporarily to increase the
stagnation. The Customs returns showed a decrease in the re-
venue on wine—that perhaps was owing to the uncertainty
which had hitherto prevailed on the subject of the wine duty,
but he was happy to be able to inform the House that the re-
sent Government had at length been able to carry Into
effect the intentions of the Noble Lord opposite, and
that the commercial treaty with Portugal, the negotiations for
which had been begun by the late Government, had at last been
signed, and that the signing of it had been followed by nego-
tiations with Portugal respecting an amended tariff, which he
was happy to say were proceeding satisfactorily.—(Cheers.) He
hoped the effect of that treaty would be to induce the Govern-
ment and people of Spain to relax their commercial regula-
tions, seeing the immediate result of that uncertainty on the
subject of the wine duties, had been to cause a reduction in the
last year of 108,0001. The next article in which a reduction
had taken place was deals, batty, and timber, the reduction in
which amounted to 113,0001. This he attributed entirely to
the uncertainty occasioned by the alteration in the tariff. In
the articles of brandy and rum a reduction had taken
place to a large amount, which he attributed to the same

causes ; and in coffee a reduction of 31,000/, had taken place.
The anieles in which an increase had taken place, were articles
which had not been affected by the late alteration. On sugar
there had been an increase of 113,0001., on molasses of 34,0001.,
on cotton wool of 26,980/., and on tea of 16,7181. This
showed that the reduction of duties on articles was not followed
by an immediate increased demand, and that the reform even
of admitted abuses was not unfrequently followed by temporary
deficiency and distress. The Hon. Member for Stockport bad
the other night accused him of att.ibuting the distress to ma •
chinery. He certainly did say that the immediate operation of
the introduction of improved machinery was to produce in many
instances local distress and want of employment, but would he
therefore undervalue the introduction of machinery? far from it;
lie admitted that it was impossible to check the march of improve-
ment in mechanics, that it would be impolitic to do so if it
were possible, and that the ultimate effect of the improvement ;
of machinery would be to increase the demand for labour ; but
still the immediate effect of the sudden application of machinery
was in many instances to throw persons out of employment ;
and in a country in such an artificial state of society as this, it
could not be expected that we could be exempt from partial
suffering. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stockport, had
had borne testimony to the efficient manner in which the Assis-
tant Poor-law Commissioner, who had been sent down to Stock-
port, had conducted the inquiry. Now from the evidence taken
by this gentleman, it appeared that many of the most respectable
inhabitants of Stockport agreed with bim in opinion as to the
consequence of the immediate results of the sudden introduction
of machinery.—( The Right Hon. Gentleman here quoted the
evidence of Mr. Lawton, of Mr. R. Maclean; of Mr. Proc-
ter, who stated, that by means of machinery, one house in
Stockport could turn out twenty miles of calico a day; of Mr.
Foster, Chairman of the Board of Guardians, and one of the
deputation which had waited on the Right Hon. Gentleman on
Saturday last ; the evidence of all thesegentlemen went to show,
that since 1834 the introduction of improved machinery had
tended to throw many hands out of employment in Stockport.)
It was true these gentlemen attributed a great part of the dis-
tress to the existence of the Corn-laws, hut the evidence went
to show, that in such an artificial state of society as
that under which we were living, great commercial
prosperity might co-exist with great local suffering and distress.
It appeared fiom the statistical details that the Corn-laws had
nothing vs hatover to do with the wages of the operatives. Re-
ference had been made to the patience with which the poorer
classes had borne the distress which the pressure of the times
'had inflicted upon them. He did not know that those who had
I so much lauded that patience had done a great deal to cause
that patience. When a bill was exhibited in that House some
time ago, headed " Murder," he (Sir R. Peel) was glad to
hear the Hon. Member opposite assert that the members
of the Anti-Corn-law League had deprecated the issue of such
bills, which certainly were of a most inflammatory nature. He
( Sir R. Peel) bad lately received intimation that bills of an
inflammatory character, headed " Murder," continued to be
exhibited in a shop, No. '22, Market-street, Manchester, and
on the shop was printed " Depot for the National Anti-Corn-
law League."—( Hear.) The man who printed the bill was
printer to the Anti-Corn-law League, and his shop was only
instant a few doors from the depot.—( Hear.) He did trust
that the Hon. Member would take some steps to prevent the
},ersons composing that League making such appeals to the
feelings of the people. Amongst the steps which he (Sir R.
Peel) had taken for the relief of the poor was that of recom-
mending to her Majesty a general alms-giving, and he did
trust that the country would still tee] the obligation to
contribute to the funds for their relief. He (Sir R. Peel)
felt that this was no permanent, no satisfactory mode of reliet,
still it might do much to mitigate the distress and sufferings ut
the people, and he trusted that those who were opposed to her
Majesty's Government would not refuse to contribute towards
these tundt.—( Hear, hear.) He was ready to admit that the
trnudese principle
.l inthe of
dearest,c om maenrdee teassuch to
was buy in the
the
principle
whichh
ema
should
rk et
himself adopt, were it not for the complicated interests in this
country, all of which required to be consulted in a
greater or less degree. He did, however, reduce the
duties on foreign corn, and that to an extent which
led many of those opposite to upbraid him for having
broken faith with those who had placed their confidence in him.
lie had reduced the duties more than one half, and he did
trust that a fair trial would be given to the alterations which
he had proposed. In the article sugar he had not felt justified
in }imposing any alteration ; he denied, however, that the
Government adopted that measure for the purpose of obtaining
Parliamentary support. At the commencement of this year
there were constant comparisons between the prices of meat in
this country and other countries, and they were constantly told
that they dared not attempt to deal with the monopoly which
existed in meat. With respect to rice, bacon, and fish, the
reduction had also been very material; the effect of that re-
duction had not been seen, but the effect would be very con-
siderable.—( Hear, hear.) One Hon. Gentleman had asked
them why they had not meddled with the banking laws? Why,
what encouragement had they to meddle with the banking
laws ? Had not every proposition they had made met with
opposition? Had not the whole of the Session been taken up
with the discussion of the great measures he bad proposed?
and up to the present, time they had not been able to pass
the Ist clause of the Poor-law Bill. What encouragement
then had they to meddle with the Banking-laws?
I f he had tossed the Bill upon the table in the present state of
things, he maintained that he should only be adding to the pre-
sent confusion.—(Cheers from both sides.) He had proposed
the Income-tax, and he must say that a measure never met
with the more general approbation of the country than that
ineasure—( Hear, hear)—and he contended if they had to raise
4,000,000/. in the country, the best course was to raise it on
the property of the country rather than on articles which sus-
tained the industry of the country. if after a fair trial those
measures which he had brought forward should not prove ade-
quate to meet the distress under which the country was suffer-
ing, he ( Sir R. Peel) should be the first to admit that no
former opinion should interfere to prevent a revision of those
measures ; but he did say that no conclusion should be formed
until a fair trial had been afforded, to see whether these mea-
sures would contribute to alleviate the
prevailing distress, and
to the revival of that prosperity for which no parties could be
more anxions than those who were entrusted ;with the con-
duct of public affairs.—(Long-continued cheers.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the Right, Hon. Baronet
at the head of her Majesty's Government had made so many
general observations on his policy, that he feund it impossible
to refrain from following in his steps. Let him (Lord John
Russell) add, that he should judge from the concluding sen-
tences of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech, that however much
he had recommended his measures to the adoption of Parlia-
ment, he was not very confident of success himself. The tone
in which the Right Hon. Baronet spoke of those measures,
that if his measures succeeded it would gratify his hopes, and
if they-failed', they-would require a revision—certainly implied
to his ( Lord J. Russell's) mind, that he had no very sanguine 1
expectation that those measures would attain the objects for t
which they were proposed. The Right Hon. Gentleman said 1
that those who brought forward motions on that side of the I

House were preventing the admission of foreign corn.
he begged to recal to the recollection &of the House, that for .
eight weeks after the Corn Bill received the Royal assent, there
of the Right Hon.
declarations, very
wHaarsonnoet. D interferenceuringthawtitthirntehtehemreeawsuerreesonly
natural ones he thought, that the principles promulgated in the
tariff must finally be applied to corn. If he looked back to the
proceedings under the Corn-law of last year he saw still less
reason to believe that the Right Hon. Baronet was justified in
his statement. The Right Hon. Baronet attributed it as a
great merit in the existing Corn-laws, that 25,000 quarters
were introduced in one week, and upwards of 48,000 in
another. Now it appeared that the admission of foreign corn
in the week ending the 16th of April, 1841 was 38.825, and the
admission in the week ending the 21st of May Was 71,040. The
duty in the first of those instances was 225. Bd., and in the last
235. Bd. It was thus clearly shown that the diminution of duty
which the Right Hon. Gentleman had made was nothing more
nor less than a loss to the revenue ; it was no gain to the people.
( (..heers from the Opposition, answered by cheers from the
Ministerial benches.) The great bulk of the foreign corn, by
the introduction of which the price would be reduced, remained
cos in bond, as it did during the course of the last year. In
the last year, 1,852,000 quarters of corn were introduced in
a single week ; they had now 15.000,000 quarters in bond, and
by the operation of the laws which the Right Hon. Gentleman
had introduced, the greater portion of that quantity might be
increased, just as it had formerly been. The vice of the law
was
the vice of a continual temptation to hold back the corn while
price was rising. Even supposing that the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman's best anticipations were realised, the country had suf-
fered, and not only the manufacturing but the agricultural por-
t,on of the c,,mmunity had suffered by the delay. If
they had had an Bs. duty at the commencement of the year, the
farmer would not have been terrified at the prospect of our
immense quantity of corn in bond. which would sooner or later
lower the market. —( Hear. ) He could not agree with the Right
Hon. Gentleman that the success of his measure had been pre-
vented by trig motions on that side of the House. The Right
lion. Gentleman had spoken with great caution respecting the
effects of an admission of foreign cern, but he had never gone
so far as to say that he would not expect from it a permanent al-
leviation of the distresses of the people. lie stated that if he
and his colleagues expected a permanent alleviation of the dis-
tresses of the people from a relaxation of the Corn-laws, they
would then lwAlispnsed tolisten to such a proposition. But wasit
not something when they heard such harassing tales of distress,
when the Members for the manufacturing towns, one after
another, declared to that House the miserable condition to
which the inhabitant, of -their towns had been reduced, when
they heard that theta bad Hitherto been U° alleviation of that

distress—was it not something that they should pass a measure
which the Right Hon. Gentleman did not deny would be a tem-
porary alleviation of the distress?—( Hear, hear. ) He quite
I,g,reed with the Right Hon. Gentleman that it was unfair and
mischievous to deprecate subscription, seeing that they were
calculated to afford temporary relief ; but if it was desir-
able from alms, from charity, to relieve the public distress,
why should it not be done by law ? why should not the people
receive the same relief from the exercise of their own industry,
and the produce of their own hands ?—( Hear, hear.) That
had not been the course of the Governments to which the Right
lion. Gentleman had belonged. The Noble Lord then referred to
the sveeches of Mr. Canning and Lord Liverpool to show that
they were in favour of affording relief in times of distress, by
means of alterations in the Corn-laws. Lord Liverpool was of
opinion teat a reduction in the price of corn would be a mate-
rial alleviation of the distress existing in 1e26. If the Go-
vernment were not prepared to enter into the whole question
of the Corn-laws, could they not agree to the proposal of his
Noble Friend, the Member for Sunderland, to admit cot n until
next spring at a moderate duty, which would secure a market
for our manufactures ?—( Hear, hear.) He thought the
f loose might very well waive the general question of the Corn-
laws, in order to agree to such a motion. Hon. Gentlemen op-
po,te stated last year that the measures of the late Govern-
ment were not calculated to afford relief to the country. All
that those Honourable Gentlemen now said with respect
to the oistresses of the people was, that they hoped for a good
harvest. Why, he thought, although the abilities of the late
Government were not very shining, they were, at least, equal
to looking at the barometer, and crying, •' We hope for a good
harvest."—( Great laughter. ) It corn had been admitted at a
moderate duty last year, though the distress had not been
wholly removed, it would have been greatly alleviated.—
( Hear, hear. ) But let them really look at the distress which
prevailed, and the patience with which it had been borne. It
was impossible to exaggerate, or to praise too highly, the forti-
tude and the patience with which the people suffered their life
to ebb away, without anything like anger, resistance, or
impatience.—( Hear, hear. ) It was admitted by the
first Minister of the Crown that the admission of foreign
corn would be at least- a temporary alleviation of that
distress, and he thought he was bound therefore to have re-
course to it. He did not say that he agreed with the Hon.
Gentleman who proposed a total repeal of the Corn-laws. If
the first question should be negatived of going into supply, he
should propose to leave out all the latter words of the Hon.
Gentleman's motion by which the repeal of the Corn-laws was
made a part of that question. He thought the best motion
would be, that the House should resolve itself into a Committee
of the whole House, to consider the Act of the present Ses-
sion relating to the importation of foreign corn.—( Hear, hear.)
lie retained the ()pillions which he had formerly expressed on
this subject.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman
had spoken of the injury which had necessarily been done to
cominerce by the proposal of the tariff. Ile readily agreed
with hitn that it was impossible to propose any great change,
however wholesome or politic, without for a time interfering
Kith the pursuits of trade ; but he thought a great part of the
delay which had taken place in this instance had arisen from
the contradiction between the principles propounded by the
Government aryl the tariff which they Lad proposed.—( Hear.)
A mere enunciation of principles would neither teed nor
clothe the people. It was an objection made to the late Go-
vernment that it was unable to carry its measures. But where
was the d,fference between a Ministry that did propose mea-
sures according to its principles, and one who proposed mea-
sures not in accordance with its principles, because if it did it
could not expect to carry those measures?—( Hear, hear.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman had done justice to the negotiations
which had been going on with Portugal, and with regard to
other treasures, he did not blame the policy of the late Govern-
ment. He had alluded to the order in which measures had
bi en prepared ; he (Lord J. Russell) had last year intended to
bring forward an Irish Registration Bill, and thought the Poor.
law ought. to be afterwards considered, and now the Right
Hon. Gentleman stated that an English measure of Registra-
tion should precede a measure of Irish Registration. It had
been said by Mr. Herries, with regard to certain public mea-
sures, making use of the remark of a French critic on a book
he was reviewing, that they contained some things which were
good and some which were new, but unfortunately all that was
good was not new, and all that was new was not good. Now
that was just the remark he might apply to the measures of the
present Government ; the Poor-laws, the Colonial Customs
Bill, the Colonial Passengers Bill, the South Australian Bill,
the New South Wales Bill, the Justices Jurisdiction Bill ; in
fact, to the principles of the tariff itself, which, the Noble Lord
truly said, was founded on the principles prepared by the late
Government. There was another measure which was good,
but not new—the Poor-law ; and the Income-tax was new, but
not good. The same thing might be said of the Corn .law
measure of the present year—it was new, but not good.
Such was the view he tolk of the measures of the
present Government.—( Hear, hear.) The Government had no
reason to complain of the present application, for during this
session more days had been devoted, in the earlier part of it, to
Government business, than he ever recollected. On the
questions of foreign anti colonial policy, and the much-agitated
question of the government of Ireland, there had been no dis-
position on this side of the House to oppose the Government.
1\ or was he willing to obstruct the general progress of the
measures of the
.Government, and the public business of the
country, and therefore he should give his vote against the
resolution.

Air. Ct. iBDEN repudiated the declaration that machinery was
the cause of the distress. It had never been so in periods of ordi-
nary prosperity, and he defied the Right lion. Baronet to prove
it. So many people had never been thrown out of employment
as to cause a general and universal distress; he therefore
thought it unworthy to bring forward such an argument. It
would be more statesmanlike in the Right Hon. Baronet to
look back at the condition in which they once were, when
they were prospering, with a view of returning to it.
The prosperity of 1824 and 162.5 might now be said to be no pros-
perity at all. Some years ago we exported to America mere than
they imported, by way of loan, and it was now returning to us
in the shape of goods for the payment of debts due to us.
There was a mission gone out from this country, with a view to
reconstruct the credit of America ; it was a futile errand ; the
gentleman who had gone out knew nothing of the unwieldy and
unmanageable democracy of America.—(Cheers from the
Tory benches.) Yes, they would go to Washington, and
they would find that they could not earwig a Minister,
nor pull the wires that governed the destinies of seventeen or
eighteen miliions of people. And happy would it be for this
country if they were not. at the mercy of a few selfish jobbers in
the city of London. They had nothing to hope from imports
to Spain and Portugal ; they must go to America. Their re-
medies lay within their own Statute-book, and they could not
evade the repeal of the laws that prevented the importation of
food. But the great objection was said to be that it would throw
land out of cultivation ; he would not believe it. Would it throw
Ireland out of cultivation ? In Scotland the farmers laughed at it,
and at the English system of agriculture. They were actually
bringing Scotch farmers into Cheshire, at double the rents,
and yet having larger profits. Let them recollect that the tide
of pauperism which hitherto set into the towns, was flowing
bar; upon the country, and when that mass of pauperism came
to be supported by the land, upon which they had the first
claim, what would became of their estates ? He
believed that if the Corn-laws were repealed, that
would be the very time to purchase land. The sym-
pathy of the whole world was with the, working classes
in the battle against the Corn-laws. And what was it they
were contending against the people for? Was it not enough
for them to have the Church, the law, the army, and the navy
at their disposal ? Must they also seek for the phantom advan-
tage of the Corn-laws? Would they risk their coronets, their
titles, their estates, their dignities in the battle with the people
for bread ? lie was ashamed to think that the aris-
tocracy
would contend with the people on such
ground. Let them take care of pushit's the con-
test too far. The late Mr. Canning was killed by his at-
tempts to govern far the aristocracy—(oh, oh, and Hear,
hear )—let the Right Hon. Baronet take care lest he should
share the same fate in his attempts to maintain these monopo-
lizing laws.—( Oh, oh.) When that House undertook to le-
gislate on matters of trade—that House, the majority of which
consisted of landowners--it was to that House, to those land-
owners, and not to the manufacturers, that the people of this
country were to look for a remedy for their distress.
Mr. GULVISDITCH opposed the motion. He believed
that the improvements that had taken place in machinery had
been greatly instrumental in causing the distress that existed in
the country.
Lord ItOWICK could not give a silent vote on this ques-
tion. He thought the course that had been pursued by the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton was extremely incon-
venient. It was not to be expected the House would retrace
its steps, or make such sweeping alterations in the Corn-laws
as Were proposed by the Hon. Member. Taking these
views of the question, it might he expected he should
oppo,o the motion, but as he thought the Corn-law
question ought to be fully considered, he would vote
for the motion to go into a Committee or, the Corn-laws.
He would not take the course he intended without protesting
against the course which had been taken in interrupting the
public business.—(Cheers on the Ministerial side. ) lie
thought it was an injury to the great -question they were dis-
cussing. He was aware that the motion about to be submitted
must be negatived, but he could not help recommending to
her Majesty's Government the adoption of some measure
similar to that which he intended to propose on Thursday.
Such a measure would teed very much to relieve the present
distress, and might with perfect consistency be adopted by
those who differed with him in opinion with respect to the Corn-
law s. The Hon. Member for Inverness had said that it was
to be deplored that America had not the opportunity of send-
ing some of her produce to this country in return for our
manufactures. Nov the principal produce of America was
agricultural, therefore the Corn-law must be the immediate
cause which kept that produce out of this country, and yet the
Hon. Member said that it was only an increase in the imports
of ihat produce that was wanted to improve our export trade to
America. The Right Hon. Baronet the other night, or, the
motion of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen, seemed inclined to

adopt a course of temporary relict, provided he could do so
without objection. Now he (Lord Howiek ) did not think that
the objections urged on that night by the Bight Hon. Baronet
could apply to the proposition which he ( Lord Howiek) in-
tvud.•d to make. He took the amount of 6s. as the duty,
as that was the amount at which the Right Honourable
liiironet said the corn now in bond was likely to be
liberated. This measure would also tend to the advantage of
the revenue ; and he also believed that it would benefit the
agtieulturists ; for although the Right lion. Baronet said that a
great deal of corn was being liberated, yet corn would be held
in bond till the duty came to what the torn dealers called the
minimum duty. Atter the debate of this night, he should not
bring forward his motion, which he knew, if opposed by the
Right Hon. Gentleman, must be lost by an overwhelming ma-
jority.—( Hear, hear.) It was a remarkable feature in this
debate that no lion. Member on either side of the House had
held out great hopes from any measures which they proposed ;
th-v only could tell them to look to the barometer, and look
fora good harvest. lie, however, did fear that the harvest
would not be such a plentiful one as the Right lien. Gentleman
had anticipated.

Sir ,10HN HANMER was in favour of a moderate fixed
duty, and would vote for the motion of the Honourable Member
merely to indicate the opinion which he entertained on the sub-
ject.—( Hear, hear. ) He should feel it his duty, however, as
an independent Member of the House, to vote against the
motion of the Noble Lord the Member for London. about to be
ii,oposed, as an improper method of postponing the business of
the country.
Stranger• were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided when there appeared,
For the original motion
For Mr. Villiers's amendment
Majority in favour of the original motion —ll4